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Scott Silverman, Ed.D. on What Makes a Jewish Community—and How It Survives Conflict

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Scott Silverman, EdD, is Dean of Noncredit & External Programs at Santa Monica College, where he leads adult education, workforce training, and community partnerships that broaden access beyond traditional credit pathways. He designs programs for older adults, career re-entry learners, and working professionals, pairing analytical forecasting with student development and engagement. A teacher and public speaker, he also mentors higher-education staff on program design, training, and service. Known for clear communication, he emphasizes in-person connection while using hybrid tools strategically. His career path was sparked by an early mentor in student affairs, turning curiosity into a commitment to community learning. Scott has been a Hebrew School teacher, youth group advisor and Hillel Director, and has been a co-founder and board member for several nonprofit organizations.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Scott Silverman about what makes a Jewish community and what sustains it under stress. Silverman emphasizes that Jewish life is fundamentally communal: prayer requires a minyan, and shared history, fate, and evolving customs bind people across geography and denomination. Responsibilities follow through tikkun olam and tzedakah, learned individually and enacted collectively. He argues that political polarization and moral demonization can fracture communities, while trauma often unites them. Repair requires leadership, shared humanity, and rituals like Un’taneh Tokef. He also flags synagogue dues and post–B’nai Mitzvah disengagement as continuity threats.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In Jewish thought, what makes a “community”?

Dr. Scott Silverman: Most of Jewish tradition and celebration is all community based. We can’t pray without a minyan (traditional terms is 10 men, I like to think of it as 10 adults myself). We are a people bound together by shared history, shared fate, shared traditions and customs (the same observances and holidays even as they evolve with unique customs from different parts of the world). As the Debbie Friedman (I guess Larry Midler wrote it) song goes, “wherever you go, there’s always someone Jewish. You’re never alone when you say you’re a Jew”. We might be 0,2% of the world population with variations in practice from Ashkenazi to Sephardic to Mizrahi and more, but if you go to Shabbat in Morocco, Pairs, Tel Aviv or Brazil – the practices resonate around the world.

Jacobsen: What responsibilities follow from being in community as an individual and as a member of the group?

Silverman: There is a duty, a shared responsibility for each other, for the world. One of the core principles in Judaism is tikkun olam, repairing the world, and that starts individually (bring a dollar for Tzedakah at Sunday School, collecting coins in a JNF tin, etc), and then we learn what it means to help people together (volunteer at a food bank, or the Temple’s own clothing/toiletry drive, or even making decisions as a Sunday School for where this year’s accumulated tzedakah can go).

The B’rit Milah binds us to God, but that covenant extends really to all of the principles and values of Judaism. As we learned from Rabbi Hillel and Shammai, the stranger asked Shammai to teach him the Torah while standing on one foot, and Shammai smacked him in the hear with a ruler….but Rabbi Hillel lifted one leg and said “that which is hateful to you, do not do to your fellow. The rest is commentary, go and learn it”. Essentially, what we now know as the Golden Rule, comes from this lesson. Every life is sacred, help where you can, how you can.

Jacobsen: How do you build community across differences of political ideology, class, intermarriage, or observance level?

Silverman: Political and ideological issues may be the most challenging. We’ve seen fractures within families since the 2016 election, even from folks who previously had been apolitical. Not just within the Jewish community, oif course…but for our community, an added lens of in-fighting saying that you’re not doing the right thing for the Jewish community if you don’t like (insert name of any candidate).

That said…the richness of our traditions, even amongst those that are agnostic or not really practicing much, still brings people together. Whether it’s the once (or twice a year people who come to High Holy Day services only, or those who drag their kids to Hebrew School because it’s the right thing to do, we can check our differences at the door.

The most skillful clergy can even lead some deep discussion, even discussions that lead one way or the other, without alienating anyone to the point that the community fragments…and circle back to a sense of shared understanding.

I grew up Reform…Sunday School, eventually Hebrew on Wednesdays, a 45min drive back and forth, and only weekend services for B’nai Mitzvahs. It would have been very easy for my parents to not take us, and when I asked my dad about it, he said “our community has survived for thousands of years – who am I to cause a break in that chain”.

When I walk into an Orthodox environment – I may not be able to keep up with the davening and the speed at which prayers are muttered – and I’d prefer a little more community singing, but I know it’s the same faith, different lens. I hope all of our children, from all denominations, grow up with a similar understanding.

Intermarriage – super important for the couple to talk, and I think ensure their kids are exposed to both. Maybe even force some learning of both. So many college students who ended up getting only superficial of either, and they feel lost or short-changed.

Jacobsen: What realities of community can break communities?

Silverman: It’s natural for people to have different perspectives, opinions on issues. The old adage, two Jews, three opinions…

This is fine, expected, maybe welcome. However, if we can’t agree for mutual coexistence, we will have problems. There’s a key difference between “I disagree with that person” and “that person is so wrong and they’re evil or vile for having that opinion”.

Community trauma normally can fracture communities….we have seen so much of it in every generation, that it tends to bring us together.

Jacobsen: What is the process of regaining trust and rebuilding community when major fractures occur?

Silverman: We have to regain our mutually assured belief that there is value in each and every human being. Person A might be in the NRA and Person B in favor of gun control. They have to be able to coexist.

When fractures occur, we need leadership, from clergy and lay leaders, to remind us of our shared humanity, our shared values, trials, tribulations.

Jacobsen: What does accountability look like in Jewish communal life?

Silverman: I think the fact that the entire B’nai Mitzvah celebration is actually built around the transition into adulthood in the eyes of community is the best example. Nobody expects a 13 year old to be as perfectly mature as an adult…but we do, formally and informally, expect our new young adults to act more mature, to be more responsible.

The Bar or Bat Mitzvah gives us the chance to be the students, and our youth-now-adult the teacher. Many other religions or cultures have some form of transition ritual as well…but I don’t know if any of the others involve a teaching on morals and lessons from that week’s religious teaching, as translated into the modern experience of our youth.

Jacobsen: Which Jewish concepts best guide community unity, and navigating conflict and repair?

Silverman: I think Un’taneh Tokef is a good example. During Yom Kippur, we atone for our own sins, but we also, quite intentionally, atone for sins committed by others in our community. Literally all of the sins. There’s no judgment, no guessing about which person near us did what, we just, by rote and ritual, knock our fist over our heart and atone for each sin. It is a resetting for us individually and as a community. How beautiful is that!

Jacobsen: If you could redesign one communal norm, what would you change?

Silverman: I have always been concerned that the price of membership dues to synagogues might persist as a barrier to entry for many families. Perhaps that is why some folks who are otherwise quite reform, go to Chabad as it’s free to participate. I know Temples have options…but fundamentally, I think this is a challenge to continued Jewish communal participation.

The other one: After B’nai Mitzvah, there’s maybe Confirmation in 10th grade. Maybe someone joins Hillel in College, Maybe they ind Moshe House or some Jewish community to be active in before they get married….but there is a good solid 10-15 year gap of active Jewish participation for most individuals from youth to when they have their own kids. Sure, they go to Weddings and Brit Milahs, they will find a Rabbi for their own wedding, but I think many folks are disconnected from a specific Jewish community until they have kids to enroll in Sunday School – and that is a threat to Jewish continuity.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Scott Silverman on Tzedakah as Justice: Dignity, Anonymity, and Accountability in Jewish Giving

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Scott Silverman, EdD, is Dean of Noncredit & External Programs at Santa Monica College in Culver City, California. He leads adult and noncredit education, workforce training, community outreach, and student development initiatives that expand access beyond traditional degree pathways. Silverman is known for program building, data-informed forecasting, and practical student-engagement strategies, and he frequently speaks on higher education management and the evolving workplace. He also teaches, mentors staff, and partners with local organizations to support older adults and re-entry learners. His work blends service, accountability, and a campus-centred belief in human potential while keeping equity and dignity at the center.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Scott Silverman about why tzedakah is framed as justice rather than discretionary charity. Silverman argues it is a moral obligation woven into Jewish formation and ethics, extending from the Golden Rule toward a “Platinum Rule” that centers on recipients’ needs. He emphasizes dignity through anonymity, reducing coercion, dependency, and awkward power dynamics. Drawing on Maimonides’ eight levels of charity, he explores how communities should balance individual discretion and communal responsibility, vet and audit funds, and prioritize both emergency relief and long-term sustainability. He also considers how digital giving reshapes trust and access.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Why is tzedakah defined as justice rather than optional charity?

Dr. Scott Silverman: Tzedakah is almost an expectation in Judaism. We are expected to give to charitable causes, and this is literally woven into the weekly expectation at Sunday School. It is a moral obligation rooted in the Torah….do unto others as you would have done unto you, Golden Rule. The Platinum Rule is better… but a more modern invention. I want to think it still applies: do unto others as they would want done unto them.”

So do not hurt people if you do not want to be hurt, and help people if you would want help… or help people, but treat them the way they would need/treat people, the way they would want to be treated.

Jacobsen: What does dignity require from givers and recipients in practice?

Silverman: Dignity requires anonymity. Dignity and anonymity are critical. It prevents a lot of awkward conversations… the recipient trying to latch on to the donor, the donor wanting to stop giving after a single failed effort with the recipient, etc. Teaching someone how to fish so they can take care of themselves and not be dependent on others. For your information, though, you must be familiar with Maimonides’ Eight Levels of Charity:

Jacobsen: How do you balance individual discretion with communal obligation?

Silverman: Tzedakah is a “yes, and” for me…meaning I want people to give what they can, when they can, both to the collective efforts, and to things on their own or as a family. Giving is infectious. Volunteering to put together a bag of toiletries may even be more lasting than donating $5 to cover the cost of 1 bag. I would almost want to see how Maimonides would update the 8 levels of giving for today’s world. Where would ordering a bulk pack of toothbrushes on eBay or Amazon fit in? What about recurring, set-it-and-forget-it donations versus intentional estate gifts? What would the levels even teach fundraising professionals…

Jacobsen: Where are the lines between tzedakah, gemilut chasadim, and tikkun olam?

Silverman: Tzedakah – justice/fairness

Gemilut Chasadim – acts of loving kindness

Tikkun Olam – repairing the world=

Giving tzedakah IS an act of gemilut chasadim, and every act of loving kindness we perform brings us closer to repairing the world. Tikkun Olam is built on gemikllut chasadim.

Jacobsen: What accountability and transparency standards should communal funds meet?

Silverman: Spitballing here:

The person administering funds to those in need should conduct some vetting to ensure that those receiving the funds are not going to use them nefariously (drugs, booze), but that they will be used as intended.

Donors will want to know they have made an impact… and it can be done without saying “this is the specific person you helped” or “this is the person who helped you”.

Jacobsen: In the community, who audits this power?

Silverman: The Board of the Temple, or of the nonprofit, would hire an auditor… but the report would also help with future fundraising pitches.

Jacobsen: How do you decide between emergency relief and long-term economic sustainability?

Silverman: Jewish Free Loan Association is such a great example. They offer short-term interest-free loans.

The goal is always to teach a person how to fish… but some need help recognizing the mental capacity and bandwidth to get the next meal. Take care of the basic needs without becoming that person’s sole source – or you will not be able to have a broader impact.

Jacobsen: How do communities reduce stigma, handle confidentiality, and avoid “deservingness” tests?

Silverman: Having a fully transparent set of criteria, but leaving wiggle room, and/or a discretionary fund that can be given out without adherence to the criteria, can get you out of the deservingness game.

Jacobsen: How are digital tzedakah and public policy reshaping Jewish giving if at all?

Silverman: Tzedakah used to be so focused through the Temple. Even over the last 20 years, when digital giving has existed, most people still gave through the Temple, aside from big gifting, up until about 2015, when Charity Navigator and so many other vetting services became much more well-known. SO that you did not need to have a nonprofit vetted by the Temple before you supported it, this was accelerated by the pandemic, when there was no way to gather for so long. Digital giving has made it possible for anyone to give at any time. Some, like https://dollaraday.co/, have made it so painless that it is easy to give whatever you can. Maimonedes would say something about this for sure – giving but automating it, where does that fall into the ladder of tzedakah?

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Scott. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rev. Dr. Louise Goben on Interfaith Hunger Relief: Dignity, Golden Rule Partnerships, and Food Pantry Impact

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rev. Dr. Louise Goben is President of the North Hollywood Interfaith Food Pantry and has volunteered with the pantry almost since its inception. With her family, she spent decades transporting food from Temple Beth Hillel to distribution at First Christian Church, strengthening a practical Jewish–Christian partnership against hunger in the San Fernando Valley. Ordained in the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), she is retired from active congregational ministry but still preaches and teaches Bible when invited. She also teaches World Religion and History of Religion through the Encore Program at Los Angeles Pierce College. Her work centers on dignity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen talks with Rev. Dr. Louise Goben on interfaith as cooperation rooted in the Golden Rule and shared humanity, not conversion. She recounts how Jewish and Christian congregations formed the Pantry in 1983 during the Reagan-era recession, motivated by compassion and an ambitious mission to eliminate hunger in the San Fernando Valley. Today, food supply is abundant, but inflation drives need—especially among seniors and families living in multigenerational homes. Key bottlenecks include limited space and the logistics of warehousing at Temple Beth Hillel while distributing at First Christian Church, sustained by volunteers and dignity-centered service.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does Interfaith mean in practice?

Rev. Dr. Louise Goben: Every religious and philosophical tradition of the world embraces a concept of the Golden Rule. “Do to others as you would have them do to you.” Interfaith conversation means that we seek to engage in conversation and partnerships with one another, not to convert or to gain one-upmanship, but to understand the common ground on which we all stand – our shared humanity. We posses the ability to rise above conflicts that often divide us. It is imperative that we do this as the very real possibility exists that we can destroy the world. This is not to sound doomsday-ish. Rather it is a hopeful approach to understanding the goodness that is inherent in all humanity. We work together for the benefit of the whole world.

Jacobsen: How did the partnership model evolve?

Goben: The particular partnership of the North Hollywood Interfaith Food Pantry (NHIFP) began when 5 women, representing several congregations (Jewish and Christian) became alarmed by the increasing numbers of people facing food insecurity as a result of the economic recession in the US during the Reagan administration. These women were motivated by their faith traditions and their compassion. They felt compelled to care about hungry people in their community. It was that simple – compassion. In 1983 the Pantry was created with the goal of “…eliminating hunger in the San Fernando Valley.” It was an optimistic goal, but it is still part of our Mission. We believe that no one should go hungry; there is ample food available for all people.

Jacobsen: Which needs are rising fastest right now, e.g.,food quantity, families, unhoused clients, etc.?

Goben: Today we are sharing more food with our neighbors than we were during the recent pandemic. During the COVID crisis, there was a panic over resourcing enough food as everything came to a sudden, grinding halt. That is not the issue today. Food is available in abundance! However, prices are much higher due to inflation. Prices are higher for everything, including gasoline, rent, insurance, and utilities. And salaries are not rising on par with the cost of living. At the Pantry we are noticing an increase in the number of seniors seeking food assistance, as well as families. In many households we find that there are multiple generations living in a single home, and in some cases more than one family that shares the same residence. While we have a percentage of folks that are unhoused coming to us for assistance, it is the by far the smallest segment of our clientele.

Jacobsen: What are the hardest operational bottlenecks?

Goben: One of our biggest challenges is space. A little over three years ago we moved from a distribution space of about 400 sq. feet to a larger facility that is approx. 1900 sq. feet. We have outgrown it already. And this is just our distribution space. For the 43 years we have been in operation, the Pantry has had two locations for the work we do. The warehousing is done in the basement of the education building at Temple Beth Hillel, while distribution occurs on the property of First Christian Church. It requires much coordination and effort to make sure that there are sufficient volunteers to move food back and forth between the facilities. Both of these properties are located in areas that are fairly residential and there are nearby schools, so we try very hard to be aware of the impact of literally hundreds of vehicles that line up to receive assistance. We are very grateful to have an abundance of volunteer help, and the willingness of many local schools that provide us with student contributions as well.

Jacobsen: How do you balance compassion with fairness?

Goben: Interesting question that I’m not quite sure how to respond to. I don’t really see an unfairness about what we try to accomplish. We serve all people that come to us equally and we have never turned anyone away because we have run out of food. If there are individuals that are unruly or appear threatening, we will serve them and get them on their way quickly. We have security on hand to keep everyone safe. And those who volunteer with us are asked to participate in a non-discrimination agreement. I think it is also important to note that at our point of distribution we have volunteers that speak several languages. The East San Fernando Valley has a variety of ethnic constituencies. We have volunteers that speak Farsi, Armenian, Russian, Ukrainian, and of course Spanish. We have had requests for other languages and that is when apps on our cell phones come in handy!

Jacobsen: What metrics track impact beyond meals served?

Goben: For this we largely rely on the stories we hear from our clients. People tell us about their health concerns, loss of jobs, housing concerns, etc. And people also share with us when they find a new job, or how they depend on knowing food is available to them. Food is what we do. We don’t provide clothing or medical assistance, etc.so there are no metrics on housing or some of these other needs.

Jacobsen: As a minister and religion educator, how do you speak about hunger?

Goben: When I am speaking to gatherings of religious folks, the most obvious place to start is with scripture. The Bible is filled with both admonitions and invitations to care for “the least among you.” And compassion is a hallmark of how God blesses and cares for us. That said, not all groups I address are religious folks. I was invited to speak at a meeting of the LA County Board of Supervisors last year. In that context I needed to be aware that this was a civic gathering, and emphasized that we are all engaged in serving our communities in a variety of settings. And my answer to the following question will also reflect on how I speak about hunger.

Jacobsen: What is one policy change to most reduce the pantry’s caseload?

Goben: It is difficult to choose one! In the short term, I believe it is important that the administration reduce the barriers that prevent people from receiving SNAP benefits. There is SO MUCH food that is being produced in our world. And a significant amount of that food is thrown out. The US government estimates that as much as 40% of food that is produced in the US is wasted. That’s mind boggling to me. There is no reason anyone should not have enough to eat. Hunger is a man-made issue. Don’t get me started…

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Louise.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Rachel Rosenbluth: Reimagining Jewish Ritual, Kehilla, and Communal Covenant in Modern Life

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Rachel Rosenbluth is the founder of Bluth’s Ritual Studio, a Toronto-based practice that works globally, and is devoted to reimagining Jewish ritual for modern life. Ordained by Beit Midrash Har El, an Orthodox yeshiva that ordains women, she works largely in a Conservative-inflected mode as a rabbi, educator, wedding officiant, and artist. Her work blends pastoral care, theology, and aesthetic craft, including Hebrew calligraphy and ceremony design. She is developing a stunning coffee-table book to help people build community around the rituals that matter most. She collaborates with couples and communities to make belonging resilient.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Rachel Rosenbluth, founder of Bluth’s Ritual Studio, about Jewish community as purpose-driven peoplehood rather than a mere feeling of inclusion. Rabbi Rachel Rosenbluth distinguishes kehilla (an assembled community of obligation) and edah (a witnessing group shaped by shared experience) from modern “belonging” language. She explains how Jewish weddings become communal covenants through witnesses, ketubah, minyan, and collective joy. She outlines Jewish frameworks for conflict—tochacha, teshuvah, machloket l’shem shamayim, and arevut—and argues that beauty, ritual craft, and accessible practice build resilient belonging across difference.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In Jewish thought, what distinguishes kehilla/edah from social belonging?

Rabbi Rachel Rosenbluth: In Jewish thought, kehilla and edah describe forms of collective life that are not primarily organized around feelings of inclusion, rather around shared purpose, memory, and responsibility. A kehilla is a gathered community – from the root hakhel, to assemble – a people called together for something – often practice, covenant, or collective obligation. Edah, from the root ed (witness), is a group formed through shared experience: people who have seen something together and carry that forward in their collective identity.

Social belonging, by contrast, describes an individual’s subjective sense of inclusion, acceptance, or connection. Belonging is measured by how welcome one feels; whether one is seen or affirmed; and whether one can remain comfortably inside a group.

The former (Kehilla/Edah) is about a covenantal peoplehood, or a values based community; the later (social belonging) is a more individual experience of felt inclusion.

Kehilla and Edah are not primarily concerned with whether individuals feel included; they are concerned with what a people is gathered to do and sustain together. Belonging may emerge from that shared life, but it is not the organizing principle. By contrast, social belonging is a language of affect and inclusion – a measure of how welcome or accepted one feels. As Priya Parker notes, contemporary communities often mistake inclusion for meaning, offering belonging without purpose. Jewish communal life, by contrast, assumes that meaning comes first – and belonging follows.

Jacobsen: When you officiate a wedding, what converts a private moment into a communal covenant?

Rosenbluth: The Jewish wedding is in fact a very communal experience! It is not something that is just happening between two people, rather the intimacy is broader and the community plays a crucial role in the ceremony. When I work with couples or train officiants, I like to remind people that a Jewish wedding doesn’t technically need a Rabbi – rather it needs witnesses, people that are representing the community, who are showing up to make the marriage official, to bring community support and participation to the process. Even the wedding contract, The Ketubah, is not a private contract between the couple – rather, it’s a contract signed by the witnesses – on behalf of the community. It is the community saying: we witness your love, we support you on your journey together, we are here to hold you accountable and to widen your circles. It is a covenant within community, it brings together communities, and it is between the couple and the community.

During the ceremony, the guests play an important role. Their role is to bring joy to the couple “Lesameach Chatan v’kalah”. When we give the seven blessings at a wedding, we do so in the presence of the minyan – a quorum of ten. The celebration after the ceremony – the festive meal, seudat mitzvah – is part of the wedding rituals as well. All of these things are inherently communal and collective. It’s not supposed to be private, or a pure performance, it is a participation of a community.

Perhaps that’s the symbolism of the chuppa – like an open air tent of meeting, a gathering place. It holds two people in their union, yet it invites the wider community to witness and to hold. In a way it is also a nexus point that connects with the ancestors of the past and marks a moment that will bring forth new futures, a new family. A private moment that is widened on many scales.

Jacobsen: What is belonging in practice, e.g., who gets welcomed, who sets norms?

Rosenbluth: Belonging, in practice, is shaped by shared purpose. It involves safety, accountability, engagement, and accessibility, and it is something cultivated over time rather than assumed.

Cultures of belonging develop and evolve in many ways. Jewish law, practice, and tradition often influence these cultures of belonging – sometimes prescriptively, by defining norms and expectations, and sometimes descriptively, by reflecting the lived reality of a community. Some norms are inherited from elders or previous generations; others are shaped or articulated by leadership. Always, they are influenced by the purpose of the group and by the people who comprise it. Ritual, repetition, and shared practice play a significant role in establishing and reinforcing these norms. They may be inherited, adapted, or reinvented. I find that norms are most durable when they make sense, invite input from the group, and are framed positively – allowing them to stick, grow, and adapt alongside the community itself.

As for who gets welcomed, that depends on how a community understands and defines its boundaries.

Jacobsen: Communities inevitably face conflict. What Jewish frameworks guide accountability and repair?

Rosenbluth: In Jewish tradition, conflict isn’t understood as a breakdown of community –

It’s an inevitable part of being in a long term and diverse community. The question is how to address harm when it occurs. There are several core frameworks that guide this. One is tochacha, constructive rebuke: addressing harm directly and, when possible, privately, with the goal of repair rather than shaming. Accountability is meant to remain relational, not performative. This brings us to the most well known principle which is Teshuvah – a concrete process that places responsibility on the person who caused harm – naming what happened, taking responsibility, making amends where possible, and actually changing behavior over time. An apology alone isn’t the endpoint; change is. Rambam writes extensively about this, particularly in ways that surface during the High Holidays. Part of this is that forgiveness is never forced. Repair must come before reconciliation, and the person who was harmed is not obligated to forgive in order to restore comfort.

Judaism also makes space for disagreement itself. The idea of machloket l’shem shamayim—argument for the sake of heaven—holds that people can disagree deeply and still belong to the same community. Unity doesn’t require sameness, and conflict isn’t a threat when it’s held with care and integrity. There are organizations today that try to promote this given how highly divisive politics have become in Jewish community today.

Importantly, accountability isn’t only individual; it’s collective. The principle of arevut, mutual responsibility, understands harm as something that affects the whole group. That’s why repair shows up not only in personal conversations, but in communal rituals like Yom Kippur—an annual reset that reminds us we are always practicing how to do better together. Personally, I also look to frameworks of transformative justice to guide moments that require genuine harm reduction and repair. I know many rabbinical schools and Jewish institutions that are doing the same, drawing on these frameworks alongside traditional sources to respond to harm with greater care, responsibility, and depth.

Jacobsen: How do you build community across difference?

Rosenbluth: For me, it begins with empowering ritual in the home – bringing shared traditions and purpose into people’s personal lives in ways that feel alive and accessible. When people have shared practice, they can build community even across real differences in background, identity, politics, and belief.

Rather than outsourcing identity to political ideologies or institutions, this approach affirms that Torah and Jewish tradition belong to everyone. It’s not just for the most literate, the most observant. Too many people today call themselves “bad Jews,” almost as if it were its own denomination. I’m interested in offering an alternative – creating an empowered, accessible and inspired relationship for everyone in the community.

My work is about giving people tools, language, and inspiration to form a living, breathing relationship with tradition – one that feels positive, meaningful, and rooted. From there, a sense of belonging can emerge that stretches across difference: across place, time, opinions, and lived experience, without requiring sameness.

Jacobsen: How do rabbis work with those who have been, or feel as if they’ve been, lonely, shamed, and excluded inside Jewish spaces?

Rosenbluth: At their best, rabbis help people find places where they can belong. They can also empower individuals to ask for accountability and to seek repair when harm has occurred. Through processes of trust-building, responsibility, and repair, people may be able to re-enter spaces where they once felt unwelcome – or find new spaces that feel more aligned.

Today, many rabbis also bring a therapeutic sensibility to this work, helping people process experiences of pain, shame, and trauma. That support can be essential in restoring a sense of dignity, safety, and connection – whether within existing communities or beyond them.

Jacobsen: What does digital Judaism provide?

Rosenbluth: Digital Judaism provides access and it provides creativity.

It gives people who live far from Jewish community the ability to participate, and people who live far from centers of learning the ability to learn. It also gives those who have been shaped within one expression of Judaism access to other voices, practices, and ways of being Jewish. Digital Judaism can support certain forms of community. At the same time, I believe that genuine community ultimately requires gathering in person – being physically together, and allowing experience to become collectively shared rather than remaining purely individual. In addition to the book of Jewish ritual that I am working on, I hope to develop an app that will provide people a “Jewish ritual guidance at your finger tips” experience to make ritual experience accessible and inspired.

Jacobsen: Your work blends art and ritual. How can beauty function as a technology of communal attachment?

Rosenbluth: Abarbanel writes that beauty is that which moves the soul toward love. Beauty opens. It expands. It brings people into creativity, connection, motivation, and a sense of expanse.

Beauty allows people to enter a state of wonder and openness – toward intimacy, toward deeper relationships, toward learning something new. In communal life, that openness matters. It shapes how people show up, how safe they feel, and how willing they are to engage rather than remain purely analytical.

Another way to understand beauty in ritual is through lived experience. Studying for rabbinic ordination in yeshiva was an intensely intellectual and rigorous experience. It demanded precision, discipline, and deep engagement with text. At the same time, it did not feel embodied, or spiritually inspiring beyond the mind. Shortly after completing my Yeshiva studies, I spent a few months studying yoga philosophy in an ashram in South India. That offered a different kind of learning experience. Embodied, in open-air spaces, with sunlight, humidity, and the presence of the natural world. Beauty and environment were part of how learning happened, shaping how meaning was absorbed and lived. It really offered something that had been missing for me.

Art and ritual function similarly in communal settings. When beauty and design are present, ritual moves beyond cognition into experience. Music, visual form, space, and setting influence how people relate – to the practice, to one another, and to themselves. Beauty helps inspire connection.

This is something the mystics (Kabbalists) understood well. While the rabbis emphasized the study hall, the mystics emphasized direct experience – by streams, under trees, and in open fields. Judaism already holds immense beauty, shaped across lands and generations. When people can actually see and feel that beauty, it brings them toward one another – toward connection and community. As a scribe, a ritualist and a Ketubah artist, I aspire to make the age-old and timeless beauty embedded within Judaism, Jewish ritual, and communal life, more accessible.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rachel.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Matthew Scillitani on Measuring the Extreme Right Tail with a Supervised Timed High-Range Ability Test

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Matthew Scillitani is a psychometrics practitioner at Neurolus Psychometrics focused on developing supervised, time-limited high-range ability examinations. He co-launched The Mental Inventor with Paul Cooijmans as an empirical testbed for a central measurement question: whether performances can be validly differentiated in the extreme right tail under proctored conditions. His approach emphasizes procedural integrity—identity verification, approved proctoring, and rule enforcement—alongside cautious claims about interpretation until reliability and validity evidence is established. He highlights emerging threats to unsupervised testing, including AI-assisted responding and large-scale collaboration, and advocates peer review before formal reclassification.

​​In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Matthew Scillitani about The Mental Inventor, a supervised, timed high-range ability exam designed to explore whether performance can be meaningfully differentiated at the extreme right tail under proctored conditions. Scillitani avoids claiming it measures “intelligence” until validity evidence exists, citing regulatory constraints and the need for peer review. He frames low reliability as a decisive falsifier, emphasizes supervision to deter AI and collaboration, and explains proctor approval and identity verification procedures. Scores are reported cautiously via a preliminary conversion table, with analyses planned as data accumulates.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What construct is the intended measure with The Mental Inventor?

Matthew Scillitani: Our long-term goal is to investigate whether performances can be validly differentiated in the extreme right tail under supervised, time-limited conditions. To avoid speculation, we should avoid saying that The Mental Inventor is intended to measure a psychological construct, though.

For context, in the United States, most states have laws prohibiting the unlicensed practice of psychology. Even non-clinical tests are within the scope of this very complex regulatory environment. So, we can’t prematurely make any claims about what a test may measure until there’s strong empirical evidence for that.

Jacobsen: What would empirically support this construct as measured by The Mental Inventor?

Scillitani: After enough exam sittings occur, we can start to perform meaningful data analyses, including calculating the correlations, like g loading. If analysis suggests that it measures intelligence with validity, findings will be peer reviewed before conclusions are published.

If Neurolus and its third-party peer reviewer agree that an exam functions well as an I.Q. test, it’ll be reclassified accordingly, and our testing procedures will change. For example, we’d no longer report scores directly to candidates. Where legally appropriate, scores would be released through a licensed psychologist or accepting high-I.Q. society.

Jacobsen: What would falsify it?

Scillitani: Low reliability would immediately falsify it. This is because a test’s reliability sets an upper bound on its correlations with anything else. For clarity, insufficient internal consistency suppresses the potential relationship a test could have with general intelligence.

An exam can also be highly reliable and still have a low g loading. In that case, it may just be measuring a task-specific, probably learned skill. We’ll better understand the validity and reliability after the validation study.

Jacobsen: Why specify the format as supervised and timed?

Scillitani: The primary reason is artificial intelligence. Some large language models are getting very smart, very fast. I’m expecting that unsupervised tests will be unusable in a decade because of this.

There’s also the growing problem of cheating by collaboration. Recently, I’ve learned of groups comprising tens to hundreds of members sharing or selling answers. While still possible, collaboration is more difficult on a supervised exam.

The exam’s duration was set at three hours for practical reasons. Not many proctors are willing to go longer than that, and probably many candidates wouldn’t either. In any case, an even longer time limit can be prohibitively expensive for many.

Jacobsen: What does time pressure add at the extreme right tail?

Scillitani: Time pressure introduces some strategy that’s mostly absent in untimed tests. For example, candidates have to determine whether they can solve an item, how long it’ll take, and whether it’s worth using their time on.

This requires the ability to anticipate subjective item difficulty, estimate time to solve, and manage limited time resources. Generally speaking, those types of decisions are probably g-loaded as well, but we shouldn’t speculate too much.

Jacobsen: What is the proctoring protocol?

Scillitani: This was the second-most challenging obstacle for this project. The exam was initially going to be released only in the United States using a network of community colleges, but we later decided to release it globally, requiring a different model.

Our solution was to have candidates find their own proctor, subject to approval. Acceptable proctors currently include libraries, universities, notaries, and private invigilators. Candidates submit their proposed proctors’ info before scheduling the exam, which I manually review and either approve or reject.

On exam day, the proctor verifies a candidate’s identity using their government-issued photo I.D. If identity can’t be verified, the sitting is cancelled.

Attempts will also be considered invalid if a candidate breaks any rules, like trying to bring unauthorized materials into the testing area.

Jacobsen: How are scores scaled and interpreted?

Scillitani: To avoid overstatement, we’ve published a preliminary score conversion table rather than a norms table. This is because we currently have very limited data and want to be cautious. The table maps raw scores from 0 to 40 into scaled scores ranging from 120 to 199. A formal norms table will be published later as more data comes in.

Regardless of validation status, we’ll never interpret scores, though. Candidates won’t be told that they’re “above average” or “gifted” or anything similar. Scores are only reported, not explained.

Jacobsen: What reliability evidence has been collected?

Scillitani: None as of yet; the exam launched only a few weeks ago at the time of writing. If the participation rate remains steady, the first statistical report is expected in late 2026. Then we’ll have our first idea about reliability.

Jacobsen: What is the likely eventual reliability and sensitivity to conditions?

Scillitani: At present, that’s unknown. Retesting isn’t permitted, so test-retest reliability can’t be calculated. We’ll instead have to rely on split-half reliability, which provides an indirect estimate by comparing performance across two halves of the test.

Proctor variability is a serious concern, and something I often think about. If certain types of proctors consistently fail to follow instructions, that group will be removed as an option, and those sittings may be invalidated to protect data integrity.

Jacobsen: How will you test whether this is g-loaded versus a specialist puzzle skill?

Scillitani: Through the validation process. If analysis suggests meaningful g-related variance, a peer reviewer will independently review the data to verify. If results aren’t significant yet, analyses will be repeated at predetermined data collection intervals.

In the end, if the exam only measures task-specific non-g puzzle skills, we’ll still publish that finding.

Jacobsen: How do you prevent prize-competition dynamics from contaminating results?

Scillitani: In practice, most candidates who attempt these types of exams are already intrinsically motivated. This is because there no serious external stakes in the conventional sense. For example, performance doesn’t affect whether you’ll get accepted by your dream university or employer.

Many candidates simply enjoy solving very challenging puzzle-like problems. Others may be motivated by the competition, but motivation is generally high in either case. And I suspect that the source of motivation is less meaningful than its presence.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Matthew.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Anonymous Indian Medical Student in Ukraine: Kharkiv Survival, Germany Detour, and Faith Under Fire

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Anonymous Indian in Ukraine, an Indian medical student who moved within Madhya Pradesh before leaving for Ukraine in 2020 due to high costs and intense competition for Indian medical seats. He describes Kharkiv’s diverse prewar life, then the shock of the February 24, 2022 invasion, shortages, and evacuation to Lviv amid overcrowded trains and failing infrastructure. He recounts moving through Poland to Germany with volunteer help, navigating refugee registration, language barriers, and work requirements. He later returned to Kharkiv for document renewal, enduring months of sirens, drones, and outages, while sustaining hope and study through faith.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let us start from the beginning. When were you born? In which city were you born? Did you move towns at any point during your youth in India?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: When I was in the eighth standard, I moved with my father to another city in central Madhya Pradesh. I lived there for a couple of years and then returned to the town where I was born. I completed high school, finished my examinations, and then left the country.

Jacobsen: What made Ukraine a desirable place for medical education?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: First, India has a vast population and intense competition. Many people want admission to government medical universities, but the number of seats is limited. Even if you pass the entrance exam with average marks, it is tough to secure a place in a government medical university. The alternative is private medical universities, which can cost around $60,000 to $70,000 for a six-year medical degree. For middle-class families, that amount is very high. As a result, students look to countries such as Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, China, and Uzbekistan, where MBBS programs can cost around 29,000 dollars. That is why we chose Ukraine.

Jacobsen: Did you travel through Odesa or Lviv? What was your route from India to Kharkiv?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: I travelled from India to Kyiv, then to Kharkiv.

Jacobsen: What year was that?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: It was 2020, about two years before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

Jacobsen: How were things before the full-scale invasion?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Life was good. Kharkiv was a hub for students and business. You would see people from everywhere—Africans, Indians, Arabs, Egyptians, Koreans, and Chinese. The city was active and prosperous. There was significant economic activity at that time.

Jacobsen: What was your reaction when the full-scale invasion, what Russia called the “special military operation,” began?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: I was working part-time while continuing my studies. The night before the invasion, I remember seeing messaging suggesting there would be no war, and I believed it.

I was staying in a hostel. That night, a cleaning lady said that war would begin the next day. In the early hours of February 24, 2022, I heard the first explosion. People in the hostel began shouting that the war had started.

There were many Moroccan students in the hostel. My friends—Rahul and Amit—were shouting for everyone to wake up and leave, to escape toward Europe or anywhere safe. I did not expect it. I went to the window and saw smoke rising from the outskirts of Kharkiv.

At first, we thought it would be over within a couple of weeks. It was not. We waited. I stayed there from February 24 to March 9. Most of my friends left early. From February 25 onward, many international students and car owners left the city.

Everyone wanted to reach the train station, but it was nearly impossible because of the crowds. There were enormous numbers of people—thousands at once. You may have seen photos from Kharkiv showing this. It was tough. I stayed there overnight and waited.

Jacobsen: So you stayed there until March 9?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes, until March 9. I stayed in a private hostel. There was no food. Markets were empty. Near my hostel, there was an ATB supermarket, one of the largest food chains in Ukraine, but even there, almost nothing was available. There were no basic supplies—only some soft drinks like Coca-Cola or Pepsi.

Jacobsen: When did you finally leave?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: On March 9, I left Kharkiv, but it was not easy. Even that day, many people were still trying to leave—mostly Ukrainians. By that point, most international students had already gone. I had stayed because I thought the war might stop. I hoped it would end soon, but it did not. There was no food, and the situation was getting worse, so I decided to leave for another city. I only had a few packets of Maggi noodles left. That was all.

On March 9, I left my hostel. Outside, there were almost no people. It felt like a movie—like a real war film. The streets were empty. From February 24 to March 9, I watched from my window as Ukrainian soldiers checked roads and people. Some of them were women. They were guarding the city and checking documents.

I went to the railway station. There were almost no people outside, which made it frightening. At the station, there were no seats. Trains were completely overcrowded.

I used the little Ukrainian I knew at the time. I spoke to a family and asked if I could stay with them, saying I would be like a family member so that I could get on the train. One man agreed. He had three children and spoke some English. He helped me.

We travelled for about eight to nine hours by train from Kharkiv to Lviv. There was no water. Everyone had to stand—children, women, everyone—near the toilets for the entire journey.

We arrived in Lviv around 3:00 a.m. The station was full of people. At that time, I did not know that free food was available for those arriving.

I stood in line at a small market, but nothing worked. There was no electricity. Visa cards were not working. Banks were closed. ATMs did not work. There was no way to withdraw money. Toilets were also overwhelmed. Many people were sleeping inside the Lviv station.

It felt unreal—like living inside a war movie.

Jacobsen: At what point did you go to Germany? Can you walk me through what happened after that?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes, I went to Germany. After leaving Kharkiv and arriving in Lviv, I was looking for a way to leave Ukraine. No phone numbers were working, and no clear information. I approached an African man because I thought he might have contacts. He was standing with an Italian journalist, an editor.

I asked them where they were going. They said Poland. I decided to go with them. We stood in line for 4 to 5 hours, then paid for a taxi. It costs about €50 per person. There were four of us. The taxi took us from Lviv toward Poland, but not all the way to a significant city.

Once we arrived in Poland, the Italian journalist returned to Italy. The African man—he was a priest—went to Germany, and another person did too.

I stayed in Poland at first. I might work there for a short time and then return to Ukraine if the war ends. The war might end in a few months. I stayed for four days in a church near Kraków.

During that time, I spoke with a migration officer and asked whether I could study in Poland. They said it might be possible, but I did not understand the process or requirements. I did not know what to do next.

After four days, I called a contact from Italy and asked for advice. He told me that Germany would be a better option—that it would really help practically. So I decided to go to Germany.

When I arrived in Germany, it was tough at first because I had no money. Germany was much more expensive than Ukraine. I was at a Bahnhof—a train station—, and there were many German volunteers there. Civilian volunteers helped refugees.

They spoke with me, used websites where volunteers register to host people, and drove me in their own cars. I told them I had a friend at a specific address. They asked if I were sure the friend would help. I said yes. They took me there.

Later, I stayed in a refugee camp with Ukrainian refugees.

Jacobsen: Do you want to continue the story?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes. While I was travelling, I was with the African priest again. I asked him what would happen next because we had no money. He read the Bible often, even at night. He told me a story about the shepherd and the goats. He said that people are like the goats, and God is the shepherd who takes care of them. He told me not to worry—that God had already planned food, money, and safety for us.

Jacobsen: Do you identify as religious?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes, I do.

Jacobsen: Which religion?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: I follow Hare Krishna.

Jacobsen: For readers who may not know much about it, can you briefly explain the belief system—its texts, its leaders—or how it helped you during this time?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes, of course, it helped me. At that time, the African priest—he was Christian and had churches in the Ukraine—shared his beliefs with me. He repeated the shepherd-and-goats idea. He said that God is in control and that everything will be taken care of. He told me this while we were in Kraków, in a hotel. That stayed with me.

After that, I thought everything was planned, so I decided to go to another country. I went, and things unfolded that way.

Jacobsen: What do Hare Krishna followers believe, and how was that helpful for you?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: In the Hare Krishna tradition, there is a strong emphasis on mindset and intention. Lord Krishna teaches that a person’s thoughts, words, and actions matter. If you think positively and act rightly, things tend to move in a better direction.

There is a saying about being careful with your words. If you speak good things, good things follow. If you talk badly, negative things follow. During that time, I kept telling myself that everything would be okay, that people would help me, and that I would get permission to stay. I was worried because I come from a developing country and needed a visa to remain in Europe.

I also tried to understand things rationally, but I remembered what the Christian priest had told me and also relied on my own religious text. I had been carrying my book, the Bhagavad Gita, with me for more than seven years, along with my personal photos.

There is a critical moment I remember. I went to the Berlin registration center. Early in the morning—around noon—we stood in a long line with Ukrainian, Syrian, and Arab refugees. We completed registration, but afterward my companion was assigned to one city, and I to another. That scared me. Until then, he had helped me, and suddenly I was alone in Germany.

Germany felt overwhelming. I could not read the language, I did not understand the train or metro system, and I did not know where to go. I was terrified. He told me, “Just go. Everything will be fine.”

The registration center gave me a paper assigning me to another city, about eight to nine hours away from Berlin. The town was Karlsruhe. I travelled there by regional train.

I did not have cash. At one point, I asked a German man for help. He asked if I needed food or chocolate. I said no, but I needed to reach my destination. He told me which bus to take and explained that it was free. That is how I reached the registration center in Karlsruhe.

At the center, a staff member—who turned out to be from Pakistan—checked my bag. He noticed my book and asked where I was from. When I said India, he smiled and told me everything would be okay. That gave me some relief.

I was then placed in a refugee camp. I spoke some Ukrainian, so I helped with communication. We waited there for about four months while documents were checked.

After that, I received permission to live and work in Germany, and I was also allowed to study. However, there was a requirement: I had to learn German to B2 level, which is a high academic standard.

I realized that learning German to that level could take years, and I might lose the chance to study medicine during that time. So instead of relying on government assistance, I chose to work. I worked in warehouse jobs and supported myself. I worked continuously for about two years.

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: After two years, I went back to the registration center and asked what would happen next. I told them to look at my history over those two years—how I worked, followed the rules, avoided trouble, and respected the country. I asked what options I had.

They told me that I would need to leave. I said that was okay. They also told me that in the future I could return to Germany on a work visa or as a specialist. So there is still hope that I may go back one day.

Jacobsen: When you returned to Kharkiv, were you effectively stuck there again for about 9 months?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: Yes. When the war began, our documents were temporary. Residency permits were issued for limited periods, and mine needed to be renewed. I stayed in Kharkiv to restore it.

Ukrainian government workers do their jobs well, but during the war, it was tough. Bombings and air-raid sirens happened constantly. Sirens could last for hours, day and night. As a result, government offices could not operate normally. Banks were often closed. It was not safe for people to work.

As a result, processes that generally take a few months stretched to about 9 months. During that time, life was tough. Almost every night, I could see drones outside my window. Ukrainian air defences would respond, and you would hear explosions. Electricity and water were often unavailable. In 2024, there were periods with no water for three to four days. I bought bottled water and even used it for bathing. I could manage only because I had some money. Without it, I do not know how I would have survived.

Nights were the hardest. Attacks often happened around 11 p.m. or midnight. You could not go outside after 9 p.m. The streets were dark. Shops were closed. People stayed in their rooms. There was no light at night.

Jacobsen: And once the paperwork was finally processed?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: I contacted a friend and asked if there was anything I could do or anywhere I could stay. My university is still there, and my academic records are there as well. For now, I continue studying on my own.

My friend invited me to stay with him in another city so I could sleep safely. In Kharkiv, sleeping was tough. People still live there, but it is tough. I have a friend who has lived in Kharkiv since the beginning of the war—even during the occupation—and still lives there now because he loves the city.

Kharkiv is a beautiful city. It is spotless, one of the cleanest cities I have seen. The people are very kind. Kharkiv helped me a lot.

Jacobsen: What is your plan now?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: I try to think positively. Something good will come. I know English, but English alone is not enough here. English is functional in countries like the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, but here it does not help much.

I know Ukrainian, and I understand some Lithuanian. Now I want to learn a language that has more impact in Europe. I am thinking about the Dutch.

I continue learning languages and studying medical subjects on my own. I am in contact with my university, and they have my records. I am asking about the available options. That is my plan for now.

Jacobsen: Any final words? A line from that helped you through these moments?

Anonymous Indian in Ukraine: There is a saying I like: The best actor is given the most challenging role.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Claus D. Volko on Symbiont Conversion Theory: Reprogramming Bacteria and Tumors to Counter Antimicrobial Resistance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Claus D. Volko, M.D. (born 1983) is an Austrian software engineer and medical scientist in Vienna. He holds degrees in medicine (M.D.), medical informatics (B.Sc.) and computational intelligence (M.Sc.). In the demoscene he is known as “Adok” and served as main editor of the electronic magazine Hugi. Volko formulated Symbiont Conversion Theory in 2018. He founded and leads the Prudentia High IQ Society, and joined Mensa in 2002. In 2018 he published “Volko Personality Patterns,” a Jungian-inspired extension of MBTI typology. In 2025 he posted “Reprogramming Bacteria for Symbiont Conversion: A Review” on Prudentia’s blog, and maintains Prudentia’s journal and blog.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Claus D. Volko, M.D., an Austrian medical scientist and software engineer, on his Symbiont Conversion Theory, published in Biomed Sci Clin Res in 2025. Volko describes minimum viable experiments involving bacterial gene propagation and bacteriophages as decisive tests for implementation. He frames “conversion” as biological reprogramming rather than eradication, deliberately perturbing evolutionary trajectories to confront antimicrobial resistance, citing tuberculosis as a plausible target. Extending the framework to oncology, Volko defines a tumor symbiont as a reprogrammed, functional cell. Ethical implications are explicit: microbes should not be killed. He dismisses placebo relevance, critiques medicine’s conservatism relative to engineering.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Symbiont Conversion Theory was ultimately published in Biomed Sci Clin Res in March, 2025. What would you consider the minimum viable experimental result to justify the foundational scientific theory more?

Claus Volko: I proposed two experiments in the paper Reprogramming Bacteria for Symbiont Conversion – A Review. One is about the spreading of genetic modifications in a bacterial population, the other about bacteriophages. If both experiments prove successful, I think there will be no obstacles to implementing symbiont conversion.

Jacobsen: In Reprogramming Bacteria for Symbiont Conversion – A Review, you broaden symbiont conversion to reprogramming. Can you elaborate, please?

Volko: Reprogramming is just another term for reeducating. I used both terms interchangeably in the original publication.

Jacobsen: Your theory is partly motivated by the failure modes of destroy and kill. How do you think about evolutionary stability?

Volko: Stability is not intended, as I am trying to perturbate the evolution.

Jacobsen: Antimicrobial resistance is a key motivating problem. If you had to pick one infectious disease target where conversion is strategically sane, which is it?

Volko: For example tuberculosis. But there are many examples.

Jacobsen: Tumors are ecosystems. What is a good operational definition of a tumor cell becoming a symbiont?

Volko: If a tumor is reprogrammed back to a normal, functional cell, then it has become a symbiont.

Jacobsen: Symbiont Conversion Theory has an ethical dimension, i.e., microbes may have moral status. What is the practical implication of this?

Volko: Simply that you do not kill them.

Jacobsen: What modern clinical trial design would you accept as a clean test that separates placebo from real effects?

Volko: I do not think that symbiont conversion has a placebo effect.

Jacobsen: Why is medicine less tolerant culturally than engineering?

Volko: Because it attracts more conservative people.

Jacobsen: You take an interest in the community of the Mega Foundation and Mr. Christopher Michael Langan’s CTMU. Does any of your work metaphysically/theologically align, as such?

Volko: As far as I know, symbiont conversion is not related to the CTMU.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Claus.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Sarah Hronsky, Interfaith Cooperation and Social Justice: Hunger, Homelessness, and Durable Partnership

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Sarah Hronsky is Senior Rabbi of Temple Beth Hillel, serving since July 2003 after ordination at Hebrew Union College–Jewish Institute of Religion in Los Angeles. She holds master’s degrees in Hebrew Letters and Jewish Communal Service and is a Fellow of the Shalom Hartman Institute’s Rabbinic Leadership Initiative. She is the President of the Los Angeles Council of Religious Leaders and Immediate Past President of the Board of Rabbis of Southern California. Honored with the 2023 Los Angeles Pioneer Women Award, she focuses on interfaith dialogue and social justice, including homelessness, and serves on the North Hollywood Interfaith Food Pantry Board.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Sarah Hronsky, Senior Rabbi of Temple Beth Hillel, about durable interfaith cooperation and service amid polarization. Hronsky says durability grows from shared moral commitments—loving the neighbor and the stranger—and from showing up repeatedly for honest dialogue. She critiques misconceptions that reduce believers to denominational caricatures. Grounding hunger and homelessness work in Torah and rabbinic tradition, she describes practical adaptations: discreet deliveries, expanded pantry hours, multi-faith distribution partnerships, and joint training and action. Hartman learning, she adds, strengthened pluralism and provided a supportive cohort. For navigating antisemitism, fear, and stress with compassion.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What makes interfaith cooperation durable?

Rabbi Sarah Hronsky: While challenges are easily identifiable, so is the common base that faith leaders share. We hold tightly to binding morality, based on creating a just world. This often means lifting shared values such as loving one’s neighbor, caring for the widow, the stranger, the orphan—the most vulnerable. Centering oneself in space of wholeness and completeness in order to bring this to the larger community around. While issues may pull us apart, and the tensions in political divides and polarization are very real, we can usually unite and bridge together over preservation and well-being of humanity.

Jacobsen: What are common misunderstandings faith communities have about each other?

Hronsky: Faith communities, like the rest of the population, can get caught up in assuming that because you are x you must fully believe y. All too often it is assumed that the overarching denomination sets the beliefs of all the individuals and this is simply untrue. For example, because one identifies as Jewish, they must hate Palestinians. Because you are white and Christian, you must believe in all that White Christian Nationalists believe including xenophobia and the domination of men over women. Because you are Catholic, you must be pro-life and anti-choice. One’s faith is a significant part of their identity, but no single person is all one direction or another. Our faith may drive or provide the foundation for our choices, but it does not dictate all. There is also the divide created between those who identify with faith and those who do not. Assuming one is better than the other, or one is more zealous, misconstrues matters.

Jacobsen: How do you connect Jewish teaching and tradition to work on hunger and homelessness?

Hronsky: Thirty-six times (the Talmud states perhaps thirty-seven times) we are commanded to care for the widow, the orphan, and the stranger. These categories indicate the most vulnerable, the most marginalized in society—the ones for whom access to food and shelter would be most limited. We are also taught in the Holiness Code in Leviticus to “love our neighbor as we would wish to be loved ourselves,” and a few verses later to “love the stranger” similarly (Leviticus 19). This is not about emotional love; rather, love is demonstrated by actions of care. Food, shelter, and access to medical care are precisely these kinds of responsibilities and endeavors.

For the neighbor and the stranger alike, we are commanded to provide for their needs—whether they are individuals I know, individuals from the same community, or strangers geographically, ethnically, religiously, etc. Each person, no matter their background, is deserving to be cared for equally, in the same manner that I would wish to be cared for.

Our sages taught that when establishing a Jewish community we are obligated to create a kuppah—a charity fund that it is mandatory to give to each week, with several individuals overseeing its distribution to those in need (Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 17b; Mishneh Torah 9:13). Thus, while a house of study, a house of worship, and a place for burial are essential components of establishing a Jewish community, right alongside these core elements exists a command to care for all in the community. Providing food and advocating for the unhoused is exactly what my faith demands of me.

A further example comes from Deuteronomy 24:19–21:

“When you reap the harvest in your field and overlook a sheaf in the field, do not turn back to get it; it shall go to the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow—in order that your God may bless you in all your undertakings. When you beat down the fruit of your olive trees, do not go over them again; that shall go to the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow. When you gather the grapes of your vineyard, do not pick it over again; that shall go to the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow.”

