Hanna Rassamakhina on Ukrainian War Crimes Accountability, POW Standards, and Media Blind Spots
Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen
Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project
Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/05/01
Hanna Rassamakhina is a Ukrainian lawyer, attorney, and international humanitarian law expert serving as Head of the War and Justice Department at the Media Initiative for Human Rights. She leads trial monitoring on war crimes and national security cases, focusing on accountability for crimes committed during Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. A graduate of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, she has worked in human rights protection since 2014, including at the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Hanna Rassamakhina, Head of the War and Justice Department at the Media Initiative for Human Rights, about accountability in Ukraine’s war-crimes system. Rassamakhina distinguishes between Russian atrocities and the smaller number of alleged crimes by Ukrainian personnel, stresses the need for credible evidence and investigation, and argues that Ukrainian detention conditions for Russian prisoners generally comply with the Geneva Conventions. She also reflects on limited media attention to these proceedings.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Another challenging aspect is that war places people under strain. It is not entirely black and white. Internationally, moral authority is largely attributed to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Ukraine. However, there are also crimes committed domestically.
What war crimes committed by Ukrainians concern you, and what is being done about them? There have been far more crimes committed by the Russian Federation and its armed forces under the Kremlin and President Vladimir Putin. However, this question still merits consideration, even given the disparity in scale.
For example, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in 2023–2024, there were documented cases in which Ukrainian armed forces killed Russian prisoners of war. One report cited 26 cases, though the verified number is 25.
By comparison, Russian armed forces have committed over 300 killings of Ukrainian prisoners of war. This is the same category of crime, but on a very different scale. At the same time, these crimes by Ukrainian personnel did occur. Internally, what should be done in response to those cases as well?
Hanna Rassamakhina: We do not study this category of crimes, so I cannot speak definitively about the number or specific characteristics of such cases. I am aware that some of these cases are currently in court and that there are ongoing trials, but I do not have further details.
If we speak about Russian prisoners of war held in Ukraine, the situation, in my view, is clear. We can observe Russian prisoners of war who have been returned to Russia, including video evidence. At the same time, we can observe Ukrainian prisoners of war who have returned to Ukraine. Their physical condition differs significantly.
Russian prisoners of war appear to be in relatively good physical condition, while Ukrainian prisoners of war often appear severely weakened. This contrast is notable.
Detention facilities holding Russian prisoners of war in Ukraine are accessible to the International Committee of the Red Cross. These facilities are monitored, and, based on available observations, it can be said that the Geneva Conventions are being followed in these locations.
This reflects the difference in conditions for prisoners of war in Ukraine compared to those in Russia.
Jacobsen: What about crimes committed by Ukrainian military personnel against civilians? Do you mean crimes against Ukrainian civilians or Russian civilians in the Kursk region?
Rassamakhina: That is an important distinction. These are different situations with different legal contexts.
If we speak about the Kursk region, I have read several reports by Russian researchers concerning alleged crimes against civilians. In my view, many of these reports lack credibility.
For example, one described a case in which a civilian car was struck multiple times by drones, yet all occupants reportedly survived. Accounts like this raise serious questions about reliability.
If there were verified cases of murders, rapes, or torture, they would likely be documented more clearly. So far, I have not encountered cases that appear credible based on available evidence.
If we speak about Ukrainian civilians and crimes committed against them on Ukrainian territory by Ukrainian military personnel, I do not have sufficient information. There are likely some cases, and they should be investigated, but I cannot provide details.
Regarding the number of Ukrainian military personnel, if there is an army of 100,000 people, it is possible that some individuals will commit crimes. However, I do not have verified information about specific cases.
Jacobsen: What about cases in which a prosecutor, lawyer, or judge is found to be compromised in favor of the Russian Federation, not as a formal agent, but through benefits, money, or undue leniency? What happens in such cases?
Rassamakhina: As I have already mentioned, I am not aware of cases in which judges receive money in these proceedings, particularly because there is often no party available to provide such incentives. The accused are typically in Russia or deceased.
I am also not aware of cases in which Ukrainian defense lawyers communicate directly with accused Russian military personnel. From my experience and communication with lawyers involved in these cases, such contact does not occur. There are also safety considerations, and lawyers working within the state system of legal aid have no incentive to engage in such conduct.
In this context, the system, as it relates to these cases, appears largely free from corruption. I am not aware of such cases and find it difficult to imagine how they would occur under these conditions. The Russian Federation generally ignores these trials.
If you are referring to situations in which a judge appears unusually lenient toward Russian military personnel, I am not aware of such cases. Based on our monitoring experience, I cannot recall an example.
Sentences for convicted Russian military personnel tend to follow a consistent range, typically 10, 12, or 15 years of imprisonment. Among the approximately 150 sentences issued so far, most fall within this range.
Jacobsen: When the media covers war crimes and the judicial system in Ukraine, what do they tend to overemphasize, and what do they fail to report? What should they focus on?
Rassamakhina: One of the main organizations covering these trials is the Media Initiative for Human Rights. However, this topic is not currently a major focus in the broader media environment.
Some local media outlets report on it, but it is not a leading topic. If you review major Ukrainian outlets such as Ukrainska Pravda or NV (New Voice of Ukraine), you will find limited coverage of war crimes proceedings.
This topic tends to receive significant attention when major events occur, such as the atrocities uncovered after the liberation of Bucha or during the occupation of regions like Kherson. Outside of such moments, it is not a dominant theme in media coverage.
Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Hanna.
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