While there are 613 commandments for the Jewish people, caring for others—shared humanity, and knowing that each human being was created in the image of God—compels me to live the value of providing for the most vulnerable as best I can. The world can be hard, and the tasks to repair it overwhelming. By supporting and working in the food pantry, I can take one small action to live my faith and my values, and to bring about a spark of hope and light.

In Pirkei Avot we read: “Rabbi Tarfon said: It is not your duty to finish the work, but neither are you at liberty to neglect it.” I will not be able to end hunger or homelessness, but I also cannot ignore it.

Jacobsen: As President of the Board of Rabbis of Southern California, what trends are you seeing in community needs?

Hronsky: This is a little tricky for me to answer. The trends I see around increasing hunger and the growing needs of the greater community are not necessarily related to the work I have done, or continue to do, with the Board of Rabbis.

I have had many conversations with interfaith leaders about the expanding needs at our food pantries, particularly for people who fear going to work or fear ICE raids. Our work has changed dramatically. Last week, during a Zoom meeting with the Los Angeles Council of Religious Leaders, we each identified where need has increased and how we have adapted to meet it. For example, some pantries have shifted to food delivery rather than in-person distribution. In one case, a truck drops food at a private neighborhood location, and an individual quietly distributes it to those who would typically come to the pantry.

Another religious group has significantly increased its food supply—by thousands of pounds—which is now delivered to distribution partners in the downtown area. Yet another has linked a frozen-meal service within the Jewish community to a variety of service partners, many from multiple faiths, for broader distribution. Another group identified a new resource and asked that its link be shared more widely: a program that pays street vendors, who are afraid to be out on the streets, to prepare food safely at home, which is then provided to the unhoused through drop-in centers.

Still another faith partner shared that they extended their food-pantry hours, offering only a few small distribution slots at a time so that no recipient is left standing in a line and vulnerable to ICE activity. On and on, adaptations and ideas have been shared and then adopted. This is partnership—working together to respond to increasing needs.

Jacobsen: How do you keep interfaith spaces safe and honest?

Hronsky: I might need clarity on the question, as I am not certain I am able to answer in a manner that fully addresses what you are interested in. What I can say is that, during this particularly polarized time, I have found that continuing to come to the table—and continuing to offer respectful spaces for individuals to share their narratives—matters. No matter how hard it is, coming together again and again makes a difference in seeing the other as human.

In addition, literally doing the work together as much as possible makes a difference. Continuing to bring individuals of different faiths into shared spaces allows for humanizing rather than demonizing. This happens, for example, through shared community work on distribution days at the North Hollywood Interfaith Food Pantry. It is difficult to make sweeping claims about this faith or that faith when you know that the person who identifies with x faith is a good person, someone caring for others, someone you laugh with while sorting food, packing bags for those in need, or working the car line together to make sure another person does not go hungry.

The same is true when we bring groups together for training in nonviolent demonstration and then march side by side, crying out against the brutality of ICE and demanding the release of individuals from detention centers. Honest work, honest conversation, and honest gathering matter.

On Sunday, I joined the AME Church’s Founder’s Day celebration with a few other interfaith leaders, where we worshipped together and learned from Stacey Abrams. Gathering in a traditionally Black church, learning side by side, and being welcomed into their space allows me to honor their truth, grow from it, and deepen allyship.

There are many other examples. On Friday, February 6, several interfaith leaders—Catholic, Jewish, Hindu, and others—will participate in a Habitat for Humanity build. We choose to swing hammers, wield paint brushes, and help a specific family and community, all while growing in friendship and partnership. I have also been part of a group planning a significant gathering in March of religious leaders from across Los Angeles to come together in conversation, learning, and action. The title of the event is A Multi-Faith Response to the Current Constitutional Crisis.

Creating spaces to learn, to listen, and to act allows us to keep showing up for one another. Do I always feel safe in every space? No. Do I keep coming back? Yes. If I am not at the table, my voice will disappear.

Jacobsen: What did the Shalom Hartman leadership experience change for you during polarization or rising antisemitism?

Hronsky: I am currently not studying at the Shalom Hartman Institute. However, the foundation it provided taught me to be more pluralistic in my thinking and gave me a vast cohort of individuals across North America and Israel to reach out to at any time. I learned to work closely with—and to be open-minded enough to learn from—Jews whose observance differs from mine and whose understanding of what it means to be Jewish also differs from mine. The Shalom Hartman Institute continues to step into the fray of breaking down walls of polarization through several podcast series and in-person learning opportunities. It is a strong model for engaging in complex dialogue around complex issues.

Jacobsen: What have you learned about service delivery that you did not learn in seminary?

Hronsky: Seminary is a wonderful builder of foundations and learning blocks. However, most of what I have learned about being in service to others comes from my upbringing in a Jewish home that taught everyone to participate in making a better community—everyone must give back to help others. That grounding was further strengthened by being welcomed into a synagogue pulpit deeply steeped in social justice and action. For the past 23 years, I have grown and learned alongside my congregants and my movement, continually finding ways to remain in service.

Jacobsen: What would you most want secular readers to understand about faith-based interfaith work?

Hronsky: While each person’s individual efforts make a difference in healing and repairing our world, those efforts are uplifted and can become more impactful when we include others. While faith may be an important driver of the service work we do, interfaith efforts—and working alongside those who do not identify with any faith—can increase our impact and bring us closer together. Interfaith work helps us build bridges, recognize how much more alike than different we are, and engage with one another’s shared humanity.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Sarah.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Don Jr., Influence-Peddling, and the Ethics of Power Proximity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman, a national security and human rights attorney, about ethical and legal concerns surrounding Donald Trump Jr.’s business and political activities. Tsukerman distinguishes verified facts from speculation, addressing conflicts of interest tied to Trump-family business arrangements, Don Jr.’s role at 1789 Capital, and his appearance at the Qatar Economic Forum. She clarifies misconceptions about World Cup security, emphasizing U.S.-led law enforcement. The discussion expands to access-peddling, comparisons to Hunter Biden, and a $10 billion tax-return lawsuit, before concluding with Tsukerman’s critique of revived “Russiagate” narratives as a political distraction.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is a special session on Donald Trump Jr., one of the children of Donald Trump. He is a prominent surrogate and senior figure associated with the Trump business and political brand. He has had visible interactions with Gulf-region business and policy circles. I am not aware of credible public reporting that links him to Jeffrey Epstein-related files. First, what business or financial relationships raise ethical or national-security concerns? Second, what is his connection to soccer and the World Cup? Third, what is the real situation regarding any Qatari security or policing role connected to significant events in the United States?

Irina Tsukerman: A few issues warrant separation. First, the Trump family’s business arrangements during Trump’s presidency have repeatedly raised conflict-of-interest concerns because they were not structured as a traditional blind trust. In 2017, reporting emphasized that the business would be run by his adult sons rather than placed into a blind trust, which ethics experts said did not meet the usual standard. In 2025, the Trump Organization again stated that Trump would not manage day-to-day operations and that assets would be placed in a trust managed by his children, alongside internal ethics measures; critics have continued to debate whether such arrangements sufficiently prevent conflicts of interest.

Second, Don Jr. has a documented business relationship with banker Omeed (also spelled “Omid”) Malik. Malik co-founded 1789 Capital, and Don Jr. joined it in a business capacity. In May 2025, both appeared as speakers at the Qatar Economic Forum in a session titled “Investing in America,” according to the forum’s published program. This is distinct from the Doha Forum and from a panel titled “Monetizing MAGA,” which has been incorrectly cited elsewhere.

Third, regarding the World Cup and claims about “Qatari policing,” public reporting indicates that U.S. federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies will lead security for the 2026 FIFA World Cup in the United States. There has also been reporting that U.S. officials travelled to Qatar to observe or discuss security practices used during the 2022 World Cup. That exchange does not indicate that Qatari security forces will police events in the United States.

The defensible fact pattern, therefore, is: recurring conflict-of-interest concerns regarding Trump-family business arrangements; Don Jr.’s business ties with Malik and their appearance at the Qatar Economic Forum; and U.S.-led World Cup security planning that includes limited international information-sharing.

Jacobsen: In late 2025, there were meetings at a law firm connected to a high-profile public inquiry involving senior officials. This raised questions about whether the issue was access-peddling. Not foreign financial influence or foreign security forces, where domestic ones would suffice, but the abuse of proximity to power. Someone meets a prominent figure, does not distinguish themselves, and then presents themselves as a close associate to gain credibility or leverage. Second, there was a lawsuit over leaked tax returns. Don Jr. is a plaintiff alongside the President and others. The suit targets the IRS and the Treasury over the prior disclosure of Trump’s tax information. It has been a prominent legal headline, though less prominently in the public eye. The damages sought are reportedly around $10 billion. You are the lawyer—that sounds enormous to me.

Tsukerman: On the first point, that fits the definition of influence-peddling. A commonly cited analogy is Hunter Biden: benefiting from his father’s status to obtain access or roles for which he was arguably unqualified, while also creating the perception of access to his father for others.

Critics argue that Don Jr. is engaging in a similar pattern—leveraging familial proximity to power. Many of the same voices who were intensely focused on Hunter Biden have been comparatively silent here. That inconsistency is notable.

This raises serious ethical concerns and apparent conflicts of interest. Whether or not it is illegal in a narrow statutory sense, it is deeply problematic, and there appears to be little institutional effort to restrain it. Instead, many actors seem willing to benefit from it.

On the second issue, the tax-return lawsuit raises another conflict-of-interest concern. At the time of the alleged disclosures, Trump was President and had authority over the relevant agencies. Critics argue that seeking massive damages from agencies he oversaw creates the appearance of self-dealing.

The scale of the claim—around $10 billion—appears disproportionate to the established harm. Courts found internal violations, but that does not automatically justify damages of that magnitude. I would be surprised if a jury deemed such a figure reasonable.

Regardless of the outcome, the litigation consumes public resources. It is a distraction from substantive policy issues and does little to enhance institutional credibility. Transparency from the outset would have avoided much of this.

Jacobsen: Those are strong points. I am doing one more quick check. The primary references were Gibraltar, Greenland, Doha, and Mr. Malik. The others date back much earlier, including the 2016 Trump Tower meeting.

Tsukerman: One narrative that never seems to expire is what Trump now calls the “Russiagate hoax,” which he has revived in recent social-media posts.

Jacobsen: What do you mean?

Tsukerman: Trump has claimed on Truth Social that President Obama’s alleged support for the Russia investigation in 2016 ultimately cost Trump the 2020 election, and that Obama interfered illegally. The fact that it is now 2026 and we are still debating events from a decade ago is striking—especially since the Russian effort to interfere in U.S. elections was well documented. Several Trump campaign associates were convicted or imprisoned, and Russian operatives left the United States following investigations.

Whatever label one applies, those events were not fictitious. The renewed framing appears intended to deflect attention from Trump’s current dealings with Russia, including his stated interest in doing business with a country engaged in an internationally condemned war.

That this reframing raises few questions among his most vocal defenders suggests a profound detachment from documented reality. It raises a broader question: how far can political loyalty stretch before blatant falsehoods become untenable?

Jacobsen: That is a strong place to end. Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 40: Cosmic Ratios, Large Numbers, and the Information Structure of the Universe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner about striking ratios in physics that appear across vastly different scales. Rosner points to large-number disparities, such as the enormous strength difference between electromagnetism and gravity at the particle level, and contrasts microscopic lengths with the scale of the observable universe. He cautions against misapplied figures, noting that some famous numbers belong to entirely different physical contexts. While no single cosmic object strikes him as anomalous, Rosner emphasizes unresolved questions about cosmic maturity, heavy-element origins, and the nature of time. He ultimately frames time as closely tied to information flow, arguing that our lack of a rigorous definition of information remains one of physics’ deepest gaps.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Are there any unusual symmetries that you notice in ratios among distinct, classified objects in the universe? One example we used previously was the electron–proton mass ratio. Are there other ratios that stand out in a way that is not as straightforward as a simple commutative math statement like one plus one equals two?

Rick Rosner: For instance, consider how vastly stronger electromagnetism is than gravity at the particle scale. For an electron and a proton, the electromagnetic force is roughly 10³⁶ times stronger than the gravitational force. Similar “large-number” magnitudes show up in other comparisons. For example, the proton’s Compton wavelength is about 1.3 × 10⁻¹⁵ meters. Compared to the diameter of the observable universe, on the order of 10²⁷ meters, the ratio is around 10⁴¹–10⁴², not 10⁸⁰. A figure near 10⁸⁰ is more commonly associated with estimates of the number of baryons in the observable universe, not with this length ratio.

When the universe is better understood, those ratios will still exist. Some arise directly from known physics; others may reflect deeper structure we do not yet understand.

Jacobsen: Is there one ratio or one object at cosmic scale that seems especially odd to you? For a long time, before results from the Large Hadron Collider, the Standard Model of particle physics was missing its final predicted particle: the Higgs boson. The Higgs was popularly dubbed the “God particle” in the media, a label aimed at broad public appeal rather than scientific accuracy.

The Higgs boson mattered because its discovery in 2012 confirmed the Higgs mechanism’s role in the Standard Model. The Higgs boson itself is not widely distributed in space; it is a short-lived particle created in high-energy collisions. What is pervasive in the theory is the Higgs field, not the particle.

In a similar way, are there other large-scale structures—superclusters, filaments, or large cosmic voids—that intrigue you? Excluding quantum vacuum energy, are there regions or structures that have held your attention over time?

Rosner: At the moment, nothing comes to mind. I am distracted this evening.

I do not know enough about the universe to confidently identify what might be anomalous. Nothing strikes me as inherently odd based on my current understanding. There are anomalies and open problems that do not fit neatly into the simplest Big Bang–based cosmological models, and we have talked about those extensively.

There may be objects that appear surprisingly mature for their era in cosmic history. There are also open questions about where heavy elements, such as gold, come from in the quantities we observe. We should talk about that article.

I sent you a piece that was poorly titled, suggesting that time might not be real. Time is real, and even those arguments typically concede that. The real issue is that in some formulations of fundamental physics, time does not appear in the usual way in the equations. The authors propose a relationship between time and information. That general direction is not wrong, although some of their conclusions are overstated.

Their general idea—that time is related primarily to an increase in information in the universe—is something I agree with. They propose a fairly elaborate mechanism in which information regulates the scale of space. I agree with the core idea, although I think they probably overcomplicate it.

The basic claim is that space—specifically the curvature of space—is determined by what happens to information as it flows through it. In very simple terms, the irreversibility we associate with the arrow of time has a great deal to do with the fact that almost every photon in the universe is a long-distance photon, traveling for billions of years across billions of light-years.

As those photons lose energy to the curvature of space, space itself relaxes, producing the effect we describe as an expanding universe. In that sense, the article reinforces a point I have made before: we still do not have a good handle on what information actually is.

We have intuitive definitions. Information is often described as the answer to a question, defined within a context. There is a sports game; before it is played, the outcome is unknown. When the game ends, the final score answers the question. The context is clear—it is a game.

When it comes to information in a cosmological or physical sense—what information is, how it behaves, and how it structures the universe—we do not yet have a rigorous definition. That understanding is still missing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds on Tzedakah as Justice: Torah, Dignity, and Public Policy in Los Angeles

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds is the founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice (JCJ) in Los Angeles, advancing social-justice education, leadership development, and community-rooted action for a wide Jewish public. Ordained at Hebrew Union College–Jewish Institute of Religion, he previously served as West Coast Legislative Director for the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism and as Associate Rabbi at University Synagogue. He has also served as Rabbi of the Synagogue at HUC-LA and is the founding President Partnership for Growth LA, a Black–Jewish community development corporation focused on cooperative development and wellbeing. He links Torah, policy, and practice. He also serves on the clergy team of the Wilshire Boulevard Temple in Los Angeles.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds, founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice in Los Angeles, about tzedakah as a binding ethic of justice rather than voluntary charity. Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds grounds the concept in tzedek and the Torah’s “justice, justice you shall pursue,” arguing that obligation must be pursued with compassion and fair process. He defines dignity as systemic change beyond temporary relief, rejects “deservingness” tests, and emphasizes confidentiality as respect. He also describes how legislation, digital giving, and lean institutions can expand participation and build durable, community-rooted solutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you frame tzedakah as justice, not optional charity?

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds: Tzedakah is often misunderstood as solely charity because, in modern Jewish life, it’s frequently associated with fundraising for those in need. I remember bringing my “tzedakah money” to Hebrew school each week. But the root of the word tzedakah is tzedek, which means justice. One of the Torah’s most foundational teachings comes from Deuteronomy. It says “Tzedek, tzedek tirdof,” which means justice, justice you shall pursue. This is the proof text for the Jewish commitment to justice. Tzedakah is not optional generosity; it is a moral obligation rooted in our tradition.

Jacobsen: What does dignity mean in tzedakah?

Simonds: For me, dignity means moving beyond temporary fixes. It’s not about offering a small gesture to ease discomfort while leaving the underlying system intact. True dignity comes from changing systems so that people can live without constant need or fear, and where they have a real chance at stability and opportunity.

Jacobsen: Where do you draw the boundaries between tzedakah, gemilut chasadim, and tikkun olam?

Simonds: I don’t see these as separate categories that need rigid boundaries. Rather, they are meant to be integrated into a larger vision of the world. Justice must be pursued with kindness and compassion. When we go back and read from the Torah, we are asked why tzedek is mentioned twice. The answer is that the ancient rabbis taught that we must pursue justice justly. We cannot focus solely on outcomes, but on how we get there, with care and humanity.

Jacobsen: Who is responsible for what, e.g., individual givers, congregations, federations, nonprofits, and the state?

Simonds: Everyone has a responsibility to give time and resources to help those in need. But at the Jewish Center for Justice, where I serve as Executive Director, we focus heavily on legislation and public policy because injustice and inequality are too large to be addressed by individuals and nonprofits alone. Our government, and by extension our elected leaders, have a crucial role to play in addressing systemic harm and creating lasting change.

Jacobsen: What are common power failures in communal funds?

Simonds: Any organization, whether nonprofit or for-profit, can experience power failures. As institutions grow larger, priorities can pull in different directions, decision-making can slow, and resources can become less responsive to the needs of the people they are meant to serve. This isn’t unique to Jewish communal life; it’s a challenge across the professional world.

At JCJ, we were intentionally designed to be lean, values-driven, and accountable to our community. That structure allows us to act quickly, respond to urgent moments, and ensure that resources are directed toward real impact rather than bureaucracy. Staying close to the people on the ground, from our fellows to our partners to the communities we serve, helps us guard against the kinds of power imbalances that can emerge when institutions lose sight of their purpose.

Jacobsen: How should communities balance emergency relief with long-term self-sufficiency?

Simonds: Jewish communities are often very strong at emergency response, and that is something to be proud of. We have built infrastructures that allow people to step up in moments of crisis. But too often, we move from one emergency to the next without addressing the deeper causes and systems. Issues like poverty, hunger, and homelessness are treated as isolated crises when they are actually intertwined and baked into our society. The affordability crisis, in particular, is an emergency that demands systemic solutions, not just short-term relief.

Jacobsen: How do you handle deservingness and confidentiality?

Simonds: For me, this question goes directly back to dignity. Judaism rejects the idea that people must prove they are “deserving” of care. If someone is in need, they are deserving. The moment we begin ranking worthiness, we undermine the very justice we claim to pursue.

Confidentiality is part of that same moral obligation. People in need deserve autonomy and respect, just as much as those offering support. Protecting identities isn’t about secrecy; it’s about ensuring that help does not come at the cost of shame, exposure, or loss of agency. At its best, tzedakah affirms a person’s humanity by meeting material needs and by honoring their dignity in the process.

Jacobsen: How are digital giving and public policy reshaping tzedakah?

Simonds: Digital tools and policy advocacy have expanded who gets to participate in the work of justice, and that is a good thing. What once required access, time, or proximity is now available to far more people. These tools have broadened our coalitions and allow more individuals to engage meaningfully in giving and advocacy. The work of justice is no longer limited to a few, but something many people can participate in.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Joel.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Sharmiin Meymandinejad: Repression, War, and Human Dignity in Iran

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Sharmiin (also spelled Sharmin) Meymandinejad is an Iranian human rights defender, writer, and theatre artist who founded the Imam Ali’s Popular Student Relief Society (IAPSRS) in 1999 to combat poverty and support vulnerable children and families. Iranian authorities arrested him in 2020 and charged him with “insulting” Iran’s leaders amid a broader crackdown on independent civil society; he was held for months, including time in solitary confinement, and reportedly denied medical care. After sustained pressure, IAPSRS was ordered dissolved. Now in exile, Meymandinejad speaks on repression, public executions, social trust, and civilian harm from sanctions and war, through grassroots work.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Sharmiin Meymandinejad describes Iran’s crisis as the repression of daily life rather than episodic protest control. She rejects state claims of “security,” arguing that fear-based governance destroys social trust and wounds society across generations. Meymandinejad warns that silence by the international community amounts to complicity. On the risk of war between Iran and the United States, she stresses that civilians—not governments—would pay the price through poverty, displacement, and institutional collapse. War, she argues, entrenches authoritarianism rather than liberating societies. Her message centers on dignity, de-escalation, and solidarity with ordinary people on all sides.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Sharmiin Meymandinejad, you have spent years working closely with marginalized communities in Iran. How do you describe the current repression of the Iranian people?

Sharmiin Meymandinejad: What we are witnessing is not merely the suppression of protests; it is the suppression of everyday life. When teachers, workers, women, students, and even children are met with fear instead of protection, this is no longer a political issue—it is a profound human rights crisis.

Jacobsen: Authorities justify these actions under the banner of “maintaining security.” How do you respond to that claim?

Meymandinejad: Security built on fear is not security. Genuine security is rooted in human dignity. When citizens are arrested, beaten, or killed for expressing pain or demanding basic rights, it reveals a state that fears its people rather than serves them.

Jacobsen: What impact has this repression had on Iranian society as a whole?

Meymandinejad: Repression destroys social trust. A society that is denied the right to speak slowly collapses from within. Violence does not only break bodies—it wounds the collective psyche of a nation, and those wounds are passed down through generations.

Jacobsen: What responsibility does the international community bear in this situation?

Meymandinejad: Silence is not neutrality; it is complicity. The people of Iran are not statistics. Every moment of inaction emboldens further repression. Genuine international responsibility means standing with the people—not bargaining over their suffering.

Jacobsen: What is your message to the people of Iran?

Meymandinejad: You are not alone, even when isolation is imposed upon you. History shows that no system sustained by repression endures forever. Human dignity cannot be crushed. The future belongs to those who continue to stand—for life, for truth, and for one another

Jacobsen: Sharmiin Meymandinejad, tensions between Iran and the United States are rising again. How serious do you believe the risk of war is?

Meymandinejad: Whenever diplomacy is sidelined and threats replace dialogue, the risk of war becomes real. But it is crucial to say this clearly: war is not the choice of the Iranian people, nor the American people. It is the outcome of political deadlocks and power calculations, and civilians always pay the price.

Jacobsen: If a war were to occur, what would be the most immediate impact on the people of Iran?

Meymandinejad: The Iranian people are already living under immense pressure. War would mean deeper poverty, the collapse of healthcare and education systems, internal displacement, and civilian casualties. For a society already wounded by sanctions and repression, war would be a multilayered humanitarian disaster.

Jacobsen: Some argue that war could weaken the ruling system in Iran. How do you respond to that view?

Meymandinejad: History shows that war rarely brings freedom. More often, it strengthens authoritarian control, legitimizes repression, and crushes civil society. Sustainable change comes from the will of the people—not from bombs or missiles.

Jacobsen: What would be the consequences of such a conflict for the region and the world?

Meymandinejad: A war between Iran and the United States would not remain contained. Regional destabilization, energy crises, new waves of refugees, and the expansion of proxy violence are likely outcomes. The world today needs de-escalation, not another devastating conflict.

Jacobsen: What role should the international community play in preventing this scenario?

Meymandinejad: The international community must distinguish clearly between governments and people. Targeted pressure, genuine support for human rights, and meaningful diplomatic channels are essential. Silence or support for war is a betrayal of peace and of civilians on both sides.

Jacobsen: Finally, what is your message to the people of Iran and the United States?

Meymandinejad: The real enemy of ordinary people is war itself, not one another. Iranians and Americans share the same hopes: safety, dignity, and a future without fear. Peace is not weakness—it is the only path that saves human lives.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Sharmiin.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Gayathri Narayanan on Suffering, Wisdom, and Inquiry: Who Becomes a Seeker?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Gayathri Narayanan is the founder and meditation teacher at Myndtree, where she integrates mindfulness, compassion, and wisdom teachings into modern life. Since 1995, she has explored contemplative traditions including Advaita Vedanta, Theravada, Zen, and Dzogchen Buddhism, grounding her work in both disciplined practice and everyday application. Formerly a leader in healthcare technology, she transitioned from corporate life to full-time teaching and service. Trained in mindfulness meditation with Jack Kornfield and Tara Brach, and in nonviolent parenting through Echo Parenting & Education, Gayathri brings a secular, inclusive approach to mindfulness, parenting, and well-being for individuals, families, and organizations.

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Gayathri Narayanan, founder of Myndtree, who is most likely to become a spiritual seeker. Drawing on the Bhagavad Gita, Narayanan outlines four types of seekers: those driven by suffering, intellectual curiosity, material desire, and the pursuit of wisdom. She explains how disillusionment with pleasure, early life catalysts, or a hunger for understanding can initiate the search. By contrast, non-seekers are not deficient, but simply content within everyday aims. Narayanan likens seeking to scientific inquiry, noting parallels between figures like Einstein and the Buddha, and emphasizes that wisdom-seeking—liberation through understanding—is held as the highest motivation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is semi-facetious and semi-serious: who is likely to be a seeker?

Gayathri Narayanan: Who is likely to be a seeker? There are different kinds of seekers. There is even a classification in the Bhagavad Gita. Some people come to this path because of suffering—because they experience loss and pain. That suffering brings up questions such as, “Why am I suffering?” “How can I be free of this?” “What is this world really about?”

When people become disillusioned with the constant pull toward pleasure-seeking—always chasing the next thing that promises happiness—they eventually notice that the pleasure fades quickly and dissatisfaction returns. At some point, that cycle loses its hold. People become disenchanted and make a kind of U-turn, asking more fundamental questions: “Who am I?” “What is all this?”

That is one group: people drawn to practice because of suffering (dukkha). Another group consists of seekers of knowledge—intellectually curious people. They may begin by reading about Advaita, attending talks, or encountering a teacher. Something resonates, and they feel drawn to go deeper through understanding and inquiry.

Another pathway, in my case, was accidental. I met my guru when I was eleven years old. There was some catalyst—something that set the process in motion.

As the Bhagavad Gita lays it out, some people are distressed or suffering and become seekers, and there are seekers of knowledge who are drawn through inquiry. Another group of people are seekers; some people seek comfort, success, wealth, and material security. They enter spiritual practice almost as a form of prayer to obtain something. Someone might think, “I do not have children and want a child so that I will do this ritual,” or “I want material success so that I will engage in this practice.” That is another motivation for seeking.

Then there are seekers of wisdom—people who want liberation through understanding. These are the four types of seekers described in the Bhagavad Gita. Krishna says that among them, the seeker of wisdom is his favourite. He explicitly praises the one who seeks through wisdom above the others. He does not specify a least favourite, but he clearly elevates the seeker of wisdom.

Jacobsen: Are there corresponding categories for those who are not seekers?

Narayanan: I think people who are not seekers are simply those who are caught up in the illusion of the world and are not particularly interested in questioning it. They want to live their lives, take care of daily responsibilities, and then live and die having done that. There is nothing wrong with that, and there is no judgment implied. Most of the world falls into that category.

People can live whole lives pursuing success, wealth, recognition, and stability. That is fine. But there is a subset of people who feel that this is not the whole story—that there is something more that requires investigation. They begin to ask more profound questions: “Who am I?” “Why am I here?” “What is this world?”

In that sense, it is not so different from the way a scientist approaches reality. If you read some of what Einstein said alongside the Buddha’s, you sometimes cannot tell who said what. I have a book called Einstein and Buddha that quotes both of them, and they are often pointing toward the same fundamental questions: What is the nature of consciousness? Who are we?

Many people feel drawn to these questions and become seekers.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Gayathri.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 39: Anthropic Principle, Cosmic Scale, and Why We Live in the Middle

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner explore whether the ratio between the observable universe and the smallest physical scales carries deeper significance. Rosner situates the question within the anthropic principle: observers necessarily arise in regions and eras compatible with simple life. Humans exist near an active star, within the universe’s luminous core, because complex or long-lived civilizations would occupy very different energetic regimes. Rosner extends this reasoning to human history itself, noting that the present era contains the largest concentration of humans who have ever lived, making it statistically unsurprising that we find ourselves “now.” The result is not cosmic centrality, but observational inevitability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When you look at those maps of the size of the observable universe, what we see—those structural, spatiotemporal limits—are bound by the speed of light. What we can observe is based on the apparent age of the universe, the speed of light, how far it can travel, and the expansion of space itself. But is there any importance to the ratio between the observable diameter of the universe and the smallest meaningful scales in physics?

Rick Rosner: People have noted.

Jacobsen: We are right in the middle of it.

Rosner: Yes, people have noted that there are evocative ratios that echo other ratios in physics—for example, in coupling strengths. There are these questions about why we are in the middle.

Jacobsen: Why are we in middle reality? Why are we in the middle of the universe’s magnitudes?

Rosner: For one thing, for life to exist—simple life like us—if you look at the possible ages of civilizations, human civilization is often said to have begun around 10,000 years ago. The universe is about 13.8 billion years old. Stars can burn for around 10 billion years.

It is possible to imagine civilizations that have existed for millions, or even hundreds of millions, of years. Compared to them, we would be young and simple. A civilization that has existed for 20 million years would be unimaginably complex by our standards.

But we are simple. We get essentially all of our energy from simple sources. All the energy on Earth ultimately comes from sunlight. It gets converted into other forms, but it is still sunlight.

Simple life emerges on a planet—a rocky body in orbit. We are very close to nature. We are not an engineered civilization of the far future. For us to exist in our simple form, we need to be part of the active center of the universe, orbiting an actively burning star.

So why are we in the center of the universe? Because of the anthropic principle: we necessarily find ourselves in a universe, and in a region of that universe, that is compatible with life. Otherwise, we would not be here.

The universe we observe is one in which life can exist. If there are many possible universes, we necessarily find ourselves in one that permits life. Likewise, if there are many possible locations within a universe from which observations could be made, we have to be observing from an active region—near a star—because without orbiting a star, we would not exist. That is why we are in the middle of things, in that sense.

There is also a demographic argument used to ask why we exist at this particular point in human history. Why are we not cavemen? Why are we not living during the Renaissance?

The argument—admittedly not a tight one—is that over the history of humanity there have been on the order of 110–120 billion humans, with roughly 8 billion alive now. If you sampled a human at random across all of human history, the present era represents the single largest concentration of humans. That makes it statistically more likely, compared to most earlier periods, that you would find yourself living now.

It is a somewhat wobbly argument. It does not necessarily imply that there will be fewer humans in the future. I do not know. But arguments of that kind exist.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 38: Information, Quantum Fuzziness, and the Hidden Architecture of the Universe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Scott Douglas Jacobsen revisits a long-standing idea with Rick Rosner, tracing it from an Errol Morris documentary to Rosner’s current thinking about information and cosmology. Rosner reflects on the proton–electron mass ratio as potentially non-arbitrary, speculating that it may encode something fundamental about the universe’s informational structure. He connects quantum fuzziness, mass, curvature, and collapsed matter to a broader picture in which much of the universe’s information is hidden in gravitationally dense regions tied to earlier cosmic eras. Framed explicitly as speculation, Rosner’s view treats particle precision as possibly emergent from the universe’s total informational budget.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I remember years ago, either before we met or when we first met—this was probably twelve years ago—I remember seeing, in the Errol Morris documentary First Person, that you mentioned how, when you had your desk-and-chair setup for thinking, you found the electron–proton mass ratio interesting with regard to the structure of the world. What do you mean by that now, after more thought, with regard to characterizing information?

Rick Rosner: I believe that quantum particles are described by wavefunctions, and that “fuzziness” (uncertainty in position and momentum, and characteristic quantum length scales) is typically tiny at everyday scales. In several important physical contexts, characteristic quantum length scales shrink as mass increases, which is one reason macroscopic objects look far less “quantum-fuzzy” than electrons do.

The proton–electron mass ratio is about 1836.152673…. My guess is that this number is not arbitrary—that, with the right mathematics, it could be derived from deeper theory rather than treated as a brute empirical input.

I believe that this ratio has something to do with the amount of information in the universe, and possibly with the amount of hidden information—probably the amount of hidden information. The age of the universe since the Big Bang is about 13.8 billion years.

Information exists in a context. The active, luminous universe includes on the order of hundreds of billions of galaxies, each with on the order of hundreds of billions of stars—often summarized as roughly 10²² stars in the observable universe—radiating enormous amounts of energy as light and other forms of radiation. If the universe is made of information, that active center consists of information that is largely consistent with the rest of the information in that active center. But there is other information in the universe that is not consistent with the current information.

It is old information contained in burnt-out galaxies on the fringes of the universe. That matter—these burnt-out galaxies—is largely gravitationally collapsed and located in a part of the universe with much greater curvature, which is also a gravitational property. We tend to think of that region as corresponding to the early universe.

When you look back, the farther away you look with a telescope, the earlier you see, because you are observing very old light that took billions of years to reach us. We think that the much more compressed, highly curved universe no longer exists in that form—that the universe, following the Big Bang, has continued to expand for about 13.8 billion years, spreading out so that the earlier tightness and curvature have diluted over time.

It looks like the surface of a balloon being inflated, except without a neck. What I am suggesting—speculatively—is that the “neck” still exists: that there is a part of the universe that remains highly curved and tightly compacted, and that all the collapsed matter in that tight region acts like tent pegs, keeping the active center of the universe open and highly defined. One possible indication of this highly defined nature of the universe might be the proton–electron mass ratio.

Now, I could be deluded or mistaken. The electron is treated in the Standard Model as a point particle. It has no known internal structure—just basic physical properties such as charge and spin. It is a point—technically a fuzzy point—but still a point. A proton, by contrast, has substantial internal structure.

It contains three valence quarks, along with gluons that mediate the strong force confining those quarks. There is a great deal happening inside every proton. So it is not as though, in a universe with no information or very little information, the mass ratio would be one-to-one.

I do think that—even if not specifically the proton–electron mass ratio, which I focused on somewhat naively—the precision with which particles in the universe are defined may be related to the total amount of information in the universe, including information hidden in collapsed matter from earlier eras of cosmic history.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Debra Bennet on Jewish Community, the Ethics of Belonging, and Building Inclusive “Third Spaces” at a JCC

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Debra Bennet is the Director of Jewish Life & Learning at the Mid Island Y JCC in Plainview, NY. Ordained in 2007, she has served as Rabbi Educator at Temple Beth Torah in Melville and Associate Rabbi at Temple Chaverim in Plainview, where she developed programs to engage teens and strengthen the Jewish community. Rabbi Bennet focuses on the ethics and practice of belonging, fostering dialogue across differences, navigating pastoral and communal challenges, and creating inclusive, connected communities in synagogues, schools, and Jewish organizations.

With Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Rabbi Debra Bennet explains that Jewish community is rooted in shared peoplehood, memory, and mutual responsibility. She highlights the minyan as an ethical safeguard against isolation, especially in grief, and frames belonging as a lived practice shaped by holidays, mitzvot, and the call to repair the world. In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, she describes how JCCs can unite diverse participants through multiple entry points and universal human needs. She discusses conflict as unmet needs, accountability through dialogue, teshuvah as repair, and digital Judaism’s paradox of access and disconnection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In Jewish thought, what makes a group of people a community? What are the ethics of belonging in Jewish traditions?

Rabbi Debra Bennet: In Jewish thought, community is at the center of our Jewish identity. We are not merely a religion defined by individual belief, but as “People”, a group bound by a shared history, a common culture, and a collective destiny. This transition from a collection of individuals into a true community occurs largely through our commitment to mutual responsibility.

We see this most clearly in the laws of the minyan: our tradition mandates that ten Jewish adults must be present to recite the Mourner’s Kaddish. This requirement ensures that a person in the depths of grief is never left to walk that path alone. Instead, they are surrounded by a community that cares for them and holds their pain.

This sense of belonging is further cemented by our shared past, which is woven into the fabric of our holidays. Whether we are reliving the exodus from Egypt on Passover, resisting oppression on Chanukah, or standing together at the foot of Mount Sinai on Shavuot, we experience these milestones not as historical footnotes, but as personal and collective memories.

Finally, a community is defined by its shared mission. To be part of the Jewish community is to be tasked with L’taken et Ha’olam, to repair the world. Through

The performance of mitzvot, the commandments, we move beyond ourselves to take active responsibility for the well-being of others, transforming a group of people, in our greatest moments, we pray, into a unified force for good.

Jacobsen: In a JCC setting, how do you build community across differences?

Bennet: Building community across differences requires a commitment to the idea that we can be a unified community without being a uniform one. In a JCC, we see individuals from a vast array of religious backgrounds, cultural perspectives, and life experiences entering our doors every day. To build a cohesive community among them, we must meet people exactly where they are.

This involves creating diverse ‘on-ramps’ for communal life. For some, the entry point is a secular one, like a fitness class or a parenting group, while for others, it is deeply spiritual, like a class on Jewish identity or an experience of a holiday. By providing these accessible entry points, we allow people to enter this community on their own terms and feel a sense of comfort and belonging wherever they are.

In addition, the key to building across these differences is to identify the universal threads within our Jewish values. We connect people through shared human experiences, including the desire for health, the education of children, or the need for support during aging. By focusing on these connections, the Mid Island Y JCC becomes a rare ‘third space’, where people who might never meet can build meaningful relationships based on mutual care and a shared sense of place.

Jacobsen: What are common rabbinical realities in navigating beneath community conflict? How do you design accountability, firm but non-punitive?

Bennet: In navigating community conflict, it is essential to recognize that conflict often reflects unmet needs or deep-seated fears. My approach to leadership in these moments centers on the power of the conversation itself, connecting with individuals and groups through curiosity rather than judgment. By facilitating honest dialogue, we allow individuals to feel heard, which is often the first step in de-escalating tension. The goal is to learn from others and arrive at new conclusions together. This mirrors the Jewish value of Machloket l’shem shamayim (dispute for the sake of heaven), where the objective is to reach a higher truth through the respectful discussion of different perspectives.

Jacobsen: What does repair look like in practice, individually and then communally?

Bennet: Human beings are fallible. We all make mistakes, and we all act in ways we later wish we could change. Rather than faulting this as a flaw, Judaism recognizes it as an essential part of the human experience. This is why Yom Kippur is one of our most sacred days; it is a communal acknowledgement that we have gone astray and a collective commitment to do better. In practice, repair, or Teshuvah, is the process of taking responsibility for our “missed marks” and actively working to realign ourselves with our values.

Individually, repair begins with an honest inventory of our actions, followed by a sincere effort to make amends to those we have hurt. It is not just about saying ‘I’m sorry,’ but about changing behaviour so when the same situation arises again, we choose a different path. Communally, repair looks like creating a culture of forgiveness and second chances. It means building a community that is strong enough to hold the mistakes of its members without casting them out. When we practice repair together, we move from a place of judgment to a place of grace, recognizing that our shared fallibility is what binds us most closely. We believe in the human capacity for change, and our communal structures should reflect that hope.

Jacobsen: How has digital Judaism changed the texture of belonging?

Bennet: The digital age presents a unique paradox for Jewish belonging. On one hand, technology can feel isolating, with individuals often more connected to their devices than to the people sitting beside them. In this landscape, the Jewish emphasis on physical, face-to-face community becomes a vital antidote to modern loneliness.

At the same time, digital Judaism has expanded our understanding of what belonging means by removing the barriers of geography and physical ability. Today, belonging is no longer confined to a single zip code. We see this when a loved one attends a funeral across the country via Zoom because they can no longer travel, or when millions of Jews tune into Shabbat services from their living rooms. Digital tools allow our most skilled teachers to reach students far beyond their own cities, democratizing Jewish wisdom.

While we must be careful not to let digital connection replace the intimacy of shared physical space, these tools have ensured that no Jew, regardless of their health, location, or mobility, ever must be truly outside the community.

Jacobsen: From teen and intergenerational work, what practices reliably turn participation into ownership?

Bennet: Ownership happens when we make individuals part of the story, showing them that the Jewish narrative is not just something they inherit, but something they are actively helping to create. In my experience with teen and intergenerational work, this transition occurs through agency and shared experience. Whether it is a group of teens exploring the complexities of Israel through deep, honest conversation, or grandparents and grandchildren learning together how to bring the ritual of Havdalah into their modern, diverse homes, the goal is to move from passive learning to active participants in their Jewish lives. The story is not our story; it is their story as well.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Debra.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

William Dempsey: Supporting LGBTQ+ Youth Mental Health, Safety, and Resilience

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

In this interview, William Dempsey, a Boston-based clinical social worker, discusses the persistent realities facing LGBTQ+ youth across generations. Speaking with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Dempsey explains how stigma, concealment, and family rejection contribute to elevated anxiety and depression, while housing insecurity and employment discrimination compound risk. He emphasizes affirming care, patient decision-making around gender exploration, and the importance of legal protections. Dempsey also highlights the loss of intergenerational queer spaces and argues for mentorship by queer elders as a stabilizing force, helping young people develop autonomy, resilience, and hope in the face of structural and social barriers.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Gay youth! They were here in the 1950s. They were here in the 2000s. They were here up to 2025. In fact, they are still here. So America’s gay youth factories are still working. The assembly lines are still productive. With regard to gay youth today, let’s not jump into what is wrong with youth today. Let’s focus on what issues they are facing today and how we can maybe help them develop autonomy, self-sufficiency, and resilience, in spite of some of the additional difficulties some of them are statistically more likely to experience than the norm.

Will Dempsey: I think it is important to remember that feeling like you cannot be out for who you are can bring about things like anxiety and depression. This is part of why LGBTQ+ youth report mental health challenges at higher rates than their cisgender and heterosexual counterparts.

Part of it is a continuation of trying to evolve society into a place that can be accepting of queer youth and instill in them that it is okay to be whoever you are, as cheesy as that may be. That can translate over to other populations as well; that is not limited to sexuality and gender. Who has not, at some point in their life, been embarrassed to share something about themselves that they thought they would be judged for? It is a lesson that we can instill in youth on a greater scale that is going to help queer youth specifically, but is still a great lesson for all kids to be aware of.

There are also the logistics: oftentimes kids might be kicked out of their homes, or experience housing instability, because of their sexuality or gender—especially in families that are strongly non-affirming, including some religious conservative families. Constantly trying to provide access to basic human rights—housing, food, et cetera—is always going to be important, not only to combat some of the aforementioned mental health challenges, but also safety. Practically, some queer youth—especially some trans youth who are homeless or housing-insecure—can end up in survival sex or other unsafe practices to survive and make sure that they have a place to live and sustain things like nutrition.

Having community activism in addition to legal protections, whatever those may look like, is going to ensure further safety for people. The last thing that I always encourage for the community at large, and I can start with queer youth, is having queer elders in some sort of mentorship program.

A lot of what we talk about is how, as the queer community has moved away from the bar scene, thanks to apps—where bars were typically big on cruising and now with apps, whether Grindr, Tinder, whatever they are called, Sniffies—Sniffies. You have that in Canada? Yes, it is available in Canada. It sounds like a moot. Sounds like sex. Imagine the headless torsos, but even more graphic. It is very right to the point.

The bar scene is dying. That is where a lot of younger gay men and other queer people would meet up with elders and learn from them. A lot of that art, in a way, is dissolved. And so, by continuing to have spaces in which up-and-coming queer folks can be speaking with those who have been in their shoes before them—especially, but not limited to, political persecution—it is helpful to be reminded that there is a proverbial light at the end of the tunnel and why we continue to advocate for equality.

Jacobsen: What is a typical gay young man who comes to you? What are the problems?

Dempsey: I think that the problems are typically the same. If we are talking from a sexuality lens, it is things like dating, or challenges around wanting to be who they are and feeling judged for it, which again is not limited to queer and trans youth. I think all of us at some point have felt judged by our peers at a young age, like middle school, high school. Challenges around dating and, being unsure how to ask someone out that you like—these things are all normalized. They are not unique to the community. Where it can become more specific is with challenges around dating related to logistics: not having other people who are out, not wanting to be the first one, or not being confident that your immediate circle—family, friends, religious community, or others—is going to be accepting of you for who you are.

We also have a lot of trans youth in our practice. Then the question often becomes: how do you want to explore your gender? Is it through clothing? Do you want to eventually start hormone replacement therapy at a certain age? What steps do you want to be taking? There is also a lot of education involved in trying to support youth around these questions.

Have you thought about whether, down the line, you might want biological children? There are considerations—such as, but not limited to, fertility preservation options like freezing eggs—before making certain gender-related medical decisions. That can be very difficult to think about when you are so young.

We try, as best we can, to help them navigate these decisions and remember that they are not decisions that have to be made now. That is also a common challenge for any of us as teens: that sense of impulsivity, wanting change now, wanting to grow up. There is a feeling many of us have experienced of being almost trapped under the authority of adults in our lives—teachers, parents, and others.

There is a desire to push out of that, but we also have to remind them that, like any decision, there are consequences. It is important to slow down and be intentional about what those look like for them. That is something we come across a lot, particularly with some of the medical decisions they may be considering.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Will.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Elena Sabry on Outages, Survival, and Human Dignity: Life in Kyiv Under Winter Strikes

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Elena Sabry is a Ukrainian-American executive career coach at Career Academy, based in Las Vegas. With family in Kyiv and constant contact with friends and colleagues in Ukraine, she follows the war’s daily realities through Ukrainian news, social media, and direct conversations. Sabry previously worked in Kyiv hospitality, including at the InterContinental Kyiv, and has lived abroad in the United Arab Emirates, sharpening her perspective on language, culture, and migration. Shaped by early economic hardship after her father died in 1992, she now helps clients build resilient careers and supports Ukrainian communities through advocacy, practical guidance, and storytelling during prolonged crises.

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Elena Sabry how Russia’s winter strikes on energy systems translate into daily constraints in Kyiv. Sabry describes cascading outages that cut off water, heat, transportation, and basic medical services, forcing apartment residents to climb stairs and go to clinics to ration generator power. She explains how unpredictability collapses planning into hour-by-hour survival: wash, cook, clean, and charge devices whenever electricity returns. Sabry adds that rail travel becomes a lifeline as airports close, and that displacement and workforce shortages intensify burdens on women, families, and pensioners. She argues that dignity includes the right to remain on one’s land.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, the current war in Ukraine—particularly in big cities like Kyiv—has involved heavy bombing with a focus on civilian or civilian core infrastructure: power, water, heating, mobility, and medical access. What are the most immediate daily life constraints that you are hearing about from family or colleagues?

Elena Sabry: Unfortunately, missile attacks and drone attacks are occurring during the coldest time of the year. Russia has repeatedly targeted Ukraine’s energy infrastructure since the full-scale invasion in 2022. The idea has been discussed openly in Russian political discourse—cutting Ukrainians off from basic services such as electricity and water.

Russia targets infrastructure during the coldest months of the year. Can you imagine waking up without water, unable to flush your toilet or make your coffee, and with the room cold? I live in Las Vegas. It’s 13 degrees today, and I was still heating my house—it was freezing. In Ukraine, they also have the shortest days of the year, so the nights are very long.

This also has psychological and emotional effects on Ukrainians because people need to walk up the stairs. In big cities, people live in apartment blocks. My mother lives on the ninth floor. My sister, a dentist at a polyclinic, works on the fifteenth floor. They need to run down. They need to go to work. My sister comes to the polyclinic, and it does not work. There is no electricity. She has patients, but she cannot see them because there is no electricity.

They have one generator, but it is not enough. International aid groups, including Rotary networks, have delivered generators and other supplies, but the need is far greater than what any single donation can cover. They use limited backup power for critical cases, because you cannot endure tooth pain. So she sits there and waits.

It gets dark at three or four. She comes back home and tries to manage. She has a battery or backup system, so she has some electricity. All houses have natural gas, and people are looking for ways to generate electricity. She can watch television for two or three hours even when the electricity goes out.

But not all families in Ukraine can afford this, because it costs hundreds of dollars. Think about pensioners whose pension is around $150 per month. They need to pay for heat and water. This makes life much harder.

In the 21st century, how can you live in a city when even buses and the metro are disrupted during outages? You are cut off from everyday life, sitting in darkness. This is not only physical damage—it is psychological pressure, meant to exhaust people and make them leave their homes, as many did in 2022.

Much of this is done deliberately to degrade basic services. Ukraine, by contrast, targets military objectives. They strike Russian military assets and fleets. They do not intentionally target civilian houses. If debris falls, it is usually from intercepted drones. Ukrainians have never deliberately targeted hospitals.

Hospitals and medical facilities in Ukraine have been hit repeatedly during the war, including well-documented missile strikes that international organizations have condemned. These are missile attacks, and missiles are exact weapons. This is not debris falling from drones. These are expensive, precision systems developed by many countries, and they are difficult to intercept.

These attacks are costly, yet they continue to target the power and electricity grid. Ukraine inherited a largely Soviet-era, centralized energy system, which makes cascading outages easier when key nodes are hit. Russia had access to detailed infrastructure knowledge and planned these attacks over time. Putin is trying to relive a Second World War he never experienced, creating this war to portray himself as a hero.

This is a fact: civilian targets are hit to cut people off from basic needs. You know Maslow’s pyramid? Ukrainians are now at the bottom of the pyramid—food, shelter, water. This is basic survival. People cannot plan. I was writing your answers, and I remembered this clearly. I even had a blog on Facebook, but I stopped because people in the comments told me, “We cannot plan what will happen tomorrow.”

They live day to day, sometimes not even week to week. They do not see a horizon. They are in survival mode.

Jacobsen: What does that do to people who are living there, or to those travelling there for humanitarian, human-rights, or other work? Does that narrowing of the time horizon apply to everyone?

Sabry: Yes. People have to act quickly. When there is electricity, you wash, you cook, you clean, you charge power banks.

You become more efficient, as my sister says. She runs up to the fifteenth floor. When there is electricity, she heats, she cooks. She cooks for a week ahead, so she only has to reheat food later, not cook like before. It forces them to move faster and plan differently. I do not know how they manage, but she still has patients, and they still come.

Her husband works for a pharmaceutical company, which is vital for Ukrainians. He is an IT director there. My nephew works at a hotel as a food and beverage supervisor. He is in charge of breakfast for guests. He works at the InterContinental Kyiv, a five-star hotel. They have foreign guests and media there.

You can see the BBC and CNN filming in front of St. Michael’s Cathedral, which is visible from the InterContinental. I worked there for years as well. People go to work. They do not sit and cry. They adapt their lifestyles to the conditions.

There is a lot of snow in Ukraine, and it can be very icy, making it hard to move. Many people fall. City authorities struggle because they lack sufficient staff or resources to properly clean the roads.

I was there a year ago and remember visiting my mother in Kyiv. We had a problem with the kitchen sink—the water would not drain. We called a handyman, a jack-of-all-trades. He told us, “I am in the army. I cannot help you.”

Ukraine has a serious demographic problem. In some villages, there are no men left. Women are fighting. Historically, the female population has been higher in Ukraine. During the First and Second World Wars, Ukraine suffered enormous losses. Nazi Germany occupied Ukraine for about three years, and entire villages were destroyed, including my mother’s village.

Now there is this war, and war, unfortunately, reduces the male population. Even when travelling through Warsaw, trains sometimes stop at the border due to power shortages. The rail system is the main lifeline.

Kyiv has two international airports, but they are closed. All civilian air travel is suspended. The only functioning lifeline in and out of the country is the railway. Prime ministers, heads of state, volunteers, families, and aid workers all travel by train.

Sometimes my sister was travelling, and she said they warned her about delays.

When travelling after COVID, mainly to or near Ukraine, you have to be very patient. Due to electricity shortages, transport schedules may change. Trains can be delayed. You need patience when you travel.

It is hard for older people because they lack stamina. It is hard for them to stand for long periods. I spoke with my mother’s friends who fled at the beginning of the war in 2022. Their family went to the Netherlands. The rail stations were overcrowded, and one woman had to stand for hours. It was tough for them because of their health.

That is why many pensioners and older adults want to stay home in Ukraine. I do not judge pensioners who remain near the front lines. Their house, their animals, their piece of land—this is everything they have. They have nowhere else to go.

Jacobsen: In most cultures, people put their equity into their land or their home. If their house is destroyed and they are 70 years old, their financial life is essentially over. They were born there. Their parents were born there.

Sabry: I coach people, and I see that many cannot survive or restart their lives elsewhere after living their entire lives in one village or one country. Even some young people from Kyiv did not leave because they love the city.

They know they have a job. They have a home. They are in their comfort zone. Starting somewhere else requires money, family, and support—or a spouse. Not everyone has that. That is why I hope this interview helps leaders understand that people have the right to live and die in their own homes. This is a human right.

Why should they be forced to go to Poland or America to search for a new life and become nobody there? At home, they are somebody. This land is theirs. Human dignity means the right to live and die on one’s own property.

I hope Putin will not try to turn Ukraine into a so-called “gray zone.” Let him create gray zones inside Russia, not in Ukraine. We have farmland. We have people. This is our land. We are not leaving it, and we are not going back.

Jacobsen: You mentioned many men being gone—having left the country, hiding, going to the front line, fighting, or dying. Each of those is its own story. What about the stories of women, where men are not there, or where there are very few men locally within Ukraine? For readers, it is essential to remember that Ukraine is the second-largest country in Europe.

Sabry: Between 7 and 9 million Ukrainians have been displaced—you would need to check the exact figures. That is roughly one-third of the population. Ukraine had about 38 million people before the war. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the population was around 42 million, but it had already been shrinking. Now about one-third is displaced.

Some left Ukraine with their companies or families and went abroad. Others relocated internally. But many people stayed—those who have jobs, who have elderly parents or relatives. My sister, for example, is 53. She is a doctor. She has her own practice and her patients.

Starting life in America is not simple. There was the United States’ “Uniting for Ukraine” program, similar to programs in Canada. But even with these programs, restarting a life from scratch is extremely difficult.

The doors were opened, and we were grateful that my mother could stay with us for a year. But for my sister and her husband, it is different. They have good jobs. She has her medical practice, her apartment, and her car. To start a similar life in America would take many years, and she does not have those years if she were in her twenties or thirties, yes. But when you are 45 or 53, it is much harder, especially with the language barrier.

Even I speak with an accent—you noticed it—and that is fine. I went to college to try to remove my accent, but they told me you cannot fully get rid of it. You were born and raised with it. Many experiences shape how you speak, how you live, and what you are exposed to. I am okay with that. At least I can say, write, and explain what I want. I work in America.

Language removes barriers. If you travel to Ukraine, learning Ukrainian will open many doors. I knew this in the Middle East when I lived in the United Arab Emirates. People told me, “Learn Arabic, and it will open doors,” and they were right. Unfortunately, not all Ukrainians who immigrate can do this easily. Immigration often means you will not have the same life you had in your home country.

Then there are elderly relatives, like my mother. My sister takes care of her. She visits her every week. She calls her. They go to the summer house. In Ukraine, many families have summer houses where they grow vegetables and fruit, because Ukraine is a farming country, at least historically. We have fertile soil; almost anything grows. It is often compared to the Nile in Egypt.

The parents of my sister’s husband also live in a summer house in a forested area. He needs to visit them, because how would they survive otherwise? They live on a minimal pension. Even if he sends them money, someone still needs to bring them food, talk to them, and take them to doctors.

We are the generation caring for aging parents. Even my mother, who is in her seventies and no longer works, feels better at home. Home matters. That is why people have the right to stay and live in their country, speak their language, and use their currency. Ukraine is an independent state.

Many Ukrainian women I know—people I worked with—joined the army or work in territorial defence, while still living and working in Kyiv. They go to their defence roles like a job. Some work with drones. Some do electronics. Some help wounded soldiers who return. My sister, as a doctor, can also be mobilized. She is in a later wave of eligibility for mobilization. She is a children’s dentist. When a child has severe tooth pain, it is unbearable. By treating them, she contributes to resilience and victory by easing people’s suffering.

I know many people working for Ukrainian foundations, refugee support programs, and initiatives for entrepreneurs. Veterans return from the front and need jobs. Ukraine does not currently have a job shortage. It has a workforce shortage.

Ukraine lacks people, but it does not lack will or resilience. Many countries supply and support Ukraine. Even smaller countries have helped by providing generators and equipment. Ukrainians will always be grateful for that—thankful to America, to presidents, to leadership. Without this support, Ukraine would not survive.

The reason I can visit my mother or call her in Kyiv is because of this international support. And because of people like you, telling these human stories and sharing authentic voices, people know the truth and not Russian propaganda aimed at destroying an independent state.

Many Ukrainian women and men volunteer constantly. Ukrainian communities donate. People go to warehouses to package aid. They fundraise for military brigades that need thermal clothing, equipment, and supplies. Families raise money to buy better helmets and protective gear for loved ones serving in the army. Ukraine has extreme seasons, including frigid winters, and proper equipment can be a matter of survival.

Ukraine has a transitional season—spring and autumn—when there is a lot of rain, and it becomes difficult for tanks to move. Then there is summer, which is green, warm, and sometimes very hot. Ukraine needs a lot of clothing. I lived in Dubai and did not need much at all. I hardly spent any money on clothes. But when you live in Canada, you know you need winter clothing. In some ways, it feels similar.

You need different types of clothes for other conditions. I have a large audience on Facebook and LinkedIn, mostly Ukrainians. Every day, my sister and her husband come home from work and donate. They listen to YouTubers and war observers who analyze events, including American and international press. Then a blogger raises money for drones and donates daily. What she earns, she gives toward drones. Pensioners donate. Children donate through schools. It has become the new normal.

Sometimes I see people I know posting that a friend from high school is serving and raising money for a pickup truck. I donate because I trust these people. This volunteer movement is part of the resistance. Ukrainians are not waiting for the government. The government is dealing with diplomacy and international meetings. People on the ground do their jobs and contribute to keeping the Ukrainian economy functioning.

I know a former editor of a lifestyle magazine. She left that work and said, “What lifestyle?” Before the war, she wrote about Ukrainian celebrities, awards, and entertainment. Her magazine covered topics like the most intelligent person, the most beautiful person, and the best singer. I worked in that industry because my hotel sponsored these events. During the war, I met her again. She is now working on television.

She told me that she and her children—her sons, who are now around 21 and therefore eligible for mobilization—decided to stay in Ukraine. They said, “If we leave, who will stay? Who will support the economy?” She understands that people need to work, spend money, and keep services running. Baristas need to make coffee. The metro needs to operate. If everything stops, who remains?

Almost everyone has relatives or friends who have died. People see it every day on Facebook. I know families personally who have lost someone. It is tough in the 21st century to go to work knowing this. I worked with an executive housekeeper, and later I spoke with a friend while opening a hotel in Europe. She reminded me that her husband had been killed in the war. She became a widow. Who helps these women?

My father died when I was 15, in 1992, just after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was an economic disaster. There were no goods in stores. You have probably seen films about the 1990s in Moscow and across the former Soviet bloc. The military pension my family received was about $100. That $100 supported my mother, who had lost her job because she did not know computers or English. I was 15. My sister was in medical school.

We lived on that pension until I was 21. My mother eventually found work. I went to university and found a job. But I remember the economic burden and how hard it was. When you are young, no one can help you. You are a minor and not even allowed to work. That experience shaped my career. It is why I became a career coach. I was driven to build a profession, earn money, and become independent. Even now, I help others because of that experience.

Economically, it is tough. That is why I always accept invitations to webinars supporting Ukrainian women entrepreneurs or to share knowledge about career development and entrepreneurship. Work gives hope. Without work, life becomes tough. Everyone needs a job because it gives purpose.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Elena.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Is This the Rights’ Fight? Wrong Turn on Right 5: Charlie Kirk Case, Prosecutor Disqualification, and Israel Debate

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Irina Tsukerman, a New York–Connecticut human rights and national security attorney, President of Scarab Rising and Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider. They examine the prosecution of Tyler Robinson, accused of killing Charlie Kirk at a Turning Point USA event at Utah Valley University on September 10, 2025. Tsukerman explains why a defence bid to disqualify Utah County prosecutors over a deputy attorney’s child at the rally turns on appearance, not proof, and why an early death-penalty notice is common leverage. They also debate Israel “friend” branding, extremist platforms, narrative drift, and media incentives in right-wing activism today.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: There has been a development in the case involving the killing of Charlie Kirk. The defendant is Tyler Robinson, a 22-year-old Utah man. Kirk was shot on September 10 at a Turning Point USA event on the Utah Valley University campus in Orem, and prosecutors have said they plan to seek the death penalty if Robinson is convicted.

The new issue is a defence motion seeking to disqualify the Utah County Attorney’s Office on the grounds of an alleged conflict of interest. The defence points to the fact that an adult child (reported as 18) of a deputy county attorney attended the event where Kirk was shot and exchanged texts with their parent—who works in the Utah County Attorney’s Office—about what was happening. The child’s name is redacted in court filings.

The defence argues this connection could create an appearance of bias. It raises questions about past and future prosecutorial decision-making and asks the court to remove the office from the case. Before we get into your broader analysis, a quick clarification: if prosecutors are disqualified, the case does not end; it would continue with a different prosecuting authority or team.

Irina Tsukerman: On the first issue—the alleged conflict of interest—I understand why the defence raised it, but the details matter. The connection is not that the prosecutor was personally involved; it is that a prosecutor’s child attended the event and communicated with the parent afterward. According to the report, the child was present but was not described as a key witness with unique or dispositive evidence central to the case.

That said, when there is a plausible appearance-of-impropriety argument, it can be prudent—at least as a policy matter—to consider recusal or reassignment to avoid prolonged litigation and predictable appeals built around perceived bias. That does not mean the prosecutor is incapable of acting reasonably; it is about insulating the case from credibility attacks.

On the second issue, seeking the death penalty early in a first-degree or aggravated murder case is not unusual in high-profile matters. It is often part of prosecutorial posture and leverage from the outset, rather than evidence of improper emotional decision-making.

Political pressure and public rhetoric often surround cases like this, but that reality alone does not establish impropriety. It is simply part of the environment in which courts operate, and counsel must manage it carefully to protect the integrity of the proceedings.

That has never been an argument against charging someone with the death penalty. Whether this particular case ultimately qualifies will depend on whether the facts meet the legal definition, which is for the prospective jury to decide if the case goes to trial. Those are determinations for the fact-finders.

If there are any abuses of process, it is for the judge to address them through appropriate motions and challenges. Prosecutors are otherwise fully entitled to pursue charges they believe are legally warranted. In fact, it would be surprising if they did not seek the death penalty in a case like this.

Jacobsen: The preliminary hearing is set to begin on May 18, 2026. The shooting occurred on September 10, 2025. First question: Is this amount of time typical in a public murder case involving a prominent figure? As a side note, Israel is reportedly considering honouring Charlie Kirk at a conference focused on combating antisemitism. What are your thoughts on that?

Tsukerman: On the first issue, it depends on the specifics of the case. In general, there is a preference for a speedy trial, which exists primarily to protect the defendant’s rights. If a defendant is held without bail, prolonged pretrial detention can impose high psychological, financial, social, and reputational costs. If a defendant is ultimately found not guilty, they would understandably prefer not to have spent an extended period in confinement and legal limbo.

That said, in dire cases—particularly where evidence points toward guilt—defence counsel will often pursue every available avenue to dismiss charges, reduce charges, or delay proceedings to present their case as effectively as possible. The same dynamic applies on the prosecution’s side. Prosecutors may also seek delays to strengthen their case with additional evidence and to avoid rushing under political or public pressure.

Both sides need adequate time to prepare, including time to respond to motions to dismiss, evidentiary challenges, and other procedural filings. As a result, high-profile cases almost inevitably become longer rather than shorter. There is pressure on both sides to gather as much supporting evidence as possible, identify eyewitnesses and character witnesses, and refine their legal narratives.

If the case proceeds to trial, it ultimately becomes a structured presentation aimed at persuading a jury. Each side must be as prepared and effective as possible, which means assembling the strongest evidentiary and argumentative record available.

Regarding the potential award or honour, there has been substantial pressure to portray Charlie Kirk as a strong ally of Israel and the Jewish community. Earlier in his career, Kirk articulated pro-Israel positions and challenged certain anti-Israel or antisemitic narratives using fact-based arguments.

The early years of his activism contributed to a more respectful and constructive dialogue about Israel. In many ways, that work helped expose and debunk fallacious and conspiratorial narratives.

That said, in later years—without implying that he anticipated his death—he became increasingly influenced by the narratives of more isolationist, America-first figures such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens. These figures played a significant role in supporting Turning Point USA, including through financial backing, political support, and the expansion and advancement of the organization.

These mentors and allies did not merely influence him for pragmatic career reasons, although the need for support and expansion clearly mattered. I also believe they influenced him psychologically. He appeared to adopt arguments that were far more critical of Israel and increasingly conspiratorial about Jews, particularly regarding claims about Jewish donors shaping political narratives and policy responses.

We saw evidence of this shift in some of the released text messages he sent to Marjorie Taylor Greene and others with whom he interacted. It was also evident in how he ran his organization, the kinds of people he engaged, and the issues he chose to emphasize. There was significant pressure on him to follow emerging trends within the MAGA movement that were explicitly anti-Israel.

At no point did he reach the level of rhetoric associated with Tucker Carlson or Candace Owens, but he was clearly trending in that direction. Whether this was primarily driven by practical considerations—such as audience capture and the need to cater to increasingly prominent segments of his base—or whether he genuinely came to believe these ideas because he was surrounded by people who reinforced them, effectively creating an echo chamber, is challenging to determine.

I reviewed his social media commentary and public statements from years before anti-Israel sentiment became more pronounced within parts of the Republican Party. Even then, it was apparent to me that he was not well-informed on many issues, did not pursue deep self-education, and tended to adopt sensationalist, conspiratorial claims fed to him from multiple directions because they were attention-grabbing. Limitations in critical-thinking skills made him particularly susceptible to these influences.

Given that pattern, it is not surprising that, with respect to Israel, these influences eventually began shaping his thinking more directly, leading him toward more conspiratorial and aggressive positions. Had he continued in that direction, we can only speculate about where it might have led.

Because he was so active in activism and social media commentary, it was nearly impossible for anyone to track every post he made consistently. As a result, many Israeli officials and supporters in Israel were likely unaware of shifts in his messaging, particularly in later years, or of changes within his organization until very late. Some continue to view him as the same friend of Israel he appeared to be early on and have been reluctant to take the implications of the released text messages or the broader trajectory of his rhetoric seriously.

Jacobsen: About the text messages and subsequent disclosures, as well as later conversations with Ben Shapiro and others, what do we actually mean by “friend of Israel”? Are we talking about support for the state itself, rather than automatic endorsement of any particular political leader? I think that distinction is central for many people.

Tsukerman: At a minimum, it seems to mean supporting Israel’s right to exist and its right to defend itself, as well as pushing back against conspiratorial, exaggerated narratives—particularly those coming from extremist groups. I do not think there was an expectation that he would necessarily be a strong supporter of Benjamin Netanyahu, for example. However, he increasingly began to conflate Netanyahu with Israel as a country. That conflation appears to have been driven by narratives that blurred Israel’s internal political decisions with broader questions of legitimacy.

There was also a growing conflation of American Jews with Israel and Israeli government policy, alongside stereotypes about “Jewish donors” who were, in reality, primarily American Jewish donors rather than Israeli ones. That slippage matters.

The problem was not that he became more critical of Israeli policies. I myself have become more critical of Israeli policies over time, particularly as Netanyahu extended his influence beyond traditional foreign policy into areas such as media narratives and institutional norms. Criticism of policy is not the issue.

The issue is that he began to fall for the very same narratives he initially set out to challenge. That is what I find most troubling, and it is something many of his early supporters either did not fully recognize or chose to overlook.

For a time, Kirk functioned as a contrast to Tucker Carlson. Carlson largely avoided debate, while Kirk embraced it, even when his views on Israel became more critical. However, the nature of those debates gradually became problematic. Many of his events began centring on foundational questions about Israel’s relationship with the United States, Israel’s right to exist, and Israel’s right to defend itself. These were no longer one issue among many—such as abortion, gun control, or free speech—but increasingly became focal points.

To use an analogy, this is like holding debates in a contemporary, human-rights-oriented, largely egalitarian society and starting from the premise of whether women should have the right to vote. Specific questions are settled foundations, not open propositions.

The same applies to statehood. Debating whether Israel should exist at all is not equivalent to debating specific policies. I have encountered similar rhetorical moves when people praise China while ignoring, for example, the historical annexation of Tibet. These conversations often rely on deliberate omissions and selective ignorance.

What follows from that kind of discourse is a challenge to legitimacy itself, rather than a substantive policy debate. That is the core problem. It mirrors debates over women’s rights, in which the legitimacy of equality itself is treated as negotiable rather than a settled moral and legal premise.

What is even more striking is that, while the United States has relationships with many different countries, Israel was effectively the only one whose legitimacy and right to self-defence were being debated. No one asked whether Kyrgyzstan should exist as a state. There was no discussion of the general tension between the right to self-determination and the territorial integrity of existing states. There was no examination of Russia’s backing of separatist movements in multiple countries.

There was also no sustained discussion about whether other U.S. allies are overly dependent on U.S. foreign assistance—Egypt, for example, which has been a major recipient of USAID while increasingly receiving substantial funding from China. There were no serious debates about whether continued U.S. funding is appropriate when a country is moving closer to U.S. adversaries. None of these issues were meaningfully raised as foreign policy questions.

Instead, the focus remained narrowly on Israel—its conflict with Gaza, its legitimacy, and whether the United States was excessively supportive. Other questions, such as whether Russia should exist in its current form, whether parts of it should be separated, whether Iran should exist in its current form, or whether China’s territorial integrity should be questioned, were not treated in the same way. Israel became a constant theme.

It is legitimate to ask questions about foreign policy relationships in general, but when only one country is consistently singled out, that becomes a fixation rather than a balanced debate. This was not a discussion of assorted U.S. foreign policy relationships. It was a recurring focus on Israel alone.

Equally concerning was the consistent decision to elevate the most extreme anti-Israel voices rather than mainstream critics of specific Israeli policies or of Netanyahu’s government. It is one thing to bring in scholars with differing visions of Israeli democracy or approaches to conflict resolution with the Palestinians. It is another to repeatedly platform figures like Marjorie Taylor Greene or Tucker Carlson as representative voices.

When those figures are treated as central interlocutors, serious questions arise. Why platform the most extreme positions rather than more mainstream perspectives? Why allow the Overton window of what is considered debatable to shift toward extremist framing?

For that reason, I am conflicted about the idea of honouring him posthumously as a straightforward supporter of Israel and the Jewish community. Had Israel chosen to recognize him earlier in his life, when he was at the height of his pro-Israel influence, that might have been more justifiable. However, when examining the totality of his political and activist legacy, he cannot be described in unambiguous or straightforward terms.

The individuals he later supported, the narratives promoted by his organization, and some of his own public statements made him, at best, a conflicted figure by the end of his life. That does not mean he never offered intelligent advice to Israel on public relations or outreach. However, I am not convinced that his later work meaningfully countered antisemitic stereotypes. In some cases, it may have reinforced them, whether intentionally or not.

Jacobsen: Thank you, as always. Take care.

Tsukerman: Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Blessing Platinum-Williams on Church Belonging, Family, and Accountability: Community as Sacrifice and Care

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Blessing Platinum-Williams is a London-based, self-taught software developer and the creator of Tonely AI, an “auto-reflect” keyboard for iOS and Android that surfaces the likely tone and intention behind a message as you type. Tonely aims to reduce everyday digital harm by prompting users to reconsider wording that may sound blunt, passive-aggressive, or manipulative. Privacy is a core design choice: Tonely runs tone detection on-device and, per its terms and privacy policy, does not upload or store your messages. She founded Tonely AI Ltd in Britain. She also has a law degree and a therapy-informed perspective on language for everyone.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Blessing Platinum-Williams, creator of Tonely AI, about Christian community as sacrificial, Acts-shaped responsibility rather than convenience. Platinum-Williams describes belonging as a church “showing up” in crisis—materially, emotionally, and spiritually—while acknowledging the limits and risks of human care. She honours family roles as service modeled by Jesus and emphasizes “spiritual covering” through elders who pray and counsel. For durable unity amid polarization, she prioritizes shared submission to Scripture over trends. When abuse occurs, she calls for immediate acknowledgement and removal from power, centering support for those harmed. She measures health by trust, vulnerability, and shared joy and grief.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In your tradition, what does community mean in a theological sense?

Blessing Platinum-Williams: When Paul spoke about the Acts church, he described a community that came together to support one another materially, spiritually and practically. It was not performative or convenient; it was sacrificial. People interceded for one another, shared what they had and took responsibility for each other’s wellbeing.

I witnessed this kind of community in a church I attended for over seven years. One woman, a single mother recovering from addiction, was trying desperately not to relapse. The church rallied around her. People contributed in different ways. I babysat while she attended night school; others gave time, resources and prayer. We prayed, fasted and supported her consistently.

Sadly, she later relapsed and lost custody of her children. When that happened, I had already left the church, but they reached out to warn me not to give her money. Unfortunately, the message came too late. I had already helped, not knowing she had relapsed. That experience stayed with me. It showed me both the beauty and the limits of human care, and the weight of responsibility that comes with community.

Jacobsen: What makes belonging meaningful in church life?

Platinum-Williams: Belonging becomes meaningful when you know the church will show up at your hardest moments, not just your best ones. I once read about a family whose home burned down. Their church didn’t just pray. They booked the family an Airbnb, and an affluent member offered them a home to stay in. They even placed family photos around the house so it would feel familiar and safe.

That kind of care cannot be forced. It comes from genuine love and attentiveness. It’s the difference between attendance and belonging.

Jacobsen: How does your community view the role of the mother and wife?

Platinum-Williams: In every faith community I’m actively part of, the role of a mother and wife is deeply honoured. Whether I’m leading prayer groups at my children’s school or organising my hiking group, service is viewed as strength, not limitation.

I consider it an honour to serve my husband and children, and I’m raising my children to love serving too. Scripture is clear: if you are called to lead, you must know how to serve. Jesus Himself washed the feet of His disciples. My family grounds me, and I’m deeply grateful for the role God has entrusted to me.

Jacobsen: How does the faith community view the role of family within community?

Platinum-Williams: The family you are born into and the family you gain along the way are both significant. I believe God places us in families for reasons that often only become clear later.

The family I was born into carries deep history, including spiritual challenges. I’ve prayed intentionally against generational patterns that do not align with God’s will. At the same time, I’ve been blessed with spiritual elders who fast for me, pray for me and counsel me. That kind of spiritual covering is an immense gift.

Jacobsen: What practices reliably build community beyond coffee and small groups?

Platinum-Williams: Prayer and intercession. When people intentionally pray into one another’s lives, change happens. Scripture tells us that when Peter was imprisoned, the church prayed fervently, and an angel freed him. Collective prayer moves things that conversation alone cannot.

I run a hiking group as an attempt to bring people together. I underestimated how much work community takes. When I considered shutting it down, I felt the Lord tell me that this was my church. People come carrying burdens. They need a listening ear. I pray into their situations, often quietly, and testimonies follow. They may not know I’m praying, but they know they are cared for.

Jacobsen: What helps congregations stay intact amid disagreement or polarisation?

Platinum-Williams: Staying grounded in Scripture rather than opinions, trends or culture. Unity doesn’t require uniformity, but it does require shared submission to God’s Word.

Jacobsen: What does a credible process look like when abuse occurs or trust collapses?

Platinum-Williams: First, the wrong must be acknowledged. Silence protects harm. Those responsible must be removed from positions of power immediately to prevent further damage. Only then can healing begin. Prayer, accountability and support for those harmed must be prioritised.

Jacobsen: How do you measure a healthy community?

Platinum-Williams: Trust. Vulnerability. Shared joy and shared grief. A healthy community celebrates together, carries one another’s burdens and creates space where people can be honest without fear.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Blessing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Richard Kannwischer on Christian Community in a Digital Age: Koinonia and the Ethics of Belonging

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Dr. Richard Kannwischer is Senior Pastor of Peachtree Presbyterian Church and has served more than 25 years in pastoral ministry. He earned a Master of Divinity from Princeton Theological Seminary and a Doctor of Ministry from Fuller Theological Seminary. A gifted communicator, he is passionate about helping people see how the story of God speaks with clarity, depth, and relevance to everyday life. His preaching and writing blend theological rigor with storytelling, making complex truths accessible and engaging. Whether in the pulpit, on the page, or in conversation, he invites audiences into practical, life-giving Christian faith for seekers and believers.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Richard Kannwischer, Senior Pastor of Peachtree Presbyterian Church, about “community” as koinonia—togetherness for a shared purpose rather than mere socializing. Dr. Kannwischer argues that a “friendship recession” is intensified by radical individualism and digitally curated selfhood, making humility and willingness to be formed essential to belonging. He warns churches against culture-war “candy” that unites through outrage but cannot last. He distinguishes forgiveness (a commanded, internal release) from reconciliation (mutual), frames discipline as mercy, and calls digital church an augmentation, not a substitute for embodied life together.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In your tradition, what is “community” theologically?

Dr. Richard Kannwischer: We’re in the midst of a friendship recession, in the midst of a community deficit. We find ourselves more insulated and isolated than ever before. The biblical notion of community is not just fellowship for the sake of hanging out. The biblical notion of community is the word “Koinonia”, and it is togetherness for a common purpose. It’s working together. God has called us as a church, as a community to be together, to be working with one another in partnering with him for his kingdom. Community at church is not just having a coffee shop, it is not just that you know some people, it is actually that you are in a fellowship to serve a higher purpose.

Jacobsen: What are the ethics of belonging in a Christian community?

Kannwischer: Belonging in a community requires living in a particular kind of way. One of the reasons we find ourselves in a friendship recession, a community deficit is the fact that people don’t live for anything more than themselves. There is a thinker by the name of Yuval Levin who says that we used to go to our organizations like a church, like a community and we see them as formative. Now we just see them as performative, using these organizations in order for us to have our own form of self-expression. So, the ethics of community to me are, it starts with the humility of I’m willing to be formed by this community. The community doesn’t exist for me as much as I exist in order to be part of the larger movement and in that larger community. It’s that adage” if you want to have a friend, you have to be a friend, and so, if ethics says, “what does it take for me to be a friend so that I might earn the right to have a friend” that’s probably where it starts.

Jacobsen: What pastoral realities threaten genuine community?

Kannwischer: The technology of today is 100% the greatest threat. Not the tech itself but the way the tech is organized in trying to be able to have us experience a curated reality that is all built on self. One of the things I say in my book Cultivate: you can’t grow the fruit of the spirit in the soil of selfishness. It’s just not possible to be able to do that. For us to be able to push back against the radical individualism where we think that all of reality is catered toward us.

Jacobsen: How should a church practice community without collapsing into culture-war captivity?

Kannwischer: The fastest way to get a church together is to become an echo chamber for the political right or the political left. It gets to the question of what “unites you?” Is it collective outrage on a particular policy or against a particular politician? Is it anger? The danger with that is, it’s like candy. It’s doesn’t nourish you, but it tastes really good in the short run. I think it was T.S. Eliot that says, “those who marry the spirit of the age will find themselves a widow in the next.” So, if you tie your community to a particular candidate, a particular ideology, issue or party your community will only exist for a short period of time because it’s not built on anything that lasts.

Jacobsen: When does belonging become coercive?

Kannwischer: I grew up in Waco, Texas which was famous before Chip and Joanna for the Branch Davidians cult. The buildings of my high school were actually built by the Branch Davidians before they moved further down the road. So, I grew up each and every day going to a school with a physical reminder of manipulative or kind of toxic belonging. I would say that manipulative, coercive, toxic belonging is based on a lie. I love how Max Lucado says that an untruth, leads to a false narrative, that leads to an overreaction. That’s what we see constantly, not just in a cult movement like the Branch Davidians but we see it in all kinds of different arenas of life where belonging has become to a point where its manipulative and coercive.

Jacobsen: What is the purpose of church discipline in a healthy community?

Kannwischer: I’m sure there are churches that would be different but my experience in church, the churches I’ve been a part of there is way too much artificial harmony. We just don’t put up with anything. One of the liabilities of American Christianity is anybody who gets pushed too hard on their preferences or their lifestyle or the way they see things. They just move to another church. I would say functionally in a lot of ways in American Christianity church discipline is impossible because of the consumerism and the way that people bring that lens to it. I’m all for productive conflict, the right type of connection however kindness leads to repentance. It can’t be the kind of thing where its combative and confrontational. Our constitution in the Presbyterian church reminds me in the opening on discipline says this: it is a dispensation of God’s mercy, not his wrath. That is what discipline needs to be. It’s not punishment, it’s mercy.

Jacobsen: How do you distinguish forgiveness from reconciliation in communal life?

Kannwischer: I can forgive someone without reconciling with them because forgiveness is in the heart, soul and in the mind. It’s between me and God. Forgiveness is being willing to forego your right to get back at someone and you genuinely have to let it go where you’re no longer hanging it about their head. Reconciliation is always a two-way street. Forgiveness is always commanded. It is always for your benefit, not just for theirs. Jesus commands that we forgive, there’s just no wiggle room to live the life in the kingdom and live with resentment. It doesn’t belong. There is no place for revenge in God’s kingdom. Reconciliation might not always be possible, it’s something that would be beneficial if it’s a two-way street, but it takes both parties to be willing to reconcile. I have to push people beyond their comfort zone, beyond their preferences to say hey you might not want this, but you really need to work towards being a reconciled people. In the end God is in the reconciling business and enemies become friends because of what Christ has done.

Jacobsen: What does digital church do poorly?

Kannwischer: Digital church is really good augmentation; it is a very poor substitution. It does not say for God so loved the world that he tweeted or for God so loved the world that he sent a video. The nature of ministry is incarnation, and we have to follow the embodiment of God choosing to be nearby. The reason people like digital churches are because it’s convenient and demands less of us. If you’re on vacation or sick, it’s great to be able to stay connected to your church. Or if you’re in a remote area and don’t have a choice. There are limitations and exceptions but for a lot of us digital church is a crutch, and we need the inconvenience and messiness of seeing one another, loving one another. I have a friend who got really estranged from church for a period of time and she said she didn’t want to go to church anymore. She just wanted to watch church until she realized that what God convicted her of was, I need to go to church with the lens of God, show me someone that I can love today. That’s a huge shift from what am I going to get out of it, how much effort is this going to take? I’m going to church because there might be somebody there for me to love.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and the time, Richard.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Wesley Farnsworth: On Authentic Christian Community with Evidence, Human Rights, and Critical Thinking

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Wesley Farnsworth is an author, speaker, and communications professional whose work centers on faith, transformation, and the formation of authentic Christian community. With more than 16 years of experience in visual storytelling, branding, and digital communication—including service in military public affairs—he helps individuals, churches, and nonprofits communicate with clarity, integrity, and purpose.

Wesley speaks and consults on recovery-informed ministry, mental and emotional health, authenticity and vulnerability, church communications, nonprofit development, and creative strategy. He is the author of The Blueprint of Becoming: A Practical Guide to Faith, Failure, and Finding Your Way Forward, and hosts the podcast Unmasked with Wesley Farnsworth, where he facilitates honest conversations about identity, healing, and the freedom found in living truthfully before God and others.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Farnsworth about building a public life around evidence rather than vibes. They trace Farnsworth’s path into critical thinking, the mentors and books that mattered, and the common cognitive traps that make smart people believe weird things. The conversation turns to human rights: why free expression, secular governance, and scientific literacy reinforce one another, and how misinformation corrodes democratic problem-solving. Farnsworth offers practical advice for readers—how to check claims, argue without dehumanizing, and stay curious when certainty feels comforting. The interview closes on cautious optimism and concrete next steps for communities, classrooms, newsrooms, and conversations alike.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does Christian theology define as a human being’s core?

Wesley Farnsworth: At the heart of Christian theology, a human being is defined not by productivity, autonomy, or moral performance, but by being created in the image of God. This means our core identity is relational before it is functional—we are made to know God, to be known by Him, and to reflect His character in relationship with others. Sin distorts this image, but it does not erase it; redemption restores and reshapes it. From a Christian perspective, the human core is not self-constructed but received, grounded in belonging before behavior.

Jacobsen: How does this core relate to the definition of a Christian community?

Farnsworth: If humans are fundamentally relational image-bearers, then Christian community is not optional—it is essential. The church exists as a living body, not a collection of isolated individuals pursuing parallel spiritual goals. Community becomes the environment where identity is affirmed, formation happens, and faith is both professed and practiced. A Christian community reflects God’s relational nature by creating space for mutual care, accountability, confession, and growth.

Jacobsen: Can there be confusion in church community between mere attendance and active participatory communal life?

Farnsworth: Absolutely. One of the most common confusions in modern church life is equating presence with participation. Attendance can be passive, but true community requires engagement. A healthy Christian community invites people not just to observe but to contribute—to serve, to be known, and to take responsibility for one another. These should be genuine “iron sharpens iron” relationships. Without intentional pathways toward participation, churches risk cultivating consumers rather than disciples.

Jacobsen: What pastoral realities threaten a healthy community?

Farnsworth: Several realities consistently threaten communal health: unresolved conflict, unaddressed power imbalances, burnout among leaders, and a culture that rewards appearance over honesty. Additionally, when churches lack clear values around vulnerability and accountability, people either overshare without wisdom or hide entirely. Fear of conflict, decline, and discomfort often prevents the conversations that sustain long-term communal health.

Jacobsen: How should a Christian community think about boundaries?

Farnsworth: Boundaries are not unloving; they are an expression of love ordered by wisdom. Healthy boundaries protect people, clarify roles, and create safety for growth. Boundaries acknowledge human limitation and the need for trust to be built over time. A Christian community should view boundaries not as barriers to grace, but as structures that allow grace to be experienced without harm.

Jacobsen: What is a theologically defensible model of discipline that is restorative?

Farnsworth: Restorative discipline begins with the goal of reconciliation rather than punishment. Biblically, discipline is meant to call someone back into alignment with truth and community, not to exclude them permanently. A defensible model includes clarity about expectations, proportional response, due process, and a clear pathway toward restoration. Without relationship, discipline often feels like punishment; within relationship, it can become a difficult but necessary path toward healing and renewed trust.

Jacobsen: What does repair require after harm?

Farnsworth: Repair requires truth, time, and shared responsibility. It begins with honest acknowledgment of harm, not defensiveness or minimization. Forgiveness may be offered, but trust must be rebuilt through consistent action. Communities must resist the urge to rush reconciliation without repentance or to demand silence for the sake of unity. True repair honors both justice and mercy.

Jacobsen: How can communities make room for testimony without oversharing or turning vulnerability into a moralistic performance?

Farnsworth: Testimony is meant to point toward God’s faithfulness, not put the storyteller at the center. Healthy communities create guidelines that honor privacy, consent, and context. Vulnerability should serve formation, not spectacle. Leaders play a key role in modeling restraint—showing that it’s possible to be honest without being explicit, and transparent without performing pain. When testimony is framed as witness rather than exhibition, it builds faith instead of pressure.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Wesley.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Sam Adeyemi on Belonging, Discipline, and Restoration: Theology of Community in Christianity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Dr. Sam Adeyemi is an Atlanta-based CEO, executive coach, and author who leads Sam Adeyemi, GLC, Inc. He founded and serves as executive director of Daystar Leadership Academy, whose programs have graduated 45,000+ alumni. With a large social-media following, he delivers leadership and organizational-growth guidance to executives worldwide. Adeyemi earned a Doctorate in Strategic Leadership from Regent University and belongs to the International Leadership Association. His books include Dear Leader: Your Flagship Guide to Successful Leadership and SHIFTS. He also cofounded Daystar Christian Centre in Lagos, Nigeria, where he is Senior Pastor. He lives in Atlanta with his wife, Nike.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Sam Adeyemi about “community” as a theological reality: believers bound to God and one another through the Holy Spirit. Dr. Adeyemi frames Christian belonging as love expressed through mutual respect, support, and spiritual growth. He argues congregational community forms when purpose, identity, shared values, rituals, regular interaction, and clear leadership create order. On difference, he emphasizes teaching impartial divine love, cultivating identity in Christ, cross-cultural humility, and diverse leadership. He describes discipline as restorative correction, not vindictive escalation, and says repentance requires admitting wrong, prioritizing victims’ healing, restitution, and stopping harmful practices.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When you use the word “community,” what do you mean theologically?

Dr. Sam Adeyemi: Community, theologically, means a group of believers who share a relationship with God and with one another, through the power of the Holy Spirit.

Jacobsen: What are the ethics of belonging in a Christian community?

Adeyemi: The ethics of belonging to a Christian community rest on the foundation of love. They include mutual respect, mutual support and spiritual growth.

Jacobsen: What turns a random local crowd into a congregational community?

Adeyemi: A random local crowd becomes a congregational community when it creates order. This includes establishing a common purpose, identity and shared values, establishing rituals and interacting regularly, and establishing a clear structure with leadership.

Jacobsen: How should churches build community across real differences?

Adeyemi: Churches can build community across real differences by teaching on God’s impartial nature of love, fostering a common identity in Christ, encouraging cross-learning across cultures with humility, and intentionally demonstrating diversity in the leadership.

Jacobsen: What does healthy church discipline look like?

Adeyemi: Healthy church discipline begins with sound biblical teachings and continues into taking corrective measures where necessary. Corrective measures begin with confronting individuals and then escalating where necessary in line with established procedures. The aim is restoration and not vindictiveness. It should be done in humility.

Jacobsen: When a community harms someone, what does repentance and restoration require?

Adeyemi: When a church community harms someone, repentance and restoration require the admission of wrongs to the individual or the community depending on the situation, focusing on the healing and wellbeing of the victim, making restitution if needed, and ensuring the behavior or practice that created the situation is stopped.

Jacobsen: What pastoral realities distort community life?

Adeyemi: Pastoral realities that distort community life arise from personal failure (sexual immorality or financial indiscretions), poor management and leadership skills (lack of delegation and poor conflict management) and cultural shifts within the church and in the society.

Jacobsen: How can online spaces genuinely help the churches?

Adeyemi: Online spaces can help churches to increase the effectiveness of their local and global outreach efforts, improve the effectiveness of their discipleship programs, increase the effectiveness of their internal and external communications, and improve the efficiency of their operations.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Sam.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Shlomo Slatkin, M.S., LCPC on Imago Dialogue, Repair, and Relationship Safety

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Shlomo Slatkin, M.S., LCPC, is founder and therapist at The Marriage Restoration Project in the Baltimore area. An ordained rabbi and Certified Imago Relationship Therapist and workshop presenter, he guides couples through intensives, retreats, and counseling aimed at restoring safety, communication, and connection after conflict or crisis. He holds a master’s in Counseling Psychology from Loyola University Maryland and trained with the Imago Relationship Institute. Slatkin earned a B.A. in Middle Eastern Studies, with undergraduate study at George Washington University and Oxford, and authored The Five Step Action Plan to a Happy & Healthy Marriage. He also co-edited curricula.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Shlomo Slatkin, M.S., LCPC, founder of The Marriage Restoration Project, about belonging in marriage as a cornerstone of communal health. Slatkin argues that strong marriages reduce strain on community resources and create a “ripple effect” that benefits the next generation. He distinguishes unity from suffocating conformity, emphasizing standards with room for individuality. Slatkin explains structured Imago dialogue—mirroring, validation, and empathy—as a method to slow reactivity and restore safety. He frames repair through the Jewish t’shuva process: accountability, apology, changed action, and renewed connection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Community is a network of relationships. What is belonging in a marriage within the context of a larger community?

Rabbi Shlomo Slatkin: Strong marriages create strong community. Couples that are healthy can better give back to the community. Couples that are struggling will not only be limited in what they can offer, but could also be a drain on community resources. When everyone creates peace in their home, it has a spiritual ripple effect on the community. It serves as a good model for others, especially the next generation so that the community at large is healthier when children grow up in healthy homes. Otherwise, dysfunctional marriages lead to dysfunctional children who bring their dysfunction into the community. A lot of people are in need of healing and it all starts from the primary marital relationship.

Jacobsen: Is there sufficient theological distinction between unity in community and conformity in community when striving for belonging?

Slatkin: Not sure I understand your question. Unity means accepting other people’s differences and embracing them instead of viewing them as separate. There are certain community standards that some communities need to preserve, but within that there is room for individuality and acceptance. A community can not function together if there are no standards. It is also can be suffocating when everyone is excected to conform.

Jacobsen: What is structured Imago dialogue and its process of slowing reactivity so people can feel heard?

Slatkin: Dialogue is a process where one person talks and the other one listens and does not respond; rather they mirror back by reflecting as close to verbatim as possible the message they received. This forces the listener to focus on what is being said as opposed to their response. It allows them to calm down and not react and it allows the person sharing to feel heard. There is also a place to validate the sender’s share by letting them know they make sense and empathizing with the emotional experience they are going through. It is a truly effective process.

Jacobsen: Jewish communities can tend to avoid conflict.This can be avoidance in one sense and disengagement in another.

Slatkin: It is praiseworthy to seek peace and not quarrel. At the same time, the hard issues need to be faced in a private and respectful way through dialogue with all parties involved. Running away from problems or sweeping them under the rug just delays the issue and causes more damage. We should be aware that there are things being dealt with behind closed doors by community leaders and we are not always aware of that, so don’t be too quick to judge a community.

Jacobsen: The goal of marriage is not a consensus. It is a relationship. Practically, what does “staying in relationship” look like?

Slatkin: Staying in relationship means making space for two perspectives and learning how to remain connected even if there are differences.

Jacobsen: Accountability, conflict, and repair: what is a repair protocol for a couple, and for a congregation?

Slatkin: The repair process mirrors the t’shuva process, being accountable by admitting one’s mistakes and apologizing, resolving not to repeat the same mistakes, and taking new actions to gift the relationship moving forward. This process can be done between a person and G-d, between a couple, and between a congregation. It is always possible to repair and change.

Jacobsen: Big problems in relationships: Contempt, defensiveness, escalation, and withdrawal. Are these patterns that manifest in the community, too?

Slatkin: These are all human problems and while they may show up in a marriage, they can also show up in community relationships. These are all defense mechanisms to protect us from pain. The brain’s primariy need is to keep us alive. If the brain experiences danger, it will alert us and we will do whatever we need to protect ourselves, even at the expense of others. These big problems in relationships are a manifestation of lack of safety. When things feel drastic, we take drastic measures.

Jacobsen: How do you teach curiosity about others in community, so everyone maintains something like a healthy balance between humility and active attentive engagement?

Slatkin: We can teach curiosity by encouraging members to take interest in others, to learn more about each other’s stories. While things may appear one way on the surface, there is usually much more beneath that would shed light on behaviors. Learn to ask questions, enagage others, and you will get to know them in a much deeper way.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Shlomo.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Rabbi Ilan Glazer on the Ethics of Belonging, Conflict, and Community in Jewish Life

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Rabbi Ilan Glazer is a Jewish clergy leader whose work centers on community, ethics, and ritual life. He has served in congregational settings, including a synagogue in Memphis, Tennessee, and has also worked in non-congregational rabbinic roles. Drawing on experience in Israel and the United States, he reflects on how communities balance welcome and boundaries, manage conflict, and build accountability. Glazer speaks candidly about power dynamics, professional burnout, and the pressures of constant digital access. He emphasizes Shabbat as an anchor of Jewish time and highlights b’tzelem Elohim as a guiding ethic of human dignity in contemporary synagogue life today.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rabbi Ilan Glazer on the ethics of belonging in Jewish life. Glazer describes religion’s core tension: welcoming all while maintaining communal norms. He argues healthy communities require humility, room for disagreement, and relationships strong enough to survive polarizing issues such as Israel, antisemitism, and politics. They discuss accountability, rabbinic ethics, and safeguards against abuses of power, alongside structural pressures on clergy: board dynamics, constant digital access, and burnout amid rabbinic shortages. Glazer also explores ritual joy—Passover, Yom Kippur, Shabbat meals—and closes with b’tzelem Elohim as a mandate for dignity and a vision of shared Jewish time.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the ethics of belonging in your tradition?

Rabbi Ilan Glazer: The first thing I will say is that it depends on whom you ask and which part of the Jewish world you are referring to. Every religion has a conflict at its core. On one hand, everybody is welcome to pray, love, worship, and connect with us. We want to be a broad tent and attractive to everyone. On the other hand, every religion and every denomination also has to say, “This is how we do things.” And if you are not going to do things this way, then maybe this is not the right place for you.

There is always tension around how wide our doors should be. Every community has to ask: What are our core values? Are we trying to get everyone to share those values? Are we actively trying to spread them outward, or are we willing to hold them more loosely to bring more people in?

This tension makes it difficult to create communities where people feel welcome, even when they do not agree with one another. In today’s Jewish world, talking about Israel can divide communities. Talking about antisemitism and politics can do the same. We end up with too many communities where everyone thinks alike, or where those who disagree remain silent because they know it is not worth speaking up. I think that is very unhealthy for our communities.

Ultimately, the Torah teaches that it is not good for a person to be alone (Genesis 2:18), and there is tremendous value in community. The challenge is how to live in community without losing our values or driving one another crazy. This is a question we have been wrestling with for thousands of years, and I expect we will continue to do so.

Jacobsen: How do you handle inter-community conflict when ideological differences are profound, whether immediate or long-standing, and how do you reduce tension?

Glazer: Everything is situational. It depends on what the conflict is about, who is involved, and what my relationship is with the people in question. It also depends on whether I am the person they want to help resolve the conflict. Wherever possible, it is our responsibility to calm the waters and remind people that everyone makes mistakes, everyone is human, and everyone struggles.

It is acceptable to struggle differently. That does not make someone a bad person. It does not mean they hate you. It means they have a different answer to the same difficult question. I try to normalize healthy disagreement. I tell people that they do not have to agree with every sermon or every teaching I give. In fact, I may disagree with something I said a few weeks earlier.

I model humility in intellectual life because when we believe we know everything, there is no room for learning. My goal is to create a community where people can learn and grow together. That requires acknowledging that we do not have all the answers. It needs saying, “That is an interesting perspective. Tell me how you arrived there.” Let me explain how I arrived at my view, and let us see where we overlap and where we differ.

The world would be a much better place if we were more humble. It is very easy to tear someone down, end a friendship, or say, “I no longer belong here.” It is much harder to build community and belonging. But when we do that work, we feel more connected.

That is what most people want: a community that feels like home, where people know us, and where we know that, no matter what, these are our people.

I think most of our communities can do a better job of this—my own included.

Jacobsen: Part of being in community is that everyone gets to know each other very well, sometimes more than is comfortable for some people. Embedded in that kind of intersubjective agreement is accountability. Will someone follow through on a task? Will they do what they say they will do? If they make a mistake, do they own it—whether they are leaders or members of the community? That raises questions about what accountability looks like for leaders and for members, according to religious ethics and communal standards.

Glazer: There has been a great deal of conversation over the last several years around rabbinic ethics and behaviour. In the Jewish community, this has surfaced most prominently around sexual ethics and violations of what people consider appropriate rabbinic conduct—and, in some cases, conduct that is clearly illegal. Unfortunately, there have been too many cases in which individuals have been charged, arrested, and prosecuted for criminal sexual abuse, not only of minors but also of adults. That behaviour must be addressed directly, and we need to think much more carefully about how to prevent it in the first place by implementing stronger safeguards.

That has been one central area of conversation in the Jewish world in recent years. Another ongoing discussion concerns what we actually mean by “ethics.” I raise this because I am on many rabbinic listservs, and even discussions around Israel have become deeply polarizing. Many social justice–oriented activists want to frame everything as an ethical issue. Countless rabbinic petitions are circulating, and if you sign one, you are assumed to be against another. People become very agitated over who signs which petitions.

My response has been to sign almost none of them. Many are performative rather than practical, and they often do little actual good. They are also highly polarizing, and I do not want to provide ammunition for people to label me as “for” or “against” something based on a signature.

The fact that even speaking about Israel has become so polarizing is itself telling. Of course, Israel is an ethical issue for many of us. But the discourse around it has become so ethically degraded that it is increasingly complex for people to act ethically in public without facing intense backlash.

We are living in complicated times. Seminaries, in my view, have not always done an adequate job of teaching about power dynamics, confidentiality, and how rabbis and congregants can become messily entangled. This can lead to unhealthy relationships between rabbis and synagogue boards.

There is also a structural challenge. Unlike much of the Christian world, rabbis are typically free agents from a contractual standpoint. We negotiate our own contracts unless we hire someone to do so. We report directly to synagogue boards, and many members feel that because they pay dues, they are the rabbi’s employer. On some level, that is true—and it can get strange.

I do not think any community has fully figured out how to address this well. There are inherent tensions, and community building is messy. Rabbis are people like everyone else. We make mistakes. We say the wrong thing. We do foolish things at times.

It is a hard job to be a congregational rabbi, and it is a hard job to be a non-congregational rabbi. I have done both, and I am doing both now. There are many projections placed onto rabbis, as is true for clergy in other faith traditions as well.

I had a congregant recently who wanted something urgently. They sent me an email on Friday at four o’clock. The Sabbath begins at 4:30. I was preparing for Shabbat and was not checking email. I then saw them at services and again the next morning at the synagogue, and they asked why I had not responded to their email. I said, “You emailed me at four o’clock on Friday. Shabbat began at 4:30.” I had other obligations at that moment, and checking email was not one of them.

The following day, they sent three more emails to make sure I had seen the original message. I understood that the issue was essential to them, and I was able to address their concern. But this reflects a broader misunderstanding about what clergy actually do and how we spend our time. There is often an assumption that the rabbi works for me and must be available whenever I need them. That is a difficult expectation to manage.

Sometimes there are legitimate pastoral emergencies, and in those cases, people should absolutely call us, and we will be as available as we can be. But if I am with someone else in a hospital, I cannot respond to an email at the same time. Someone will have to wait. We do not live in a very patient culture. Creating community is hard work. It is hard, it is messy, and it is entirely worth it.

There is significant research on burnout among Christian clergy, and similar patterns exist among rabbis. There is a real shortage of people willing to enter the rabbinate today. Among those who do, there is a particular shortage of people willing to serve as congregational rabbis. That is mainly because people know how demanding the work is. There is minimal separation between work and personal life; the hours are exhausting; family time is limited; and some synagogue workplaces are profoundly unhealthy. As a result, many synagogues struggle to find rabbis.

At the same time, fewer synagogues in some regions may partially offset these trends. Still, this is not a decisive moment for rabbinic recruitment. The job has become harder, and there does need to be greater understanding from community members, especially given contemporary expectations shaped by technology.

People increasingly expect constant availability—twenty-four hours a day, six days a week—as though the rabbi were another app on their phone. Instant access, always available. It has absolutely gotten harder. People call, text, email multiple addresses, message on WhatsApp, and reach out through every possible channel. There are too many communication modes.

Some rabbis choose not to give out their personal cell phone numbers, and I completely understand that. At the same time, telling a community member, “You only get access to me in this limited way,” can create real hurt. I do not think there is a perfect solution. The job has never been more challenging.

We have also had to become experts in Zoom, live streaming, and now artificial intelligence—skills that were never taught in rabbinical school. We have always had to adapt, but the community’s shape has changed dramatically. Every rabbi and every community had to navigate enormous challenges during COVID. More recently, the rise in antisemitism has taken a significant toll on the Jewish world.

As a collective—not uniformly, but broadly—the Jewish community is exhausted, grieving, and worn down. It has been a long and challenging period, and there is no question that it has left a profound impact.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk about more positive ground. In your experience, what parts of ritual do people tend to enjoy most? Which yearly celebrations tend to be people’s favourites, judging by attendance? Let’s go to the community.

Glazer: It depends on whether you are asking about the rabbi’s favourite rituals or the community’s favourite rituals. I will say this. Years ago, when I was a rabbi at a synagogue in Memphis, Tennessee, I led a weekly lunch-and-learn group, mostly with seniors. It was a wonderful group, and I really enjoyed studying with them. As we approached Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year, I asked everyone to go around the table and say what they were most looking forward to about the holiday.

There were around twenty people in the room, and every single person mentioned seeing family, being together, sharing meals, cooking, and spending time with loved ones. After everyone had spoken, I said, “Isn’t it interesting that not a single one of you mentioned the synagogue services themselves?” They all attended services—do not get me wrong—but it was striking.

There is a distinction between public ritual and what happens in the home, and we need both. Many people are deeply invested in food. There is a saying that the largest denomination in Judaism is not Orthodox, Conservative, or Reform, but gastronomic Judaism. Every holiday has foods associated with it, and many people feel very attached to those traditions.

By far, the most widely observed Jewish holiday is Passover. The second is Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement. Passover’s prominence makes sense to me because its central purpose is to tell the story of going from slavery to freedom. That is a message people continue to resonate with year after year. The Passover Seder—the ritual meal—includes many engaging elements. Families create their own Haggadot, develop traditions, sing songs, and make it their own. It is intensive to prepare, but it is also deeply meaningful and often joyful.

Hanukkah, which just passed recently, is also a fun holiday for many people. When it comes to life-cycle events, people often love bar and bat mitzvahs, seeing children step into Jewish adulthood. Weddings are usually joyous occasions. Baby namings are almost always happy events.

I personally have a deep appreciation for funerals. Different rabbis gravitate toward different life-cycle moments, and I often find funerals especially meaningful. There is a poignancy there that is sometimes less present in other moments, though I value baby namings, bar and bat mitzvahs, and weddings as well.

Some people are drawn to joyous holidays, while others are drawn to them primarily during times of grief. It depends very much on the individual.

I will add that Shabbat has long been a central anchor of Jewish life. Even people who are not deeply connected to Jewish practice will often light candles on Friday night, recite blessings, and share a Shabbat meal. For many, the Shabbat dinner is the core of their religious observance—and, in many ways, that is precisely as it should be.

Jacobsen: Are there certain holidays that people consider more optional? You mentioned mainstays and favourites with high attendance. Some holidays function as community anchors, while others are more selective. For example, some people might celebrate Christmas, but not attend Christmas Eve services every year.

Glazer: Among rabbis and other Jewish clergy, we sometimes talk about “three-days-a-year Jews”—those who attend on Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, the Jewish New Year and the Day of Atonement. Some are really “two-days-a-year Jews,” coming for one day of Rosh Hashanah and one day of Yom Kippur, and that feels sufficient for them.

When I was in rabbinical school, I participated in several interfaith fellowships, and my Christian colleagues used to talk about “Christers”—people who come only on Christmas and Easter. I am not here to judge that. Everyone gets to decide what level of religious engagement works for them.

One of the blessings—and challenges—of contemporary Jewish life is that no one is forcing anyone to participate. We are no longer living in enclosed communities where religious observance is socially enforced. Today, most Jews are, in a sense, Jews by choice. People decide what level of observance they want or need. That freedom is a gift, but it also makes community building more difficult.

Synagogues today are not just competing with the synagogue down the street. They are competing with Netflix, YouTube, social media, sports practices, and everything else that fills people’s time. That was not the case in the same way decades ago.

When communities invest in building genuine relationships, those relationships are what keep people coming back. Not everyone will observe every holiday, and that is okay. People make their own choices.

Yom Kippur in Israel is a good example of how community can look different. Many people go to the beach on Yom Kippur. While in rabbinical school in Jerusalem, I was involved in a local community. After the evening Yom Kippur service ended, my teacher told me to walk down the hill rather than go home. I did, and around eight o’clock at night, the streets of Jerusalem were full of people. No cars were driving. People were sitting together, talking, even playing games in the middle of the street.

They sometimes call it Chag HaOfanayim—the “Holiday of the Bicycle”—because it is the one day of the year when children can safely ride bikes in the streets without traffic. What creates community is not only whether people attend services, but whether there is a shared sense of Jewish time and a willingness to be together. Sometimes it happens in synagogues, and sometimes in public spaces.

It is easier to experience that shared sense of Jewish time in Israel than in the United States, though it is undoubtedly possible in both places. Community can take many forms. What happens inside the synagogue matters, and so does what happens outside it. If we are willing, we can create a community anywhere.

Jacobsen: A few basic questions to close things out. One that feels especially important: what makes a community?

Glazer: I have two answers. One is that I am a child of the 1980s. If you remember the television show Cheers and its theme song—”Everybody knows your name, and they’re always glad you came”—that is actually what community means to me.

The other answer is this: a community is a place where we are seen, valued, and cared for. It is not just that people know our names, but that we know others will be there for us when we need them. We do not have to call and ask for help; people show up. A real community takes care of itself, and that is powerful.

Jacobsen: Is there a favourite Hebrew concept or word that captures that idea for you?

Glazer: One concept that comes directly from our sources is b’tzelem Elohim—the idea that every person is created in the image of God. When we genuinely believe that, we have to recognize that every person we encounter is special, holy, and deserving of dignity.

If we treated everyone we met as though they were royalty, imagine how different the world would be. That is a very high bar, and it is not always easy to live up to it. Some days, we wake up on the wrong side of the bed. We get frustrated. We lose patience. But I choose to believe that every person is sacred, and that belief shapes how I try to move through the world.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today.

Glazer: My pleasure. Thank you. If there is anything else I can do, do not hesitate to reach out.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Malka Shaw, LCSW: Orthodox Jewish Community, Belonging, and Resilience

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Malka Shaw is an Orthodox Jewish social worker (LCSW) and educator who focuses on trauma, antisemitism, and Jewish community resilience. She founded Kesher Shalom Projects, offering workshops and support groups that build leadership, communication, unity, and Jewish pride. Raised loosely Conservative and drawn in adolescence to Reform youth programming, she describes her move toward Orthodoxy as a gradual, decades-long process deepened through immersive volunteering in Israel and sustained study. In clinical and communal settings, Shaw applies social-work principles—especially the principle of meeting people where they are—to help individuals and leaders turn isolation into connection and purposeful belonging. She trains allies in cultural competency.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Malka Shaw about how Jewish belonging works across denominations, especially after October 7, 2023. Shaw describes a long personal journey from a loosely Conservative upbringing through Reform spaces toward Orthodox life, emphasizing that community proximity and obligation are central. She contrasts Orthodox rabbinic authority (Da’at Torah and binding halacha) with more negotiated leadership elsewhere. Drawing on her Kesher Shalom work, she argues that roles and mutual aid reduce isolation and buffer trauma: meals, carpools, and constant check-ins. Repairing fractures, she says, hinges on communication, accountability, and creating joyful in-person gatherings so people feel seen, safe, and needed.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I put out a pitch on the Jewish community across different styles of living—Orthodox, humanistic, secular, and so on. I received many rabbinical responses. “I would be happy to offer my opinion.” I also think that input from a licensed social worker would be helpful. For background, you are Orthodox. Did you grow up Orthodox?

Malka Shaw: I did not grow up Orthodox.

Jacobsen: When did you become Orthodox?

Shaw: I would not call it a conversion. It was a journey and a process. I grew up loosely within the Conservative movement. As a teacher, I continued exploring and was initially more drawn to the Reform movement because I was searching for meaning. I joined a Reform youth group and found significant meaning there.

After college, I joined a volunteer program in Israel. I chose it instead of the Peace Corps. It involved hands-on volunteer work in Israel in a traditional Jewish framework, with an emphasis on exploring traditional roots and learning about ancient Judaism and spirituality. That process extended through most of my twenties. It was a long journey.

Jacobsen: Two concepts consistently come up in these interviews: community and belonging. How do you understand belonging within the Orthodox Jewish community?

Shaw: Belonging is central. It also connects to our previous conversations about antisemitism. The trauma of antisemitism registers differently in Orthodox communities. There is a physical reality to it and a tendency to turn inward, but there is not the same sense of isolation, because the community is strong.

Community is foundational. When people move, they want to live close to their community. That proximity is essential.

Beyond my personal identity, my professional work as a social worker has reinforced this. Through my work with Kesher Shalom, I run leadership workshops focused on Jewish leadership, communication styles, unity, and pride. Much of this work has addressed October 7, 2023, and the antisemitism and trauma-related aftermath, but it has involved leaders across secular, Reform, Reconstructionist, and Orthodox communities. Although I am personally Orthodox, I have worked with Jewish leaders across the spectrum.

Jacobsen: Do you notice differences in how they lead their communities? How so?

Shaw: Orthodox rabbis generally carry greater authority. That authority is established through years of study. They function as role models and are seen as authoritative figures.

As you move along the spectrum, leadership is less often viewed as authoritative and more as professional, similar to a social worker’s role. The rabbi may not be seen as someone whose guidance is definitive in areas such as marriage. In Orthodoxy, one might say, “I received Da’at Torah,” meaning authoritative judgment grounded in Torah learning and tradition.

Outside Orthodoxy, advice may still be valued, but it is less often framed as deriving from the authority of the Talmud and the Oral Law, and more from personal knowledge or expertise. This difference can contribute to greater perceived confidence in Orthodox leadership.

Jacobsen: What roles do parents, mothers, fathers, and professionals play in community life, particularly in terms of giving back through work and business? Community is a highly complex concept.

Shaw: Community is powerful for Jews in general. Tikkun Olam—you have heard that concept.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Shaw: You have been in Jewish spaces for a long time.

Jacobsen: I have had a surprising number of Jewish bosses, colleagues, and friends.

Shaw: Right. You are in Canada, though. Otherwise, we invite you for a Shabbat meal to really experience it.

The idea of giving back, the idea of being a light unto the nations—that is prevalent across denominations. In the Orthodox world, however, it is treated as a legal obligation. It is part of Jewish law. For example, there is the idea that a portion of one’s income belongs back to the community, rather than charity being simply a good or optional act.

There is a strong sense of obligation toward the community and responsibility for one’s role within it. That is one of the things that sets Orthodox communities apart. In my work running workshops on antisemitism and Jewish cultural competency, this has consistently resonated.

Early on, a non-Jewish participant once asked me, “How could you care so much about the hostages? You do not even know them.” I felt very sad and said, “I am sorry—you do not know what it feels like to be so deeply connected to people.”

I am connected to the hostages. I have never met them, but they are my people.

This morning, while drinking my coffee, something came across my Instagram feed about hostages who have been released—Noa Argamani and Avinatan Or. They were a couple. Noa was rescued in a dramatic operation that felt almost unreal when people first saw the footage. Avinatan had been one of the faces we all associated with the kidnappings.

I have never met them and may never meet them. But I saw images of him looking thin when he came out, and then later healthy on a beach. It made me emotional. I want them to have whole lives—to get married, have children, and live beautiful Jewish lives. That sense of connection is very real, and I do not know how to explain it to someone who has never felt it.

Jacobsen: Another part of the earlier question concerns roles. As with most faith communities, people have privileges but also obligations and responsibilities. Gender roles are often significant, though how strictly they are defined varies by community. Within Orthodoxy, what are the rights and obligations between children and parents, parents and children, and between partners or spouses?

Shaw: That is a significant difference between Orthodoxy and communities outside it. In Hebrew, we call it kibbud av va them, which means honouring one’s father and mother. Honouring parents—and celebrating the next generation—is central.

This is a broader cultural problem. There is far less respect for elders now, and that is a serious issue.

Jacobsen: North America is especially harsh in that regard.

Shaw: I agree. I know I may sound like an old lady saying this—and I am not one—but there is real value in respecting elders. But there is something important here: we gain wisdom through life experience. Not respecting that wisdom is a real loss. A lack of respect for lived experience—whether or not someone is a direct relative—is a serious problem.

For example, my children would never call you Scott. If you came to my house, they would call you “Mr. Jacobsen.” You are an adult, and addressing you casually would be neither appropriate nor respectful. You might say, “That feels unnecessary or old-fashioned,” and it may sound that way, but it is still meaningful.

There are obligations. I have obligations to my husband. He is my primary priority, just as I am his. We describe it symbolically: he is my king, and I am his queen, and it goes both ways. That does not mean subservience. I want to be very clear about that. It means deep mutual respect and responsibility.

When people understand their obligations, they have a place in society. They have belonging and purpose. When people do not know where they belong, lack purpose, and lack identity, the result is often radicalization. People become lost.

Jacobsen: Regardless of the space, people will take a bad answer over no answer. If there is a vacuum, they will fill it, especially with something pseudo-exciting.

Shaw: People often misunderstand structured roles and attach a negative connotation to them. In reality, they can be very positive. Roles and obligations create security. People know that others are looking out for them.

If someone is sick, if a spouse is out of town, the response is immediate: meals are organized, help is offered. When someone has a baby, meals are delivered. No one in my community has a newborn without two or three weeks of homemade food provided. When there is a death in a family, mourners receive meals, and carpools for children are arranged.

People are cared for. No one is isolated. And if someone is absent, people notice. Someone asks, “What happened to Jacobsen? I have not seen him in a while.” Someone checks in.

Jacobsen: A natural follow-up is how this extension of filial respect contributes to community resilience, particularly during crises.

Shaw: We see this more clearly than ever after October 7. In Reform, Conservative, and more isolated communities, there has been a strong return to Jewish connection. As antisemitism rose, the desire to reconnect with community increased, especially among non-religious Jews.

It is important to remember that Judaism is not only a religion. It was never only a religion. Judaism is a peoplehood. It is not just ethnicity or belief. Those categories—religion and ethnicity—are relatively modern constructs. Judaism predates them by millennia.

That is why we are seeing college students return to Jewish spaces, whether Chabad houses or Hillel. There has been a surge. This does not necessarily mean they want to become religious or observe every law. It means they want to be with their people. As the world has become more hostile, the desire for connection has grown.

When we talk about leadership, leaders must meet people where they are. That is where social work becomes essential. One of the basic principles of social work—often said jokingly because it is so fundamental—is to start where the client is.

Jacobsen: It sounds obvious, but it often is not.

Shaw: The most basic rule of social work is to start where the client is. When I run leadership workshops, I say the same thing: start where people are. You have to ask where they are emotionally and socially.

If someone says, “I do not want to pray,” then that is not where you start. But if someone says, “I am lonely because the people I thought were my friends are now expressing hatred,” that is where you start. You meet people where they are, connect with them there, and that is how reconnection happens.

People need connection. They need to feel validated. They need to feel wanted. They need a sense of purpose and belonging. These are basic human needs, consistent with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. They are foundational.

Jacobsen: Where do Orthodox, Conservative, Humanistic, and Reform communities differ in how they define community?

Shaw: They do not differ as much as people assume. What I keep emphasizing is that we are all the same people, and we need to remain united, especially now.

Jacobsen: Suppose there is a fracture in a community—a new trauma or a serious disagreement. How does a community repair itself? It is not always easy, and sometimes fractures last a long time.

Shaw: Two Jews, four opinions.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Shaw: You may have heard that before.

Jacobsen: I have heard a few versions.

Shaw: Fracture is part of community life. There will always be disagreement. There is a saying that if one Jew were stranded on a deserted island, there would still be two synagogues.

There are methods for rebuilding community, but much of the problem comes down to communication. Breakdowns usually begin when people feel unheard or unseen. The challenge for leadership is bringing people back to the same table when they feel invisible or dismissed.

Jacobsen: Every community has its so-called black sheep. How does the Jewish community respond to difficult people—those with dissenting views or those whose behaviour creates tension or conflict?

Shaw: It depends on what we mean by “black sheep.” There is a difference between someone who is genuinely destructive or dysfunctional and someone who thinks differently or lives outside the norm.

Jacobsen: Let’s separate those cases, then. There is the “out of the box” black sheep—eccentric or unconventional—and the black sheep who is genuinely destructive to the community. Those are two different situations.

Shaw: Right. When someone is destructive to the community, an assessment is needed. How harmful are they? Is there mental illness involved? Are they dangerous to others? Those factors matter, and they need to be evaluated carefully.

That said, one thing that characterizes Jewish culture broadly is that disagreement is not only tolerated but welcomed. Jews are a people who hold multiple opinions at once. That is part of our tradition.

We talked earlier about the Houses of Hillel and Shammai—the idea that two opposing views can both hold value. This principle has profoundly influenced Western legal and democratic systems. Jewish thought has shaped Western society in ways that often go unrecognized.

In the American legal system, for example—and I am less familiar with the Canadian system—Supreme Court opinions are preserved even when they are no longer followed. There is value in dissenting views. That idea comes directly from Jewish tradition.

Even if you have an opinion, Scott, that I disagree with, your opinion still has value. That is a Jewish approach. It is not a cancellation. There is disagreement with the continued recognition of worth.

Repairing the community requires getting people back to the same table. People need to feel safe. They need to take accountability and feel heard.

In broad terms, there are structural differences between Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform communities. In Orthodox communities, authority is more clearly defined. The rabbi is the authority because Jewish law—halacha—is binding and non-negotiable. That stability creates explicit norms of behaviour.

In Conservative communities, authority is more distributed. The rabbi shares leadership with synagogue boards and committees, which collectively shape policy. Leadership can feel more negotiated or relational. Orthodox leadership tends to be more bound and structured, with more precise lines of authority.

When it comes to repairing fractures, communities need to create intentional spaces—listening forums or structured programs—where people can be heard. The challenge is that the individuals most responsible for tension are often the least likely to attend the spaces designed to address it.

This is similar to social work or therapy: the person who most needs therapy is often the most resistant to it. The people who seek help are usually the ones who need it least. That dynamic exists in every community.

You will always have someone difficult in any group. The key is to balance that by strengthening positive communal experiences. Across Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform communities, this often means men’s groups, women’s groups, children’s programming, and social events.

Community life cannot revolve solely around religion. For example, my synagogue is hosting a women’s social event on Saturday night that has nothing to do with religious practice. It is simply a social gathering. Over the years, we have organized mother–daughter events, couples’ nights, and other events to build connections. These experiences matter.

Some events work better than others. We have done escape rooms and painting events. Sometimes something does not work because of the time of year or the night of the week. But whether it is a JCC or a synagogue, it has to be enjoyable. It cannot be only about religion.

Across Reform, Conservative, and Orthodox communities, it needs to be a positive experience. You want people to find joy. Jewish life is also about pleasure—having fun, building relationships, and wanting human connection. People are isolated now because so much of life happens on social media. Communities need events where people meet in person, put their phones away, and talk.

It doesn’t matter what the activity is. It could be an escape room, music, or something simple. For kids, it could be a musician, a magician, or a balloon artist. What matters is being together and enjoying a genuine, old-fashioned connection.

The same applies to churches, by the way—some are clearly more fun than others.

Jacobsen: Are there any quotes or aphorisms from Orthodox Judaism that capture your views on community, belonging, or family?

Shaw: There are many, but one stands out. I live by a teaching attributed to Hillel: “If I am not for myself, who will be for me? If I am only for myself, what am I? And if not now, when?”

Those words shaped my life. On the morning of September 11, when I called my father and told him I was going down to Ground Zero, he said to me, “You are a social worker, and you are a Jew. If you do not help, then who are you?” My mother, of course, said, “Do not go, it is dangerous,” which felt very on brand.

That teaching captures it perfectly. We do not live only for ourselves. That is not who we are. We are more than our individual selves.

Another significant influence for me is Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks. He articulated this idea beautifully. One line of his that resonates deeply with me is: “Communities build. They do not destroy. They bring out the best in us, not the worst.”

Those ideas reflect everything we have been talking about. He has some other good ones in the community:

“Community is society with a human face, the place where we know we are not alone.”

“It’s where people know who we are, and miss us when we’re not there.”

“Once we feel that we are really alone and cannot call on neighbours for help, then we are part of a new social poverty.”

Jacobsen: That one is excellent. The idea that when we realize we are truly alone—unable to call on neighbours for help—we enter a form of “social poverty.” That concept feels exactly right.

Shaw: It does. Some of these quotes are very strong.

Jacobsen: I agree. What is missing in society, broadly, is community. That seems almost universal.

Shaw: Absolutely. I am deeply grateful that I have a community. Sometimes it is intrusive—we are very much in each other’s lives—but it is also beautiful.

When people lack community, the consequences are severe. People deteriorate. Some spiral into crisis. Others become isolated and unwell. I recently spoke with someone about a mass shooting in 2023 involving an army reservist who had been showing warning signs. A significant factor was isolation. Self-isolation is deeply connected to depression.

Let me give you an everyday example. When I was told that a medical procedure was not major and that I could still run errands, I laughed. I said, “I am Orthodox. I cannot go grocery shopping without talking to people.” The doctor was confused. But my grocery store is social. You cannot walk into a kosher grocery store, buy one item, and leave without interaction. It is simply not possible.

Jacobsen: I love that example.

Shaw: It illustrates something efficient. I am outgoing, and my profession is inherently social, but this goes beyond personality. People talk at the grocery store. They schmooze. My shopping experience is entirely different from the utilitarian, anonymous experience most people have.

Even something like Costco—yes, it is still Costco—but I will inevitably run into people I know. There will be Jewish families there. There will be Orthodox families there. It is still social.

There is a tension that people do not always understand. On the one hand, there is a desire to say, “We are Orthodox, but we are just like everyone else.” And in many ways, that is true. But in other ways, it is not.

If I run out of eggs and want to bake a cake, I can borrow an egg from my neighbour. That is normal in my community. In much of society, that stopped being normal decades ago—not for you personally, but culturally. There was a time when borrowing a cup of sugar was ordinary. Most people today have never experienced that.

Convenience has benefits, but it also has costs. One negative consequence of convenience is social erosion. My children, however, experience this older form of connection. We can knock on a neighbour’s door. Even now, people may text first, but the expectation of mutual availability still exists.

My grandparents’ generation stopped by. On Shabbat, when you cannot use phones, that kind of visiting was typical. Even today, it is entirely unremarkable for someone to say, “We ran out of eggs—can I borrow one?” That kind of everyday reliance is still alive.

That is community in practice.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Malka.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

William Stern on Community, Jewish Values, and Leadership at Cardiff

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

William Stern is a finance entrepreneur and founder and CEO of Cardiff, a B2B financing firm operating in North America, Portugal, and Israel. He launched Cardiff in 2004 after seeing many small and lower-middle-market businesses struggle to secure timely, cost-effective capital. Stern emphasizes transparency in rates and margins, relationship-based underwriting, and “ethical financing with a soul,” often using phone conversations rather than purely automated decisions. He describes leadership as a series of consistent, small actions that compound over time. Inside Cardiff, he favours frequent check-ins over annual reviews to support employees as whole people and to protect trust with customers, applicants, and stakeholders.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews William Stern, founder and CEO of Cardiff, about belonging, community, and ethical leadership in finance. Stern says Cardiff began in 2004 to serve businesses “locked out” of timely, cost-effective capital, using transparent B2B pricing and human, phone-based guidance. He connects Jewish ethics to reputation and legacy: do work you would be proud to describe to your family. Stern notes calls with owners can start adversarial because financing is their lifeline, so Cardiff adopts a Switzerland-neutral, facts-first stance. Jacobsen parallels this with Evidence-Based Medicine: evidence first, then values and preferences. Stern says leadership is consistent action that compounds over time.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Okay, so I’ve been interviewing a few people on this concept of belonging and community, and a lot of the people who responded to this pitch were rabbis, primarily Orthodox. So getting a business person is a little more interesting as well. From a business and entrepreneurial perspective, do you incorporate the concept of belonging and community when you think about the business ecosystem?

William Stern: Yes. From the very beginning, we were trying to build a community because when we started in 2004, we felt locked out. I had come from a large company that peddled financing to middle-market companies—think of them as having hundreds of millions in revenue—and they could obtain funding from several sources above the middle market. You would go to publicly traded companies that have the best access, but what is left beneath middle-market companies are the crumbs and leftovers of the market.

They are the forgotten souls of the business community. In large part, those folks were locked out of obtaining financing in a timely and cost-effective way. So we wanted to build this community.

We did not know how. It was one of those situations where you are learning to fly the plane at 10,000 feet. But we knew that to build a company with brand awareness and staying power—because we were not looking to be fly-by-night, make some money, and then sell pistachios the next day, like so many entrepreneurs do—we had to start with an ethos. That ethos was about community.

It was about doing right by people who were locked mainly out of cost-effective, timely financing, doing right by them, and having them spread the gospel of Cardiff.

It is similar to what you would find with the airline Southwest in the United States.

They have a similar ethos around community. Interestingly, you bring it up. They have a model—and I do not know to what extent they employ it in precisely these terms today—but it is often described as a people-first chain: the company takes care of its employees, employees take care of customers, and customers generate results for shareholders.

I learned that early on in my career. There was a Texas lawyer, Herb Kelleher, who co-founded Southwest with businessman Rollin King, and he wanted to do right by people. It was about building a community centred around a low-cost airline.

For the most part, they were among the first to achieve this at scale in the United States. In the face of Delta, United, American, and Pan Am—which ceased operations in 1991—Southwest helped popularize the low-cost, high-frequency model, and that was part of its ethos: building a community.

At Cardiff, we understood that at a very young age. We knew we needed to do right by people and have them serve as the mouthpiece for our marketing because we did not have the money for marketing.

That approach was taught to our employees. Our employees made sure to do right by our customers—or, more accurately, by the applicants. They ushered applicants through the process and gave them advice about their options and what they would do, empathetically, if they were in the business owner’s place.

Just because a business owner wants to apply for financing does not necessarily mean the timing, amount, or rate are right. So it was ethical financing.

It was ethical financing with a soul, which has been challenging to maintain in the age of AI, where computers make most decisions at most companies. We still use this old-school technique: we get on the phone with small business owners who need financing.

So I hope that answers your question.

Jacobsen: You operate in North America, Portugal, and Israel. There are significant Jewish populations in Canada and the United States. Are there particular Jewish values that you see as consistent across Orthodox, secular Jewish, and humanistic Jewish communities that you see infused into the ethos of Cardiff as well, especially when you are talking about ethical financing?

Stern: Financing is among the most ethical forms of business. The reason is that it is transparent—at least the type of financing we extend. We offer B2B financing, and the rate is apparent. There is no ambiguity about the margin for the bank or the financing company.

I used to work at Nordstrom. It is a North American clothing retailer. I worked there while in college, and we sold shoes. I remember thinking—this was twenty to twenty-five years ago—who could afford a shoe that costs $300?

At the time, I wondered what Nordstrom’s margin was. I later learned they bought the shoes for roughly half that price. So they had about $150 in gross margin before paying the lease, employees, utilities, and everything else. The gross revenue was essentially $150 per shoe, and I remember thinking, “Is that ethical?”

If you fast-forward to today—and I will come back to your question—I want to talk briefly about ethics. About a year to a year and a half ago, the media broke a story about luxury goods marketed as made in continental Europe. The question was whether they were actually sewn and fabricated there, or made in Asia using cheap labour and then shipped to Europe, where labels like Louis Vuitton, Gucci, or Yves Saint Laurent were added.

What emerged was that some luxury brands relied on contractors in Europe that used exploitative labour conditions, including factories staffed by undocumented workers, often paid extremely low wages. In those cases, brands contracted out the production of items like purses, and the labour conditions were not ethical.

In business, it takes a lifetime to build a reputation, and a momentary lapse in judgment to lose it.

Coming back to your question about Jewish ethics—whether we are talking about ultra-religious communities at one end of the spectrum or humanistic Judaism at the other—there is an ethos of life that carries into business. You should not do anything you would not feel proud to tell your family about.

It does not matter whether you are a shoemaker or the founder and CEO of a company that finances approximately $2.5 billion a year. The legacy we are building is on full display to our families.

If we care about our children’s legacy—not just in terms of money, but in terms of name, culture, and identity, and yes, religion as well—then that legacy has to be built on a foundation of honesty. So yes, that is the answer to your question.

Jacobsen: When you and your employees get on calls with small business owners, what have you learned about community from them?

Stern: It generally starts hostile. It begins like a terrorist negotiation—between Hamas and some interlocutor—because the U.S. does not want to negotiate directly. Hence, you get an independent third party, maybe the UAE or something like that. There is never really an independent third party. But unfortunately, it does start hostile.

That is because small business owners are consumers. They are not large, faceless corporations where a CFO or controller gets on the phone and is emotionally detached from the financing. A consumer is emotionally attached to this financing because it is their lifeline.

They need the money for a reason—to solve a problem or seize an opportunity. If the process is not designed and executed with excellence, ease, and minimal friction—and if it does not meet their needs—it becomes a problem. It is never about what the company or we want. It is about accommodating the consumer.

Jacobsen: We’re all sublimating.

Stern: Yes, we are supplicating to the consumer. It starts that way. It begins like a terrorist negotiation, where it is cold outside and, to get them talking, you put a donut and a cup of coffee on the table as a way of saying, How can we appease you?

Jacobsen: A North American peace offer.

Stern: That’s right.

Jacobsen: Donut and coffee. Dunkin’ Donuts.

Stern: That’s right.

Jacobsen: A six-dollar deal.

Stern: That’s right. A six-dollar—what is the Canadian coffee company called?

Jacobsen: Tim Hortons.

Stern: Tim Hortons.

Jacobsen: It is funny. When I was a kid, I was on a soccer team, and one of the girls on the team was named Claire Horton. She had a dad named Tim, Tim Horton. No association. His name was Tim Horton, but he was not the Tim Horton. I do not even know if there is a “the,” but there was someone in my childhood.

Stern: There has to be.

Jacobsen: I would hope so, but I do not know.

Stern: Is there a hut that makes pizza? Was there an original Domino? I am just kidding.

Jacobsen: Was there an original domino? I mean, the company is going, and one had to fall. There had to be a domino. There had to be one that fell.

Stern: That’s awesome. I thought you were going to offer me one of those Tim Hortons cards that gives you free coffee for life.

Jacobsen: Someone offered me, when I go on my next war trip. It is all you get at the airport at a reasonable price.

Stern: Has anyone ever told you that you speak incredibly quickly?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Stern: That is a wild talent. Nurture that as best you can.

Jacobsen: I appreciate that very much.

Jacobsen: Often filtered through coffee, that is how it goes for me.

Stern: What was your question? What were we talking about?

Jacobsen: I have another question.

Stern: But if I can close the loop on this part, it starts hostile because they are consumers. They want what they want. They are business owners, often Type A personalities, and they are used to getting what they wish to or walking away—whether or not it benefits them.

That is just how they treat people sometimes. We try to paint a realistic picture. We act like independent journalists.

These are the facts. If it benefits you, you should do it. It stays very third-person. It only becomes first-person to the extent that the relationship permits.

If someone says, “I am not sure what I should do,” someone on our side might say, “Looking at your situation and your financials, if I were you, this might be interesting for these reasons—but you might not want to do it for these reasons.”

That independent, Switzerland-neutral attitude never seeks to take power away from the consumer. It gives them all the facts, all the options, even peripheral options they may not have noticed.

It gives them the information and allows them to retain their power to make the decision that benefits them—whether that is taking the financing or not. I just wanted to make sure I said that.

Jacobsen: I will add an addendum to that. There is an epidemiologist, probably one of the most cited academics in Canada, if not in the country’s history, named Gordon Guyatt at McMaster University. He co-founded Evidence-Based Medicine in 1991. One of his key collaborators has since passed away, but Guyatt is still alive. I have interviewed him many times.

A central principle of Evidence-Based Medicine is that you begin with the quality of evidence—the strength of what you are presenting to a patient, or in your case, to a client. Then you move to values and preferences. The professional says, “Here is the quality of evidence, but it is up to you to decide what you want to do based on your values and preferences, and which course of action fits those best.”

It is the wisest approach because it respects the individual’s autonomy. If you try to force decisions on people, it becomes grating as an interaction anyway, and it is not wise for long-term trust or brand quality. He is a significant figure in medicine.

Stern: I will look him up. That is interesting. Thank you for sharing that.

Jacobsen: I do notice across disciplines and across people’s practices—professionally, culturally, and personally—that there are consistent threads. Sometimes it just takes a narrative to trigger the recognition.

Stern: That is great. I will look him up. I want to read more about that.

Jacobsen: Do you know the Gottmans at all? The Gottmans are the leading researchers on couples and marriage. One of their best-known findings is that the most significant predictor of divorce is the expression of contempt, primarily nonverbal contempt. That is essentially the death knell of a marriage. After that, it is usually a matter of time. If you watch interviews with John Gottman, he often pulls out a notebook and writes things down. I always think that says something about a person’s life practice.

Stern: Oh, like writing things down? Yes, that is funny.

Jacobsen: Mindful.

Stern: I am not a professor or a doctor, but there is a company in the United States called Baron Fig that makes these notebooks. I have an endless supply of them. I love them. I am always writing things down and dating the pages so I can reference them later.

It is definitely an old-school technique. My creative director, because I do a lot of marketing, tried to get me to use an app called GoodNotes on the iPad. I do not get the same feel. I am still stuck in the 1900s, as they say.

Jacobsen: It is tactile sensibility. Margaret Atwood, one of Canada’s most well-known authors, writes her books by hand and then types them out. People develop their own methodologies, and they stick with them.

Stern: That is awesome. That was a cool tangent. I appreciate that.

Jacobsen: So, about leadership: everyone is a leader in some sense, just at different scales. Some people struggle to lead themselves through their day—getting started, organizing themselves, functioning smoothly. Other people, like yourself, are leading companies that deal in billions of dollars.

When it comes to ethical leadership, what does that mean to you? How does leading others give you an added sense of responsibility and accountability—not just to the company, but to the people who depend on you? Accountability and responsibility to yourself, to the brand, and to the people who work for you.

Stern: Got it. I also have trouble waking up in the morning because I am human. Being human means waking up in a warm bed, which is terrific, and not wanting to get out of it.

I remember hearing an interview with Lex Fridman. He is often described as a podcaster, but he is also a scientist who hosts long-form interviews. He was interviewing Jeff Bezos. It was interesting to hear how Bezos starts his day.

He talked about waking up around seven, looking at his phone, having coffee, reading the news, answering some emails, and easing into the morning. It sounded very ordinary and genuine. You can contrast that with the inauthentic life you often see on social media.

Jacobsen: Inauthentic?

Stern: Yes, inauthentic. You see men in their forties or fifties who are perfectly sculpted, hairless, which none of us really are; and they wake up, wiggle their toes in the grass, jump into cold water, journal, and do all of this performative ritual.

None of it feels real. The word I was looking for is “curated.” It feels curated for social media. You were asking about ethos and what leadership looks like. Leadership looks like showing up. That is the core tenet of leadership.

Many entrepreneurs do not realize that leadership is not a philosophy. This is not like chiropractic philosophy. I once went to a chiropractor who started talking about philosophy, and I thought, “Wait, I was hoping we were going to talk about medicine.”

Leadership is not abstract. It is practical. It is about being present, showing up consistently, and taking responsibility.

Leadership is not a philosophy. Leadership is action. Generally speaking, leadership, at least good leadership, consists of small actions that compound over time and create wins for the company, the individuals who work there, and ultimately the stakeholders—the owners.

As for my mornings, since we were talking about Judaism, I start with a prayer. It is called the Shema. I say it every morning and again before I go to bed, but we are talking about mornings.

I say it, and then I thank God because I am genuinely thankful. That is not performative. It took me years to realize that I was grateful, but I am. I thank God for health, happiness, and wealth, in that order, for my loved ones, friends, and family, and lastly for myself.

Why, lastly, for myself? Because at this point in my life, I am forty-six years old, I need to be thankful for everything around me. They are my gravity. They keep me grounded, balanced, and in equilibrium, rather than spinning out of control.

I thank God for that, and then I start my day.

To answer your question about leadership: it consists of small actions. They can be good decisions or bad decisions, but they are made in a timely fashion. Those actions compound over time, creating momentum.

Physics applies here. Momentum is mass times velocity. Many business owners and leaders get this wrong.

Leadership cannot be done in silence. It is not a Buddhist monastery where you pray quietly in the hope of changing the world. I respect that tradition, and it sounds terrific, but that is theory. That is philosophy.

Leadership is not philosophy. Leadership is action.

As a leader, the best thing you can do, while keeping fiduciary responsibility in mind, is to keep taking positive actions to the best of your ability and allow them to compound over time.

I will leave you with this thought. One thing we do not practice at Cardiff is end-of-year reviews. We are not unique in that, but instead, we check in with our people.

Depending on the department, we check in constantly. “Always” is not a day of the week, not a month of the year, and not a holiday. We constantly check in with our people.

We want to understand how people are doing. How is your mother? How is your father? What is going on with your kids? What are you doing outside of work?

We do this because we are human. We are not trying to be their family. We are not trying to be their friends. We are trying to be human—humanistic in our approach—recognizing that everyone has fears, aspirations, and lives outside the company.

The company is a tool. We do not give an annual review to a screwdriver, but work is a tool. It is a tool that provides.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Will.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 37: From IQ Puzzles to Physics Breakthroughs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to compare one of the hardest known IQ-test problems—the three interpenetrating cubes from the Mega Test—to challenges in real-world physics. Rosner situates the puzzle alongside deep problems in group theory, particle classification, and the discovery of fundamental symmetries. He contrasts patience-driven spatial reasoning with the decade-long conceptual grind behind general relativity, highlighting intuition, persistence, and mathematical endurance. Drawing on Einstein, Maxwell, and historical breakthroughs, Rosner argues that elite physics problems share the same core demand as extreme puzzles: sustained visualization, disciplined reasoning, and a willingness to work through complexity step by step.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What would be the real-world physics equivalent, in terms of difficulty, of the three interpenetrating cubes problem from the Mega Test of the Mega Society by Ronald Hoeflin?

Rick Rosner: That is a genuinely good question. It is widely regarded as the hardest problem on the Mega Test, which at the time of its publication was considered the most difficult IQ test in existence.

In physics, I would guess that some of the work involving group theory and the classification of particle families might approach that level of difficulty. I am not well-versed enough in advanced physics to say this with confidence, but there are certainly problems where the solution requires long chains of mathematical reasoning. When you see cartoons of physicists standing in front of blackboards ten feet tall and forty feet wide, filled with equations, that is not pure exaggeration. That kind of work really happens.

Dissecting particle families using group theory, or uncovering deep symmetries in nature, often requires an extraordinary mix of intuition and persistence. Some of those breakthroughs may be comparable, in intellectual difficulty, to solving that cube problem.

There was a woman physicist about a century ago who identified a profound symmetry in physics—its name escapes me at the moment—and Maxwell’s equations themselves are another example of astonishing conceptual achievement. I am not certain whether anyone with enough time and discipline could have worked their way to those results, or whether they required a uniquely rare kind of insight.

People sometimes say that if Einstein had been hit by a bus, someone else would have discovered special relativity within a few years. That might be true for parts of special relativity, which involved working through the implications of a small number of assumptions, such as the constancy of the speed of light. General relativity is different. It began with the insight that a uniformly accelerating frame of reference is indistinguishable, from within that frame, from a gravitational field. Turning that insight into a full mathematical theory took Einstein about ten years, and even then he relied heavily on mathematical input from colleagues.

That kind of work required enormous persistence. The cube problem, by contrast, does not demand brilliance so much as patience: a little intuition followed by a lot of trial, visualization, and diagram-drawing. When I worked on it in the 1980s, that meant sketching endlessly on paper. Today, you would do much of that on a computer, which would make the visualization more flexible.

A lot of high-level physics has that same character. General relativity took a decade of sustained reasoning. Special relativity took months of carefully tracing consequences from simple premises. Many deep mathematical and spatial problems share this quality: you sit with them, visualize them, identify the underlying assumptions, and then grind your way forward step by step.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 36: Proto-Thoughts, Context, and Memory Hooks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks whether it is naïve to look for a discrete “unit” of thought, given that thoughts vary in informational content and rarely arrive as neat sentences. Rick Rosner argues that language captures only a thin slice of cognition: perception, background knowledge, self-critique, and half-formed associations run in parallel as “proto-thoughts.” He uses the example of viewing a painting to show how sensory input and contextual inference accompany any sentence-like notion. Most thoughts, he adds, pass without leaving retrieval “hooks,” much like dreams. Without deliberate encoding—or a later contextual trigger—mental material vanishes, because recall depends on activating the right associative patterns.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is it a naïve argument to try to identify a discrete, basic constituent of a thought? We have talked about this before, but this is a different framing. Different thoughts can have different informational content, which means the amount of information—or “brain units”—they involve can vary.

When we talk about a thought, we often imagine something fully or partially formed. One way to define an idea might be as whatever neural network brings something into conscious awareness. However, there is also the whole thought itself.

When people talk about thoughts, they usually describe them with words, which constrains discussion by turning thoughts into sentences. People say, “I thought this,” and then provide a sentence. However, that is not really what thoughts look like. You may think of components of a sentence, but you are also experiencing many other things while forming the thought.

Those other elements are also thoughts, or partial thoughts, or proto-thoughts. At the very least, understanding a thought requires the surrounding mental context in which it arises.

Rick Rosner: If you are standing in front of a painting and thinking, artists in the seventeenth century really liked fat asses, that sentence is only a small part of what is happening mentally.

At the same time, you are seeing the painting. You are also thinking that it is not a very original observation. You are not fully articulating it, but you have a background sense that this is common knowledge—that people have noticed this before, that body fat once signalled prosperity. All of that accompanies the sentence-like thought.

You have a collection of incomplete, contextual, semi-thoughts running alongside the main one, which may not even fully crystallize. If you are talking with other people or paying attention to something else, you might register the bodies in the painting and think, Yes, historically that makes sense, but the thought never fully forms into language.

A lot is bubbling up. The neural code for asses will certainly activate—enough neurons associated with “butt” light up. You are clearly seeing a butt, or two butts, or many butts, depending on the painting. You are thinking about butts—but you are also thinking about many other things at the same time.

People like Marcel Proust tried to describe this stream of consciousness. I have never actually read him, but that was the project. Writers like Nicholson Baker have produced books that spend a hundred pages describing an hour or two of someone’s mental life.

It cannot be expressed as a series of sentences, because that is not how thoughts unfold.

Jacobsen: Right, most thoughts are trivial nonsense.

Rosner: Most thoughts pass through us. We have them—or half have them—and we do not even remember them, because they do not trigger a chain of further thinking. It is like dreams. If you wake up and do not actively try to remember a dream, you usually will not, because there are not enough hooks to retrieve it later.

Unless you build hooks by writing them down, the dream disappears.

I had a Kimmel dream last night. I often dream that I am back at Kimmel. Nobody really wants me there. I am not getting paid. They are reluctantly letting me hang out and submit ideas, and I am hoping to get rehired. I have that dream a lot.

In last night’s version, I do not remember most of it. What I remember is a sense of sadness, because it has been so long since I worked there, and because they had installed new wood panelling. In the dream, the room I was in had wood panelling, and I remember thinking, That is new.

That is basically all I remember, because I did not sit down afterward and try to reconstruct the rest. I have had enough Kimmel dreams to recognize them when they happen.

I remember the wood panelling because I am currently in the one room of my house that has wood panelling. Usually, though, you do not remember dreams at all. Occasionally, something happens hours later that triggers a memory—some feature of the environment grabs a hook from the dream and pulls it back into awareness. However, most of the time, that does not happen.

You usually forget dreams completely because the hooks are hard to grab. Dreams are structured in such a strange way. They contain so many scrambled elements of your thinking that it is unlikely anything in your waking life will activate enough of those elements to pull the dream back up.

Retrieval depends on contextual association. You have to activate enough of the right neural patterns for something to signify and return to awareness.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Justine Reichman on Simple Habits That Reduce Waste Without Moralizing

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Justine Reichman is the Founder and CEO of NextGen Purpose, a sustainability-focused platform that works at the intersection of food systems, consumer behaviour, and everyday environmental practice. Based in San Francisco, she is also the host and executive producer of the Essential Ingredients podcast, which highlights innovators, founders, and practitioners advancing regenerative and responsible approaches to living and consumption. Reichman’s work emphasizes practical sustainability—reducing waste, rethinking habits, and favouring durability over disposability—without moralizing or perfectionism. Drawing on experience in entrepreneurship, community building, and media, she advocates for intention-driven change that fits real lives rather than abstract ideals.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Justine Reichman about practical, non-performative sustainability rooted in daily habits rather than guilt or moral pressure. Reichman outlines strategies such as eating in to reduce packaging, managing food before it spoils, buying in bulk, and planning meals for flexibility and minimal waste. She extends this logic to hosting events, home design, and fashion—favouring durability, vintage, and upcycled materials over fast consumption. The discussion also addresses greenwashing, corporate responsibility, and why sustainable change works best when framed around intention, accessibility, and personal meaning rather than shame or perfection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are simple daily habits that make sustainability part of everyday life?

Justine Reichman: As of the start of 2026, I am trying to eat at home more. It is a new goal for me, and I am approaching it in a small, thoughtful, and mindful way rather than as a rigid rule. That is a big one for me. If I want something while I am out, I eat it at the restaurant rather than taking it home in additional packaging. In my experience, many people take food back to their office or home, and eating in helps me be more mindful about packaging. So that is one. Was that too long? Nope. Okay, because you can always edit.

The second thing I do is check my fridge every day to see what’s about to spoil, so I can use it before it goes bad. If it is fruit, I freeze it in ice cube trays. If it is vegetables, I make juice out of them. Those are simple things that I do.

The third thing I try to be sustainable about isn’t a daily habit; it’s about my dog food. Instead of buying products with a lot of packaging, we buy them in bulk—ten-pound quantities—and then separate them into our own containers. I mention this because, in my experience, many “healthy” food products still come with substantial packaging.

Jacobsen: What about being mindful and using leftovers when you are not going to eat them immediately?

Reichman: That is one of the first things we do. This year, I am trying to carve out Sundays to plan meals, choose what I want to make, and buy ingredients that can be used across multiple dishes. I often get bored eating the same thing, but I still want to use the food before it spoils. Instead of making one dish with those ingredients, I make two or three different dishes. The ingredients go further, I get more variety, and I eat at home more.

Jacobsen: What about events? Hypothetically, you are hosting an event—family, friends, or a club you belong to. Do you apply the same bulk-thinking approach?

Reichman: Yes, I do. It depends on the event. Many of the events I plan, at least personally, are for holidays, which are centred around specific foods. If it is a Jewish holiday, it is about the foods I grew up eating. I make enough for everyone, but I generally make smaller portions so people can try everything, and we finish it. Instead of producing vast quantities—which are harder to prepare and can leave more leftovers—people get to taste a little of everything. That is usually what they want anyway.

I can offer one more sustainable tip for holidays or parties. Instead of buying cut flowers, which are temporary and can be expensive, I use potted plants that I already have around the house. When I host a party, I place them in the center of the table. They make a lovely decoration and last beyond a single event.

Jacobsen: Are there certain Jewish dishes or holidays where sustainability becomes more challenging?

Reichman: It depends on how you look at it. With Hanukkah, for example, there is Hanukkah gelt, and each piece is individually wrapped in foil. Aluminum is widely recyclable in principle, but whether small pieces of foil or wrappers are accepted depends on local recycling rules and on whether the material is clean and large enough to be sorted. So the individual wrapping can still create waste. I usually buy one small package and then supplement with regular chocolates to reduce packaging.

That is the example that stands out to me. More broadly, sustainability has a lot to do with how we plan and portion meals. I like abundance, but I think of abundance as variety rather than quantity. That approach can reduce food waste and still allow everyone to taste a little of everything.

Jacobsen: What about sustainability and aesthetics, the choices you make in home décor and clothing?

Reichman: I used to work at a horse farm, so I needed both protection and warmth. I wore long-sleeve shirts made of UV-protective, quick-drying fabric. None of them was white because farm work gets dirty, and I could wash them all in the same load. It is a small thing, but I used them repeatedly for many different purposes.

As for décor, my house is intentionally put together. I bought it in 2021, and during the renovation, I chose vintage and antique pieces. That means the items were pre-owned rather than newly manufactured, and we repurposed them for our home.

Other choices included a kitchen renovation and installing an induction stove, which is generally considered more energy-efficient and avoids on-site fossil fuel combustion compared to a gas stove. That was a deliberate choice. In terms of appliances, I chose brands such as Fisher & Paykel, which position themselves as more sustainability-focused than many other kitchen appliance brands. More broadly, when it came to home décor, I leaned heavily into antiques and vintage pieces.

I also leaned into buying appliances that were more efficient and designed to last. As for clothing, I have kept much of my wardrobe for a very long time—some pieces since high school, which was a long time ago. I tend to hold on to clothing rather than constantly replacing it. My grandmother ran a consignment store, and I still have many of her handbags, because she kept high-quality pieces for herself and for my mother. That influence carries through in how I live my life.

I try to invest in things that are meant to last—pieces that stand the test of time. It is not fast fashion. I am still wearing the same trench coat I bought in my early twenties. Classic styles do not really go out of fashion. That matters to me. I wear a lot of white shirts for the same reason. They are timeless. I try not to chase trends, even though I love fashion.

When I think about sustainability and fashion, I also pay attention to the ethos of the brands themselves—who is making the clothing and how. I look for companies that use upcycled materials or more sustainable fabrics. In denim, for example, there is a company called ELV Denim that reconstructs old Levi’s jeans into new pieces. That is one example. There are others I shop from as well, such as Citizens of Humanity, and other brands that use organic cotton or upcycled fabrics. I tend to support those.

I also shop vintage. You can find really special pieces that work either for special occasions or to add something unique to your wardrobe—something not everyone else is wearing.

Jacobsen: Vintage shopping can take time. How do you approach that?

Reichman: It does take time. But now, so much of it is online. There are many online vintage shops and resale platforms where people sell their own clothing. The real question is whether you know what you are looking for or whether you are just scrolling. It can feel like a kid in a candy store.

I already have what I need at this point. So if I buy something new, it has to be truly special. I encourage other people to think that way because most of us already have enough. When you think about it, you usually reach for the same items over and over again. I know I do. You go back to the same pieces because they are easy and familiar.

Jacobsen: Right, you mix and match.

Reichman: You mix and match, and you can create entirely different looks for different occasions from the same core wardrobe. That is precisely what I do.

I also love that vintage shopping is part of a journey. A few years ago, when I was in Paris, there were many great vintage shops. I went with my partner, who has a good eye. He picked things out, and I tried them on. I found amazing pieces—designs I had admired years ago—that were pre-owned but still looked great.

Part of the enjoyment is the process itself: going through items, discovering what you love, seeing what fits. Vintage sizing can be inconsistent because sizing standards have changed over time. A size two decades ago is not necessarily the same as a size two today. You have to set that aside and focus on whether it fits, feels good, and suits you. If it does, that is a win.

Jacobsen: What about people who hate shopping? Even clicking around online feels like a chore for them. By temperament, let us call them minimalist by inclination, maybe even resistant to consumption.

Reichman: Shop your own closet and swap with friends. Most of us have clothes we no longer wear or that no longer fit quite right. Swapping with friends gives you access to more clothing, new ideas, and new outfits. It is social, and it can be fun. But if you do not like being social and do not want to do that, there is another option some people are using.

Some retailers allow customers to buy items and then sell them back to the store, where the items are resold. The terminology varies, and not everyone uses the same language, but the idea is a form of resale within the retail system. Sometimes people buy something for a specific occasion, return it within a defined time frame, and the store resells it in a designated resale section.

I would have to double-check specific brands, and I do not want to state this as a firm fact, but some clothing companies have experimented with this kind of resale model. More broadly, some stores are doing versions of this.

When it comes to higher-end items, selling them through resale or vintage shops can feel disappointing because you often do not recover much of what you originally paid. I would rather give an item to a friend and swap it with her. That feels better to me. I know where it is going, I know she is enjoying it, and I receive something meaningful in return. I value that exchange.

Jacobsen: There is also a broader critique here, sometimes called “greenwashing”, where sustainability is framed as individual responsibility, even though corporate policy and structural factors play a significant role. Some people argue the problem is a matter of personal choice; others argue it is corporate behaviour. In reality, it is both, and we are all operating inside the same system.

Reichman: I agree. If we do not demand change, create demand for change, or model what change can look like, we are not going to get it. At the same time, I do not believe in shaming people. Not everyone can do everything. Sustainability is less about perfection and more about intention—focusing on what is meaningful and realistic for you. We are not going to solve every problem individually.

Jacobsen: Modern audiences tend to resist moralizing. The cultural landscape is flattened; everyone has a voice, and lecturing people is rarely effective. That approach may have worked in smaller, more homogeneous communities, but it does not generate traction now.

Reichman: It is about encouraging people to do what matters to them. When people feel good about what they are doing, they are more likely to stick with it. They feel successful and engaged. If we shame people by focusing only on what they are not doing, they end up feeling defeated rather than motivated.

Jacobsen: That makes sense. Thank you for your time today.

Reichman: Thank you so much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Joydip Ghosh on Measurement, the Wave Function, and Hilbert Space: What Quantum Mechanics Really Says About Reality

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Joydip Ghosh is a quantum physicist with more than 17 years of experience spanning defence, aerospace, automotive innovation, and academia. He is the Founder and CEO of Owlyard and previously served as Quantum Computing Lead at Ford Motor Company and as a Staff Transformational Physicist at Northrop Grumman. Ghosh’s work focuses on quantum computing, quantum information, and the translation of foundational physics into real-world applications. He is internationally recognized for contributions to quantum control, error correction, and for advancing the interface between theory, industry, and science education.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Joydip Ghosh about the philosophical and scientific foundations of quantum mechanics. Ghosh explains why many ontological questions—such as the nature of the wave function and the measurement problem—are difficult to resolve within science’s requirement for testability. He traces the historical development from early quantum theory to Bell’s theorem, clarifying why no single interpretation has been experimentally confirmed. Ghosh emphasizes Hilbert space as the arena of quantum evolution and describes quantum mechanics’ central achievement: reliably connecting abstract mathematical dynamics to concrete, probabilistic measurement outcomes in the classical world.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is there a philosophy-of-physics answer, or at least a framing, within quantum mechanics that addresses its ontology—how the universe actually operates? According to experts, quantum mechanics is among the most empirically successful theories in science.

Joydip Ghosh: Any philosophical question about quantum mechanics is complicated. Often, the answer may not lie entirely within the realm of science as science is usually practiced. Science requires that proposed answers be testable. They must satisfy the criteria of experiment, observation, and inference. There must be an experimental setup.

Many philosophical questions about the reality of the quantum state—where it belongs and how it relates to consciousness, sensory organs, and perception—can be stated, but science demands more. Science asks for an experimental setup that can distinguish between competing answers. That is the tricky part.

This has been a central difficulty since the early development of quantum mechanics. In 1925, Heisenberg (with Born and Jordan) developed matrix mechanics, and in 1926, Schrödinger developed wave mechanics; these were shown to be equivalent formulations of the same theory.

Einstein did not deny quantum theory’s practical success, but he strongly questioned whether it was a complete description of physical reality—particularly given its probabilistic character and the implications of entanglement raised by the EPR argument. Later, John Bell showed that some of these disputes were experimentally addressable by demonstrating that local hidden-variable theories cannot reproduce all quantum predictions. Bell’s result dates to 1964, and increasingly stringent experimental tests followed in subsequent decades.

Even with those advances, not all foundational questions become experimentally decidable. We still do not have a universally accepted resolution of the macroscopic-versus-microscopic transition in measurement—how definite outcomes arise from quantum dynamics. This is the quantum measurement problem.

Jacobsen: Is the wave function a physical object, a field, or a catalogue of knowledge and expectations? If it is information, whose information is it? If it is real, why does it behave so unlike other objects in physics?

Ghosh: Within quantum mechanics and information theory, a connection has been established between information and physics: information is physical. For example, the zero and one in a classical computer correspond to two different physical states of a transistor. With quantum mechanics and quantum computing, information theory addresses how quantum information is encoded in the wave function of a quantum mechanical system. Whether the wave function itself is physical depends on the interpretation one adopts. Most physicists historically have worked within what is called the Copenhagen interpretation.

Under the Copenhagen interpretation, the wave function is physical in the sense that it is used to calculate probabilities of physical measurement outcomes. This does not imply that Copenhagen is the only viable interpretation. That was the point I was making in our earlier discussion. If one claims that a single interpretation is correct, one must propose an experiment that rules out all others, and that is not easy to do. Quantum mechanics does not lend itself naturally to that kind of exclusivity.

Within the Copenhagen interpretation, the wave function is treated as a physical quantity, but it does not exist in the space we perceive with our senses. It exists in a mathematically defined space called Hilbert space. The relationship between Hilbert space and the three-dimensional Euclidean space we inhabit is itself a source of many ontological questions. Is Hilbert space physical?

There is no unanimous answer within the physics community. Some physicists argue that, since a quantum state evolves in Hilbert space, and if one assumes the wave function is physical under the Copenhagen interpretation, then the space in which it evolves should also be considered physical. However, the debate continues because there is no way to establish Copenhagen as the only valid interpretation.

There is also an educational dimension. People often ask how to visualize Hilbert space, or whether it can be visualized at all. Hilbert spaces are typically infinite-dimensional, with bases that, in some instances, can be mathematically connected to the physical space we inhabit. These connections are often treated as analogies, which then become tools for physics education rather than literal pictures of reality.

Ultimately, questions about the physicality of the wave function or the space in which it resides depend on the interpretation a physicist adopts.

Jacobsen: One last question, quickly, before we are cut off. We can rejoin afterward using the same link. What is quantum mechanics fundamentally pointing to as the underlying substrate of reality?

Ghosh: Quantum mechanics tells us that when we enter the quantum regime—whether for microscopic particles or specific mesoscopic systems that are sufficiently isolated and cold so that their constituents behave coherently—the system evolves in a space that is fundamentally different from the space we inhabit.

One of the significant achievements of quantum mechanics is establishing a connection between the space of quantum evolution and the classical space in which our measurement devices operate. A quantum system evolves in a higher-dimensional mathematical space, commonly called Hilbert space, and this evolution can be described by relatively compact equations, most notably the Schrödinger equation.

Measurement, by contrast, requires applying additional rules that connect the quantum description to classical outcomes. The triumph of quantum mechanics lies in showing that although a system evolves in this abstract space, the results of that evolution can be consistently related to observations made with classical instruments in ordinary space.

In the quantum regime, a system does not evolve in the space we ordinarily inhabit. However, when we attempt to measure that system and obtain results, quantum mechanics provides a consistent framework for doing so through its equations. I will not describe those equations in detail here, but they play a role analogous to Newton’s equations of motion in classical physics.

The difference is that fundamental quantities such as position and momentum do not have deterministic values in the quantum regime. Instead, the formalism inherently accommodates their probabilistic interpretation when we calculate measurable outcomes. This is one way to think about quantum mechanics and the evolution of a quantum system in Hilbert space.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much. We are about to be disconnected.

Ghosh: Sure. No problem.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fumfer Physics 35: Cognitive Limits, Big Data, and AI’s Role in Human Reasoning

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks what human consciousness cannot process adequately. Rick Rosner argues that people hit hard limits with big data, large parameter spaces, and even simple mental representations like number grids. Computers can find correlations, but humans struggle to hold enough information at once to test whether patterns are causal. Rosner suggests AI could surface correlations and generate wide-ranging analogies across culture at superhuman scale, while humans remain responsible for interpretation and meaning. He extends the point to scientific imagination—alternative cosmologies and modified-gravity ideas—and notes AI may help break cognitive ruts, even if it is not yet a top-tier theoretical mathematician.

“We cannot hold all the data in our minds, identify multiple correlations, and then analyze whether any of them are causal. AI—if it can hold large data sets in something like a Bayesian network—might help. Then it becomes our job to interpret them: meaningful or happenstance, trivial or real.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What do I think human consciousness ultimately cannot process adequately?

Rick Rosner: Big data sets, for one—and large parameter spaces more generally. We simply do not have the capacity to manipulate or meaningfully explore extremely large data sets in our heads. We can defer to computers, which we already do. We do not even need AI to find correlations; conventional computing can do that. But the correlations you find in huge data sets do not appear to us naturally without extensive external manipulation. We cannot hold all the data in our minds, identify multiple correlations, and then analyze whether any of them are causal.

There is a reason we say correlation is not causation. If we cannot handle big data cognitively, we cannot adequately wade through it. AI—if it can hold large data sets in something like a Bayesian network—might help. Not because it “thinks” like a human, but because it can extract massive numbers of correlations from large data sets and present them to us.

Then it becomes our job to interpret them: are they meaningful or just happenstance? Are they trivial, or do they reflect something real? That is where the human work still has to happen.

In addition to not being able to process huge data sets, we also struggle with very basic representational limits. Take something simple, like imagining a grid of numbers. Most people—unless they deliberately train this skill—cannot hold even a four-by-four grid in their mind all at once. Sixteen numbers, each in its own square, is already too much for most people.

Sure, if you make it your specialty, you can get very good at it. You can flash a 4×4 grid for a second or two and memorize the whole thing. But most people cannot do that. Many would struggle even with a 2×2 grid.

AI systems, by contrast, can hold all of that in what you might call an analytic workspace and pull enormous numbers of correlations out of it. We simply lack the capacity—“bandwidth” is not quite the right word; “active working storage” is closer. We cannot keep a full grid of data in mind, let alone a multi-dimensional data set, and then intuitively extract all the correlations an AI system can find.

You can extend that limitation beyond mathematics and statistics. Think about what Daniel Kahneman described as associative thinking—how ideas trigger other ideas automatically, and how the range of associations available to you shapes your understanding. He did not use the phrase “cognitive horizon” formally, but the concept is implicit in his work: the breadth of concepts, experiences, and analogies you can draw on when making sense of something.

I was pleased with an analogy I used this morning on one of my People Yell at People shows. People were discussing what happens when Trump is no longer president—how the world will treat the United States once there is a non-asshole in the Oval Office again. I said the world will be ecstatic, much like when Obama replaced Bush and was handed a Nobel Prize for essentially nothing.

But there will still be a lingering loss of trust, because America can go bad depending on who wins elections. In that sense, America is like an alcoholic: a great person when sober, but with a known tendency to fall off the wagon. That history creates permanent caution and trepidation. I thought it was a decent analogy.

AI, once it really gets its legs under it, will be able to generate far more extreme and wide-ranging analogies, pulling from all over culture. Bill Simmons figured this out early. He realized you could use analogies from outside sports to enrich sports commentary, because sports fans are not interested only in sports. He built an empire on that insight. AI will be able to do that at scale, across domains, at a speed and breadth no human can match.

Jacobsen: What else do you think humans cannot do?

Rosner: I do not know. An AI tool, if used properly, might help people avoid cognitive ruts—the habitual ways of framing the world that we grow too attached to. Take the Big Bang theory, for example. You could ask an AI to generate a dozen alternative models and outline what kinds of experimental, observational, or mathematical evidence would be required to support them.

I do not think AI is currently capable of doing deep, original theoretical mathematics at a very high level, but it will get better.

There are theories about anomalous galactic motion that most scientists currently explain using dark-matter halos around galaxies. There are also alternative approaches—most famously modified gravity models—that propose departures from the inverse-square law under certain conditions. Some of these ideas adjust how gravity scales with distance, though not typically with a clean exponent like 1/r¹·⁹⁷; that number is illustrative, not canonical.

I have a half-formed idea I have never adequately explored: that space itself might “count for less” where there is less matter. As you move toward the outskirts of a galaxy, it is as if the effective geometry or scaling of space changes slightly. I am sure there are many problems with that idea, including orbital dynamics.

Still, you could give hints like that to a future AI, and it could explore the space seriously—generate models, test implications, and suggest refinements that incorporate that intuition.

We know the large-scale structure of the universe contains enormous filaments—hundreds of millions to billions of light-years long—along which galaxies are strung together. If space or gravity behaved differently outside those filaments, that might help account for some observed phenomena. Anyway, I was going to talk about figures for Kitten Kicked Off soon anyway. Best material. I will get you to subscribe to it. I also need to work on the audio clips and get those scheduled.

I think I got the wrong Sinclair earlier. I said Sinclair Lewis, but it was actually Upton Sinclair who said, “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it.” Yes. I meant to correct that—I had the wrong Sinclair.

Jacobsen: All right, let us call it a day. I will see you tomorrow. Thank you.

Rosner: Thank you. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson and Teela Robertson, M.C., on Memetic Self-Mapping in Psychotherapy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Dr. Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson is a Canadian counselling psychologist and theorist known for “self-mapping” and the memetic self—identity as a network of culturally transmitted ideas (memes), memetic mapping. He has published work on the use of memetic maps to enhance client reflectivity and therapeutic efficacy. Robertson has served as Lead Psychologist at the University of Regina’s Collaborative Centre for Justice and Safety. He authored The Evolved Self: Mapping an Understanding of Who We Are (University of Ottawa Press, 2020) and co-authored Mapping an Understanding: How to Represent the Self in Psychotherapy and Research Visually (Pete’s Press, 2025) with Teela Robertson, for clinicians and researchers.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson about Mapping an Understanding, co-authored with Teela Robertson, and its theoretical claim that psychotherapy rests on a culturally evolved “self” capable of reflection, belief, and coherent planning. Robertson explains how memetic self-mapping helps clients see the whole person rather than a problem-focused fragment, making change feel possible and, in practice, often client-initiated. They discuss limits (the method works best for average-or-higher conceptual functioning), clinical flexibility across CBT, Adlerian work, and EMDR, and how trauma reshapes volition, continuity, and intimacy. Resilience, he argues, blends agency with the acceptance of the uncontrollable.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You have a new co-authored book, Mapping an Understanding: How to Visually Represent the Self in Psychotherapy and Research, with Teela Robertson, MC. First, what is the theoretical foundation of the manual in psychotherapy?

Dr. Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson: The foundation of the manual is the self. In some of my earlier work, I proposed that psychotherapy and psychology have generally adopted a Kuhnian paradigm that defines our science and discipline. That paradigm is based on the idea that we have selves and minds, and that the mind and self are described in particular ways. The self we have now is capable of recognizing objective reality and of standing or hovering outside it. We are capable of holding beliefs and having internally consistent thinking.

Our ancient ancestors did not have that, or had it only in parts; it was not fully developed. The completion of this ideal of the self, capable of having a mind defined in the way I have described, may have occurred as recently as three or four thousand years ago. We do not know, because in evolution it is difficult to draw a dividing line and say, “This species begins here and ends there.” It is gradual and highly arbitrary where we place those dividing lines. Nonetheless, we have a conceptualization of the self, and psychologists have been trying to teach people to develop that self for some time now. There was a period in psychology around the time of the Second World War, and earlier, when this was not the case.

Classical behaviourism did not accept this conceptualization of the self. It viewed the self as an illusion. That position still predominates in much of academia, but not in psychotherapy. The old classical behaviourists no longer exist; they have become cognitive behaviouralists.

In cognitive-behavioural approaches, when people lack skills in certain areas, we aim to teach them those skills. That is a defining feature. Some time ago, I developed a method of mapping the self. My daughter and I have simplified that process so it becomes more time-efficient for psychotherapists to use with clients. We democratized it so clients can do much of the mapping themselves. My daughter has used self-mapping and confirmed that it works. It is not just my work; it is her work with her clients as well. We have had some excellent results.

One longstanding problem in psychology is that clients often do not want to change. They would prefer the world to change instead of themselves. What we find is that once people have created their self-map, they can see change in it much more easily. In fact, the client initiates the change much of the time, not the therapist.

Jacobsen: When they look at the self-map, what do you mean by they initiate it? Is it a verbalized, explicit process? Or do they begin to internalize, reflect, and change, and you observe this as the psychotherapist or counsellor?

Robertson: We have observed both. I have one case of a young Cree man with whom I worked. He had a history of violence. He once broke the car window of a john who was attempting to pick up an Aboriginal woman, using a bat. He was angry that there are johns who use sex workers — in this case, Aboriginal sex workers.

Another time, he accosted a man in a bar who was physically disciplining a child there, or being rough with a child. This young Cree man is physically imposing – he described himself as “a big Indian” – then said to the man, “How would you like me to do that to you?” I reframed that in my own mind as an Aboriginal activist.

The next time I saw him, he noticed the new meme of an Aboriginal activist on his self-map. He looked at me and said, “That is almost prophetic, Lloyd.” Why? Between our two sessions, he had decided to begin advocacy at the band level. This was a band in northern Saskatchewan. He had become involved with the chief and council, and now considered himself an Aboriginal activist — something he would not have called himself the last time we met.

So that is where the convergence occurs. It was not my suggestion, although I had noted and reframed his actions in that direction. He pursued that direction on his own after seeing his initial self-map. What happens in part — and this is an explanation I have for it — is that when we invite clients to change, we often focus on the negative. They focus on it as well, and they begin to believe, “This is who I am.” That feels definitive and unchangeable. It feels unreal to imagine changing who you are, or that they would change who they are. In fact, we are not asking people to change their entire selves. We are asking them to change a small part of themselves that may not be central to who they are, but becomes central when we focus exclusively on negatives. By seeing the whole self, they recognize, “I can still be myself, and I can change this part over here.”

Jacobsen: What remains the most significant area of resistance to change in therapy, traditionally, and in self-mapping?

Robertson: Traditionally, the most significant resistance to change is the idea of change itself, which I have just described. Regarding self-mapping, I will mention a limitation we have. It works exceptionally well with people who are average or higher-average in intellectual functioning. It does not work as effectively with clients who have difficulty grasping conceptual relationships. That stands to reason. That is why psychologists use multiple approaches. If we relied on only one therapy, we would narrow our clientele and fail to serve much of the population.

I use cognitive-behavioural therapy. I also use Adlerian psychotherapy, and I use eye-movement desensitization and reprocessing. I have a range of therapeutic skills. With clients, I discuss the issues they wish to address. Then I offer several possible approaches, and together we select the direction. The idea is that they can choose an approach, and if it does not help, we have alternatives. We can move to another approach if the first choice does not bring about the change they deserve. In all cases, I ensure the work is client-directed. That is true with self-mapping as well.

We now have software packages that enable clients to identify who they are across four scales. We ask for things like: ten statements of who I am; ten things I believe to be true; ten things I like about myself; and ten things I would change about myself if I could. We identify memes that represent who they are from those 40 items — sometimes more, depending on the person; the program is flexible. Those memes go onto a page, and we can draw connections between them, understanding that some lead to others and some attract others. That interconnectedness is what holds the self together.

Rather than having us be completely unpredictable every time we enter a new situation, we become a person with a predictable self. For example, if I ask you to do something illegal, Scott, and you say, “That is not who I am; I am not that kind of person,” then you have told me something about yourself — that you do not engage in illegal behaviour, or at least do not identify with doing so.

Jacobsen: Trauma is relative. How does trauma get defined in a self-mapping context so it can be worked with in a therapeutic setting, whether you are using EMDR, cognitive-behavioural therapy, or another tool?

Robertson: The objective in trauma treatment is for the person to function and problem-solve with sufficient confidence to move forward and make decisions, and trauma interferes with that entire process. That is the end goal. Before we reach that point, we may need to address hypervigilance, feelings of powerlessness, depression, flashbacks — those sorts of issues.

In terms of the self, and that is what this interview is about, that is an area I would love to study scientifically. I have developed a couple of research proposals, and I hope to secure short-term funding to conduct research that will demonstrate what we have found anecdotally. People experiencing trauma, or the stress of trauma, show changes in their sense of self. One factor in the self, for example, is volitional control, a sense of personal agency. That is reduced. We do not see volition in the map as much, if at all. There are ways in which trauma becomes visible in the mapping.

We have developed seven characteristics that we look for in a healthy self. One of them is individual volition. Another is a sense of continuity, that I am the same person today as I was yesterday, even though I may change in some ways; I am still recognizably myself. We also look for work or a sense of contribution. I believe, and I tell parents, that no matter how old the child is, the child should contribute in some way to the family dynamic. As the child grows, this can include chores. This helps the child develop a sense of capability. If that is missing, we see it represented in the self-map. They lack memes that demonstrate capability.

Intimacy is also key. One of the issues with individuals diagnosed with Asperger’s syndrome, and I still use that term because I see it as distinct from autism, is that intimacy is not often reflected on the map. If it is present, it may appear unusually. I once worked with a person with Asperger’s who identified himself as a son, not because of emotional closeness, but because he was grateful his father allowed him to live at home. That is not the form of familial intimacy that someone raised in a healthy emotional environment would typically express.

We examine these characteristics and, if they are missing, explore their absence to determine whether the map truly represents who they are or whether those areas were overlooked during self-description. We aim for a fuller picture of the self. If certain areas are missing, we work to restore them — or develop them for the first time.

The areas of research I am pursuing include the effects of trauma on first responders — police, firefighters, and correctional officers. If they repeatedly face incidents that would generally be traumatic, how does that affect their self-definition? I suspect it has an impact, but research will determine the extent.

Another area I want to pursue is intimate partner violence. How does intimate partner violence affect the victim’s sense of self? People want to see themselves as capable, self-directed individuals. Intimate partner violence can teach the opposite — that they are not capable, that they are victims. Victim psychology is an area I want to explore. How does that shape the development — or erosion — of the self? That will require significant research.

Jacobsen: Speaking in statistical terms, does trauma manifest differently in cases of physical abuse versus sexual abuse versus verbal/emotional abuse in intimate partner violence?

Robertson: I do not know of research that would back me up on this, but my experience is that yes, the nature of the trauma does affect people differentially. However, I will add another caveat. The same incident may be traumatic for one person and not traumatic for another. One issue I have is that trauma has become a loose term. Over the past ten or fifteen years, the meanings of several terms have expanded to the point that they are less valuable in discussion. Trauma is one of those terms. Now everything is a trauma.

A mother told me about three months ago that she never gives her three-year-old a timeout because timeouts can be traumatic. “Upset” is not the same as “traumatized.” But if children do not experience challenges and consequences for their actions, then ordinary disagreements can feel traumatic later – and that is not a sign of a healthy self. The whole issue of self-construction needs to be examined. One advantage of self-mapping is that it is holistic: we look at as much as we can at once and see how it fits together.

One of the approaches you mentioned was EMDR. It is effective with some people. But if someone is in a setting where, for example, I once worked with a group of university staff in eastern Canada. It was around the time the alleged discovery of a mass grave at the former Kamloops Indian Residential School was widely reported in the news. Several of them reported symptoms consistent with trauma. Why? If we are resilient, something that happened a long time ago, involving people we are unrelated to, in a place across the country, why would that become traumatic?

I think many people have lost a sense of resilience we once demonstrated. We have had people fight in major wars. The idea of trauma in psychology came from the First World War and soldiers returning home, which was then called shell shock. That was real. But not all soldiers experienced trauma. In fact, the majority did not. So we have a capacity for resilience, and we need to work on instilling that resilience — not only in people who have already suffered trauma, but from childhood onward.

Jacobsen: What are the consistent self-concepts in the self-mapping of most resilient individuals — those for whom trauma does not significantly alter their sense of self, regardless of what happens?

Robertson: A sense of volition, the belief that I can make changes in the future. That can become a trap: if you believe you can make changes and those changes don’t happen, how does that reflect on your sense of self? We cannot always control every situation. What I tell my clients — and I am not the first to say this — is that we can control how we respond to every problem. That is the challenge.

Most resilient people possess volition, but also an understanding that there are some things I cannot control — and that is okay. They do not have to control everything. But they still believe they can affect their future in positive ways, even if they cannot control every situation. Those are elements that contribute to a resilient self.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Lloyd.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Terence A. Townsend on Belonging, Grace, and Online Church: Christian Community in Practice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Terence A. Townsend is a Texas-based ministry leader, certified life and mental health coach, clergy mentor, licensed insurance broker and entrepreneur who blends faith, business strategy, and personal development in his work with WisdomWorx 2.0. With decades of experience as a speaker, author, consultant, and media host, he guides individuals and organizations in leadership, AI integration, financial stewardship, and spiritual growth. Townsend’s journey encompasses ministry calling from youth, transformational coaching, and practical tools for entrepreneurs, pastors, and families seeking purpose and resilience. He champions transformative impact through mentorship, strategic simplicity, and faith-anchored action.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Terence A. Townsend how “community” works theologically. Townsend cites Acts 2 as an ideal: believers share life and resources so no one lacks. Belonging, he says, is anchored in hospitality, grace, and the New Testament duty to love, not denominational dogma. A church should model understanding, shared roles, and leaders who teach well and show vulnerability. He flags common failures: shallow study, culture-driven politicization, and prideful “kingdoms” built around pastors. Reconciliation is the default. Online church, he adds, can re-knit scattered people through intentional digital outreach, without watering down doctrine or local accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let us start very straight forward. What is “community,” theologically?

Terence A. Townsend: Theologically, when we talk about community, we are speaking of a place where people come together and commune, having like-mindedness in their mentality, motivation, environment, and expectations of one another. One of the big things we look at when we examine community theologically is the book of Acts, chapter two—especially verses 42-47—which describe how the first Christian community in Jerusalem came together and shared life. The passage states that the believers had “all things in common,” meaning that resources were shared so that no one among them lacked what they needed. That is what the scripture says. They had everything in common in that no one was left without support or care. That is not to say that people did not have different items, homes, or personal possessions, but their mindset was making sure that no one went without. When we look at that scripture, it describes community. Theologically, we understand that this is what community, at its ideal, looks like.

Jacobsen: Where do you place the ethics of belonging? Is it in practice, such as baptism or confession, or is it in hospitality and mutual obligation? Where does this ethic of belonging sit within a church community?

Townsend: The biggest thing that you have to consider regarding belonging is understanding the values of the community and, unfortunately, the dogma that is promoted within the community. There are church communities—Christian communities—that are genuinely effective at helping people feel they are part of the community. In those settings, people do not feel isolated from the processes or systems within that community. Everyone has some level of access to one another, and although not everyone necessarily knows their specific role, everyone plays some role in helping that community remain stable and well-maintained. The issue arises when we allow denominational dogmas—things we place at a higher value or priority than the core teachings of Christ—to overshadow what is central in the New Testament, such as the command to love one another (for example, in John 13:34–35 and Romans 13:8). The ethic of love, of owing one another love, is presented in the Christian scriptures as more fundamental than secondary rules or traditions. That becomes the problem when we are strictly talking about groups whose core is theological but whose practice is shaped more by institutional or denominational rules than by that central ethic of love. You also have to understand the issues that society introduces: stress, competition, economic pressure, and the need to make a living. Those factors influence people’s participation—whether they want to remain part of the community or step out or away from it. Within a community, belonging should come with the understanding that not everyone is joyful or strongly connected at all times. Understanding this helps us nurture one another through times of hardship, loss, or burdens, whether financial or emotional. Those kinds of struggles, in a Christian theological framework, ought to be held and supported under the covering of love from community members.

Jacobsen: What should a Christian community promise its members? It is a community or communion of people under pastoral shepherding or guidance, with implicit promises. What are reasonable expectations, and what are unreasonable expectations, of the promises of a community like that?

Townsend: Reasonable expectations begin with understanding that all of us have struggles or issues at times. That is the biggest thing we have to understand: perfection is not something any of us walks into. According to scripture, we are constantly striving for perfection, which means it is a lifelong journey to approach anything that resembles perfection. In fact, the Bible goes as far as to say that our best is “as filthy rags,” meaning none of us can achieve a perfectly righteous life. It requires us to walk with understanding. I used to work for a company where, on the first day of training, the first principle we were taught was to seek understanding before anything else. Scripture echoes this: “with all your getting, get understanding.” (Proverbs 4:7; 16:16) We have to understand one another, understand circumstances, and understand what people are going through. From the pastor on down, the leader should establish that pattern: understanding who people are, understanding situations, understanding what people experience, and recognizing that everyone will not be at the same place at the same time.

As far as promises, each member of the community has to play their part and establish not only what they believe a community should be and what their expectations are, but also respond to the standard the leader sets. The leader must show that being part of the community is beneficial. That means leading by example, leading through hardship and heartbreak, teaching where possible, and showing vulnerability in areas of weakness. It is acceptable to connect with others, ask for prayer, ask for help, and ask for guidance. Scripture instructs us that among a multitude of counsellors, there is wisdom. (Proverbs 11:14; 15:22) There are opportunities for us to contribute to the community’s growth and well-being. Members need to feel they are part of what is happening, part of the forward movement and the growth, contributing without feeling as though there is a taskmaster over them. That is a significant part of understanding what true community looks like.

Jacobsen: What practices are the glue to a church community? Because it is the gospel, you will have people from a wide range of political positions, classes, races, ages, immigration statuses, and backgrounds. How does that play out in real time, and what keeps the community together?

Townsend: The thing that keeps the community together—returning to what I have said—is understanding. Knowing that everyone comes from a different background means recognizing that no one has the same upbringing or thought patterns as you do. You also have to allow grace. Grace has to be part of the community. You allow grace so that someone can come to understand who you are, and so that you can understand who they are. Many communities fail because of a lack of trust among their members. In a diverse community—or specifically a church community—people may have experienced hardship, trauma, or victimization; others may have been raised in environments where belief in God was discouraged; others may come from cultures focused primarily on the pursuit of money without recognizing a deeper purpose. All of these perspectives require grace when they come together. Someone new may say, “I have never been here; I do not understand what is happening; I do not know how you function.” Our response must be: let us show grace and allow people the opportunity to grow with us. That is where we must be to see the truth of what God desires—His investment in us—because each one of us has something to give. I believe that before you were formed in your mother’s womb, God had a plan for your life. It is up to us to bring forth what has been placed in us, to ensure that life not only matters but fulfills its purpose. The design for which we were created is meant to be lived out. Part of that calling includes God’s expectation that, in the same way we have received grace, we extend it to others.

Jacobsen: In pastors and church leaders, what are standard modes of failure that you see?

Townsend: For the most part, ministry leaders put in the sweat equity, working through the lack of resources, lack of people capital, and some on the verge of burnout. Rally support around these leaders. Applause goes to those leaders on the frontline. But, when it comes to pastors and some standard modes of failure, there are a few. One significant issue is a lack of knowledge. Scripture teaches, “Study to show yourself approved unto God, a worker who does not need to be ashamed, rightly dividing the word of truth,” (2 Timothy 2:15), meaning presenting the gospel accurately without adding or removing anything. You have to know it first. A lack of knowledge prevents pastors from giving the whole message of the gospel and the full scope of what God is aligning our lives with. Another issue is culture. Many pastors have felt pressured to align their message with cultural needs to help people rise out of misfortunes in their communities. In doing so, they are not always focused on presenting the word itself, but are drawn to respond to ongoing or systemic injustices. They can become more focused on immediate social challenges than on their first calling. That puts a heavier strain on the pastor’s work than ministry ideally involves. Often, the pastor becomes more political than spiritual, more focused on social struggle than on the things of God. That distraction can cause us to react out of frustration, whereas Christ calls us to forgiveness—”forgive them, for they know not what they do.” (Luke 23:34) That tendency is part of our humanness: we rush to put out fires without realizing they may be controlled burns. Another significant failure is what I call the pride trap—when a pastor builds a kingdom around themselves and believes that is the goal. I do not need to say much about this: anyone exhibiting narcissistic behaviour, whether in the pulpit or in political power—a president, a prime minister—needs support and needs to work on themselves. They are often difficult people to deal with.

Jacobsen: Fractures and ruptures happen in the community, whether between personalities or within the community as a whole. When is reconciliation appropriate? When is it relevant to say goodbye to a particular person?

Townsend: Reconciliation is always appropriate. Scripture instructs that if you have an issue with a brother, first present your gift at the altar, then go to that brother and address the matter. Try to make it right. Try to work it out; if you cannot, bring someone else to help. The keyword in the community is unity. It is not a community unless there is unity. Jesus demonstrated this when He said, “The Father and I are one,” and later prayed that we would be one as He and the Father are one. He was speaking of the unity that should exist among us as brothers and sisters. Reconciliation, connection, reconnection, and offering forgiveness have to be active practices. People have been hurt because they were exiled from the community. Scripture gives examples where individuals were separated because they were destructive and had no intention of changing. That judgment is not necessarily ours to make. We are to pray for one another and encourage one another. Our most powerful tool is prayer—that is what we direct Godward. What we direct toward one another is love, and forgiveness is part of that love. We must open and exercise that part of our daily life.

Jacobsen: What does online church do well, or what does it offer to those who have not considered it?

Townsend: Online church reconnects people. After the pandemic, some churches closed, but some pastors showed resilience by connecting with people online who once attended in person and are now scattered in different places. Community looks different today than it did forty years ago. When I was a child, there was no internet, and cell phones were not widely accessible. We went to summer camp, Sunday school every week, and youth meetings every Saturday. Today, with technology, a person’s community is in their hand; they never have to feel alone. The church’s opportunity is to deliver the right message and reach people where they are. Engage on TikTok, Instagram, Rumble, and other platforms, and let people know: we are here, we love you, reach out to us, we want to pray with you and connect with you. We can send information, resources, and invitations—”we have a Bible study at 2 a.m.—join us.”, many are awake anyway. In my book Sharpening Your Sword, I implore pastor and leaders to embrace the digital era and bridges connecting the tech gaps. Host online live Q & A’s, open an online community, build online courses, set in-person meet-ups for fellowship and outreach, find ways to connect and relay your cause through photos and videos. We are dealing with a generation whose sense of self is often dictated by others, shaped by whether their posts receive likes. Their sense of identity is challenged or diminished by what they see online.

Reaching people where they are allows us to say: you matter; your life’s purposes are bigger than what you see. Much of what consumes attention online is vanity. Scripture, especially Ecclesiastes, reminds us that life is full of vanities. Yet we have the opportunity to live life to the fullest. The church can draw on the wisdom of Ecclesiastes, Proverbs, and other texts and learn to use digital algorithms for good. Instead of frustration, believing that platforms favour certain content, understand what they prioritize, operate within those parameters, and make it work. Strategy is necessary; others use it, and we can as well. We must overcome fear and the learning curve, dive in, and bring change. Do not change your message—bring change to the online space. Please recognize that this is a community we are called to connect with.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

T. Michael W. Halcomb on Disillusionment, Community, and Accountability in the Modern Church

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

T. Michael W. Halcomb is an American professor, author, podcaster, and stand-up comedian. He is the author of around 30 books, an educator with five degrees (including a PhD), and a frequent academic presenter with nearly 100 conference presentations. He co-founded GlossaHouse in 2012, a publishing house focused on language-learning resources, especially biblical languages. He gave a TEDx talk, “Silent no more: Resurrecting dead languages,” in Evansville, IN in October of 2015. His comedy work has been featured in outlets such as Yahoo! Entertainment, TheWrap, and The Mirror US.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, T. Michael W. Halcomb reflects on decades of ministry across denominations and explores what sustains authentic Christian community. Halcomb recounts early disillusionment in Evangelical spaces, yet explains why he remains committed to the capital-C Church. He discusses reintegrating a former sex offender through transparent, accountable structures; serving unhoused communities across several states; and adopting children from Ethiopia as an extension of lived theology. For Halcomb, community succeeds when united by the Spirit of Christ rather than social or political agendas. Redemption requires accountability, mercy involves process, and genuine belonging demands both embrace and transformation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, you have had an early experience of disillusionment—of not belonging. How has that shaped your conceptualization of what community is in the Church? Or, theologically, what is meant by “the communal” within a theological context?

T. Michael W. Halcomb: I have had a lot of disillusionment with the Church, and I have been involved in pretty much every stripe of Evangelicalism at some level. My earliest frustration with the Church started at a Southern Baptist church when I was a teenager, and I was being pressured to go to a specific Southern Baptist college. When I did not, there was a change in disposition toward me for not doing what the pastors and the leadership of the Church wanted. So, when I went off to a different Bible college—it was not a Southern Baptist Bible college—it changed the disposition toward me a bit, and I started to feel some disillusionment there. That is an early memory I have of that.

Over twenty-five years within the Church, I have experienced disillusionment after disillusionment after disillusionment. It has been there all the time. Most recently, I had a significant fallout with the Church of the Nazarene, where I had been pastoring for 5.5 years in Hawaii. That centred around theology: a theology of sexuality, a theology of church discipline, and similar things. That came to a real head and left me, and many others, very disillusioned in the end. But I have stuck with the Church—not the Church of the Nazarene, but the capital-C Church, the global Church, regardless.

I think the idea of “commune,” initially, is to be united with God and in union with God. That is the point of it all. The body should be in union with God, together—communing, being in union with one another. The interesting thing is that “commune,” “to be united with,” gets broken down to just “being united.” Then the issue becomes: you can unite around many things that are not good, healthy, beneficial, or fruitful. You can join around any number of agendas or causes, and that does not necessarily result in unity of the Spirit of Christ.

Jacobsen: One strength of the Christian churches is that they have been around long enough that there are a lot of theologies on offer in terms of how people do community, more particularly. So, if it does not work for someone, they can go to another church.

And the Southern Baptist Convention has had demographic issues for a bit now. Was that around the time when you were having some of your disillusionment? This is a quick side note.

Halcomb: It was probably lurking, but I was a high-schooler at the time, heading into college, so those sorts of things were not on my radar. As I got into Bible college and then moved through seminary and those sorts of things, I became more aware of those issues.

At the same time, there were certainly scandals, even in the small Baptist church I was part of. I am going on the record, I guess, saying this: my youth pastor, who was married and had a couple of kids, had an affair with our senior pastor’s daughter, who was a senior in high school. This is crazy, dude—our youth pastor, who was also the high school band director, was having an affair with a girl in the youth group who was the pastor’s daughter. She rose through the ranks in the high school band, obviously. He divorced his wife and married this girl. To this day, they are still together and doing ministry in the same town—“ministry,” if that is what you want to call it. Those things were definitely around. I do not know whether anything like that was ever officially reported.

Jacobsen: It probably happens much more often than is reported. It is a big country; you have over 300 million people; a lot of things are going to happen. It is a very free country, so you are going to get a wide range of the good and bad of people, I think. A big part of this is walking with the downtrodden, the neglected, the uprooted, the outcasts, and so on. How have you incorporated that into your life journey in terms of living out your theology? You have been across denominations quite a bit.

Halcomb: I think that is really important—to be reaching out. Some of the initiatives that, as a senior pastor and a lead pastor, I have been able to be a part of or spearhead: in Hawaii, we were doing visits to the youth detention centre once a month, at the end of the month, leading a worship service for them, doing Bible study with them, and mentoring them. We also helped open up a men’s transitional house, as men were transitioning out of prison back into society. One of the things I was able to do—and this was really challenging and hard—we had a congregant who had been a sexual offender and had been locked up. Within my first three months—actually, my first two months, I think—of taking that pastoral role, he was released. Reintegrating this individual back into the community was challenging. Still, we had a good process to make it work, and I feel like it was pretty successful.

So we were trying, with the help of some friends, to work with incarcerated people: work with those before they went into incarceration—youth in detention centres before they went into jail or prison—and then those who were coming out of prison, on the other side of it. We had some church folks who were going into the jails to lead worship services and other activities. We had lots of activity there. We were working with homeless and feeding ministries and things like that as well—lots of reaching into and pouring into the community.

There is a lot of story there about how things ended during my time in the Church of the Nazarene, but I do not know if I really want to go into that. But, yes, we were doing a lot to reach back into our community. My wife was involved in going into the prisons, and now and then, they would have children visit their parents for special days in jail; my wife was one of the helpers with that.

My wife and I have also adopted several children from Ethiopia, so looking after orphans has been a prominent part of our ministry for the past 20 to 25 years. Those are some of the ways we were reaching back into our local community, both outside the walls of the Church and, in some instances, within them.

Jacobsen: What were the big lessons—three counts? One on redemption with former sex offenders. Two, the stories around individuals who are either, by bad decisions or bad luck, unhoused. And then a third case, the lessons from adopting children from Ethiopia, in terms of giving a better life to kids in need.

Halcomb: In thinking about reintegrating a sex offender back into the fabric of the Church, it is one thing if you have an offender who had not previously been part of the congregation—nobody knows them, they are coming into the Church, and in that case, only the leadership or select people would know about the person’s past. That would present its own challenges, but it might be a little easier. I am not sure. There is no playbook for how to do this.

It is very different when the person was part of the community before imprisonment. The person was in a prominent position, had preached, had led worship, and then this travesty happened. They went to prison, and then you reintegrate them back into the same community—and everybody knows. There is no playbook for how to do this. There is no obvious, easy, or comfortable path. Not at all. It was demanding and challenging at times.

It started with talking to parole officers, getting on the same page with them, and then having the offender come into a board meeting before ever returning to a Sunday service—meeting with the board. I drafted a plan, with the board’s approval, to present to this individual and say: “This is our plan to reintegrate you into the life of the Church.” You have to meet A, B, C, and D before you can do E, F, and G. We had milestones along the way. You need to attend a certain number of sessions with your marriage therapist. You need a certain number of individual therapy sessions. You need to come back to board meetings from time to time. We laid out a plan, and as long as those milestones were hit, we could make progress and open certain doors for this person to regain privileges—maybe playing keyboard, maybe coming back up front, whatever it was.

There were milestones along the way, and if those were achieved, doors were reopened. That is precisely what happened. The individual did a great job, and we all followed the plan together. There was accountability. As wild as it sounds, in twenty-plus years of ministry, one of the feathers I would put in my ministry cap is the story of successfully reintegrating this individual back into the life of the Church. In a small church—only fifty to seventy people—everyone knows everyone.

There were relational and marital strains for this individual, and we had to work through all of them. Transparency was the best option at all times. I feel like that is what is missing in a lot of churches—utter transparency about everything. We were transparent about those steps; we were transparent about every penny spent, and anybody could ask for an expense report at any time in our Church. It would be gladly given to them. Operating with transparency at all times was the best option. I think that is a great redemption story.

Sex offenders often face enormous barriers in coming back into the Church. As we said, there is no plan to do this, so some churches do not know how to start. If certain families in a church find out that you are reintegrating a sex offender into the life of the Church, and they have kids, they are gone. They will not take the risk. It is too risky, and it is understandable.

Jacobsen: This is a broader conversation about the enormous prison population in the United States and the lack of a universal, comprehensive system for reintegration into American society for those who demonstrate the capacity to do so and make restitution. Some people cannot be helped, and you obviously need to protect others. Still, I do not know about a comprehensive review program.

Halcomb: Two of the people doing the best job at this that I have ever seen are Rick and Deverlyn Kang, and they live in Hawaii. They have systems for people before they get incarcerated—troubled youth—then in the youth detention systems, then in the prisons, and then on the other side of the jails. They converted half of their home into a women’s safe house, and they helped create the men’s transition house we worked with. Their ministry is remarkable. Both of them had been in prison themselves. They are doing a fantastic job on all fronts, but even still, there is no comprehensive playbook for this.

Jacobsen: And what about the individuals who are homeless or unhoused?

Halcomb: We were working with a few organizations in Hawaii, and wherever I have been—in Michigan, Kentucky, Hawaii, even North Carolina—whatever Church we have been part of, there has always been some outreach to that population. Some churches were more invested than others, but I have never seen or known a church that has not been involved in some way.

When we were part of a Lutheran congregation in Hawaii, our last six months there—it was called the Waikiki Beach Gathering—the Church had no walls, no building. You literally meet right on the beach in Waikiki, and you are sitting right next to homeless people worshipping, having communion, listening to the sermon, whatever it is. I have never been part of a church community that has not done effective outreach to those without homes in whatever community they are in.

The Church has, in my opinion, done a great job. But larger systems at play keep the cycle going and keep people trapped. In Hawaii, people are priced out of houses—the housing situation is insane—and people can become homeless overnight, literally. But from what I have seen, the Church has done a great job of serving those without homes wherever I have been.

In terms of adopting several children from Ethiopia, that has come with its own set of blessings and its own set of challenges. Looking after orphans is not easy by any means. There are many things each child brings to the table, and then there are societal pressures. When we were adopting from Ethiopia the first time, we lived in Kentucky, and my family in Kentucky and Ohio was actually upset. “Why are you not adopting an American kid?” Remarks like that.

I have a pastor friend who said something like: if every pastor’s family in the United States adopted at least one child, we could end the global orphan crisis overnight. I do not know if that statistic holds; I have no reason not to believe it, but it is something like that. It is wild to think about. We have adopted several, and these are what you call true orphans—no birth parent living and no record of them either. They would have been left to the streets or worse. My wife and I wanted to give them a better life, a shot at a good life, and we have worked very hard to do that. It has not been easy the whole time.

Jacobsen: What makes community about embrace and accountability? It is both the Snuggie you wear and the Snuggie you have to wash.

Halcomb: If you are following scripture, both are there. If people are willing to repent for wrongdoing, they should be welcomed back into the community. But at the same time, if people have transgressed or done wrong and are unwilling to repent—especially after church discipline and several levels of church discipline, if you are doing the whole Matthew 18 approach—then they need to be asked to leave. I have had to ask people to go and not come back before. That is part of the role. I was not willing to be a pastor then refuse to enforce church discipline when it needed to be enforced. A lot of churches do not do that today, but both are there in scripture. That is how early churches were run; that is how the Church has functioned throughout church history—or, ideally, how it should have functioned. You have to do both.

You welcome everyone as they are, as it is often said, but nobody is welcome to stay the same. Ideally, you are all growing and being sanctified together in community through the Spirit of Christ.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite biblical joke?

Halcomb: Favourite biblical joke? Are you asking because I do stand-up comedy, or are you just curious?

Jacobsen: Yeah. What was that guy—Jeff Allen? I think his best joke is that his conversion to religion came through Ecclesiastes.

Halcomb: I do not know that joke.

Jacobsen: It is just observational. He says, “Yeah, I came to the religion and God through Ecclesiastes.” And the other person responds, “He reached out to you through Ecclesiastes? Through Ecclesiastes, to you?” ‘Meaningless, meaningless, meaninglesss—it is all meaningless.’

Halcomb: So here is a joke. I have several religious jokes. I find it fascinating how different denominations focus on distinct theological matters. Southern Baptists focus on assurance of salvation; Presbyterians focus on the sovereignty of God; and United Methodists focus on… pronouns. I do not know if it is funny to you, but it is to me.

It is a good joke because it is true. As a former United Methodist, it is hilarious because it is true. I have a bunch of Catholic jokes, some Nazarene jokes, some Amish jokes. It is fun.

Jacobsen: What are the Amish jokes?

Halcomb: I have a whole bit about this YouTube video where Amish men are lifting a barn and moving it, like, five hundred yards—literally lifting a barn with their arms and hands and carrying it five hundred yards. These Amish guys are ripped, like pro athletes, like NBA players. I think one guy’s name was… LeBarn James.

I have all kinds of Christian church jokes. The theological distinctive stuff is fun to toy around with. Have you ever noticed how Catholic priests have saints to pray to for just about everything… Except accountability?

Jacobsen: I think one big thing that happened in the North American Church is that it is primarily women and girls by a significant margin. In terms of community, how do you build community to get a more balanced gender ratio? That is a conversation many churches are having.

Halcomb: You are addressing what many call the feminization of the Church?

Jacobsen: Not even giving it a title—just observation. There are more women and girls in the Church.

Halcomb: A lot of people look at the current praise-and-worship situation—the music. Because it is so emotion-driven and uses a lot of intimate language in the lyrics, this may be one of the reasons men do not sing in Church, or a deterrent to coming to Church altogether. They do not want to sing.

Jacobsen: All the fuchsia coloured ensembles of the aesthetics, and so on.

Halcomb: This is something many men will not like. Many churches are doing things to try to restore masculinity. “Fire nights” are one example—guys meet around a fire pit every other Friday night or something like that. Fire nights are one of the trends picking up across the United States.

There are more female pastors, which may be another deterrent for some men. You also have men’s conferences and similar events.

Jacobsen: So, this is about attenuation practices—how do you sustain engagement?

Halcomb: Yes, in part. You have to ask: how do we reach men? How does this community—not the message, the message is already relatable—but how does this community become appealing in a way that men would think, “I want to be part of that; this would be good for me; good for my family; good for my marriage”?

Every Church does its own thing—camping trips, fire pits, fishing trips, conferences. How do you make men more interested in this? It is a real challenge. Many communities are facing the same problem.

The trend exists outside the Church, too. Across the United States, the feminization of the university is a recognized trend. Female professors and students outnumber men by a significant margin—something like sixty–forty or sixty-five–thirty-five, depending on the data. The legal system shows a similar pattern. So it is no different in the Church; we are seeing the same things happen.

Jacobsen: The vocation of pastor may not change, but the ratio of roles may. In earlier eras, the pastor was more responsible; now, many functions are outsourced to other systems. What are the roles of the pastor today?

Halcomb: It depends on the size of the Church. In a megachurch, the pastor can be hired as a teaching pastor—your job is to teach or preach. You are not leading Bible studies, making hospital visits, or dealing with budgets. That is your job. There is also the executive pastor, whose role is to handle finances, oversee budgets, work with trustees, and more. In larger churches, individuals can wear their own hats and stay in their own lanes.

In smaller churches, you do not have that luxury. You are looked at like a CEO. You are expected to teach and preach, plan the agenda for the year, lead Bible studies, make hospital visits, do funerals, baptisms, and weddings. There were times when the worship leader was sick and called out the morning of—I had to lead music. You oversee trustees, the board, and finances, and attend denominational conferences and meetings.

In a small congregation, you are essentially playing the role of twenty different people. You are a mediator—mediating between family members, mediating between church members—and all the while you are trying to balance your own family life. There are many roles the modern small-church pastor plays, from preacher to teacher to funeral speaker to event planner to finance manager to administrator, and so on.

It is a lot. I cannot think of another job where you are expected to do it all. I do not know another job where you are supposed to do everything. It is no wonder the mental health of pastors is terrible right now. A lot of the people I went to Bible college with got burned out and left ministry a few years in. Very few remain. I can probably count on one hand the number of people I went to Bible college with—from 1999 to 2003—who are still in ministry.

Jacobsen: How many were in the cohort?

Halcomb: A few hundred. Probably a couple of hundred. Not many are left doing it.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on the conversation today around community?

Halcomb: I hope this went in a direction you think is helpful. Community is vital. One of the things I tell my students, as we work through New Testament texts is what I alluded to earlier: church communities can be united around many wrong things. Even noble things can decenter Christ, pushing him from the centre and becoming the focal point. When that happens, it becomes problematic.

It is imperative that the body of Christ—the bride of Christ, the Church—be a community centred around the main thing, which is Jesus Christ, and that they be centred around Jesus Christ in a unity of the Holy Spirit. Political agendas can bring people together; social agendas can, too. Those things can be good and noble, but when they are the thing that unites you rather than the Spirit of Christ, it becomes problematic. Being united by the Spirit around Christ is the main thing.

A healthy church community—if you are looking for a church, a question you can ask yourself when you go in is: are these people united around Christ? Is he the focus? And is it the Spirit of Christ that has united them together? If not, that is a red flag. I think that is really important.

Jacobsen: Well, Michael, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise.

Halcomb: Sounds great, Scott. It was good meeting you.

Jacobsen: Good meeting you, too.

Halcomb: All right, brother. Have fun. Take care. Happy New Year.

Jacobsen: Happy New Year. Cheers.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Galyna Ostapovets on War Reporting: Verifying Peace Talks, POW Exchanges, and Operational Security

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Galyna Ostapovets is a Ukrainian journalist and war reporter currently based in Kyiv. She joined the Novyny.LIVE newsroom in June 2021 and, after Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, shifted from politics to reporting the war’s societal consequences, producing articles and video coverage. She writes for Novyny Live and creates videos for its YouTube channel. IJNet profiled her as “Journalist of the Month” in April 2023. She contributes to international outlets including IJNet and the Institute for War and Peace Reporting. IWPR states she was born in Ukraine’s Lviv region and graduated from the International University of Economics and Humanities.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Galyna Ostapovets, a Kyiv-based Ukrainian war reporter for Novyny.LIVE and international outlets, profiled by IJNet as April 2023 “Journalist of the Month.” They focus on the mechanics of truth-finding amid diplomacy and human suffering: what was hardest to verify while reporting from Istanbul around Ukraine’s delegation and Umerov-led talks; whether she withholds publication until a second independent confirmation; and how she judges whether “humanitarian” agendas (POWs, abducted children) are real. Ostapovets also discusses trauma-informed rules for prisoner-exchange coverage, misunderstandings about captivity and return, and balancing disclosure with security in interviews with Andriy Yusov and Mark Rutte.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When you were reporting from Istanbul around Ukraine’s delegation and the Umerov-led talks, what were hardest to verify?

Galyna Ostapovets: The news cycle in Istanbul was frantic. When news and statements come fast, it is always difficult to verify information. I usually check certain statements with two or three sources to ensure their accuracy. In addition, there were many Russian journalists in Istanbul who were reporting the news in a propagandistic style, and it was important for us Ukrainian journalists to immediately provide counter-information and refute their inaccurate data.

Jacobsen: Did you refuse to publish anything until you had a second independent confirmation?

Ostapovets: I never publish news unless I have verified its accuracy from two or three independent sources. With the frantic pace of news today, it is very easy to be misled by rumors or misinformation, publish the news, and receive a lot of likes and shares. However, this is not about integrity or journalistic standards. I would say that it is disgusting to capitalize on people’s emotions in such difficult times, because for all of us Ukrainians, war is not a job, but first and foremost a very, very difficult life.

Jacobsen: Your coverage frames negotiations partly through humanitarian deliverables, i.e., POWs and abducted children. What signs tell you a humanitarian agenda is substantive?

Ostapovets: We thank our partners for their help in resolving issues related to prisoners of war and abducted children. But for us, as media representatives and, above all, as citizens of this country, it is important that this assistance be strengthened. After all, thousands of our soldiers and thousands of abducted children are still being held captive in Russia. They should all be at home with their families, not in Russian prisons or children’s shelters.

Jacobsen: In your 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner-exchange reporting, what trauma-informed rules informed your work?

Ostapovets: All of us Ukrainians, journalists, military personnel, and ordinary people, are deeply traumatized by the war. It is not normal to live for four years under constant shelling and fear for your life. However, I do not feel any war trauma in my work, including during the large-scale exchange of 1,000 for 1,000. The main thing is not to traumatize the soldiers who are returning from captivity with questions. It’s a very fine line. You should never ask how they were in captivity or ask about physical torture. After all, this causes them great pain.

Jacobsen: After covering multiple exchange stages, what is misunderstood in the public sphere about captivity and return?

Ostapovets: I haven’t analyzed public opinion, but it seems to me that our society still doesn’t know how to talk with prisoners properly. For example, when someone says to a prisoner, “I understand you”, that is very, very wrong. Because only someone who has been through captivity can understand them. In general, Ukrainian society is always very happy when prisoners are returned. We see this in the number of comments under the relevant posts and the spread of this news. They are like a light in this endless black tunnel of war.

Jacobsen: For the Andriy Yusov conversation, what is the line between public interest disclosure and operational security?

Ostapovets: In principle, interviews with intelligence officers, military personnel, and security services always straddle the line between information that is important to the public and information that is sensitive for Russians. After more than 10 years of war in Ukraine, we have all learned to strike a balance between telling people what we can and keeping secret information confidential.

After all, we Ukrainian journalists are not just working with the war. First and foremost, we are citizens of a country that is defending itself against Russian aggression, and we feel the war every day. Each of us has someone who is fighting, and worse, many of us have someone who has died in the war. We journalists experience rockets, drones, and all air attacks just as our citizens do. Therefore, no journalist who works constantly with the war will disclose information to the public that could harm their country and themselves personally.

Jacobsen: When intelligence officials make quantifiable claims, how do you pressure-test numbers ?

Ostapovets: Unfortunately, we are unable to verify the number of shahids or missiles produced by Russia, which I often ask our intelligence officers about in interviews. However, when it comes to the advance of Russian troops on the front line or the capture of certain settlements, this information is, of course, verified by several sources for accuracy.

Jacobsen: You questioned NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte directly in a formal NATO setting. What techniques help extract actionable specificity?

Ostapovets: There are no special techniques. As a journalist, I constantly follow the statements of world leaders, including the NATO Secretary General. In addition, I am constantly at NATO headquarters attending various meetings of alliance ministers. Therefore, I always have the opportunity to hear the original statements and news, and accordingly, I always have questions about them.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Galyna.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pastor Justin McLane on Paganism to Christianity, Combat Faith, Church Hurt, and the Black Robe Regiment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Justin McLane is a lead pastor, author, and workshop facilitator whose writing explores Christianity as a personal, everyday relationship with God. A combat veteran with two deployments, he describes earlier years in pagan practice, paranormal investigation, and later conversion following an experience he interprets as supernatural. His ministry emphasizes direct language, boundaries in interfaith friendships, and pastoral care for people harmed by churches. McLane discusses denominational disputes, civic engagement, and the role of faith in public life through initiatives such as the Black Robe Regiment and Gideon’s Pledge. He shares resources via http://www.justinmclane.com. He lives in Tennessee and speaks widely.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Justin McLane, a pastor and combat veteran, about a trajectory from pagan practice to Christian leadership. McLane recounts a secular home, Wiccan exposure, and years of paranormal investigation before a conversion experience he frames as supernatural. He argues that pagans more readily accept spiritual realities, while atheists struggle most with the supernatural. Military service, he says, trained him to trust, persevere, and apply mission-minded discipline to faith. The discussion ranges from “church hurt” and compassionate moral speech to interfaith boundaries, denominational infighting, public polarization, and the Black Robe Regiment’s call for civic engagement in contemporary America.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You had early experiences in paganism and later developed an understanding of Christianity. How do you characterize that development over time—the introduction to the first, the transition to the latter, and your current knowledge of that trajectory, especially with the benefit of hindsight?

Pastor Justin McLane: I was raised in what I would describe as a borderline anti-Christian household. My mother is an atheist, my father is agnostic at best, and church was never a part of my life. I was introduced to paganism through a friend at school who was raised Wicca by his parents. I was living in Massachusetts at the time, and I was born there. There was a local metaphysical store run by someone I called a Wiccan high priestess, and my friend and I went there and received instruction and training. For most of my life into adulthood, including during my time in the army, I practiced paganism and became involved in paranormal investigation and related activities. Several years ago, I had an experience I interpreted as supernatural, which led me to God. I attribute my current beliefs and direction to the guidance of the Holy Spirit, and I am now a lead pastor. I planted a church about a year ago. Looking back, I appreciate that earlier path because it allows me to “speak a different language,” and I think Christians often struggle to communicate because religious terminology—such as “seasons” or “salvation”—can be confusing to people outside the faith. I feel comfortable bridging the gap between non-believers and people suffering from “church hurt.” In the past—encouraged by my mother—I would go to churches, find people questioning their faith, and try to persuade them to leave. When I became a Christian, my mother stopped speaking to me, and we have not spoken in several years, which has been challenging and isolating. Many of my friends—non-Christian, LGBTQ, or atheist—also stopped speaking to me after my conversion, and I was viewed as a traitor. That isolation led me to rely more on my faith. Some conversations have resumed, while others have not. Although I regret how anti-Christian I was in the past, I believe those experiences now help me understand and communicate with people who are not believers or who have been harmed by churches. I also believe that telling someone they are “going to hell” is ineffective if that person does not believe in hell.

Jacobsen: How about the combat veteran experience? When you were signing up, where did you check the box when they asked about belief?

McLane: I was pagan. When I first enlisted, the only religions formally recognized were Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and, I believe, Hinduism. It was not until a few years after I enlisted that some pagan religions began to be recognized. On dog tags, for example, religious identification would read “Christian, non-denominational.” If you were pagan, you could not list anything specific; it was left non-specific. That changed only several years later. There is a saying that there are no atheists in foxholes—that once bullets start flying, people start praying—but that is not entirely true. There are not many atheists in the military, and most people who enter military service develop some belief system because they need something larger than themselves to rely on. As a combat veteran and a pagan, I had many experiences shaped by the fact that the military culture was predominantly Christian. I often had people in my platoon—men and women—ask if they could pray for me or invite me to church.

There was one particular instance when I was deployed to Iraq in 2003, stationed in Mosul. I had been on guard duty all night and was returning to the Imperial Guard buildings where we were staying. When I reached my room, my entire platoon was waiting outside. They asked if they could pray for me. I agreed, mostly because I wanted to go to sleep. They prayed, and I went to bed. At the time, I shrugged it off. I did not really think about it again until after I became a Christian.

I had two roommates. One was a Seventh-day Adventist who was deeply involved in his church—very devout, welcoming, and kind. The other was a Southern Baptist. In the military, everyone is “green.” There is less emphasis on differences between men and women or backgrounds because you are fighting alongside one another. In that sense, people are often more accepting than in civilian life.

Jacobsen: How would you describe religious experience before conversion and after conversion?

McLane: Before conversion, I would describe my experience as distinctly pagan. Pagan belief systems accept the supernatural, so when something supernatural occurred, I was more open to it. I believed there were forces and realities I could not see or fully understand, and I accepted many experiences as supernatural without much skepticism. In hindsight, my view was naive. I took many things for granted and assumed they were good when I should have questioned them more. I now interpret some of those experiences as demonic influence, based on my current beliefs, including the idea that the devil offers gifts. In paganism and related practices, such as tarot reading, there is a belief in communicating with an unseen realm.

After I became a Christian, I began attending an Assemblies of God church. I sometimes describe it as “Pentecostal light.” It is a Pentecostal denomination that embraces speaking in tongues, divine healing, and the gifts of the Holy Spirit. When I spoke with my pastor, who was mentoring and counselling me, he explained these beliefs and practices. I found them intuitive and did not struggle with them. He told me that accepting the supernatural is often one of the most challenging aspects of conversion for people, but for me, it was not difficult because of my prior background.

Jacobsen: That is a very interesting framing. You rarely hear conversion discussed this way in mainstream discourse—particularly the idea that moving from paganism to Christianity can involve continuity rather than rupture in one’s understanding of religious experience. That perspective is not often articulated.

McLane: I think conversion is more complex for atheists, particularly committed atheists or naturalists. My mother is one. When I was pagan, it was almost a joke in our household because she was not anti-pagan; she was anti-Christian. I would tell her I was going on a ghost investigation or casting a spell, and she would treat it dismissively, saying things like, “That’s nice,” and patting me on the head, because she believed none of it existed. For atheists, I think the most challenging part of moving toward religion is accepting the supernatural aspect—the idea of a God who exists outside of space and time, who is all-knowing, who intervenes in human life, along with angels, messages, and spiritual gifts. That supernatural framework is complex for them. Pagans, by contrast, tend to accept it more readily. In pagan practice, praying to an idol or statue is understood as using a conduit to communicate with a god.

What is more difficult for pagans to accept is the idea of a perfect God. In paganism, gods are fallible; they make mistakes, experience anger, and behave in recognizably human ways, as mythology illustrates. Accepting an all-knowing, all-good, all-loving God requires raising one’s conceptual framework. The transition was relatively seamless for me. After the intense experience I interpreted as supernatural, it made sense to me. It took a few days to process and to re-evaluate my life up to that point, including the belief that much of what I had done was wrong. I also had to come to terms with forgiveness, alongside a lingering sense of responsibility to address past mistakes.

Jacobsen: One defining characteristic of the Christian conception of God is that God is personal. God is described as existing outside of space and time, as all-good and all-knowing. In your book God Is Personal, how do you frame that idea as the crux of the experience? Paganism involves ritual, but Christianity emphasizes a personal relationship. The standard framing is that it is not merely belief, but a relationship.

McLane: In paganism, you are often chasing the gods. There is a sense that they are indifferent or ambivalent, and you hope to gain their attention. Because they are fallible, people can see themselves reflected in them, which makes the idea of a relationship feel more accessible on the surface. In Christianity, by contrast, God is understood as the creator of the universe—vast, powerful, and beyond comprehension. That scale can make it difficult to grasp that such a God would care about individual people.

The challenge is understanding that the same God who created the stars, the universe, and even DNA also knows your name, wants to hear from you, and cares about your life. Scripture emphasizes that God calls people by name. The focus of the book is on reminding people that God is present in everyday life—at the dinner table, on the drive to work, and while listening. Paul speaks of being in a constant state of prayer, not a transactional or formulaic one. It is more like sitting with a parent and speaking honestly about hardship, responsibility, relationships, or uncertainty. Even though God is vast and powerful, He is also personal. The belief is that God wants people to include Him in their lives, to share moments with Him, and to participate in what is understood as His plan.

Jacobsen: What is the Black Robe Regiment?

McLane: The Black Robe Regiment is currently an organization of pastors, though we are expanding membership to include others. My goal, as I described it, is to address what I see as a cultural tension between politics and religion—an effort to push religion out of politics and politics out of personal life. I argue that the two are not enemies but companions, and that biblical moral principles should inform political decisions.

I described an initiative called the Gideon’s Pledge, which encourages pastors to speak about the importance of elections, civic engagement, and political participation. I emphasized that the United States is not a sacred or promised land, but it is home, and therefore something Christians should be involved in shaping.

I said many churches avoid political engagement out of fear, particularly concerns related to the Johnson Act and the potential loss of nonprofit status. I described the historical “Black Robe Regiment” as referring to the pastors who advised and guided many of the Founding Fathers, whom I characterized as predominantly churchgoing Christians. I said those pastors functioned as spiritual guides and that modern Christians should return to Scripture as a moral reference point for determining right and wrong and for helping people heal from personal and social struggles.

I cited abortion as an example of a contentious issue, arguing that prayer outside abortion clinics can be a loving act when done without coercion. I distinguished this from what I described as weaponized or hostile approaches, emphasizing that, in my view, the intention should be to offer compassion rather than impose beliefs.

I said the organization aims to help people understand politics and religion as compatible rather than opposed. I further argued that ideas such as the separation of church and state are often misunderstood, asserting that the American founding documents are rooted in Christian values. I maintained that just as Christians make personal decisions based on Scripture, political decision-making should reflect those same convictions, and I said the organization works with individuals and politicians to promote that approach.

Jacobsen: What do you believe churches misunderstand about faith?

McLane: He said he believes many churches misunderstand faith by reshaping it to conform to personal or cultural preferences. He argued that too many religious communities alter faith and Scripture to fit what people want rather than allowing faith to challenge them. He said he has observed similar dynamics in other religions, including Islam, based on his experiences in Muslim-majority countries. He quoted a saying used by an elder in his church: that there is “too much man in church and not enough God in man.” He argued that when faith is altered to suit individual desires, it becomes diminished and inconsistent, leading to divergent interpretations across communities. He expressed concern about churches that normalize behaviors he considers sinful or promote universal salvation, which he described as modifying biblical teachings to suit contemporary preferences. He argued that this reverses what he believes should be the proper orientation—that individuals should change themselves to align more closely with Jesus rather than reshaping doctrine.

Jacobsen: How did military service shape your theology? You underwent intense training, encountered extreme situations, and served in countries where dominant faith traditions were very different and often more intense in their expression.

McLane: I completed two deployments. My first deployment was in a support role at a warehouse. My second deployment was in an active combat role as part of a convoy security element, where I provided security. During the second deployment, I spent significantly more time outside the wire. I ran 255 missions on the road and had much more exposure to life outside the base, observing how people lived and interacted with one another. During my first deployment, I had more one-on-one interactions with Iraqi nationals. We worked alongside Iraqi staff in the warehouse, interpreters, and local workers. That allowed me to engage with people more personally. Having both experiences gave me a broader perspective and a deeper appreciation for what we have in our own country. My military experience shaped my faith.

The military teaches you not to quit. “Suck it up and drive on” is a common phrase. I apply that mindset now when working with people whose faith is changing. In the military, you are required to do things that do not always make sense or that you may disagree with. For example, in winter, you are not allowed to put your hands in your pockets. It may seem unreasonable, but you follow the rule. When I became a Christian, I encountered things in the Bible that offended me. I had to approach that discomfort by accepting that there were reasons I did not yet understand. Unlike arbitrary military rules, I believed this guidance came from God, which required trust.

In the military, I learned to trust my equipment, my team, my squad, my platoon, and even people I did not personally know while operating in a sector. I had to trust that others were watching my back. That experience taught me how to trust and have faith. When I became a Christian and encountered teachings that challenged or offended me, I drew on that same discipline. In the military, you complete the mission. In Christianity, the mission is to follow Christ and become more like Christ. Personal opinions shaped by parents, teachers, or culture sometimes have to be set aside to trust in God. That lesson is something I carried directly from my military experience.

Jacobsen: How do you work with people in church communities who feel alienated, or with those outside the church who have experienced what is commonly referred to as “church hurt”?

McLane: I have a minimal filter. I am covered in tattoos, and my approach is often rougher than people expect. I am not everyone’s cup of tea, and that is fine. When I work with people whom the church has hurt, I understand them and can empathize. In many cases, what a church did to them was genuinely wrong. Some churches and pastors have done serious harm. As Christians, we often place pastors on pedestals, and that needs to stop. As a pastor, I am not above anyone else. My role is to guide people toward Christ, and I do hold myself to a higher standard, but my own background is not perfect.

Most cases of church hurt involve judgment placed on someone after they made a mistake. I tell people that I have made the same mistakes. I am open about that because a large part of my past involved serious errors. I was an active pagan, and within Christian Scripture, paganism is described as idolatry and wrongdoing. I meet people at that level of honesty and then try to understand their specific situation.

In any form of counselling, the goal is to understand where someone is coming from and what the situation actually was. In most cases, the issue was judgment. In the area where I live, many family churches have operated the same way for generations. They have established routines and traditions they do not want to change. Everyone looks, acts, and sounds the same. That has always bothered me.

When I first started looking for a home church, I attended one where the doors were locked during services, effectively locking people inside. I could not rationalize that. I am not interested in putting other churches down, but I do believe in pointing out mistakes when they are made. When someone comes to me and says their church mistreated them, I listen. One person told me they were from a low-income family and could not afford a particular ankle-length denim skirt. As a result, they were told they could not return. I told them we are a “come as you are” church. If you look at my online sermons, you’ll see that half the time I am wearing a cowboy hat, an Ariat shirt, and jeans. Scripture warns against separating ourselves from people or focusing on outward appearances. What matters is that people walk through the door. We will welcome them.

That does not mean I approve of sin. I will point out when something is wrong, but the way I do it matters. I use the example of driving with my wife in the passenger seat. If she tells me I am speeding, she is not judging me. She is simply pointing out that the speed limit on the sign and the speed on the dashboard do not match. She is stating a fact. That is the approach I believe we need to return to. I can say that something is sinful and that God disapproves of it without casting judgment. I will never tell someone they are going to hell. When people do that, they take God’s judgment into their own hands and rob a person of hope. Saying “you are going to hell” shuts the door on the possibility of redemption.

What I tell people is that what I preach is not original. I did not invent it. I read books, studied Scripture, and I share what I have learned. What someone does with that information is their choice. If they want to move closer to Christ, they are welcome at my church. If my church is not the right fit, I am happy to help them find another one. I know many pastors. We need to stop condemning people and stop telling them they are doomed. We can say something is wrong and that God disapproves, but judgment belongs to God alone.

Jacobsen: How do you approach interfaith efforts, especially given your background, which on the surface appears to involve very different theological and philosophical frameworks—from paganism to Christianity? Whether you are hosting an interfaith event or simply engaging in dialogue, what characterizes healthy interfaith engagement in a politically charged moment like the one we are in now? And conversely, what characterizes unhealthy dialogue so we can consciously lean toward the former?

McLane: As I mentioned earlier, many of my friends from before I became a Christian stopped speaking to me because there were things I could no longer endorse. One of the major issues now is what is often described as the LGBTQ movement. I had previously participated in Pride parades, worn “dad hugs” shirts, and publicly supported those causes, but after becoming a Christian, I felt the need to reassess that support. Many people did not respond well to that change. I still love them, and I still have a small number of friends who are pagan and who identify as LGBTQ. We have conversations, sometimes difficult ones, but the key elements are boundaries, respect, and an understanding that we can agree to disagree. When those conditions are met, relationships can continue healthily.

One of my friends is Wiccan. Early on, she set clear boundaries and told me she was not interested in being evangelized. I respect that. On my side, she understands that I am a pastor, that I have written a book, that I am working on a workshop, and that Scripture plays a significant role in my life. When I talk about faith, I am not trying to change her; I am sharing information and explaining why I believe what I believe. We have that mutual understanding and can agree to disagree. I explain that, according to my faith and experience, there are consequences tied to certain beliefs and actions. She understands that perspective, and I do not need to press the issue repeatedly. I can acknowledge why she believes as she does, based on my own past, while also being clear that I no longer share those beliefs. We recognize the disagreement and move on.

There have also been moments when she has asked me to pray for her, including during a problematic relationship. She made it clear she was not a Christian, but still asked for prayer. That matters from my perspective. Pagans generally accept multiple pantheons and belief systems, so asking for prayer is not unusual. It is rarely an outright rejection of God; more often, it is skepticism toward exclusivity. When she asked me to pray, I saw that as meaningful. I once heard a pastor say that it can take many interactions—sometimes over a hundred—for someone to come to faith. Occasionally, you are the first person in that process. That is often what people think of as mission work. In places like New England, including Massachusetts, some people have never attended church, read the Bible, or meaningfully encountered Christianity.

Jacobsen: Many major universities, especially around Boston, were originally founded by Christian denominations.

McLane: Yes. In fact, the concept of the university itself developed within religious contexts. It was initially a way for people to gather and engage with Scripture and theology.

Jacobsen: Before that, you had Aristotle’s Lyceum and Plato’s Academy, and later, in the eleventh or twelfth century, what we now recognize as universities began to emerge in places like Italy. Some of those institutions still exist today.

McLane: It is on my list of places to visit. There is also a beautiful monastery not too far from there. I learned that you can stay in monasteries and convents for a nominal charge. There are certain expectations you have to follow, but it is possible to travel through Italy or Greece and stay in old convents. Many of them rent rooms because their memberships have declined, leaving extra space, and they regularly host pilgrims.

Jacobsen: Part of American public discourse is fragmented for political reasons and socioeconomic divides. Another major factor is that the religious landscape in the United States is far more diverse than it has been for at least a couple of centuries. We have seen a double-digit decline in Christian belief across the population, with nonbelief and minority religions filling that gap. How do you think this shift is changing public interfaith dialogue and the way faith is discussed in public life?

McLane: Many factors play into that. First, we are actually seeing a resurgence in some areas. Church attendance numbers are beginning to rise again. At the same time, we are seeing increasing polarization in media, culture, and politics. In the past, strong pro-religion or anti-religion views were more confined to the fringes. Now, more people are openly identifying with one side or the other.

In Hollywood and the music industry, it was once common for award recipients to thank God and move on casually. Now, you are seeing more public declarations of belief or disbelief, sometimes to people’s benefit and sometimes to their detriment. That same polarization is visible in everyday life. People are no longer occupying a middle ground. It is increasingly one side or the other.

There are public figures who once avoided clear religious or political identification and are now openly declaring their positions. In the past, that might have damaged a career; today, it can rally support just as easily. You see similar dynamics at work in corporations and cultural debates. These conversations are becoming more heated, and the ability to disagree politely is diminishing. I hope things cool down enough for people to come back to the table and talk without conflict, but realistically, division may deepen before it improves.

Jacobsen: I once knew someone connected to the World War II–era healing revival movement. Figures like William Branham made prophecies, reframed errors as failed predictions, and maintained large followings despite apparent contradictions. Those communities still exist, with millions of adherents. In Canada, where I lived for a time, I knew someone whose father would appear infrequently and spend his visits rebuking everyone around him. It created resentment and distance, even without overt hostility.

Using that as an analogy, there are pastors who engage with other denominations primarily through rebuke, without tact or care. How do you approach interdenominational dialogue within Christianity—especially around political messaging—without becoming the proverbial parent who shows up only to criticize everyone?

McLane: I am currently working on a book titled Christianity from the Outside. In it, interdenominational disagreements have been exaggerated far beyond their actual importance. Doctrinal disputes—such as Calvinism versus Arminianism—have been held onto so tightly that they have become identity markers. There is a joke that always makes me laugh: someone asks, “Are you a Christian?” and the response is, “No, thank God, I’m a Baptist.”

Jacobsen: That mirrors a very Irish mentality. In Ireland, especially in the 1990s, you would hear stories of people being cornered and asked whether they were Protestant or Catholic, not out of theological curiosity but to decide whether they were an enemy. If someone said they were an atheist, the follow-up question would be, “A Catholic atheist or a Protestant atheist?”

McLane: Unfortunately, these kinds of doctrinal arguments have distracted us from addressing much larger issues. We argue endlessly over questions like free will versus the sovereignty of God—Calvinism versus Arminianism—and divide ourselves into camps and denominations. Because of that, when pastors encounter teachings that undermine core Christian doctrines, they struggle to challenge them effectively.

For example, there are pastors promoting versions of universal salvation or claiming that sin no longer exists. I have seen sermons from pastors in liturgical traditions—Lutheran, Episcopalian, Anglican—who argue that we should ignore large portions of Scripture, including much of Paul’s writing, and focus only on selective passages from the Gospels. When pastors object to this, the response is often to dismiss the criticism as just another denominational disagreement, similar to Calvinism versus Arminianism.

I do not see those issues as comparable. Whether one emphasizes free will or divine sovereignty, the core message of salvation remains intact. What I am describing directly contradicts foundational Christian teachings on salvation and repentance. In some cases, Scripture is rejected because it is considered offensive. I recently watched a video in which a pastor criticized John the Baptist for using harsh language when rebuking the Pharisees, comparing him unfavorably to modern political figures. What that pastor ignored is that Jesus later rebukes the Pharisees in nearly identical terms. By reframing Scripture this way, people end up reshaping Christianity to fit their own preferences.

When those reinterpretations are accepted, people begin rejecting the teachings of Jesus himself. Yet these issues are often treated as minor disagreements, on par with debates over personal style or church culture. I have encountered many such disputes. I once suggested in a sermon that introversion could conflict with the Great Commission, which calls believers to evangelize and make disciples. Some people strongly objected. These disagreements can spiral quickly.

To refocus on essentials, we began reciting the Nicene Creed every Sunday. It outlines the foundational beliefs of Christianity. The problem is that Christians have spent so much time arguing over secondary issues that they end up excluding others, threatening damnation over personal interpretations, and elevating opinion to doctrine. That makes it harder to hold people accountable on truly central issues of faith, because endless arguments consume energy over minor points.

Jacobsen: Where do you see the most significant political friction for believers now—particularly within their own internal conversations about faith and public life?

McLane: I think the most significant areas of division are still abortion, LGBTQ issues, and education. Education has increasingly been framed as a divide between homeschooling, often associated with Christianity, and public schooling, viewed as secular. Those are the three most enormous rifts. Abortion is usually treated as a binary issue. From a Christian perspective, I understand why it is viewed that way, because it is seen as the taking of a life. On LGBTQ issues, I believe much of the damage has come from judgmental language. Instead of telling people they are going to hell, the focus should be on explaining beliefs more carefully and compassionately. Eventually, Christian doctrine does assert moral boundaries, but how that message is delivered matters. This issue has become even more complicated because divisions now exist within churches themselves, including congregations that openly affirm LGBTQ identities. That creates confusion about boundaries and beliefs.

Education has also become a growing point of division. When my children were young, homeschooling was not widely accepted, and there was a stereotype that homeschooled children were undereducated. Today, homeschooling resources are extensive, including co-ops, online programs, and curricula, many of which come from Christian sources. Despite common jokes that Christians rely on outdated ideas, religious institutions historically played a central role in education. Churches founded many universities and originally included religious instruction. Jewish communities emphasized literacy so Scripture could be read, and Christianity continued that tradition. The development of books was closely tied to making Scripture accessible.

Today, education debates are increasingly polarized, and funding plays a significant role. Public schools, especially in inner cities, often rely on enrollment-based financing, so when families choose homeschooling, public schools lose resources, further disadvantaging remaining students. I understand why families want the best education possible for their children, regardless of the format. What’s more, these often become adversarial instead of focusing on shared goals and structural solutions. Whether broader institutions like the Department of Education should be reformed or eliminated is a separate discussion, but education has clearly become a major political flashpoint.

Jacobsen: Is there anything else you would like to promote or mention?

McLane: We discussed my book earlier. The book will be accompanied by a complete workshop, both of which are available through my website. The book introduces the idea of developing a personal relationship with God, and the workshop expands on those ideas in more depth. The workshop is structured into twelve chapters, each about an hour long, allowing participants to work through it over an extended period. A workbook will also be included. I am available to speak at conferences and churches, and my focus is on helping people cultivate a personal relationship with God. Church attendance and fellowship are essential, but faith and salvation are personal. Families need to return to shared practices like prayer, gratitude, and mutual support. Many of these traditions have faded, and I see value in restoring them.

Jacobsen: Justin, thank you.

McLane: Thank you very much, Scott.

Jacobsen: Have a great day, enjoy East Tennessee, and Merry Christmas!.

McLane: Merry Christmas and Happy New Year.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Leo Igwe Speaks on Ending Witchcraft Allegations in the 21st Century

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Dr. Leo Igwe spoke to the Ethical Humanist Society of Chicago about how unexamined superstition and dogma produce tangible harm. Using today’s African witchcraft accusations, he drew parallels to Europe’s early modern witch panics and argued the phenomenon is transnational, not “African culture.” Because witchcraft lacks evidentiary basis, accusations operate like criminal charges yet deny presumption of innocence and can spark violence against vulnerable people. Religious entrepreneurs exploit exorcism narratives for status and money. Igwe urged accountability—policing, prosecutions, and institutional reform—plus prevention through early critical-thinking education, international solidarity, and a humanist commitment to evidence and rights, unfinished global human-rights work.

Dr. Leo Igwe spoke to the community of the Ethical Humanist Society of Chicago. His presentation emphasized the longstanding and contemporary harms that can follow when superstition and dogma go unquestioned for too long.

In the African context, the issue of witchcraft accusations and related persecution can resemble the early modern European witch-hunting (and, at times, witch-burning) panics from centuries prior. In other words, superstition is a universal, transnational phenomenon whose prominence varies by period and location.

Igwe argued that witchcraft accusations are not harmless folklore in this African context today. They are a pipeline to violence, often against the vulnerable. They can function like criminal accusations in practice. However, because there is no reliable evidence for supernatural “witchcraft” as a causal force in the world, such allegations lack evidentiary basis. The accused are therefore entitled to the presumption of innocence, yet injuries and deaths can result from community violence instigated by baseless accusations of witchcraft.

Accusations are grounded in misinformation about ordinary human experiences. People can be misled by dreams. They can be misinformed about dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. They may mistake mental illness or mental-health crises as spiritual attacks—whatever that means. The accused then can easily move from the category of “Accused” to the category of “Threat.” They are not treated as human beings needing care, but threats needing swift community action.

Many religious entrepreneurs, pastors, and self-styled prophets/imams and marabouts, become portrayed as the modern witch-finders. They utilize these fear-driven narratives, such as exorcism and deliverance (as a framing device). These storylines become the basis for legitimizing abuse and generating status and money for themselves. The incentives for corrupt motives and deception seem immense in this domain.

This phenomenon can be legitimately distinguished from “African culture” as something unique to Africa. Witch persecutions have occurred across societies (including in Europe), and in different places they can graft themselves onto local customs and institutions. It is transnational as a problem.

Belief systems plus story templates drive these accusations, travelling internationally, acutely through global religions and networks. A solely local fix will not solve the problem, Igwe argued; it can require international pressure and solidarity.

The imprimatur of respecting culture can become moral surrender, as he criticised many Western NGOs for taking the stance of treating witch-hunt violence as a cultural practice untouchable from criticism. These NGOs are afraid of being labeled racist, colonialist, or Islamophobic.

He views accountability as central and that witch-hunters must be stopped as well. Law enforcement action, prosecution, and institutional reform, are necessary as comprehensive solutions, while needing acknowledgement of corruption and weak enforcement that can shield perpetrators.

Igwe argues prevention beats triage. Critical thinking needs to be taught earlier, and one form of counter-programming against superstition is critical-thinking education in schools. There should be rewards for questioning, testing claims, and treating good questions as a skill.

Humanism has a central role in the commitment to evidence and human rights. Igwe argues harmful supernatural claims, even when unpopular as a stance, should be challenged. African partners need support in this, and the challenging of harmful supernatural claims like witch-hunts remains a globally unfinished business. Europe’s own history is not a reason for complacency.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

James Wahls’ Revolve Fund: Recoverable Grants and Equitable Capital

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

James Wahls, founder of the Revolve Fund, explains how recoverable grants expand capital access for marginalized entrepreneurs. Unlike loans or equity, they set impact or revenue milestones; repayment occurs only when goals are reached, with no penalties if funds were used as intended. Revolve pairs flexible dollars with wraparound supports—communications support, business acumen, access to different networks, etc.—to help navigate banks, CDFIs, and venture funds. Impact is measured as “strategic influence”: co-investment, follow-on capital, and referral-driven wins. While based in Baltimore, Revolve works with grantees around the country including an expanded focus in Detroit, Wahls’s hometown of origin. Detroit grantee partners include Black Tech Saturdays, Invest Detroit Ventures, Black Leaders Detroit, College & Beyond and more. In this and other markets, Wahls advocates for thoughtful risk tolerance, cautions against exploitative capital, and emphasizes the contextual leadership of local philanthropy.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Wahls outlines the origins and impact of the Revolve Fund, a grantmaking impact investing initiative designed to expand capital access for historically marginalized entrepreneurs. Wahls explains how his Detroit upbringing, personal experience as an entrepreneur, and work in major foundations informed Revolve’s model of recoverable grants—flexible, non-punitive capital tied to milestones rather than debt. He emphasizes the Fund’s dual role: deploying dollars and providing wraparound supports like education, networking, and referrals. Wahls also highlights Detroit partnerships, the importance of local philanthropy, and his philosophy of balancing risk-taking with long-term sustainability in entrepreneurial ecosystems.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right, hello. Today we’re here with James Wahls, founder and managing director of the Revolve Fund, an innovative grantmaking impact investing initiative that increases capital access for historically marginalized entrepreneurs and organizations. Born and raised in Detroit, Wahls has dedicated his career to advancing equitable economic opportunities, having previously served as a portfolio manager for social investments at the Annie E. Casey Foundation and currently serving at Mission Investors Exchange. Under his leadership, Revolve has deployed over $1 million nationally—including $400,000 in Detroit-specific grantmaking—catalyzing at least $15 million in additional capital in the city. His work blends philanthropy and investment to close capital gaps, foster innovation, and strengthen entrepreneurial ecosystems. He currently has a role at Mission Investors Exchange. Thank you very much for being with me today. What inspired you to create the Revolve Fund?

James Wahls: Really, my experiences in impact investing, along with my personal experiences as an entrepreneur in Detroit. I was both fortunate and unfortunate enough to encounter many of the capital barriers that we often talk about when I was exploring my social enterprises before I went to the Kellogg Foundation. With those experiences, I carried that knowledge to the Kellogg Foundation, which afforded me the opportunity to get into impact investing. Once I had the opportunity to learn more about impact investing and how it works, I was able to utilize those tools to build or co-build several investments in Detroit and around the United States, supporting entrepreneurs in securing capital. While doing that at Kellogg and later at Casey, I saw that there were still gaps. Even with all the great tools we had—and still have—in impact investing, I thought there was an opportunity to provide smaller amounts of capital directly into communities in ways that could be absorbed effectively. More importantly, I saw opportunities to work with entrepreneurs to help them reach the next step on the capital spectrum as they moved forward. That was the inspiration behind the creation of the Revolve Fund: my own experiences and my professional experiences in the industry.

Jacobsen: How do recoverable grants differ from traditional philanthropy or equity investment models?

Wahls: To be clear, recoverable grants are grants. They’re not loans or equity investments—we’re not asking for collateral, and we’re not charging interest. The difference from a traditional grant is that we set financial or impact milestones; when those are reached, the grantee returns some or all of the funds. If they use the money for its intended purpose but do not meet the milestones, there are no penalties—the capital is there to help them reach those goals.

Jacobsen: What challenges do historically marginalized entrepreneurs face that Revolve helps explicitly address?

Wahls: First, capital access—getting the actual dollars. That’s one thing we address. But more importantly, I think it’s education and access to the institutions.

Many institutions that provide capital are well-intentioned and do much great work, but they can sometimes be challenging to navigate. With Revolve Fund, we bring my own experience, the guidance of our advisory board, and other consultants who have decades of experience working with these institutions. We provide knowledge, wraparound support, soft introductions, referrals, and other assistance that help entrepreneurs position themselves better to access capital. So it’s capital, wraparound supports, and networking.

Jacobsen: You’ve catalyzed over $15 million in additional funding in Detroit and over $70 million nationwide. How do you measure impact through your metrics?

Wahls: We use a custom term called “strategic influence.” What that means is we look at co-investment—if others are investing alongside us, regardless of whether it’s grants, debt, or equity capital paired with our recoverable grant, we count that. We also look at follow-on capital. Oftentimes, we’re one of the first institutional providers of capital. Over the next couple of years, our name and others will get referenced when entrepreneurs apply for funding from other sources, and we can count that as part of our contribution to their increased capital access.

Another aspect is referrals. Many times, we either receive or send referrals based on grantee profiles. That often gets entrepreneurs in the door for a conversation. If they’re then able to go through the process, get approved, and receive capital, we count that as part of our influence. Those are some of the main ways we define strategic influence.

Jacobsen: So, a significant factor in measuring influence is access?

Wahls: Yes, very much so. And not just identifying opportunities—it’s also knowing how to apply, how to communicate with frontline staff at banks, community financial institutions, venture funds, and so on.

Jacobsen: Which Detroit partnerships have been most catalytic?

Wahls: To be clear, Revolve Fund works around the country. But for Detroit, I’d highlight two things. First, our partnership with Black Leaders Detroit, a community loan fund that is doing great work in investing in Detroit neighbourhoods. We partnered with them to help navigate some of the impact investing steps they were undertaking at the time. We also provided a recoverable grant to help set up their loan loss reserve for their community lending program as they expanded and grew.

Jacobsen: What role should local philanthropy and donors play in complementing national funding efforts?

Wahls: Local philanthropy has a critical role. When I worked at two national foundations, we relied heavily on local philanthropy partners to understand what was happening in the community. Community foundations and family foundations, in particular, often have a better grasp of local realities than national philanthropy, which has to consider a broader set of priorities. Local philanthropy’s deep knowledge of community context makes it indispensable.

Local philanthropy also plays a vital role in uplifting strategies that may not fit the profile of a national foundation. They provide capital support and access to institutions so that local organizations can become viable candidates for national philanthropy or other investors. Local philanthropy serves as a marker in the community and has an outsized influence. They have to recognize that influence and operate with that mindset.

Jacobsen: How do you balance risk-taking with long-term sustainability in your funding approach?

Wahls: When I started the Revolve Fund, I saw it as a project. I wastesting out the viability. “I was experimenting with gathering a few grants to see if this was truly a viable tool. In many ways, I wanted to break some myths. When people think about community lending, there’s often an undercurrent of “how do we protect ourselves from people who may not pay us back?” That mentality plays out disproportionately in urban and minority communities.

I wanted to challenge that by using a recoverable grant tool. Unlike loans, Revolve does not have recourse mechanisms—no liquidated damages, no penalties, none of the sticks lenders often use. My goal was to minimize financial harm and give entrepreneurs space to iterate, test revenue models, and explore their ideas without the fear of defaulting on a loan or losing equity. Many times, people don’t get a second chance.

What I am the team learned quickly is that people want to pay back. Even without the punitive structures of traditional finance, grantees did everything they could to repay. Once Isaw that, and once I realized the strategic influence of our grants and the role of Revolve Fund, we knew there was an opportunity to build and grow. That was when I shifted from the initial project mindset into a long-term sustainability strategy and began securing the capital to scale beyond the pilot.

As I think about sustainability today, I know philanthropy remains essential—for operating support and for deploying more recoverable grants. But I also know I don’t want just to become another CDFI (Community Development Financial Institution) or a bank. Those institutions already do great work. Revolve’s role is to meet entrepreneurs at that critical stage when they’re trying to advance to the next level. That means I have to accept a higher potential loss tolerance, which is why I designed our strategy in this way—to build that flexibility in.

For Revolve, achieving a 100 percent recovery rate would suggest that we weren’t taking enough risks. A perfect recovery rate looks good on the surface, but it would mean we weren’t reaching all of the entrepreneurs we need to be targeting. We maintain a balance to ensure that we’re taking risks with the community. That requires being comfortable with loss and managing expectations with our funders. So far, we’ve had great success in doing that.

Jacobsen: How has your experience at Kellogg and other foundations shaped your design and model for Revolve?

Wahls: Both my time at the Kellogg Foundation and at the Annie E. Casey Foundation had a significant influence. The impact investing programs I worked on there were very data-driven. They focused heavily on understanding what was happening within a community, space, or sector, and then thinking carefully about what type of capital to provide to advance goals aligned with the foundation’s mission.

At Revolve, we take a similar approach. Ineed to understand what’s happening in a community before deploying capital. The last thing I want to do is walk into Detroit, Baltimore, or communities in the U.S. South and say, “Hey, I have a recoverable grant tool, let me apply it.” That doesn’t work. The lesson I carried forward is that every community is different. One strategy that works in one place may not work in the next. Revolve hase to customize, adapt, and introduce new products where appropriate.

For example, Revolve’scommunity grant product, which is slightly different from our recoverable grant, grew out of lessons I learned from the first round of recoverable grants. That product was informed directly by the data and feedback we collected. My time at Kellogg, Casey, and even now at Mission Investors Exchange, where I get a wide range of perspectives and strategies, has all shaped how I think about bringing the Revolve Fund tool into communities.

Jacobsen: What advice would you give to entrepreneurs seeking early-stage capital in high-risk environments?

Wahls: Entrepreneurs often feel pressure to throw every resource they have into one goal. The narrative tells you that you have to push to the absolute limit—max yourself out—to achieve success. That often means putting yourself on a limb to reach a target.

But it’s a relative calculation. You have to think about what you’re truly comfortable with. Some early-stage capital options look attractive but hinder you in the long run, undermining both your sustainability as a business and your own personal stability.

So entrepreneurs need to carry out their own internal risk assessment. Understand what level of risk you can realistically live with. Going out without that self-awareness can land you in trouble, especially because many early-stage capital tools are exploitative.

Jacobsen: James, thank you very much for your time today. I really appreciate it.

Wahls: Thank you. Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Claus D. Volko, M.D. on Symbiont Conversion Theory and Bacterial Reprogramming

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

Claus D. Volko, M.D. (born 1983) is an Austrian software engineer and medical scientist in Vienna. He holds degrees in medicine (M.D.), medical informatics (B.Sc.) and computational intelligence (M.Sc.). In the demoscene he is known as “Adok” and served as main editor of the electronic magazine Hugi. Volko formulated Symbiont Conversion Theory in 2018. He founded and leads the Prudentia High IQ Society, and joined Mensa in 2002. In 2018 he published “Volko Personality Patterns,” a Jungian-inspired extension of MBTI typology. In 2025 he posted “Reprogramming Bacteria for Symbiont Conversion: A Review” on Prudentia’s blog, and maintains Prudentia’s journal and blog.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Claus D. Volko, M.D. about Symbiont Conversion Theory, drafted in 2018 and, Volko says, accepted only after years of rejections because it was theoretical. He describes a follow-up review on in-vivo bacterial reprogramming and proposes two costly experiments to test clinical feasibility. Volko also explains “Volko Personality Patterns,” a Jungian/MBTI extension that leaves one dichotomy open (INT*). He recalls mentor Dr. Uwe Rohr’s endocrine focus on isoflavones and immune support. Volko contrasts medicine’s rigidity with software’s tolerance and updates his Prudentia publishing work. He argues ambitious ideas need funding, not reflexive gatekeeping.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You invented Symbiont Conversion Theory. We profiled this in the previous high-IQ community series that ran for a decade or so. It is, in part, a response to the limits of “destroy and kill” therapies. What is the current status of the theory? What would move the theory from a generalized paradigm statement to more testable protocols for cancer or infectious disease treatment?

Claus D. Volko, M.D.: I invented Symbiont Conversion Theory and wrote a paper about it in 2018. While it was possible to immediately upload it to my personal homepage and link to it from places such as ResearchGate, it took me seven years (!) until I found a scientific journal that was ready to accept the paper. Most journals rejected the submission immediately and in one case it was rejected by the peer-review because the paper was just theoretical and did not contain any experimental results. In my opinion it is a shame that ideas with great potential are treated this way. Actually I would have expected a different reaction to my idea. But well, maybe I am too idealistic and in reality most people are different from myself.

I recently wrote a follow-up paper, “Bacterial Reprogramming for Symbiont Conversion: A Review”. It is currently only available in the Prudentia blog and was printed by the ISPE in their journal Telicom. This paper investigates more of the literature where experiments that are relevant for symbiont conversion have already been conducted. Moreover, it proposes two more experiments that would be needed to prove that the concept would work in clinical practice. These experiments are quite expensive and I do not have the financial means to conduct them myself, otherwise I would have already done so. Hopefully somebody with sufficient resources will read my paper and perform the experiments.

Jacobsen: How are you extending Volko Personality Patterns? Is it being connected even more with contemporary empirical personality research in addition to the philosophico-Jungian constructs?

Volko: Volko Personality Patterns are based on Jungian personality theory. Basically it is an approach to improve the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI). The MBTI has 16 types based on four dichotomies. My idea is based on the fact that I myself score as an INTP on the MBTI, but only with a slight preference over INTJ. Therefore I thought that it would make sense to create new types (patterns) similar to these 16 types, but with the difference that one of the four dichotomies is open. So I myself would be an INT* according to Volko Personality Patterns, which I also called a Creative Theorist. My system is purely theoretical, it does not have an empirical basis. It is a logical extension of existing theories.

Jacobsen: You had work modeling on stress-induced steroid hormone cascades in severe mental disorders. How should knowledge of endocrine mechanisms reshape current treatment strategies in psychiatry?

Volko: My late friend and mentor Dr. Uwe Rohr was of the opinion that endocrinology was the actual basis of modern medicine. He once told me that the truth was that gynecological endocrinology was the king discipline, but if it happened that a doctor stated this in an interview for a magazine, he would be slaughtered by his colleagues as generally internal medicine is considered the king discipline of medicine. In fact many diseases are self-limiting and while the physician can prescribe drugs to speed up the healing process, it is actually the immune system of the patient that is primarily responsible for the healing. So modern medicine should focus on strengthening the immune system, and Uwe believed that this could be achieved by means of isoflavones as found in soy or red clover. The main hypothesis is that some hormones of the steroidal hormone cascade are stress hormones and others immunity hormones, and isoflavones are capable of converting stress hormones to immunity hormones. It is actually quite a miracle to my mind what effect these hormones can have. Uwe showed me photos of people with ugly wounds and what they looked like after two weeks of isoflavone consumption. I can only say, wow! And according to businessmen who sold fermented soy drinks to patients in America, these soy drinks also had very positive effects in cancer patients, as well as patients afflicted with severe mental diseases. So isoflavones seem to be a general method of curing disease, and this is due to their endocrinological working mechanism.

Jacobsen: You are a senior software engineer with a background in medical informatics and computational biology. After years in high-IQ societies, what is the direction of your work in this space?

Volko: I think that intelligence is a very important foundation for software engineering because programming requires the same way of thinking as solving tasks in intelligence tests. If you do not score well in an intelligence test, you will not become a good programmer. I have been in contact with software engineers since my teens and actually one of the reasons why I joined Mensa was that I also wanted to get to know intelligent people with other interests than programming (I already knew a lot of intelligent people, it was just that they were biased toward programming). I think that software engineering is a good career path for people with similar abilities and personality structure as myself. As I also have a medical degree I am able to compare the two fields. Medicine is far less tolerant than software engineering. If you are a bit different from society’s expectations, you will have a harder time as a medical doctor than as a programmer. I also think that I have a far easier and healthier life than most scientists employed at universities or similar institutions.

Jacobsen: Looking at your ongoing editorial and demoscene-related activities, since Enzyklopädie der Diskmags, are you currently using these cultural projects to communicate on science, technology, and independent theorizing?

Volko: No. The demoscene is something of its own. My magazine Hugi focused on the demoscene in its contents and contained hardly any articles related to other topics. This is mainly because most demoscene members are not interested in anything but the scene. But of course, as I already indicated, this was too narrow for me in the long run. So nowadays I also maintain the blog of Prudentia society and contribute to the journals issued by other high intelligence societies, where I write about science, technology, political philosophy and other topics that interest me. The book “Enzyklopädie der Diskmags” actually seems to be too specialized even for people who are into the demoscene, which is why it was hardly sold. However, that also might be because there are some websites offering the download of PDF copies of it (of course, that is not quite legal, but I as the author have tolerated it so far).

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Claus.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarksperformancesdatabases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 39: Iran’s Regional War, Regime Resilience, and Strategic Drift

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/29

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Irina Tsukerman about the regional consequences of the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran, Tehran’s apology to Gulf states, and the resilience of the Islamic Republic. Tsukerman argues that Iran’s rhetoric of de-escalation masks deliberate regional aggression, while leadership losses and military damage have not produced structural regime change. She also examines Turkey’s cautious NATO balancing, Cuba’s geopolitical value to Washington, corruption-linked infrastructure challenges in South Africa and Gabon, and chronic insecurity in Nigeria. Across these cases, she emphasizes a theme: without institutional reform, transparency, and long-term strategy, force alone rarely produces durable political transformation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Another conflagration: the U.S.-Israeli bombing campaign against Iran, the reported killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and other senior figures, and Iran’s retaliatory strikes across Israel and several neighbouring states. Reuters has described the opening assault as the most ambitious attack on Iranian targets in decades, and Iran responded with missile and drone attacks that extended the conflict across the region. There have also been renewed calls for negotiation and de-escalation under mounting international strain. Reuters further reported that Iran’s president apologized to Gulf states for attacks connected to the conflict as it spread regionally. This appears to be a regional war, even if all sides still hope to contain it. What is your assessment of the apology and of the sequence of events over roughly the past week?

Irina Tsukerman: The apology should be understood in the context of continuing Iranian military pressure rather than as a sign that the crisis is over. Reporting indicates that Saudi Arabia warned Tehran not to strike the kingdom and its energy sector again, even as Riyadh stated that it still favoured a diplomatic settlement. At the same time, Iran’s attacks have hit or threatened U.S.-linked and Gulf targets beyond its own territory. That means the apology does not erase the damage already done or the broader regional escalation now underway.

Azerbaijan has also accused Iran of involvement in a broader campaign of sabotage. Azerbaijani authorities have reported that they foiled Iranian-linked plots, including a plan targeting a major oil pipeline, following an earlier incident involving a drone strike at Nakhchivan airport. If accurate, those claims suggest a coordinated effort rather than an isolated or accidental episode. They point to a strategy aimed at pressuring neighbouring states and raising the cost of their alignment with the United States and Israel.

Regarding the strikes on Iran’s leadership, reports suggest that the United States and Israel accelerated the timing of their operation after intelligence indicated that the Supreme Leader was meeting with senior officials. The strike was reportedly timed to target leadership before they could relocate to more secure locations. However, intelligence assessments have also suggested that the Iranian system of governance—particularly the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—allows for relatively quick leadership replacement. In that sense, the removal of senior figures, while symbolically significant, does not necessarily translate into the immediate collapse of the regime.

That point is important because the available reporting indicates that the IRGC continues to exert substantial control within the Iranian political system and has moved quickly to stabilize leadership structures. Despite significant military and economic damage, there have not been widespread protests or visible elite defections following the strikes. Iran had already faced legitimacy challenges and protests earlier in the year, but those dynamics have not yet translated into a mass uprising during the current conflict.

In short, Iran has suffered substantial military and economic damage, but the current evidence suggests that the regime remains operational and has shifted into a strategy of endurance. Rather than expecting a quick military victory, it appears to be pursuing a longer-term approach that combines regional pressure, strategic retaliation, and attempts to outlast its adversaries politically and economically.

art of the reason may be that people are reluctant to protest while strikes are ongoing. They do not want to risk being killed or injured during continued shelling. Another factor may be that the regime’s January crackdown was so effective that it weakened the will to protest on a large scale. Regardless, even at their peak, the protests were never sufficient to destabilize the regime.

From what I understand, the regime may actually have been closest to serious internal pressure before the Trump administration entered negotiations last year, before the twelve-day war. Since then, it appears to have regained some strength and resumed rebuilding, both its nuclear program and its conventional capabilities. Those capabilities have again been significantly damaged by recent U.S. and Israeli strikes. However, it remains unclear where the nuclear program currently stands or what has happened to some of the underground facilities where the regime stores critical weapons systems.

In other words, it is not clear that the current campaign is doing more than setting Iran’s conventional military capabilities back by a few years—or perhaps only months—depending on how long the conflict continues and how quickly the regime recovers afterward. I do not see it necessarily causing structural damage to the regime itself.

Hezbollah has reportedly been formally banned in Lebanon, but it is not clear that this will translate into meaningful practical change. If Israel stops attacking Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon, the situation could revert to what it was before those strikes began.

I also do not see a strategic plan aimed at weakening the regime’s ideological and political hold over institutions in Iran or across the region. President Trump has called on members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to defect, promising pardons and possible integration into a legitimate authority. However, only a small number of individuals appear to have defected. There has been no large-scale defection of the kind that would significantly weaken the regime.

Reza Pahlavi, who has presented himself as a potential transitional leader, previously promised to facilitate mass defections among military and security personnel. That has not occurred. There have been some individual defections, and a few diplomats reportedly defected shortly before the start of the conflict’s kinetic phase. Since then, however, there have been no reports of major figures providing significant intelligence or assistance to the United States beyond what has already been implemented.

The U.S. administration’s shifting messaging about the objectives of the current campaign has also created confusion. At different points, the stated goals have included supporting protesters, focusing narrowly on the nuclear program, expanding attacks to Iran’s ballistic missile capabilities, demanding regime change, and suggesting that the United States would play a role in shaping a new government. These shifts have not helped unify the opposition, reassure the Iranian public that their interests will be respected, or present a coherent national security strategy.

There have also been reports of possible negotiations with new leadership figures within Iran. In reality, these figures are not entirely new; they appear to be individuals from the same factions who have moved into more prominent roles within the existing system.

This also undercuts the credibility of a regime-change scenario. If these new figures are confirmed and the United States ultimately reaches a deal, it will not represent regime change; it will simply be another agreement with the same system under different leadership.

Much will depend on whether they accept the conditions the United States had previously placed on the Iranian government. Those conditions would include strict limits on uranium enrichment, the removal of enriched uranium to a third country, and significant curtailment of the ballistic missile program. However, given that the Iranian government has previously violated agreements and that the JCPOA functioned more as a political arrangement than a strictly enforceable treaty with symmetrical obligations, there is little reason to assume such an agreement would hold without broader institutional changes within the state.

Removing a few individuals does not dismantle the governing system. Institutional change would require restructuring the political framework, establishing credible civilian authority, revising the constitutional role of religious authority within the state, and fundamentally reorganizing the Islamic Republic’s governing institutions. None of that is occurring at present.

There also appears to be no concrete plan for such changes in the near future. Israel may prefer an outcome in which the Ayatollah-led Islamic Republic is replaced by a government less inclined toward regional confrontation. However, Israel does not possess either the direct means or a clear political roadmap to produce such a transformation.

At the same time, reports indicate that the United States is deploying large numbers of interceptor systems to defend against incoming missiles and drones. There have also been discussions between Qatar and Ukraine about the potential supply of lower-cost drone-interception technologies. Ukraine is reportedly exploring the possibility of exchanging such systems for greater access to Patriot missile defence capabilities to enhance its own protection. So far, however, these discussions have not produced confirmed transfers.

Meanwhile, several Gulf states have warned that prolonged disruption could severely affect global energy supplies. U.S. shale producers have indicated that they cannot immediately scale production enough to replace a major loss of Gulf oil and gas exports. One of the central issues is the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one-fifth of global oil shipments typically pass. If that passage becomes unsafe or restricted, there are alternative routes, but they are slower and more expensive, which would likely drive up shipping insurance, transportation, and global energy costs.

Another factor is that Iranian strikes or threats have targeted energy infrastructure in parts of the region, placing additional strain on energy-producing states already facing economic pressures. Some Gulf governments have also hinted that broader geopolitical tensions could affect their investment relationships abroad.

Unless a solution is found to guarantee safe transit through the Strait of Hormuz and to keep major refineries and export facilities operating, the situation could become extremely serious. In such a scenario, the limiting factor in the conflict may not be military capability alone, but the broader economic and energy constraints affecting all parties.

Jacobsen: This next topic shifts to Latin America. President Donald Trump said on Saturday, March 7, that Cuba wants to make a deal and that negotiations are taking place with Secretary of State Marco Rubio. He made the remarks during what he referred to as a “Shield of the Americas” gathering. Trump stated, “They want to negotiate, and they are negotiating with Marco Rubio and me and some others. I want to make a deal, and I think a deal could be made very easily with Cuba.”

Tsukerman: Interestingly, just a day earlier, Trump suggested the possibility of an “Iran-type scenario” for Cuba, implying potential military pressure that could remove elements of the government and replace them with leadership approved by the United States. The idea now appears to be to reach an agreement that would avoid direct military confrontation.

However, it is unclear what such a deal would entail. Unlike Venezuela, a major oil producer, Cuba does not have the same level of strategic importance for energy resources. Cuba’s significance is more political and intelligence-related. The Cuban government maintains an extensive intelligence network in Latin America and has historically supported governments and movements that oppose U.S. influence. Cuban security and intelligence services have cooperated with a range of states, including Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea.

There have also been reports in recent years of Chinese intelligence facilities in Cuba, although the details remain limited and sometimes contested. One possible element of any agreement could involve limiting Chinese military or intelligence presence on the island. That might resemble earlier periods of strong U.S. influence in Cuba before the Cuban Revolution that brought Fidel Castro to power and replaced the Batista government.

However, such a scenario would not necessarily represent a democratic transition in Cuba. Trump has not presented the negotiations as a liberalization project or a plan for democratic reform. Instead, it appears more closely tied to questions of geopolitical influence in the Western Hemisphere.

It is also uncertain whether China would be willing to abandon its presence in Cuba. China has invested significantly in Latin America over the past two decades through infrastructure projects, trade relationships, and military cooperation. After setbacks such as the cancellation of major Chinese infrastructure projects in Panama following legal challenges, Beijing may be reluctant to withdraw further from the region. It may instead strengthen its involvement in other countries.

At the same time, political shifts have occurred across Latin America, with some governments moving toward more conservative leadership that is less aligned with China. That could reduce some of China’s strategic advantages in the region. Nevertheless, Chinese influence remains substantial at the infrastructure level and through economic partnerships, military training programs, and information networks.

Russian and Chinese media and information campaigns are also active in Latin America. Replacing China’s influence with a sustained U.S. presence would require far more than a short-term military or diplomatic initiative. It would require long-term investment, expanded diplomatic engagement, economic commitments, and sustained security cooperation.

At present, there is not a fully articulated policy debate in Washington regarding the scale of involvement that such a strategy would require. Questions of funding, oversight, personnel commitments, and long-term governance support have not been clearly addressed.

Looking at Venezuela illustrates some of these difficulties. Even when leadership changes occur or sanctions pressure is applied, rebuilding infrastructure and stabilizing governance can take many years and require substantial financial investment. The political outcome often remains uncertain.

It is relatively easy to talk about removing leaders or pressuring governments. It is much more difficult to reshape institutions, transform political systems, and maintain consistent influence in a region over the long term. Removing power is easier than sustaining it, and it is unclear whether the United States currently has a long-term strategy for maintaining influence across multiple regions simultaneously—from Venezuela to Iran.

Jacobsen: There was also the situation involving Turkey. Some of the airspace in that region appeared to be under threat. Statements from Turkish officials—reported through state channels and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—indicated that Turkey was prepared to defend its airspace, its territory, and its sovereignty if those were violated. Turkey also has NATO’s backing, including the protections under Article 5. Reports suggested that Turkish forces deployed F-16s in a precautionary posture. While these are not the newest generation of aircraft, they remain highly capable fighter jets. That deployment sends a signal. What are your thoughts on Turkey and the dynamics in that region?

Tsukerman: From what I understand, Turkey itself may not have been the intended target of the missile incident. It appears possible that the projectile deviated from its course or was directed toward another nearby country, such as Jordan. What is notable is how quickly NATO defences reacted. The projectile was intercepted before reaching its intended target, suggesting that NATO forces were already on alert and prepared for this scenario.

The response also carried a political message. Regardless of the debate surrounding the legality or legitimacy of the U.S. strikes on Iran, attacks on NATO member states would represent a clear red line. NATO’s reaction demonstrated that, at least at a basic level, the alliance remains committed to defending its members.

At the same time, Turkey’s political stance has been complex. The Turkish government has been critical of the U.S. strikes on Iran and has emphasized the importance of respecting Iranian sovereignty. This position is notable given that the Iranian government came to power through the 1979 revolution and has long faced criticism over human rights abuses and repression.

Turkey, therefore, is balancing multiple interests. On one hand, it seeks to avoid becoming a target of Iranian retaliation and to maintain regional stability. On the other hand, it continues to benefit from NATO membership and the security guarantees that come with it. This creates a situation in which Turkey can rely on NATO’s defensive framework while simultaneously expressing political positions that diverge from U.S. policy.

President Erdoğan’s government may also be using the moment to reinforce its own regional standing. NATO would still be expected to defend Turkey in the event of a direct attack, even if Ankara publicly criticizes aspects of U.S. policy. That dynamic allows Turkey to assert a degree of independence while remaining within the alliance.

At this stage, however, Turkey’s role appears limited. Turkey may be cooperating with Azerbaijan on intelligence matters related to Iranian activities, but there is no indication that Turkish forces are preparing to participate directly in the conflict. Nor has there been any formal request for such involvement.

For now, Turkey’s position seems largely strategic and cautious. It is maintaining its security posture, signalling readiness to defend its territory, and monitoring developments. Much will depend on how the broader conflict evolves. If a major energy disruption occurs, Turkey could be significantly affected, given its geographic role as a transit state for pipelines and energy corridors. Whether Ankara might attempt to leverage that position—through pipeline infrastructure or regional gas supplies—remains uncertain.

At present, however, Turkey’s involvement appears peripheral rather than central to the conflict.

Jacobsen: On that related point about Iran, there have also been statements indicating that Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, acting with a temporary leadership council, has approved the suspension of attacks against neighbouring countries unless those countries directly attack Iran. Are you skeptical of that statement as well?

Tsukerman: Yes. The statement is meant to signal de-escalation, but it also implicitly acknowledges that those attacks occurred. The announcement itself contradicts earlier denials and apologies. By declaring that attacks will be suspended unless neighbouring countries strike Iran first, the leadership is effectively admitting that those actions were taking place as a matter of policy.

At a minimum, it confirms that Iran had been deliberately engaging in activities widely interpreted as attempts to draw additional regional actors into the conflict. Now that some of those countries appear prepared to respond militarily, Iran is signalling that it prefers to avoid confrontation with them. Instead, it is seeking political pressure on the United States from regional governments without triggering a broader war involving the Gulf states.

Jacobsen: There is another development worth noting. The World Bank has reportedly backed roughly $350 million in funding to support South Africa’s electricity transmission infrastructure. South African Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana described the initiative as involving major investments in transmission capacity. The plan includes attracting private investment to build thousands of kilometres of new power lines and to expand transformer capacity.

South Africa has experienced more than a decade of severe electricity shortages, largely due to infrastructure failures rather than external supply constraints. At first glance, this investment appears positive. It could help address long-standing power shortages that have affected both economic growth and daily life.

Tsukerman: Infrastructure investment is certainly necessary, but the situation in South Africa is also tied to governance problems. The state-linked power utility responsible for electricity generation and distribution—Eskom—has faced repeated corruption scandals and operational failures. Investigations have exposed extensive mismanagement, and there have even been cases in which individuals connected to corruption probes were reportedly poisoned.

Because of that history, investment alone will not necessarily solve the problem. Without serious reform of the governance structure and strict accountability measures, the same patterns of mismanagement could continue. Any large-scale infrastructure investment should be tied to transparency requirements, anti-corruption safeguards, and strong oversight mechanisms.

South Africa has substantial resources and industrial capacity. There is no inherent reason it should be unable to maintain reliable electricity generation and distribution, as other countries in the region with fewer resources have done so. The key issue is governance.

Jacobsen: Related to that broader question of economic governance, the International Monetary Fund noted on Friday, March 6, that it has been discussing macroeconomic policy and growth plans with the authorities in Gabon. The IMF indicated that policy dialogue will continue in the coming weeks, including during the upcoming IMF Spring Meetings. This stage focuses on planning rather than the immediate disbursement of funds.

In countries with high corruption perceptions, do these kinds of negotiations typically require additional safeguards—particularly regarding anti-corruption measures, budget transparency, and oversight during implementation?

Tsukerman: Yes, that tends to be the case. International financial institutions increasingly attach governance conditions to their programs, especially in countries with persistent corruption concerns. These safeguards can include auditing requirements, transparency obligations, procurement reforms, and monitoring mechanisms tied to specific policy benchmarks.

Without those safeguards, financial assistance risks reinforcing existing patronage networks rather than supporting development. The challenge for institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank is balancing the need to support economic stability with the need to ensure that funds are used effectively and responsibly.

Whatever improvements may have been taking place in those countries are likely to be reversed if there is no clear push for transparency and anti-corruption measures. Even in democratic countries, when there is democratic backsliding and a weakening of accountability, it sets a tone that resonates elsewhere in the world. It becomes much harder for monitoring organizations and international institutions to press for those mechanisms when already corrupt states can respond by saying that the United States is not doing the same. If the United States is perceived as sliding down anti-corruption rankings, other governments may ask why they should be held to a higher standard. Unfortunately, that is the message that is likely to spread, if it has not already.

Jacobsen: Another item: the Nigerian army has reportedly killed 45 bandits in Katsina State. The incident occurred in the Dan Musa area of Katsina State, northern Nigeria, a Muslim-majority region. The armed gangs were said to have come from neighbouring Zamfara State. I interviewed the governor of Zamfara State last year, and I believe he is still in office. That adds an interesting layer of context, because Zamfara has at times been presented as comparatively progressive under its current leadership, though whether that is reflected more in rhetoric than in policy is another matter. This makes the case particularly interesting.

According to reports, the attackers rode into the village of Yar Haske in an attempt to steal cattle. They returned the following day, at which point troops were called in. The subsequent clash reportedly resulted in at least 45 bandits being killed. If the primary purpose were cattle theft or related rural criminal activity, then the term “bandits” would seem to fit. What are your thoughts on this specific case?

Tsukerman: Unfortunately, if you follow Nigerian affairs closely, as I have for several years, this is part of a long-running pattern. There has been a steady stream of such incidents involving organized criminal groups, some more violent than others, clashing with farmers, stealing property, especially cattle, and at times engaging directly with security forces.

The sheer number of these incidents highlights the weakness of law enforcement, the lack of effective social reforms that could create alternatives to criminal life, and the inadequate protections available to farmers and rural communities. The broader problem is structural.

The United States, rather than viewing what is happening in Nigeria as part of a larger need to support reforms and assist the government in building more effective institutions, law enforcement capacity, and public service delivery, has often focused narrowly on ISIS-related incidents. However, the underlying conditions that make ISIS recruitment possible are closely related to the conditions that sustain ordinary criminal recruitment: corruption, weak law enforcement, and deep social instability.

All of these issues need to be addressed through a comprehensive, whole-of-society approach. Otherwise, both crime and terrorism will continue. Airstrikes alone will not solve Nigeria’s problems.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Olga Murka on Hospitails: Sustainable Funding and Mobile Veterinary Missions in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/28

Olga Murka is Press Secretary for Hospitails, the Hospitallers’ veterinary mission in Ukraine, which delivers sterilization, vaccination, and emergency care through a mobile hospital and evacuation bus. She shapes public-facing messaging that explains mission goals, documents field impact, and connects donors, volunteers, shelters, and clinics to frontline animal aid. Murka prioritizes sustainable institutional funding—especially from international organizations and foundations—so that operations are not dependent on small individual donations that may be diverted to urgent defence needs. Her communications highlight rescue outcomes, rabies risks, and the practical logistics behind each deployment. She also promotes stable teams of veterinarians and assistants for missions.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Olga Murka, Press Secretary for Hospitails, about how communications support mobile veterinary missions in war-affected Ukraine. Murka says the priority is comprehensive: fundraising, public awareness, and recruitment, while policy influence is not the focus. She emphasizes shifting toward sustainable funding from international organizations and foundations. Murka outlines a typical mission: define the rescue goal, deploy a mobile vet bus, deliver sterilization, vaccination, antiparasitic care, and food, and evacuate animals when needed. Reporting with photos, videos, and rescue stories sustains partners, donors, and volunteers. Key allies include shelters, clinics, and a volunteer network.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the current focus of Hospitails’ communications: fundraising, policy influence, raising public awareness, or attracting new participants?

Olga Murka: Comprehensively, everything listed above except the second. Efforts are aimed at finding sources of sustainable funding that do not depend on donations from private individuals, which may instead be directed toward supporting and meeting the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (international organizations and international foundations).

Work with the public in the main areas, namely:

  • • Raising awareness about assistance to animals from the frontline and de-occupied territories.
  • • Drawing attention to the evacuation, treatment, sterilization, and vaccination of animals affected by the war.
  • • Raising awareness about the increase in rabies and the uncontrolled growth of animal populations in frontline zones.

Undoubtedly, creating a team of doctors and assistants is necessary to carry out the core mission tasks.

Jacobsen: From a communications perspective, what is the outlook and logistics of a typical mission?

Murka: From a communications standpoint, a mission includes the following key elements:

  • Preparation for the mission:
  • Presenting a clear objective (who we are rescuing, who we are helping, and why).
  • Drawing attention to the situation of animals in frontline regions.

Logistical component:

  • Organizing the departure of a mobile veterinary bus and team.
  • Providing on-site medical assistance (main emphasis on sterilization, vaccination against infectious diseases, antiparasitic treatments, and provision of food).
  • In cases of evacuating individual animals — placement in shelters or finding foster/adoptive families.
  • Communications component:
  • Reporting on each mission with photos/videos to demonstrate real results and impact.
  • Using rescue stories to motivate donors, partners, and volunteers.

Jacobsen: Which partnerships are most significant for your work: local shelters, international rescue organizations, municipal veterinarians, etc.?

Murka: 

  • International rescue organizations/donors.
  • They help financially scale all projects and field missions, evacuations, and treatments, and provide funding for the purchase of consumables, protective equipment for animals, and food.
  • Local shelters and veterinary clinics.
  • They provide possible post-operative care (if necessary), continue working independently in this direction, assist with care after potential evacuations, and provide temporary housing for animals.
  • A broad network of volunteers in various regions.
  • This is a critically important partnership network for rapid response and on-the-ground support for our missions and activities.

Jacobsen: What is the biggest limitation for scaling the project today?

Murka: 

  • Financial resources and logistics.
  • Projects of this scale require stable funding for vehicle repairs, fuel for field trips, equipment, veterinary supplies, and all essential provisions during missions.
  • Volunteer and staffing resources.
  • Qualified veterinary professionals, drivers, and people who love animals and are ready to help are needed.
  • Security in combat zones/access to hotspots.
  • This significantly affects the ability to deploy missions. The constant expansion of combat areas and the increased use of drone surveillance often make it physically impossible to carry out sterilization missions in areas close to active fighting zones.
  • Partnership networks and reception infrastructure.
  • More shelters are needed to expand mission capacity and conduct more frequent evacuation trips.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Olga.

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This Gay Week 17: LGBTQ Rights, Global Repression, and Media Retreat

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/27

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Karel Bouley about global LGBTQ persecution, legal progress, and cultural backlash. Bouley contrasts harsh anti-gay laws in parts of Africa with fragile gains in Kenya, while arguing that durable equality depends on institutional reform, not isolated victories. The discussion connects Ukraine’s European aspirations, Russia’s anti-LGBTQ politics, and the uneven reality of rights across Europe and North America. Bouley also critiques corporate caution in Hollywood, Pixar, and awards-season storytelling, warning that studios are retreating from representation under political pressure. Together, they frame LGBTQ rights as a test of open society itself.

Karel Bouley: It is funny as we start this week. I received a text from my friend Heath this morning. He is heterosexual. One of the first things I saw on social media today was news about Uganda’s crackdown on LGBTQ people and political speeches against homosexuality. Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act does not simply make homosexuality punishable by prison; it includes life imprisonment for same-sex conduct, the death penalty for certain cases described as “aggravated homosexuality,” and prison sentences for what the law calls the “promotion” of homosexuality. That was the first thing I saw on Instagram this morning. I thought, well, good fucking morning.

Then I received a text—he had not seen the Ugandan story—saying, “Why do humans constantly persecute minorities throughout history? It is hard to have faith in humanity knowing that this is a recurring theme in our history.”

I thought that, as we started today, we should acknowledge that what you and I talk about every week involves these issues. In this case it concerns gay people because I am gay, but throughout history there has always been some group marginalized because that is what humans tend to do. At this point in history, trans people especially—and LGBTQ people more broadly—are in those crosshairs. Women are still in those crosshairs, as well as minorities and immigrants.

Jacobsen: Here is a family history question—a rhetorical one. Why am I not speaking Dutch? Set featured image

Bouley: Exactly. Very few children are speaking Dutch these days. I also thought about you this morning because you are in Ukraine. There has been escalating conflict involving Israel and Iran, and tensions in the region have contributed to rising oil prices. Gas prices are increasing, and some governments have discussed loosening certain restrictions on Russian oil shipments.

And I thought, “Wait a minute.” We are spending billions to help Ukraine fight Russia. We are trying to cut Russia off from the revenue that funds its war against Ukraine. Now, because oil prices are rising, the idea is to buy Russian oil again and give them money that could be used in that same war.

That makes no sense to me—loosening restrictions on Russian oil while supporting Ukraine. It feels like what Stranger Things calls the “upside down,” where nothing makes much sense.

To that end, I sent you some stories this morning. Several things are happening in what I call the “gay world.” Some of them are horrifying, and others are somewhat less severe.

There was a case in Kenya. We have spoken about Kenya before and the oppression of LGBTQ people there. Two gay men were attacked by two other men, and the attackers received prison sentences. The queer community in Kenya is celebrating this as a victory.

It is striking that punishing someone for attacking another person is considered a major win because of who the victims were. I am glad the Kenyan community feels some sense of justice. At the same time, it shows how difficult the situation is when the punishment of attackers becomes a milestone. It demonstrates how fragile equality still is.

And it is odd because when you hear the word equality, I think DEI. By the way, in reference to that story, I will tell you their sentence. The sentencing of two people who attacked and robbed two gay men in Kenya has been held by gay rights activists as a breakthrough and a sign of hope.

Abel Mele and another man were sentenced to fifteen years in prison for robbery with violence on March 3 at the Milimani Law Courts in Nairobi. It is a rare example of justice being served for the queer community in Kenya. This does not happen all the time, so that is why they are celebrating it. Kenya is one of several countries in Africa that still criminalize homosexuality. In Kenya, consensual same-sex relations between men can be punished by up to fourteen years in prison.

So they are happy about that, and I suppose they should be, but it is sad. The gentlemen—the assholes—did get fifteen years, and of course the decision will be appealed, but they think it will stand. So that is a good thing.

Jacobsen: My argument is about the principle. It is better to have law and policy because many cases that never make the news will be equality wins. These feel-good news items are positive, but small. If you have institutional wins—legal and policy changes—you have more durable victories.

Bouley: Look, as the gay man who has lived through all of this, I will tell you that even in our country we are often surprised when the police take us seriously and credibly pursue the people who commit crimes against us. That is relatively new. In the 1980s in particular, police in the United States often did not take crimes against gay people seriously. They sometimes overlooked them or excused them with questions such as, “What were you doing?” or “You deserved it.” In some cases they perpetrated harassment themselves.

I have firsthand knowledge of this in Garden Grove, California. Police sat outside a bar and photographed people leaving the bar. When we challenged them in court, their defense was that the cameras were not even loaded with film. The judge responded, “So you are just doing this to harass people? That is not a very good defense.” The Garden Grove Police Department was censured and fined by the courts. The case was won.

So you do not have to look to Africa for cases where crimes against gay people are not taken seriously. In the United States right now, crimes against trans people are often not taken as seriously as they could be.

That is connected to the political climate. Donald Trump has promoted legislation that includes restrictions affecting transgender people, particularly in athletics. Some proposals tied to election legislation have also included requirements for documentary proof of citizenship to vote, such as passports or birth certificates. Critics argue that such requirements could make voting more difficult for some Americans who do not have those documents readily available.

When you have an ally like Gavin Newsom—who is a personal friend of mine—come out and say, “I support trans rights in everything except sports,” I know he thinks that is helpful. He has one of the strongest records of any governor for signing pro-LGBTQ legislation, and that is true. But it still does not help when even allies say, “I support trans people, but….” Either you support trans people or you do not.

The sports issue is complex, as you and I have talked about. Athletic organizations around the world are wrestling with it, not just in the United States. My own view is somewhat particular. If someone is trans and transitioned before puberty, there should be no problem at all. Compete and participate freely. If someone transitioned from male to female after puberty, then I believe it should be considered on a case-by-case basis, because puberty is when many physical differences such as muscle development and body size emerge.

If you transitioned male to female after puberty, you are going to have longer limbs and you are likely to be taller. So I think that should be considered on a case-by-case basis. Not everyone will be. If you are a five-foot-three person and you transition into a woman, you are still going to be five-foot-three and relatively small. You are not suddenly going to be six-foot-four. So I think there is nuance there.

But I also think that if you support trans people, you should support them across the board. For Trump to try to put this into legislation, and then for someone like Gavin Newsom to come out and say, “I support trans people except in sports,” it shows that, among marginalized groups, trans people are being hit particularly hard right now.

We have many issues, but we have to reach a point where there are not countries where homosexuality is punishable by death. In several African countries, same-sex relations can carry extremely severe penalties. In others, such as Kenya, it can carry prison terms. In many places, we are still dealing with legal systems that reflect older attitudes.

It is also ironic because precolonial African societies had varied attitudes toward same-sex relationships. Some communities historically recognized forms of gender diversity or same-sex relationships. Many modern anti-LGBT laws in Africa trace back to colonial-era legal codes introduced by European powers.

I do not know whether you saw the DEI debate this week—the so-called “DEI bros,” the DOGE bros. Did you see them?

Jacobsen: There was one interview in which someone said it was important to defund DEI programs. When asked why, he said it was necessary to eliminate fraud and waste. Then someone asked whether that had actually reduced spending to zero, and he said no.

Bouley: He also said he used ChatGPT to determine which DEI programs should be cut. So here we have someone using a large language model—which can sometimes produce inaccurate information—to make decisions about cutting DEI programs.

That suggests the process may not have been particularly rigorous. As he himself acknowledged, the cuts were not about reducing spending to zero. Critics argue that the debate around DEI has often been driven more by political opposition to diversity initiatives than by fiscal concerns. 

Another interesting thing in the news this week concerns movies. We often talk about international themes, and movies are certainly international. Pixar released a film called Elio. It has been reported as one of Pixar’s weaker box office openings. Some members of the film’s creative team have said earlier versions of the story included elements that were later removed during development.

For example, the character reportedly had a pink bicycle in earlier versions of the film. Some observers interpreted the removal of certain elements as part of a broader effort to avoid themes that might be interpreted as LGBTQ-coded. When asked about similar questions in the past, Pixar executives have said their films are intended for broad family audiences rather than as vehicles for social messaging.

One of the writers involved in the project reportedly felt disappointed with some of those decisions.

There was also discussion about another Pixar project that originally included a character interpreted by some viewers as transgender, although that characterization was never explicitly stated in the final version.

You also have to remember that Pixar has an interesting history. It began as the Graphics Group inside Lucasfilm. Steve Jobs later purchased the division in 1986 and helped build it into Pixar. Many people forget that connection. Jobs supported Pixar for years before it became successful with Toy Story. Pixar later merged with Disney in 2006.

Jobs had a reputation as a rebel figure in Silicon Valley. He had been forced out of Apple in the 1980s, founded NeXT, and later returned to Apple after NeXT was acquired. Some people speculate that he might not have appreciated what they see as cautious corporate decisions around storytelling today.

Pixar is now part of Disney, and the company operates within the broader corporate structure of Disney.

Disney has often tried to be more inclusive and progressive in its animations, so it is sad when you have a CEO coming out and saying that certain elements were purposely cut because they are not interested in “giving therapy,” and that if parents want to talk about those issues with their kids, they can do so outside of the movies.

What he fails to connect is that these movies can actually spark those conversations in a healthy way. He says they are not therapy, but a movie can help a parent have a discussion with their child.

For instance, over the years many people have come up to me and said their parents used to listen to me and Andrew on the radio. When they eventually came out to their parents, they said something like, “Mom, I am like the guy you listen to on the radio.” They literally used me being openly gay, and the fact that their parents listened to me, as a way to explain themselves.

So it made their coming out easier. They could say, “I am like the person you hear on the radio.” What the head of Pixar does not realize is that he would not be providing therapy; he would be providing a tool that parents could use if they wanted to have those conversations. In that sense, I think he missed the mark with that statement.

I also suspect it may be because Pixar, or Disney more broadly, wants to stay on the good side of the current political climate. Corporations often try to curry favor with whoever is in power.

Jacobsen: With regard to direct monetary benefits to corporations, that dynamic has been visible since the inauguration. It has been very clear with some of the big technology companies, and there is no reason to think similar pressures would not apply to large media companies as well.

It is also somewhat disingenuous because, even if therapy is not the explicit goal of most films, many important films end up functioning as a kind of therapeutic vessel for cultures and subcultures.

Bouley: Will & Grace, as much as I disliked aspects of that show—and I did—still played a role. Will was a gay man living in New York, handsome, successful, and for a long time the show avoided giving him a serious romantic storyline. It was not always realistic. Grace had romantic relationships, Jack had storylines, but Will rarely even kissed anyone on screen in the early seasons.

Even so, those shows mattered. When creators accept awards from organizations like GLAAD, they often say they stand on the shoulders of earlier shows that paved the way.

Queer as Folk was not perfect. The L Word had its own issues. Will & Grace had its problems as well. Some straight actors played gay characters. My friend Hal Sparks was in Queer as Folk, and he is actually a great ally.

Even though those shows were imperfect, they opened conversations. They normalized the idea of seeing LGBTQ relationships on television. In many ways they helped move the LGBTQ community forward socially.

That is why Pixar’s position feels odd. Pixar—founded and financially backed for years by Steve Jobs after he bought the graphics division from Lucasfilm—built a culture around creativity. Many people in animation and creative industries identify as LGBTQ.

So it feels contradictory. If you hire a writer or director who is openly gay, it seems inevitable that some aspects of their experience might appear in the work. Why commission that story and then remove those elements?

I have even visited Pixar’s studio. It is full of creative people. So decisions like that feel out of step with the spirit the company once had. Pixar is now part of The Walt Disney Company, and corporate decision-making can look different within a larger organization.

It is unfortunate, though. It suggests the company may be trying to avoid controversy rather than lead culturally.

We mentioned Africa earlier. To correct myself, the story I saw this morning was about Senegal, not Uganda. Senegal already criminalizes same-sex relations, and lawmakers there have discussed strengthening penalties. In Senegal, same-sex relations can already carry prison sentences and significant fines.

Reports indicate fines can reach the equivalent of many thousands of dollars, which is extremely severe in a country where the average income is far lower.

Kidding, I am kidding. They are calling it “acts against nature,” because somehow they believe they are the arbiters of what is natural. That has always been an odd argument to me. For a long time people have argued that homosexuality is an act against nature. But if that were true, then why do we see same-sex behavior across the natural world?

There are same-sex penguin pairs. There are examples across many species. There were probably same-sex behaviors among dinosaurs as well. You can find same-sex behavior in species across the animal kingdom.

Jacobsen: We discussed this in one of our earlier conversations. The scientific literature shows that same-sex behavior has been observed in hundreds of animal species. Researchers studying animal behavior have documented this across many types of animals. And those animals are part of nature. If you think about nature, they are part of it. So how can something be called an act against nature if it occurs naturally in the animal world?

Some people try to counter that argument, especially if they are coming from a conservative or religious position. They sometimes argue that religion itself is uniquely human and therefore natural for humans while still claiming homosexuality is unnatural. But religion happens in one species, so religion is unnatural by that metric while homosexuality is more natural. 

Bouley: The other issue with the Senegal legislation is that it reportedly takes discretion away from judges. Previously, judges sometimes issued suspended sentences in cases involving same-sex relations. They might find someone guilty under the law but suspend the sentence, meaning no prison time or fines were imposed.

Now lawmakers in Senegal have proposed measures that would prevent judges from granting suspended sentences or reducing penalties below the minimum. Senegal is a Muslim-majority country where same-sex relations are already criminalized. So the proposed changes would not only increase penalties but also limit judicial discretion by making certain sentences mandatory.

Jacobsen: I conducted an interview with a lesbian woman from Saudi Arabia who was facing a forced marriage. She eventually moved to Ukraine before the full-scale war began and chose to stay there afterward. She told me that, in her experience, life in Ukraine was significantly better for LGBTQ people than in Saudi Arabia.

I also interviewed a project manager associated with Kyiv Pride. Recently I learned about reporting in Novaya Gazeta Europe discussing a legal case in Ukraine involving recognition of a same-sex relationship involving LGBTQ activist Zoryan Kis and his partner. Their lawyer, Oksana Guz, has been active in LGBTQ legal advocacy in Ukraine.

Bouley: When you look at developments like that, I think what is happening in Ukraine with LGBTQ rights may partly relate to the country’s long-term goal of joining the European Union. The EU has strong legal frameworks around human rights, including protections related to sexual orientation and gender identity.

So Ukraine wants to demonstrate progress across a wide range of democratic and human-rights standards as it seeks closer integration with Europe.

Jacobsen: Exactly. Many of those expectations are not literally checkboxes, but they do involve aligning legal standards with EU norms. Anti-discrimination protections and broader human-rights commitments are part of that process.

Bouley: That is actually one similarity between parts of Eastern Europe and the United States. When we talk about the European Union recognizing protections for LGBTQ people and recognizing same-sex marriage in many member states, we should not equate that with the EU being a big, happy gay playground where no one experiences discrimination or violence. That is simply not true.

What the EU framework does is provide a legal structure people can use if they experience discrimination or violence. It does not mean Europe is a wonderland for gay people. It is not. I have been to European countries and experienced discrimination as a gay person, even though the EU or countries like France or Ireland recognize LGBTQ rights.

For instance, Ireland overwhelmingly approved same-sex marriage in a national referendum in 2015. Ireland also has a visible drag culture and LGBTQ public figures such as Panti Bliss. Yet incidents still occur. There have been cases where performers or LGBTQ people were harassed or attacked while filming or appearing in public.

Even in a country that is broadly supportive of LGBTQ equality, violence can still occur. Ireland hosts LGBTQ events and festivals such as The Outing Festival organized by Eddie McGuinness.

So as supportive as Ireland may be, there is still violence against LGBTQ people there. Just because a country legally recognizes equality does not mean it is easy to be gay in that country or that discrimination disappears. It simply means there is a legal framework that allows people to seek justice when harm occurs.

And that framework matters. It matters a great deal. As we applaud the legal victory in Kenya involving attackers receiving prison sentences, it is still much easier in the EU to obtain justice for an anti-LGBTQ attack than it is in countries where homosexuality itself remains criminalized.

So I am glad to see progress in Ukraine. I believe Ukraine may emerge from this war as a more liberal nation, assuming it is allowed to remain sovereign through all of this.

Jacobsen: There is also a strong cultural factor. In western and central Ukraine there is a very strong desire to distance the country from Russia. Russia has adopted policies that frame LGBTQ rights as so-called “LGBT propaganda,” and many Ukrainians want to differentiate themselves from that political and cultural model.

Bouley: It is almost like the phrase “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Russia treats LGBTQ people as enemies. Russia is an enemy of Ukraine. So Ukraine may become more sympathetic toward LGBTQ people partly because it wants to differentiate itself from Russia.

And frankly, I am fine with that.

Ukraine is similar to the United States in another way. Different regions have very different cultural attitudes. In the U.S., coastal states such as California, New York, and Massachusetts tend to be very supportive of LGBTQ rights. Other regions, including parts of the South or Midwest, tend to be more conservative.

That does not mean LGBTQ people are absent from those places. They are there, and there are federal and state protections in many cases, but discrimination can still occur in those regions.

Most countries have that kind of regional variation. In Ireland, for example, it can be easier to be openly gay in Dublin than in more rural areas.

Although I should correct myself about one example—Portmagee is actually a very welcoming place. When we visited, the community treated us warmly. The town is seasonal and not always busy year-round, but the people there were wonderful.

Bouley: We arrived there on March 3. The town was still closed for the season. They opened everything for us—every pub. People came and performed for us. The whole town showed up and did a show for me and my group—just me and three queer friends sitting there. They performed, broom-danced, and sang songs. It was a wonderful town—Portmagee.

I would never have expected that level of hospitality in the far west of Ireland as an openly gay person. They even opened the post office so I could mail a letter.

Jacobsen: You also told me you participated in some of the local festivities there, and you met someone in a very upscale town. You mentioned that a few months ago.

Bouley: Yes, absolutely. I think every country is like this, and I think Ukraine will be the same way. I think Ukraine will adopt certain policies partly to move closer to the European Union and partly because it wants to distinguish itself from Russia. If Russia is moving backward on LGBTQ rights, Ukraine may move forward on them.

It may not always be because people suddenly love gay people. Sometimes it is simply political differentiation. But that is often how progress happens.

Look at Greece. Greece is historically associated with same-sex relationships in the ancient world. The term “lesbian” comes from the island of Lesbos, the home of the poet Sappho. Many people also associate modern LGBTQ tourism with Mykonos.

So someone might assume those places would be the largest LGBTQ paradise imaginable. That is not always the case. Greece has had periods of conservative government, and public attitudes can shift depending on political and economic conditions.

No matter what country you look at—even countries historically connected with LGBTQ culture—you will still find discrimination and violations of rights. The difference in many European countries is that there is at least a legal framework available if discrimination occurs.

Italy is another example. Recent policy debates there have raised concerns among LGBTQ advocates. The human-rights organization Human Rights Campaign has warned travelers that Italy’s current political climate is less supportive of LGBTQ rights than many people assume.

Italy’s government is led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, whose coalition has taken positions opposing what it calls “gender ideology.” Her government has supported measures limiting parental recognition for same-sex couples and has challenged the registration of non-biological parents in some same-sex families.

Authorities in several cities have also reviewed birth certificates of children born to lesbian couples through assisted reproduction. In addition, Italy passed legislation expanding penalties related to surrogacy abroad, making it illegal for Italian citizens to pursue surrogacy in other countries. Violations can carry potential criminal penalties.

So even though Italy is a member of the European Union, it sometimes opposes EU-wide initiatives supporting broader recognition of LGBTQ family rights.

Jacobsen: Institutional issues have appeared elsewhere as well. For example, reports around the Kyiv Pride parade several years ago described individuals preparing to disrupt the event by throwing objects at participants. Ukrainian authorities intervened and prevented the attack.

There have also been reports that LGBTQ members of the Ukrainian armed forces occasionally request transfers if harassment becomes severe in particular units.

Bouley: The government has blocked proposals for EU-wide recognition of same-sex parents and has not legalized same-sex marriage or adoption. Italy currently allows only civil unions, which grant some but not all of the rights associated with marriage. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has openly opposed what she calls the LGBTQ lobby and promotes what she describes as the “traditional natural family.”

Jacobsen: The Council of Europe and advocacy groups such as ILGA-Europe have criticized some of these policy directions. They argue that certain measures could weaken protections for LGBTQ families and contribute to an environment where discrimination and hate speech increase.

Bouley: When people think of Italy, they often imagine an art-filled, culturally vibrant place. But politically the country has periodically shifted toward conservative governments. That pattern has happened several times in modern Italian politics.

It often seems that when politicians want to demonstrate how conservative they are, the first thing they do is target LGBTQ people, particularly gay and trans communities. They do not begin with issues like child abuse, forced marriage, or other forms of exploitation. Instead, they focus on LGBTQ people.

What makes that strange is that LGBTQ people are part of every family. They are people’s children, brothers, sisters, and relatives. And of course, LGBTQ people are born to heterosexual parents. Yet governments often find it politically easier to target them.

In many places, gay people become what you might call low-hanging fruit politically. It is easier to focus political attention on them than to address more complex or entrenched social problems.

In my country, debates sometimes become more focused on which bathroom a trans person might use than on serious crimes involving exploitation of minors. For example, there have been public allegations in the past against figures such as Donald Trump involving misconduct claims, though those allegations have been denied and were not pursued in court. Yet political debates often concentrate instead on transgender issues.

So it can feel disingenuous. It sometimes becomes a kind of ideological litmus test. If you want to demonstrate that you are part of a certain faction of the political right, one of the first boxes you check is opposition to LGBTQ rights. It is rarely framed as opposition to child exploitation, divorce, or other issues that can also affect families.

Jacobsen: In broader terms, this reflects a divide between open societies and more closed societies. Some political movements attempt to restrict openness for particular populations within society.

Bouley: I have spent sixty-three years being part of one of those populations.

Jacobsen: There is also a cultural misconception people sometimes have. They see gay men represented in entertainment industries—Hollywood, music, theater—and they assume most gay men are flamboyant or highly expressive in their appearance and behavior.

In reality, most people are quite ordinary in how they present themselves. They dress plainly and live fairly typical lives. But when a group faces strong social pressure or repression, it can sometimes respond with creative expression.

Bouley: In my community, I am actually something of an extreme example. I do dress flamboyantly. I enjoy clothing from many cultures—Indian clothing, Pakistani clothing, and other flowing styles. That clothing brand Kufandi is a playground for me.

Four pairs of my favorite pants right now are wide-leg linen pants designed by Vera Wang. They were made for women, but I bought them and wear them anyway. Whenever I wear them, people compliment them.

I do not believe clothing has a gender. People should be able to wear what they like. But in the gay community I am actually not typical. Most gay men dress quite conventionally—jeans, shirts, casual clothing. I am more on the expressive edge.

That is not necessarily tied to my being gay as much as it is tied to personal history. Growing up overweight, I had low self-esteem. I often wore dramatic clothing with lots of fabric because it helped me feel hidden, almost like armor—sequins, capes, and layers.

Bouley: The other thing is that the clothing is simply fabulous, and I enjoy being fabulous. But most gay men dress normally. They drive pickup trucks. They are not riding around in pink Cadillac convertibles. A few of us are, but not many.

So you are right. There is a Hollywood image of what it means to be gay. For me, that image was shaped by performers such as Rip Taylor and other flamboyant figures who were very visible on television. For a long time, Hollywood mostly allowed gay men into entertainment only if they fit a stereotype.

Something similar happened with Black representation in film. For many years, Black actors were limited to stereotypical roles. Characters were rarely portrayed as educated, financially stable, or part of strong families. Male characters were often written as irresponsible fathers or struggling men whom the mother had to support.

Representation has improved significantly over time. Black filmmakers and creators built their own production power. Directors and producers such as Tyler Perry created major studios and distribution systems.

Look at films like Sinners. People describe it as a “Black film,” but it is really just a strong film featuring a predominantly Black cast. It addresses race and racism, but at its core it is simply a genre film.

Gay filmmakers have had to follow a similar path. Representation in major studios rises and falls over time. When opportunities shrink in Hollywood, LGBTQ creators often return to independent production and self-financing.

I have always joked that it would be nice to see a gay movie where the lead character does not have to take off his shirt six times. But the same thing happens in straight movies. Many actresses have complained for years that they are asked to appear partially undressed far more often than male actors.

Jacobsen: Another issue is framing films as “gay movies” or “straight movies” rather than simply films that include LGBTQ characters. Sexual orientation becomes one element of the story rather than the entire focus.

Bouley: A love story can simply be a love story.

And look at this weekend. It is awards season. One actor who made a film about ping-pong recently criticized ballet and opera as niche art forms. That struck some people as ironic.

Take Timothée Chalamet. Whatever his personal life may be, he has a very distinctive look. He reminds me of the kind of figure you might see in a Renaissance painting. Someone joked he looks like a character from a painting by Sandro Botticelli.

For many years during awards season there was growing queer representation—writers, actors, and films with LGBTQ themes. Recently, however, that representation seems to be shrinking again.

If you look at some recent nominee lists, there are fewer openly LGBTQ storylines than there were several years ago. That suggests representation in major studio productions may be declining again.

I think that reflects broader cultural politics. It connects back to the Pixar story we discussed earlier. Major studios may still say they support LGBTQ people, but they may avoid emphasizing those themes strongly during periods of political tension.

There are also large corporate changes happening in the entertainment industry. Media mergers and acquisitions often shift the editorial tone of networks. For example, companies such as Paramount Global, Warner Bros. Discovery, and Netflix compete intensely for control of content distribution.

In some political hearings about media consolidation, lawmakers have criticized streaming platforms for what they describe as “woke” content, including LGBTQ representation. That criticism has influenced debates over which companies should control major media assets.

So the broader pattern may be that studios still describe themselves as LGBTQ-friendly, but they are cautious about pushing representation too aggressively in the current political environment.

Unfortunately, it feels like we are taking a step back right now. It is not just one step forward and one step back. It feels more like we made several steps forward and are now moving a mile and a half backward. It almost feels like a return to a time when gay people had to stay hidden or quiet about who they were. That is why what is happening in Hollywood right now is sad.

At this year’s Oscars, there does not seem to be much LGBTQ representation among the major films. For example, I do not recall openly gay characters in One Battle After Another. I do not believe there are openly gay characters in Sinners. I do not recall any in Marty Supreme, the table-tennis film. I cannot think of a major nominated film this year with significant LGBTQ representation.

That is unusual because in many recent years there has been at least some visible LGBTQ presence in major films. This year there seems to be less.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Karel.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Donna Adams-Pickett on Menopause, Misdiagnosis, and Women’s Health

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/27

Dr. Donna Adams-Pickett is a physician and women’s health advocate focused on evidence-based, individualized care across the lifespan. In this interview, she emphasizes the frequent dismissal of midlife women in clinical settings, especially when symptoms are subtle, overlapping, or poorly contextualized. She highlights delays in diagnosing perimenopause, menopause, cardiovascular disease, cancers, infertility, and fibroids, with particular attention to the credibility bias faced by Black women. Adams-Pickett argues for stronger clinician education on sex-specific presentation, careful counselling on hormone therapy, and practical patient self-advocacy. Her perspective centers on clearer communication, prevention, continuity of care, and better outcomes for all women everywhere.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Donna Adams-Pickett about the systematic dismissal of midlife women in medicine. Adams-Pickett explains how delayed diagnoses, credibility bias, and poor clinical education can leave women unheard, misdiagnosed, or undertreated, especially Black women. She distinguishes normal aging from poorly contextualized hormonal transition, addresses fibroids, infertility, miscarriage, and myths about hormone therapy, and outlines practical self-advocacy during appointments. The discussion stresses sex-specific differences in disease presentation, the need for individualized, evidence-based care, and the importance of continuity, clear communication, and informed support from families, clinicians, and communities for healthier outcomes across the lifespan overall.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: To begin, I have seen many reports suggesting that clinical “best practice” standards in the United States are often developed from research populations that do not fully reflect the diversity of the patients being treated. Midlife women also face persistent misconceptions about perimenopause and menopause, and better evidence and better clinical education can help correct them. What are the clear signs that midlife women are being systematically dismissed in clinical settings?

Dr. Donna Adams-Pickett: One clear sign is delayed recognition or diagnosis of important conditions. That can include delays in identifying perimenopause or menopause as the driver of symptoms, as well as delays in diagnosing serious illnesses such as certain cancers and cardiovascular disease.

Jacobsen: A woman I know had ovarian cancer. Her general practitioner repeatedly dismissed her until it was finally diagnosed at an advanced stage. She survived after a large tumour was removed. When you mention cancers, I think of life-threatening conditions. What about perimenopause and menopause?

Adams-Pickett: Many symptoms can sound nonspecific to a clinician, but they are meaningful to the individual because they represent a change from that person’s baseline. Clinical training often emphasizes classic, clearly defined symptom patterns. In midlife, however, people may present with subtler changes—such as unexplained weight gain, thinning hair, sleep disruption, mood changes, or a general sense of not feeling like themselves. These shifts can be part of perimenopause, but they can also overlap with other conditions. The problem is that such changes are sometimes minimized rather than assessed carefully and in context.

Jacobsen: Why are Black women, in particular, misdiagnosed or undertreated?

Adams-Pickett: Black women often face credibility bias in clinical encounters. Their reports of symptoms may be discounted, or providers may assume they are misinformed rather than engaging seriously with what is being described. Assumptions about education, health literacy, or pain tolerance can interfere with appropriate evaluation. The result can be delayed testing, delayed referral, or delayed diagnosis.

Jacobsen: How do you distinguish normal aging from a hormonal imbalance that requires further investigation?

Adams-Pickett: Normal aging includes hormonal change. Ovarian hormone levels decline over time, particularly during perimenopause and menopause. Women are born with a finite number of eggs, and both the number of eggs and ovarian function decrease with age. As ovarian activity declines, estrogen and progesterone levels fluctuate and eventually fall. The problem is not that this process occurs, but that it is often not explained clearly. Patients are told to expect gray hair or joint stiffness, yet changes in sleep, temperature regulation, mood, metabolism, and body composition are rarely framed as expected consequences of hormonal transition. When these changes are not contextualized, women may feel dismissed rather than informed.

Regarding fibroids, uterine fibroids are common across populations. By age 50, studies suggest that up to 70–80% of women will have fibroids detectable by imaging, with higher rates reported among Black women and often earlier onset and more severe symptoms. Prevalence estimates vary globally, and differences may reflect genetics, environmental exposures, diet, body weight, vitamin D status, and access to imaging rather than a single cause. It is inaccurate to attribute fibroids solely to one factor, such as dietary hormones. In the United States, the use of added hormones in poultry production has been banned for decades, and milk from treated cows generally contains hormone levels lower than endogenous human levels. However, broader environmental and lifestyle factors—including endocrine-disrupting chemicals, obesity rates, and reproductive patterns—are areas of ongoing research.

Jacobsen: What would need to change in consumption patterns or production practices in the United States to reduce fibroid prevalence?

Adams-Pickett: There is no single dietary switch that eliminates the risk of fibroids. Evidence supports maintaining a healthy body weight, increasing fruit and vegetable intake, limiting consumption of highly processed foods, ensuring adequate vitamin D intake, and reducing exposure to known endocrine disruptors where possible. Public health measures would focus less on one product and more on overall metabolic health, environmental regulation, and equitable access to preventive care and early evaluation.

Jacobsen: What are effective questions women can ask during an appointment to advocate for themselves?

Adams-Pickett: One of the most effective questions a patient can ask is: “You know my history. Based on me as an individual, what should we focus on today?” That shifts the encounter from a routine checklist to personalized care. Patients are not monolithic. Differences in genetics, history, environment, and lived experience matter. Framing the question around personal risk and longevity encourages the clinician to think beyond the chart and tailor the visit to the person in front of them.

Jacobsen: At what age range should women begin asking more targeted questions based on known risk patterns?

Adams-Pickett: Preventive care should begin in early adulthood and continue across the lifespan, but conversations often need to become more detailed in the late 30s and 40s, when cardiometabolic risk, perimenopausal changes, and certain gynecologic conditions become more common. The idea that one annual visit is sufficient for everyone is outdated. Screening intervals, such as cervical cancer screening every three to five years depending on age and testing method, do not replace broader health evaluations. Women benefit from regular follow-up with primary care providers and, when appropriate, with gynecologists and other specialists. Subtle physiologic changes are easier to identify when there is consistent clinical contact.

Jacobsen: In medical education and clinical culture, what are the common failures regarding women’s health?

Adams-Pickett: A major gap is insufficient emphasis on sex-specific differences in disease presentation. Cardiovascular disease is a clear example. While chest pain is common, women may also present with symptoms such as shortness of breath, nausea, fatigue, or upper back discomfort. Without training that highlights these variations, clinicians may miss or delay diagnosis. Culturally, time pressure and cognitive bias can also reduce individualized assessment.

Jacobsen: What myths continue to cause harm?

Adams-Pickett: One persistent myth is that menopausal hormone therapy is uniformly unsafe. The evidence is more nuanced. For appropriately selected patients, initiated near the onset of menopause and without contraindications, hormone therapy can effectively treat vasomotor symptoms and prevent bone loss. Risks and benefits vary by age, timing, formulation, and personal medical history. It is inaccurate to claim it universally increases cancer risk, but it is also inaccurate to describe it as risk-free. Careful, individualized counselling is essential.

For my community, another damaging myth is the idea that African-American women are uniformly highly fertile. In reality, Black women in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of infertility. Many are surprised to hear that. Higher rates of fibroids and polycystic ovary syndrome, along with delayed access to reproductive care and higher rates of untreated tubal disease, all contribute. Some women delay attempting pregnancy because they assume conception will be easy whenever they choose. Later, they may face difficulty conceiving or carrying a pregnancy to term.

Jacobsen: Psychologically, what happens when miscarriages occur?

Adams-Pickett: There is a strong cultural expectation that pregnancy should naturally result in birth. When a loss occurs, many patients feel that they are at fault or that something is wrong with them. Clinically, however, miscarriage is common. Estimates suggest that about 10–20% of recognized pregnancies end in miscarriage, and the true number may be higher when very early losses are included. Experiencing a loss does not mean a person cannot go on to have a healthy pregnancy. Still, the emotional impact can be profound, especially with recurrent losses.

Jacobsen: If a woman leaves an appointment feeling unheard, what practical steps can she take to protect her health and secure better care?

Adams-Pickett: Preparation matters. Patients should write down concerns in advance, note when symptoms began, and clarify what they want addressed during the visit. At the start of the appointment, they can ask for time to discuss their concerns before the physical exam. Before the visit ends, they should confirm that their main questions were answered and ask about next steps, follow-up, or additional testing if needed. If concerns remain unresolved, seeking a second opinion is reasonable. Clear documentation, follow-up appointments, and continuity of care improve outcomes.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts?

Adams-Pickett: Women deserve evidence-based, individualized care. Many physiologic changes across the lifespan are normal, but normal does not mean insignificant. Clear communication, clinician education on sex-specific differences, and patient self-advocacy all help close the gap between symptoms and appropriate treatment.

My final thought is that I am encouraged to see more men becoming engaged in the reproductive education of the women in their lives. Everyone has a mother, a partner, a daughter, or a sister. Greater understanding fosters empathy. When men are informed about hormonal changes, fertility challenges, and midlife health transitions, it strengthens support systems and improves health conversations within families and communities.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Weaponizing Culture: Dr. Tetiana Boriak on Russkiy Mir and Cognitive Warfare

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/26

Dr. Tetiana Boriak is a researcher at the History Faculty. She got her PhD in History in 2008, and became Dr. Habil. in History in 2024. Tetiana Boriak was born on September 3rd, 1981. She graduated from Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv in 2003. In 2004, she got her MA in history from this university, and in 2006, she got her MA in history from Kansas University (Lawrence, KS, USA). In 2008 she defended her dissertation thesis on the topic of documental heritage of the Ukrainian emigration in interwar Czechoslovak Republic (reconstruction of the so called “Prague Archives”). In 2015 received a title of Associate Professor. Since 2008 till 2016 worked in the National Academy of Managerial Staff of Culture and Arts. October 2020 – October 2022: Postdoctoral program at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Author of three books that got three awards. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks how culture becomes state power in Russia’s post-2022 doctrine. Dr. Tetiana Boriak, a Ukrainian historian of Soviet legacies and archival heritage, argues that “weaponization” long predates 2022, rooted in Leninist–Stalinist cultural engineering, Russification, and the manufacture of “Homo Sovieticus.” She traces today’s “Russkiy Mir” toolkit—films, textbooks, “traditional values” decrees, language programs, and youth militarisation—into occupied territories and abroad, alongside legal moves toward punishing “Russophobia” and replacing law with “historical truth.” Her prescription: defend rule-of-law norms, constrain influence networks, and amplify historians from former Soviet republics. She warns identity-shaping precedes tanks, and outlasts them.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Culture functions as strategic infrastructure. What are the mechanisms by which cultural policy becomes state power in the post-2022 Russian doctrine?

Dr. Tetiana Boriak: The problem starts immediately with the year posed in your question. The year 2022 is only a new period of weaponization of culture in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war. To understand the problem, one has to turn to the Soviet period. Russia’s contemporary approaches to the humanities are grounded in the Soviet policy and practices. 

If you look at Lenin, Stalin, and Anatolii Lunacharsky (the first minister of education of the Russian Soviet Republic/the USSR in 1917-1929), you will see that weaponization of culture began there. They started using literature, education, cinemograph, and theater to promote the elimination of the unnecessary for the Soviet regime, “former people”. They created the concept of “National in Form, Socialist in Content,” which essentially produced a simulacrum of national cultures. So, all cultures, like a Ukrainian one in the 1920s – beginning of the 1930s, whose content was treated by the Kremlin as national, not socialist, were crushed (in Ukraine, Holodomor was one of the instruments of such a crush). The Soviet regime eliminated whole generations of intellectuals, destroyed their heritage, and cut off any mentions of them in the books and encyclopedias. In this way, Soviet citizens were isolated from “hostile” cultural influences (basically, the national ones). The Kremlin imposed harsh Russification, replacing education in native languages with education in Russian. They used culture, history, art, movies, and literature to promote the creation of “Homo Sovieticus” – the identity and formation of Soviet man, especially after WWII.

Since the end of the 2000s, the Kremlin has simply adopted these patterns, taking into account the new level of technological development. The Russian state creates a secure space for Russian art, theater, culture, history, and literature that work to strengthen Russian imperialism, hidden under the cover of “Russkiy mir”, “defence of compatriots”, “fight with Nazizm”, and “defence of Russia’s sovereignty”. Everything doubtful and threatening that does not fit these frames of Russia’s imperialism (covered as a special Russian state-civilization and a special path of historical development) is banned from this secure space. This image of Russia as a state with a special “great” language, culture, and literature helped to cover the Russian imperialism and totalitarianism – let me remind you that the last political Ukrainian prisoner was released in November of 1990, on the fifth year of Gorbachev’s Perestrojka

A combination of a specific outlook marked by disrespect toward former Soviet republics and Western democracies, as well as toward the law, together with imperial aspirations, a non-modernized Russian conscience, the absence of democratic traditions, and adherence to totalitarian principles of running the state, with the terror and fear being one of them, enabled the further transformation of general instruments of creative activity and cultural diplomacy into a weapon. The Kremlin simply activated this weaponry during the Russia-Ukraine war. Such a weapon was called to acquit the Russian military crimes committed in Ukraine, to support its claims for the surrender of Ukraine, and to further right to replace the rule of law with the rule of strength with no legal consequences for the physical (Georgia, Ukraine) or cultural occupation of other states’ territory (Belarus) or a hybrid version of occupation (Moldova). 

The mechanisms: Ruskiy mir advancement through: 

– the production of films, video games, and books; theater, dance, singing, music, and ballet shows; 

– participation in international activities (sport, scientific, artistic);

– spread of the Russian language abroad through a special program for teachers; 

– introduction of the new history textbooks for the Russian students and Ukrainian students in occupied Ukraine; 

– special program 85+4 (4 occupied regions of Ukraine) for trips to Russia as a tool of identity change (elimination of the Ukrainian one and its replacement with a Russian one) for the Ukrainian kids on occupied Ukrainian territories and strengthening of this identity for the Russian kids; 

– appropriation of Ukrainian history, literature, culture, and art.

Theoretically, taken apart, there is nothing bad in a book or a theater show. However, being part of the Ruskiy mir concept and militarized imperial mentality, these cultural products pose an essential threat to Western civilization. Creator of the Ruskiy mir concept and Putinism/Rashyzm, Vladislav Sourkov, confessed that he was looking for something to cover the Russian imperialism. And so he came up with the formula Ruskiy mir

Jacobsen: Many quotations come from legislation enacted after February 24, 2022. Which legal changes matter for transforming culture and heritage into influence instruments?

Boriak: To my mind, after analyzing the legislation in the sphere of humanities, Russia would like to make the crime of “Russophobia” punishable. The term is officially introduced in the Russian Foreign Policy Concept (2023). And the Russian state would like to fill the term with such a meaning: this is any disagreement with the Russian policy in every sphere: a monument to Pushkin, a Russian church and language, or the war against Ukraine. Since 2022, there have been even discussions on the implementation of the law on Russophobia with the right to punish foreigners for the crime of “Russophobia”. To my knowledge, the law exists as a draft. Before proceeding further in this direction, RF has adopted additional legislation. 

The presidential decree on the preservation of “traditional Russian spiritual-moral values” was issued in November 2022 and constituted the first post-invasion legislative act in the analyzed sphere. It exemplifies the interconnection of values, “historical memory”, and “historical truth”, the latter of which encompasses “positive Russia’s contribution to world history”. The Russian policy of preserving values is also evident in the country’s international relations: Russia will counter the dissemination of “destructive ideology in informational space”. Russia will establish an international image of the Russian state as the “keeper and defender of traditional all-human spiritual and moral values” and will increase its global role and “international prestige” by promoting its values on the international stage. The concept of “mass consciousness” is employed in the discourse surrounding state information policy, strengthening the role of values, resistance to “destructive ideology”, and the state’s efforts to popularise them.

The strategic RF’s documents, adopted on the policies of values, foreign policy, historical enlightenment, and cultural policy, to varying degrees, mention the term “historical truth” to defend the state and justify its wars and policies, both internal and foreign. So, this notion is basically called to replace the notion of the law. Combined with the claims of Russia as a “State-civilization”, preservation of “historical truth” and fight with its distortion and (neo)Nazism, traditional and cultural-historical values, Role/contribution of Russia into the world history/culture/civilization and even “historical conscience” (sic), implementation in practice on these grounded legally points enables comprehension of culture as a weapon to defend the imperialist interests of the Russian state.

After all, the Concept of Foreign Policy openly declares that instead of “rules” in international law, there should be the right to express the will of “sovereign states”. In general, I see a Russian vector of intentions to reform international law. Why? International law is one of the last bastions that allows it to exert economic and political pressure on the RF and maintain at least some order in the world. The first step in this direction is a declaration of response to “unfriendly actions” against historical and memorial Russian objects abroad and sanctions against Russians. The second is the intention to change international standards in the field of human rights protection and the media.

Jacobsen: How is the Russkiy Mir worldview projected outside Russia?

Boriak: We have a horrifying example of identity transformations on the basis of Russkiy mir in the occupied territories. Ukrainian patriots are murdered, imprisoned, or forced into exile. No Ukrainian-language space is left. Russian teachers teach students according to the Russian curriculum and school textbooks. Militarization is everywhere, even in kindergartens. The glorification of the Russian army is underway. Ukrainian monuments are demolished, and new monuments are erected to glorify the Russian imperial or Soviet period, or Russian military and political heroes and writers. The streets are being renamed back –Ukraine renamed them as part of the decommunization process after 2014. 

Outside of occupied Ukrainian territories, similar processes are taking place, but without the demolition of the Ukrainian monuments and imprisonment of Ukrainians. Monuments to Pushkin are erected in the countries that are “friendly” to Russia, for instance, Venezuela. 

Belarus is a striking example of the expansion of Russkiy mir. The state became the foothold for the Russian army’s invasion at the beginning of the war in 2022. Belarusians demonstrate a decreasing use of the Belarusian language in everyday life: from 36,7% in 1999 to approximately 25% in 2019, while Belarusians comprised 80% of the population. One can assume that, following the 2020 repressions and the emigration of many people from the state, this percentage is now even lower. The history books are rewritten to eliminate national heroes and to prove the “eternal” will of the Byelorussians to unite with the Russians in a single state. The Russian language is widespread; Belarusian cultural life in the Russian language includes Russian artists, culture, artifacts, and senses. 

Russian influence in African cultures spreads to the Russian Orthodox Church, which is proven to be not only a church but also a direct instrument in shaping public mentality toward Russkiy mir acceptance. African leaders support “immortal combat” – an action initiated by Russia to celebrate victory over Nazism and to raise military patriotism. In 2024, Zimbabwe unveiled the first monument to the USSR’s victory in the Second World War on the continent. This is the gradual legalization of Russia’s right to solve its problems in a military way: an advisor of the Central-African Republic, Fidel Huandzhyka, compared Wagner militaries with the Soviet soldiers and stated that Russia saved the world from Nazism and continues this war against evil nowadays (against Western civilization, according to the Russian claims). By the way, this RF’s presence in Africa also pushed many Africans to participate in the war against Ukraine. For instance, 1,000 citizens of only one country, Kenya, were recruited by Russia for the war. 

In 2024, a journalist, Iryna Kashchey, and a researcher, Massimiliano Di Pasquale, in Italy, noticed “geopolitical narratives pushed by the Kremlin” in Italian textbooks. The research published the next year touched 28 popular textbooks on geography and history. The authors concluded that these textbooks basically reproduce “untruthful Russian narratives of three epochs: tsar Russia, USSR and Putin’s Russia”: “Crimea by itself left Ukraine”; “civil war” on Donbas, positive image of Communism, “Russian city Lviv”, “Ukraine is a poor country and produces mainly weapon”, “Odesa in located in Crimea”, “Eastern Europe starts in Siberia” etc. In several years, these children will have the right to vote based on their school knowledge.

The network of the “Russian houses” abroad is the agent of Russian influence. There are now 87 Russian houses in 71 states. 

Participation in Olympic and Paralympic games, in various European cultural projects, on the stage, in art galleries and museums, and international organizations (UNESCO, library, museum, and archives associations, despite destruction and looting of cultural heritage in Ukraine and violation of the Ukrainian and international law) promotes legitimization of the Russian crimes, inviting the Russian state to continue committing its crimes. 

In sum, according to V. Sourkov, the Russian state needs “permanent expansion”. 

Jacobsen: Language policy framed as protection or unity occurs. How does official doctrine language redraw identity boundaries?

Boriak: As the creator of Russkiy mir and Putinism, V. Sourkov’s statements shed light on Russia’s policies. I will quote several of his important, to my mind, reflections on Russkiy mir and Russia’ cognitive warfare. So, he confessed that “Russia intervenes into their [foreign politicians] mind, and they do not know what to do with their transformed consciousness” – and “they [politicians, the world] only think that they have a choice”. He describes ‘special sovereign’ development of Russia, “natural and the only possible condition of the great, increasing and the community of the peoples that collects lands” – the role, “assigned [by God? – T.B.] our country in the world history”. This model is “an effective tool of survival and elevation of the Russian nation… most likely for the whole facing century”.

Sourkov confirms the role of senses and emotions in the war Russia is launching. First, one has to create “waves” – to fill “the mental matrix” of Russians on the basis of “the archetypes of our national consciousness”, i.e., such a type of political system that implies ‘tsar’ with the expansion of the state through either endless military campaigns and wars, crimes against humanity, occupations, glorification of all military leaders and victories. The content of the “mental matrix” is tied to art, culture, literature, history, and the social domain, presented to the outer world as RM, with Rus and Peter the Great as one of Russia’s principles, but filled inside with the striving to lead the wars and dominate the world. Only having prepared the mind, political tools can “ride the waves” and “spread out in all directions, as far as God wills”.

He continues: “I built an official ideology based on the concept of the Russian world, which already existed in philosophical circles. The Russian world has no borders. The Russian world is everywhere where there is Russian influence, in one form or another: cultural, informational, military, economic, ideological, or humanitarian [a notion of humanity might also be included in this term]… In other words, it is everywhere. The extent of our influence varies greatly from region to region, but it is never zero”.  And finally, covering Russian aggressive militarism under the guise of ‘historical ratio’, he openly demonstrates the goals of the Russian foreign policy: “For Russia, permanent expansion is not just another idea, it is the existential condition of our historical existence.”

This approach is part of a cognitive warfare aimed at transforming the enemy’s mentality (see point 7).

Jacobsen: What are signature themes of the state-sponsored historical narrative emerging after 2022?

Boriak: This question concerns two parts: the distortion of history and the goals of such falsification. 

First, V. Medinsky, V. Putin’s assistant since 2020, former Minister of Education (2012-2020), and an initiator of the creation and head of the Russian Military-Historical Society since 2013, was one of the authors of the new history schoolbooks introduced in the 2023-2024 academic year after an open-scale invasion. He openly confessed that these textbooks are written through the prism of “reunification of Ukraine with Russia”.

These textbooks teach students that the Russian state has no borders. The textbooks show no respect for Russia’s neighbors, their sovereignty, or their history. The concept of brotherhood nations (a Russian and a Ukrainian) excuses Russia’s war against Ukraine and transforms it into a civil war in Ukraine with no Russian external army. The umbrella of “common historical memory” allows the elimination from public discourse of any crimes committed by the Soviet state against its republics.

Ukraine is desubjectivized. The term Rus, used to describe the old Rus state centered in Kyiv and along the Dnieper River, is presented as equivalent to Russian, appropriating thus medieval Ukrainian statehood and its heritage. Eastern Slavs until the 15th century were called “Russian people” or “Russians”, The chronicles in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were written in the Russian language, appropriating thus Lithuanian history as well. There was no Lithuanian, Polish, or Ukrainian colonization of the eastern and southern regions, and no Ukrainian population lived there; these empty lands were settled by Russians. 

The arguments from the Soviet historiography are used: the Ukrainian government from the time of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (1918-1920) is called “bourgeois-democratic”; the Bolshevik army appeared in Ukraine in 1918 because the Ukrainian Soviet government expressed “a wish” within the framework of establishing “federal relations” with Russia. Basically, only those Ukrainian governments and leaders are considered progressive who agreed to be dependent on Russia, while the national liberation movement of Ukraine from different periods is described as such, which was not supported by the local Ukrainian population.

Textbook’s introduction “Our Motherland – Russia” (6th grade, 2016) says about huge territory and people who inhabited these regions in the past and live now, mentioning various languages, including Slovak, Estonian, Polish, Ukrainian, Finnish, etc. and concludes: “The history of numerous peoples living on the territory of our state is a constituent part of the history of Russia”. Thus, Greek cities of the northern Black Sea region, Scythian Tsardom, “steppe and forest-steppe territories of Eastern Europe to the Dnieper”, and “forest region from the Baltic Sea to the Ural Mountains” are presented as part of Russian history. Another conclusion says that “ancient city-states in the territory of the northern Black Sea region were the first states on the territory of today’s Russia”. Russia gained physical access to the former Greek city-states not through wars over the territories of foreign peoples, but through the declaration that such states were created by “people belonging to different language families”. The achievements of Russian culture include “monuments of Kyiv, Pereiaslav, Chernihiv, Halych, frescoes of Sophia Kyiv Cathedral, first schools and libraries, book miniatures” – heritage created on the territory of Ukraine where Ukrainians live now.

Territorial gains are presented as a process of return, “accession, transformation and expansion” with the aim of “defense”. So, further expansion on Ukrainian territory in the XVIII century is presented as a return, “entering” or “joining” (including Zaporizhzhia, Crimea, Left-Bank Ukraine, etc.), with arguments for the right to simply take back what once belonged to Russia. 

The history of the twentieth century is given through the “great” stages of the creation of the USSR, industrialization, collectivization, and Soviet national policy, the Second World War, with non-Russians on the sidelines. The famine at the beginning of the 1930s in the USSR occurred in the “state of happy workers”. There is no people’s will and needs – only the will and the needs of the emperor/general secretary/president/authorities.

“Others” as people who inhabited Russia are listed with emphasis on their ethnographic features, beliefs, culture, such as underdeveloped backward people who have not even reached the level of nations and have to be ruled by enlightened civilized Russians, and are not always grateful for being part of the “great and powerful” Soviet state.

The imperialism of Russia is presented as a norm, as a peaceful, voluntary expansion of the Russian state, in contrast to the “colonial expansion” of Western countries. Administration of the imperial space is presented as “effective measures of imperial unification”. “The Fundamentals of the State Policy in the Field of Historical Education” (2022) openly states that one of the conceptual tasks is the popularisation of the “military-industrial complex of Russia and military history”.

So, distortion of history is called partly to replace critical thinking with short and easy-to-remember cliches: “Kyiv is the mother of the Russian [in the original – Rus] cities”, “Moscow is the Third Rome”, “heirs of the Great Victory”, “Russia nevel lost any wars”, “Ukrainians are Nazis”, “God’s chosen people”, “rotten West”, Ruskii mir, “great Russian culture”, “defense of the rights of the Russian-speaking people”, “genocide of the Donbass people” etc. 

Secondly, it is not only about falsifying history. As noted above, the term has been introduced into legislation (“historical truth”), which is called upon to serve as the basis for resolving questions in the international arena. That is why the lectures on “pechenegs and cumans”, as Ukrainians sadly joke, have become part of the Russian foreign policy. The same with the narrative of the “Great Victory” in 1945 by solely the USSR/Russians and the great contribution of Russia to world civilization, which calls to excuse any violation of international laws and the committing of military crimes by Russia. That is why the entire presidential decree was adopted in 2024 on the “historical enlightenment,” calling in particular the occupation “historical unity.” Vitalii Pichugin defended his whole dissertation on “historical consciousness”. The latter, which has historical memory as its center, is not about comprehending the past and human intentions in commemorating the victims of calamities, but the “foundation of ruling the state” [italics in the text – T.B.]. Defense of Russian society’s historical consciousness has to secure it “with the goal of formation of love and pride for our fatherland”.

So, history in Russia became an essential and vital political, diplomatic, and military weapon aimed at dominating the global information space and advancing the national interests of the Russian state. Also, history called to contribute to the creation of an alternative reality inhabited by eternal Russian victory, glory, grandeur, myths, and heroes, aimed at preparing the Russian population for the military change of the borders on the European continent. The topics in history textbooks presented through the lenses of imperial grandeur, brave Russian soldiers, and the success of “voluntarily” joining the Russian territory of numerous peoples legitimize Russian foreign policy and wars, together with V. Putin and the contemporary Russian authorities. Finally, Russian patriotism, as an agreement to obey the state and participate in its wars, is also shaped by history textbooks that do not set any boundaries between Russia and other states and glorify the Russian state and its corresponding ruler.

So, history had been turned into a religion to be believed in without doubt. It is now making the law of history in the form of ‘historical truth’ the final argument, accompanied by open invasion (in the form of the military intervention) or an invisible one (Russkiy mir expansion).

Jacobsen: You document rapid militarisation: expansion of cadet classes and a Youth Army: approximately 1.6 million members. What does this militarisation look like for students and teachers if framed as such?

Boriak: As part of the militarization policy, the “Strategy of the State Cultural Policy” openly declares that implementing the state cultural strategy will result in an “increase in the number of children participating in thematic sessions on military-history themes”.

Militarization is a constituent part of education in the Russian kindergartens. Small kids march in military uniforms during miniature copies of military parades and play militarized tales on the stage. The latter includes imitation of shooting, the murder of a “soldier” and grief over him, normalizing thus the war, conquer of other countries, and serving in the Russian army. 

Schools represent the next stage in the militarization of the conscience of Russian kids and youth. There is a commemorative activity called a ‘heroes’ desk’. It glorifies former students from the corresponding schools who died in the war against Ukraine. School activity of all-year-round commemoration of numerous battles and military conflicts from the Russian past contributes to the normalization of violence and war as an ordinary part of Russians’ lives. History textbooks persuade that the goal of every citizen is to defend their motherland and explain why this defence often takes place in other countries. Stalin is glorified as a leader who brought the sacral “Great Victory” and transformed Russia into a powerful state. 

Since 2014, special cadet classes have been created in schools, in addition to the existing cadet institutions. In January 2022, there were 26,000 students in 260 schools in Moscow alone. The war definitely contributes to the increase in the number of such military-trained students. In general, there are more than 7000 cadet classes in Russia. All “power ministries” have their own cadet classes or institutions.

Weaponization of culture and humanities, combined with militarization of outlook, resulted in the creation of a specific aesthetics of death and war with no moral restraints, and in a cognitive framework that always acquiesces to the employment of this aesthetics to go to war. 

Special Youth Army numbered 1,6 million in May 2024. Its members have their own military structures that duplicate the Russian Army’s structures, including the General Staff. 

Movement of the Firsts numbered 6,5 million members in May 2024. Ukrainian youth from occupied territories are actively included in the militarization process by the introduction of the Russian curriculum, the spread of cultural information products with corresponding glorification of the Russian army and serving there, and cadet classes. In 2025, the British Intelligence finally acknowledged that Russian “aggressive expansionistic moods for further perspective” will prepare “physical and mental resources for new invasions in the future”. 

Jacobsen: If we treat this as an ideological campaign, what indicators should researchers and policymakers watch?

Boriak: It is not an ideological campaign. It is a civilizational warfare defined as cognitive warfare. In 2021 Andrei Ilnitskii, an advisor to the head of the Russian Headquarters Valerii Herasimov, argued that the 21st century had witnessed the emergence of a new type of warfare: a ‘mental’ [cognitive] one, essentially concerned with identity. Its goal is “elimination of self-consciousness, change of mental, civilizational foundation of the enemy’s society. … The task of cognitive warfare, as of any other one, is to deprive the object of influence of sovereignty and to put it under the outside ruling. … [bold in the text – T.B.] One can destroy the state and liquidate the country by having changed the self-consciousness, outlook, goals, values, and priorities of the society. Cognitive warfare is aimed at changing the outlook. By the way, the Armed Forces and infrastructure can be restored, but the evolution of outlook is not possible to return”. 

This is a “total war” against everything, aimed at the senses (mind) and emotions (unconscious). The strategic goals imply “restart of historical consciousness, of the system of education and bringing up, that is of basic senses and goals of this society, that is ideology, including rewriting (erasing of history, liquidation of traditions, lifestyles, faith (religion) and basic values”.

Other main ideologists of Putinism/Rashyzm agree. V. Medinski concluded that “Russia is ready to fight forever”. Sourkov also points that in Russia, “military-political functions” are “the most important and decisive”, and nobody hides them in Russia, unlike in other countries, because “an immanent feature of every state to be a tool of defence and attack.”

Jacobsen: Can you give a concrete example of how this cognitive warfare works in cultural production?

Boriak: So, here’s what I found as a horrifying example of the weaponization of culture. The plot. Several days ago, I saw a Russian music show featuring a male singer, portrayed as a soldier, and a female singer. The song was about eternal love that will keep this singer/soldier alive during the war against Ukraine. The singer/soldier had a nickname, “Maestro”. Now the trick begins. The same nickname “Maestro” had a very positive hero in the Soviet movie about the Second World War Tytarenko (played by a Soviet actor of Ukrainian origin Leonid Bykov). The movie is called “Only old men are going to battle”. Tytarenko/Bykov was a squadron leader who fought against the Nazis during the war. He sang a Ukrainian song and spoke warmly about Ukraine, which he was flying over as a pilot. So, how does cognitive warfare work? The first step: since 2022, the Russians have cut any mentions of Ukraine from this movie, replaced two Ukrainian songs with Russian ones, and dubbed Tytarenko/Bykov with a Russian actor. The second step: the Russian propagandists have taken one of the most positive heroes in the Soviet cinematograph associated with the fair war of the Soviet citizens against the Nazi occupiers. With just the nickname, the Russians link this positive, heroic image of a pilot to a contemporary Russian soldier. And the actions of the latter – the war against Ukraine and occupation of Ukraine – thanks to this positive association, become associated with a good action of defense of the motherland, as Tytarenko/Bykov did in the movie.

By the way, the image of a female singer (white dress, white socks with ruffles) is from the fashion of the 1920s – 1980s, contributing to the positive linkage of the Soviet past and the ongoing war of Russia against Ukraine as a fair one, as well as to the equalization of Ukrainians with Nazi against whom Tytarenko/Bykov was fighting. I was triggered by this nickname, even though I have not watched any Soviet or Russian movies since 2014. Unlike me, the Russians often see movies about the war, including WWII, on Russian TV as a part of the militarization of their outlook. So, they will definitely be triggered in their subconscious, with corresponding replacement of the senses and images. Hope I put it clearly. And this is just one recent example. Can you imagine how many other senses have already been replaced in the cultural objects, products, and projects?

Jacobsen: For wars of meaning, what responses are effective?

Boriak: How to react? To keep the spirit of the law. Not to allow any plays with “historical truth”, especially in times of war against another state. Do not allow politicians to employ history in their political activity. To comprehend the danger of culture and humanities as a weapon employed by Russia. To understand the militarized imperial outlook of not only the Russian authorities, but also Russian citizens in general. Not to allow them to leave the war with Ukraine unpunished. To limit the activity of their agents (church, Russian houses, official cultural, artistic, and scientific activities). Remember about Russia’s weaponized outlook: everything that could be used as a weapon will be used as a weapon by this state. To keep in mind Russia’s plays with history and to point out the Soviet and Russia’s wars and imperialism. To listen to the historians from the former Soviet republics who possess the tools to destroy Russian optics, still used by Western academia. To keep in mind that the role of the Russian language is to serve as the channel of indoctrination with the Russian outlook and ideology. And finally, remember about cognitive warfare led against you and your state when your national identity, language, culture, literature, and history might not always remain your shield against Russkiy mir expansion. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Tetiana.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Coming Out, Citizenship, and War: Saba Yamani on LGBTQ Life in Kyiv

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/25

Saba Yamani is a Kyiv-based dental professional born in Saudi Arabia to a Saudi father and a Syrian mother. She first arrived in Ukraine at age three after her father married a Ukrainian woman, whom she considers her mother. Raised in Kyiv, Yamani was baptized in the Orthodox Church and later came out as LGBTQ+. During the full-scale invasion, she sought protection from Ukraine’s State Migration Service after facing pressure to leave and the risk of deportation. She currently works at a private dental clinic and is preparing for the Ukrainian citizenship exam in May.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Saba Yamani, a Kyiv-based dental professional born in Saudi Arabia to a Saudi father and Syrian mother, raised in Ukraine by her Ukrainian stepmother. Yamani describes coming out first to friends, then navigating family reactions, and attending Kyiv Pride in 2019 amid heavy police protection. She explains how the 2022 full-scale invasion halted Pride events and intensified risks for LGBTQ visibility online. Yamani also recounts discovering she was undocumented, receiving a deportation warning, and fearing return to Saudi Arabia, including potential forced marriage. She is seeking legal protection and preparing for Ukraine’s citizenship exam in May.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When did you come out? That is an important question.

Saba Yamani: I came out to my friends as soon as I fell in love for the first time. It was an online relationship. My friends were supportive.

Coming out to my family was different. Coming out to friends when your family may not be accepting is a very different experience. My stepmother and my father reacted differently, which I expected.

I believed my stepmother would accept me, and she did. In 2019, I attended my first Kyiv Pride. She knew I would be going and did not object.

Jacobsen: How did you like it?

Yamani: It was amazing. Kyiv Pride 2019 had around 8,000 participants, and the atmosphere felt powerful and historic. Police provided extensive protection, escorting the march and blocking counter-protesters. I wish the war had not interrupted that.

There was no Pride march in Kyiv in 2022 because of the full-scale invasion and security risks. Instead, Kyiv Pride partnered with Warsaw Pride for solidarity events abroad. Large public gatherings in Ukraine remain restricted under wartime conditions.

Ukraine is not uniformly accepting of LGBTQ people. Legal protections have gradually expanded, and national leadership has publicly supported equal rights, though social attitudes vary. Far-right nationalist groups, including elements associated with Right Sector, have historically opposed Pride events. In previous years, there were attempts by extremists to disrupt marches, though police intervention prevented major violence in 2019.

As in many countries, tensions around LGBTQ rights reflect broader political divides between nationalist, conservative, and liberal segments of society. The situation remains complex: state institutions increasingly provide protection, while some social groups continue to resist LGBTQ visibility.

And actually, some Ukrainians as well. I am openly queer on social media, and I receive comments telling me to go back to my country and stop ruining their lives or their traditions. Some accuse me of bringing in foreign values or “American influence.”

Jacobsen: I have noticed that certain terms are very loaded for some people. Even mentioning LGBTQ issues can provoke strong reactions.

Yamani: Yes. For some, even the acronym feels provocative. 

Jacobsen: To me, it is simply a description. 

Yamani: But those groups react strongly. That kind of hostility toward LGBTQ people is a global phenomenon. Far-right movements in many countries are often associated with harassment and violence against LGBTQ communities. In Ukraine, while violence is not widespread in everyday life, the negative sentiment can still be present.

Sometimes people ask, “Why do you need to say that you are queer in public?” But that question proves the point. Visibility matters because of how people are treated.

Jacobsen: I cover both American and international cases regularly, and there is never a shortage of news about restrictions, discrimination, or violence. Ukraine has challenges, but it is still significantly more open than places like Saudi Arabia.

Yamani: Yes. Ukraine has serious problems, but they are not comparable to Saudi Arabia’s. Here, you can be yourself to a much greater extent, even if there are risks or backlash.

Jacobsen: Are you aware of organizations, perhaps connected to Kyiv Pride or research groups, that independent journalists might consult when covering LGBTQ issues during the war?

Yamani: I may know some, but my situation is complicated. I am not a Ukrainian citizen. For many years, I did not realize that my residency status was irregular. I only discovered it when I was about sixteen and tried to obtain identification documents.

From 2017 onward, I was technically undocumented without knowing it. It was not my fault. In 2022, after the full-scale invasion, I hired a lawyer to help resolve my status. When my records were reviewed, authorities informed me that I had been undocumented and sent me a letter regarding possible deportation.

Jacobsen: How did you feel about that?

Yamani: I was frightened. I publicly came out at the beginning of 2022. I was very emotional and thought, if I am going to die, at least I will die as myself. So I came out on Instagram. The deportation letter arrived after that. It felt like a huge mistake to have come out.

If you are deported, you are sent back to the country where you were born. For me, it felt like the end of the world. My country was at war, and I faced the possibility of being sent somewhere I experienced as even more restrictive.

Jacobsen: Part of what makes a place feel like home is the ability to be yourself. If you cannot live openly, it does not feel like home. If you had been forced to return, would you have been pressured into marriage?

Yamani: That was possible. When I was sixteen, my father came to Ukraine and told me that after finishing the school year — I had not yet graduated — I would return and marry my cousin. I went to my room and cried for two days.

Ironically, my unresolved legal status in 2017 prevented me from leaving easily, which may have protected me from being sent back at that time.

There was also a period when my parents were divorcing. My father said he would take me with him. I refused. That was when I stopped wearing the hijab at school. I decided I would do everything possible to avoid returning. I made that promise to myself, and I kept it.

Jacobsen: That sounds like a decisive turning point.

Yamani: It was.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Saba. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Sharmin Meymandinejad on Torture Trauma, Art, and Reclaiming Agency

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/24

Sharmin Meymandinejad is an Iranian human rights defender, writer, and theatre artist best known for founding the Imam Ali’s Popular Student Relief Society (IAPSRS), a major volunteer network supporting impoverished and marginalized children across Iran. Trained in dramatic literature, he has written novels and plays and has taught theatre and theatre-therapy workshops. Arrest, solitary confinement, and alleged torture by Iranian authorities pushed him into exile, and he continues ongoing advocacy and art-making from the United States. Alongside public human rights work, he uses creative practice—writing, performance, and visual art—to process trauma, protect dignity, and keep memory from turning into silence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Sharmin Meymandinejad, an Iranian human rights defender and founder of Imam Ali’s Popular Student Relief Society, on how art helps him survive torture trauma. Meymandinejad describes art as a “container” that externalizes flashbacks, turns chaos into structure, and restores agency without denying pain. Because forced confessions weaponized language, he first returned to safety through painting, where colours do not interrogate. Post-prison, his work shifts from outward activism to quieter witnessing, marked by fragmentation, shadow, and absence. Recurring images—doors, thresholds, children in light—hold testimony, dignity, and self-protective boundaries. He rejects spectacle, using beauty to keep memory from silence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When torture memories or PTSD symptoms surge, what does making art do for you?

Sharmin Meymandinejad: When trauma resurfaces, art becomes a container. Memory, if left unspoken, turns into an internal prison. Creating allows me to externalize what I cannot carry alone. It transforms flashbacks into form, chaos into structure. Art does not erase pain, but it gives it boundaries—and boundaries make survival possible.

Jacobsen: What medium feels most protective to you?

Meymandinejad: In torture chambers, anything that is repeated becomes a form of suffering—and later, it remains etched in memory. Interrogations were often accompanied by writing: forced writing, confessions, rewriting narratives that were not mine. For that reason, the art form that had been my dearest refuge for years—writing—became a flashback to that hell.

It took time before I could trust language again. During that period, painting felt more protective. An image does not force me to explain or confess. Colours do not interrogate. In painting, I could breathe without repeating coercion, without reenacting imposed scenes. Gradually, I tried to reclaim writing—but this time not as something used against me, rather as a voice I choose myself.

Jacobsen: Has your artistic style changed since imprisonment?

Meymandinejad: Yes. Before prison, my work looked outward—focused on social injustice and collective struggle. After imprisonment, silence entered the work. There is more fragmentation, deeper shadow, and greater attention to absence. I no longer try to explain suffering; I try to witness it.

Jacobsen: Do recent protests and killings inspire your artistic expression?

Meymandinejad: Yes—but not in a romantic sense. They create urgency. Art becomes testimony. When people are killed, and their stories risk distortion or erasure, artistic expression becomes an act of preserving memory. It says: this happened; these lives mattered.

Jacobsen: To me, torture takes agency; art gives it back. Does this feel true to you?

Meymandinejad: Yes. Torture is designed to strip a person of control over their body, voice, and time. Art restores authorship. When I create, I choose the frame, shape the narrative, and determine the ending. That act of choosing is a reclaiming of agency.

Jacobsen: What recurring images or themes appear in your paintings?

Meymandinejad: Doors and thresholds. Children standing at the edge of light. Broken architecture. There is often a tension between confinement and horizon—between captivity and the possibility of movement.

In solitary confinement and torture chambers, within that darkness and black-and-white space, one is forced to bring light and colour into the mind. In places where ugliness and humiliation are deliberately arranged to break you, the mind seeks refuge in beauty to survive. That is why my paintings today give primacy to colour, light, and beauty. Even when I scatter paint onto the canvas randomly, I wait for the moment when an image full of light and living colours emerges—as if brightness is always lying in wait within darkness.

Jacobsen: Are there boundaries you keep in order to protect yourself?

Yes. I do not reproduce violence literally. I avoid turning trauma into spectacle. There are details I consciously choose not to depict—not out of fear, but out of care for my psychological survival. Art must heal more than it harms.

Jacobsen: Does appreciation for your art restore a sense of dignity?

Meymandinejad: Yes—but not simply because of praise. Recognition breaks isolation. When someone sees the work and understands even a fragment of the pain behind it, dignity is restored. Dignity lives in being witnessed without being reduced.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Sharmin.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 38: U.S.-Iran Strategy, Geneva Talks, and Pakistan-Afghanistan Tensions

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/23

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman about the evolving U.S. posture toward Iran, the strategic role of regional allies, and the ambiguity surrounding Geneva negotiations. Tsukerman argues that force positioning, logistics, and alliance signaling matter as much as battlefield capability, especially in relation to Saudi Arabia, Iran’s proxies, and the limited visible role of Russia and China. She also examines the Trump administration’s shifting rhetoric on nuclear and missile threats, questions the clarity of U.S. objectives, and connects these tensions to broader instability involving Pakistan, Afghanistan, the Taliban, and cross-border militancy in South Asia.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Before we move into the operational details, can you outline the broader strategic context? Specifically, how should we understand the current U.S. force posture in the region in relation to Iran, regional allies, and the ongoing negotiations in Geneva?

Irina Tsukerman: I would like to begin a few minutes into the segment—either at the tail end of the first story or at the start of the second. I will finish the first story.

The United States needs a clear way to distribute and position its forces in preparation for potential strikes. Ships, aircraft, and other equipment must be able to maneuver without creating avoidable bottlenecks. That requires logistics: storage, refueling, maintenance access, and staging support from regional partners.

This also sends a strategic signal to Iran. The United States does not want to enter a confrontation appearing isolated in the region. Saudi Arabia restored diplomatic relations with Iran in 2023 under a China-brokered agreement, yet it remains a central U.S. security partner and has been designated a major non-NATO ally. That status facilitates closer defense cooperation and expanded military coordination.

That combination—Saudi diplomatic normalization with Iran on one hand and continued defense alignment with the United States on the other—matters strategically. It signals that U.S. regional partnerships remain intact, even if conditional and carefully calibrated.

Russia and China are not visibly present in the operational theater in the same way regional partners are supporting the United States. Their engagement has been more apparent at the diplomatic and informational level rather than through direct, overt military positioning alongside Iran.

Iran maintains proxy networks across the region, but these are non-state actors. They cannot provide the sustained basing rights, diplomatic cover, and logistics infrastructure that sovereign state allies can. That distinction has long-term implications for escalation dynamics.

Regarding the Geneva negotiations and Iran’s statements about progress, such language should not be taken at face value. Diplomatic optimism can be used strategically to shape expectations and increase pressure for concessions. Core disputes continue to revolve around uranium enrichment limits, stockpiles, and related restrictions, while missile capabilities have increasingly become part of the broader security discussion among U.S. and European policymakers.

There have been claims that some of Iran’s longer-range missiles could potentially reach U.S. bases in the region, and possibly beyond. Whether that specific capability exists in the way some officials describe remains debated. However, Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal is widely regarded as one of the largest in the Middle East. These missiles have been used directly and through proxy forces, causing substantial damage across the region. In the event of a major confrontation—whether between the United States and Iran, Iran and Israel, or involving proxy actors—the missile issue would be central.

All of this forms part of the broader negotiating process. The next step is reportedly a technical meeting next week. What that ultimately signifies remains unclear. Some analysts argue it may provide diplomatic space for the United States without requiring immediate commitment to a defined course of action.

Additional context includes Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s planned visit to Israel. It is unlikely that major military action would occur during such a visit. If any action were taken before or during that timeframe, it would likely be limited in scope and calibrated to avoid long-term regional disruption. That suggests a continued effort to avoid large-scale escalation.

This raises a broader question: what is the United States’ strategic calculus? What objectives is it attempting to achieve? Those objectives have not been clearly articulated. The recent State of the Union address, which ran close to two hours, provided an opportunity to clarify policy. President Trump referenced the nuclear issue and briefly mentioned ballistic missiles, warning of severe consequences if no agreement is reached. However, the speech did not offer detailed explanation of timing, escalation logic, or strategic end goals.

There is also rhetorical tension. Previous claims that Iran’s nuclear program had been “obliterated” sit uneasily alongside renewed warnings of military action. Some officials have since acknowledged that while setbacks may have occurred, the program was not fully dismantled and continues to present concern. The precise level of risk, however, has not been clearly communicated to the public.

Over the past two months, rhetoric has shifted. Earlier messaging linked potential kinetic action to Iran’s internal repression of protesters. More recently, the focus narrowed to nuclear enrichment, and now ballistic missile development has been emphasized as well. That evolution has not been fully explained.

Several theories attempt to account for the administration’s shifting posture. Some suggest that repeated warnings and deadlines created a narrowing diplomatic lane, leaving limited room for maneuver. Others argue that Iran has not responded with even symbolic concessions and has instead escalated its rhetoric, primarily for domestic political audiences rather than international ones.

Iran may calculate that the United States is not prepared to pursue regime change or sustained, high-intensity confrontation. If that assessment holds, Tehran’s strategy would be shaped accordingly.

Iran is also testing the administration’s posture. The longer this situation is prolonged, the less appetite there may be in Washington for decisive escalation.

President Trump likely seeks a political victory before the midterm elections. He has expressed concern about the consequences of military strikes. Limited strikes would not necessarily collapse the Iranian government or resolve the underlying strategic issues. That assessment is broadly consistent with historical experience: limited force rarely produces regime change.

A prolonged campaign could be expensive, politically risky, and uncertain in outcome. If the regime were destabilized, the aftermath could be chaotic. It could lead to internal fragmentation, hardline consolidation, or the rise of a different but equally adversarial faction. None of those outcomes guarantee improved conditions for U.S. interests. Given previous campaign promises to avoid prolonged overseas conflicts, the administration would likely prefer a limited, politically manageable outcome.

Another interpretation is that maintaining a prolonged negotiation and escalation cycle delays attention to domestic political challenges. These include criticism over economic conditions such as inflation and affordability concerns, controversy over immigration enforcement and ICE funding debates in Congress, ongoing litigation over executive actions, and foreign policy disputes, including unresolved negotiations related to the war in Ukraine. Public messaging and policy outcomes in these areas have been contested and politically polarizing.

At the same time, the visible movement of U.S. military assets to the region allows the administration to project strength without necessarily committing to immediate action. Military signaling can serve deterrent and political functions simultaneously. Iran, for its part, also employs strong rhetoric while avoiding irreversible escalation, allowing both sides to appear resolute without crossing clear thresholds.

There is concern among some hawkish observers that if strong warnings are not followed by decisive action, U.S. credibility could be questioned. Repeated red lines without enforcement can weaken deterrence. On the other hand, escalation without a clear strategic end state carries its own risks.

Now, briefly on Pakistan and Afghanistan: Pakistan’s government has significantly escalated its rhetoric and cross-border operations against militant groups operating from Afghan territory. The Taliban currently control Afghanistan as the de facto governing authority, though they remain unrecognized by most of the international community. Pakistan historically supported elements of the Taliban movement during earlier phases of the conflict. The current tensions reflect deteriorating relations, particularly over cross-border militancy and security concerns.

Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) supported several Mujahideen factions during the Soviet–Afghan War in the 1980s, including some of the more hardline Islamist groups. After the Cold War, elements of Pakistan’s security establishment continued to view certain militant networks as strategic assets, particularly in relation to Afghanistan and countering Indian influence in the region.

Over time, some of these militant factions evolved, fractured, or reconstituted themselves, contributing to instability on both sides of the Afghanistan–Pakistan border. The Durand Line, which demarcates the border, has long been contested by Afghan governments, and cross-border tribal, ethnic, and militant networks have complicated enforcement and sovereignty issues.

The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in 2021 marked a significant shift. Although the Taliban government remains unrecognized by most of the international community, it functions as the de facto authority. For various Islamist movements globally, the Taliban’s consolidation of control over an entire state has symbolic significance. Groups such as al-Qaeda have maintained historical ties to the Taliban, though the Taliban has sought international legitimacy and has at times signaled limits on external operations.

Compared to ISIS, which briefly controlled territory in Iraq and Syria but was never widely recognized as a state and ultimately lost most of its territorial holdings, the Taliban’s sustained control of Afghanistan represents a different model of Islamist governance. That distinction influences how other militant groups perceive its trajectory.

Pakistan now faces increased security challenges from militant groups operating along the Afghan border, including Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which is distinct from but ideologically aligned with the Afghan Taliban. Islamabad has accused the Afghan Taliban of failing to restrain these actors. In response, Pakistan has conducted cross-border strikes and escalated rhetoric. This reflects deteriorating relations rather than formal “open war.”

India has also adjusted its posture toward the Taliban government. While India historically opposed the Taliban and remains wary of its ideology, it has engaged in limited diplomatic contact since 2021, largely to protect security interests and maintain channels of communication. Regional dynamics remain fluid, with each state pursuing pragmatic calculations rather than ideological alignment.

President Trump referenced South Asian tensions in a recent address, claiming prior success in easing India–Pakistan tensions. Such claims are politically framed; while U.S. diplomacy has at times played a role in de-escalation, regional rivalries remain deeply structural and long-standing.

At present, tensions between Pakistan and militant groups operating from Afghan territory raise concerns about sustained cross-border violence. Whether this escalates into prolonged interstate conflict depends on political decisions in Islamabad and Kabul, as well as internal security pressures in both countries.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Romanian Orthodox Influence and LGBTQI+ Stigma

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/22

Bianca Bulgaru is a journalist and correspondent for Beta News, reporting from Kyiv on Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine. Before moving into reporting, she worked in corporate management, a background she says sharpened her strategic, analytical approach. Her work blends photo reportage with explanatory pieces on how conflict reshapes daily life, institutions, and public narratives. Bulgaru’s writing foregrounds civilian experience and the social consequences of political messaging. She speaks with a clear eyed, human rights sensibility, attentive to how fear, propaganda, and tradition can harden into stigma. Her reporting is grounded in empathy and clarity. Under intense pressure daily.

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Bianca Bulgaru how the Romanian Orthodox Church’s sexual ethics shape LGBTQI+ lives. Bulgaru notes Romania is formally secular, yet Orthodox doctrine and influence reinforce family norms and stigma, especially in rural areas. She describes fear based messaging that portrays LGBTQI+ visibility as brainwashing of children, creating suspicion rather than dialogue. Jacobsen probes the escalation from influence to force, and Bulgaru situates it as an emotive culture war narrative, not evidence based. She adds that media discussion of LGBTQI+ mental health harms is limited, with younger urban generations more accepting than many older adults.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Sociologically, the Romanian Orthodox Church plays a significant cultural role. While Romania is not a theocratic state, the Church has a strong historical and social influence. Many people speak positively about the liturgy and traditions of Eastern Orthodoxy. At the same time, conservative theological positions can shape attitudes toward LGBTQI+ individuals. How does the Church’s theology or institutional stance affect LGBTQI+ people in Romania? What are the social outcomes?

Bianca Bulgaru: Officially, Romania is a secular state. However, the Orthodox Church is influential in public life. Its doctrine maintains traditional teachings on sexuality and family. That theological stance contributes to a social environment in which LGBTQI+ individuals may face stigma, particularly in more conservative or rural areas.

There have also been scandals involving clergy accused of serious crimes, including abuse. In at least one widely discussed case, evidence was reportedly found during an investigation, and the individual was removed from clerical duties but not immediately imprisoned. Cases like that generate public frustration and raise questions about institutional accountability.

These dynamics—religious influence, political rhetoric, and media narratives—interact with broader cultural attitudes. For LGBTQI+ people, the result can be a mixture of formal legal neutrality at the state level and informal social pressure at the community level.

Officially, Romania is not a religious state. However, religion plays a significant role in many people’s lives. Most Romanians are raised in Christian Orthodox families, and religious tradition shapes cultural attitudes from an early age.

In my view, fear is often used as a tool in this context. Religious messaging can frame certain issues—especially LGBTQI+ identities—as moral threats. When fear becomes part of education or preaching, it can influence how people perceive their neighbours.

For example, someone may have lived peacefully alongside a neighbour for years. If they later learn that a person is part of the LGBTQI+ community, their attitude may change abruptly—not because of any personal harm, but because they have internalized a message that such identities are wrong or dangerous. This creates stigma.

The Church’s rhetoric, in some cases, contributes to that stigma. It may frame LGBTQI+ identities as immoral, unnatural, or harmful to children. There are claims that Western societies are “influencing” or “forcing” children to change their gender. That language is used to alarm people and mobilize opposition.

Jacobsen: When you say “force,” that is the strongest version of the accusation. In other contexts, I have heard terms such as “coerce,” “manipulate,” or “trick.” Sometimes the rhetoric suggests a coordinated ideological agenda. In more extreme religious settings, there can even be supernatural explanations. What is the range of accusations you hear in Romania?

Bulgaru: The most common framing is that children are being influenced or manipulated. The word “force” is used in some rhetoric, but more often it is presented as a subtle process—children being “confused,” “misled,” or “brainwashed” by Western media or education.

The narrative suggests that exposure alone will change a child’s identity. That assumption is not supported by scientific evidence, but it is emotionally powerful. The fear is that openness or discussion equals recruitment or coercion.

These messages do not typically rely on supernatural language in mainstream discourse. Instead, they frame the issue as a cultural or ideological battle, with the West portrayed as imposing values that undermine tradition.

The effect is to create suspicion and anxiety around LGBTQI+ people, rather than encouraging understanding or dialogue.

In Romania, both terms are used. Some rhetoric speaks about “influencing” children, while other messaging uses stronger language, including “forcing,” to create fear. The goal is often to alarm people about something they do not fully understand.

I know members of the LGBTQI+ community who have faced serious stigma in their social lives. They live ordinary lives, but they are judged or excluded because of their private identity.

Jacobsen: International research has shown that LGBTQI+ youth who experience rejection or hostility are at higher risk of mental health challenges, including anxiety, depression, and self-harm. In some countries, family rejection after coming out has led to homelessness or severe psychological distress. Is this issue openly discussed in the Romanian media?

Bulgaru: There is limited media coverage on this issue. Public discussion varies by generation. Among people of my generation, many have faced serious difficulties with their families after coming out.

Younger generations tend to face fewer challenges, although this also depends on location. Rural areas are generally more traditional and conservative, while large cities are often more socially open. Younger parents today are, on average, more accepting and less rigid in their views. By contrast, many individuals in my generation encountered significant obstacles related to their sexual orientation.

Here is my proposal. We will ask five additional questions, one to each of you, allowing approximately two and a half minutes per response. Then we will conclude and move to the coffee shop, where it is quieter. I will set up my laptop, and we can continue there. This will allow us sufficient time without rushing.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Bianca.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Frontline Perceptions and Civilian Distance in Ukraine’s War

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/21

Andrii Kovalenko is a Ukrainian local producer and the executive director of Academy of Ukrainian Press who supports international correspondents reporting on Russia’s war against Ukraine. Working closely with foreign media crews since the first days of the 2022 full-scale invasion, he has helped journalists navigate dangerous frontline regions, including Kyiv, Bucha, Irpin, and the wider Kyiv and Zhytomyr areas. His work includes logistical coordination, translation, and field production under combat conditions. Kovalenko has witnessed the aftermath of Russian occupation and the humanitarian consequences of the war. For his safety while working with international reporters, he has been equipped with protective gear and a drone detection device.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Andrii Kovalenko, a Ukrainian local producer and executive director of the Academy of Ukrainian Press, about the social divide emerging during Russia’s war against Ukraine. Kovalenko explains that soldiers often maintain stronger morale because they see their struggle as existential—defending families, homes, and national survival. Civilians, meanwhile, attempt to preserve fragments of normal life despite air raids and infrastructure attacks. The conversation also examines wartime fatigue, corruption concerns, and declining international media presence. Kovalenko further reflects on the risks faced by journalists and fixers in frontline reporting, emphasizing that some stories carry dangers that no professional responsibility should justify.

Andrii Kovalenko is a colleague and expert associated with the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and the Journalists’ Solidarity Centers. The Journalists’ Solidarity Center of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine is a vital wartime hub helping Ukrainian and international reporters stay safe, connected, and operational through frontline danger, blackouts, displacement, and daily pressure on independent media.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: For many women serving on the front line in the Ukrainian Armed Forces, one striking observation from conversations I have had—some on the record and some off—is the idea that morale on the front line can be higher than among the civilian population. That seems counterintuitive. In your experience speaking with soldiers and officers, what might explain this? How do you interpret the general sensibility?

Andrii Kovalenko: Unfortunately, there is now a significant divide between people directly involved in the war and those living as civilians in Ukraine, even under the risk of shelling and air attacks. Many civilians try to maintain ordinary routines—working, earning money, going to restaurants in large cities such as Kyiv and even Kharkiv—and some begin to feel the war does not touch them in a direct, daily way. Meanwhile, soldiers continue to face the constant possibility of death or the loss of brothers- and sisters-in-arms.

For families with soldiers—fathers, brothers, and husbands—serving in the army, it is also their war. They are involved emotionally and through constant support. Although they are not on the front line, their lives are shaped by the war. The same is true for volunteers who are deeply involved in supporting the war effort.

Morale can differ for that reason. Even though the war has continued since 2014, and the full-scale invasion began in February 2022, people involved in the fighting understand that there is no alternative but resistance. They feel that behind them are their families, their relatives, and their homes.

Winters have been especially difficult. Russian strikes have repeatedly targeted Ukraine’s critical infrastructure, including energy systems, leaving many people at times without electricity and heating in cities and towns across the country. When I speak with soldiers in trenches or dugouts, they tell me about their families in Kyiv: a child getting sick because the apartment is cold, a wife sitting without power. The soldier understands he cannot go to help, because he has to remain at his position.

When soldiers hear about political scandals or corruption allegations at home, some ask, “Andrey, what is happening in this country? How can this be? What are we fighting for?”

Despite that frustration, there is strong support among brothers-in-arms. They support one another and try to maintain morale. They understand that their responsibility as soldiers is to stop the enemy, because their families and communities depend on them.

This is the major difference in Ukraine today between people who can still live something close to a normal life and those who are required to risk the most valuable thing they have—their lives.

Jacobsen: What do we know from interviews with civilians who have family members on the front line compared with those who do not? Some people have a daughter serving, others a father. What differences do we see between those groups?

You mentioned people “living their best life,” which is a phrase more common in North America—perhaps something you might hear in Los Angeles or New York. It is often used in a flippant way, suggesting someone is oblivious to reality. The implication is that the war feels less immediate for them because they do not have someone they love who has died, might die, or could return home seriously wounded—perhaps without an arm or with another life-altering injury.

Do we have journalistic narratives or formal research studies examining these different populations? I am very interested in the social and psychological aspects of that distinction.

Kovalenko: Yes. Of course, we have this kind of research in Ukraine. I believe the Institute of Sociology has conducted studies on this topic. If I find the specific research, I will send it to you. It is quite interesting.

However, we face several major problems in our country. The two biggest are the war itself and corruption. As in many other countries, there are also people who, for different reasons, do not want to serve in the army. Some are afraid, some do not want to fight, and some believe it is no longer their war.

Another issue is that after years of war—since the conflict began in 2014, and especially after the full-scale invasion in 2022—many people are exhausted. Some have become accustomed to the situation. Even some soldiers become deeply tired, and there are cases where people try to leave military service. This is not unique to Ukraine; similar things have happened in other wars.

History shows this pattern. Even in London during the Second World War, when Nazi Germany bombed the city and attempted to destroy infrastructure and cut electricity, people still had to continue living their lives.

In Ukraine today, many people feel that life is on pause. Russia forced us to change our lives, and we cannot live under normal conditions. Still, people try to create the best possible life for their children and their families despite the circumstances.

The real picture of Ukrainian society will become clearer during elections. However, elections can only take place after martial law ends or when the war is over. It would not be normal to change the president and government during wartime.

Jacobsen: Yes, the demand for a full democratic election in Ukraine during wartime and under martial law raises obvious questions. If foreign actors insist on that standard for Ukraine, then logically the same expectation should apply elsewhere—for example, that the Russian Federation should also hold a fully democratic and free election.

What else can we add on this topic? What about journalists? My understanding is that since 2022 there are fewer foreign journalists here, and those who do come often stay for shorter periods. I do not know whether that reflects morale, shifting assignments, or simply declining international attention to the war.

What is your sense of the situation regarding international journalists?

Kovalenko: Of course, the start of other conflicts in the world has had a major impact. There was the escalation involving Israel, and now tensions between Israel and Iran as well. These developments affect global attention. Ukraine has been in the news for a long time, and for many people around the world the war has become something distant. They become used to hearing about Ukraine, and because it is far away for them, their attention shifts to other crises.

The role of international journalists is to keep this topic visible. In 2022, when the full-scale invasion began, thousands of journalists came to Ukraine. Now the situation is different. Coverage often increases only when there are major developments on the battlefield—when cities are liberated, territories are occupied, or large corruption scandals emerge.

Compared with the beginning of the invasion, the number of journalists here is much lower. In the early months, reporters could stay for long periods and cover events day by day. Now only the largest media organizations with substantial budgets can maintain a permanent presence and report consistently from the ground, including from the front line rather than remaining only in Kyiv.

Examples include major outlets such as CNN, BBC, and Sky News, as well as several large European media organizations. Some outlets, such as certain Romanian television channels, come only occasionally—for example, around the anniversary of the invasion on February 24. In contrast, journalists from the Baltic countries, such as Estonia, tend to maintain a constant presence with crews working here regularly. The reason is obvious: they understand that the threat could eventually affect them as well.

Jacobsen: Latvia is a good example. Canada, at least a year or two ago, had around 1,500 troops deployed in the region, and possibly a similar or larger number now. Let us move to another question. In conversations with some Ukrainian colleagues, this issue came up repeatedly. The discussions were sometimes heated, sometimes simply thoughtful exchanges among friends. From those conversations a question emerged: regarding foreign media, what do they get right, what do they get wrong, and what do they miss entirely about Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine—especially now that the full-scale phase of the war has been ongoing for several years?

Kovalenko: That is an interesting question. Much depends on the experience of the journalist and the nature of the media organization—its editorial approach and its audience.

For example, I rarely work with Italian media, except for certain outlets such as the public broadcasters—RAI television and radio, including programs like TG1, TG2, and TG3. These journalists come to Ukraine quite often. However, it is sometimes surprising to see how strong Russian propaganda can be in Italy. I am not sure why, but it is noticeable. There are many disinformation campaigns online—bots on social media spreading propaganda and misinformation.

Because of that, working with responsible journalists is very important. Ukrainian fixers and local producers often have to work even harder to provide accurate information and context. It can be exhausting.

Another major issue is security. In April 2023, I was working with the Italian public broadcaster TG3 in the Kherson region. There was information circulating that Ukrainian forces were conducting operations near the left bank of the Dnipro River and had established positions there. The editors asked the crew to film a stand-up segment on the bank of the river to illustrate the situation.

I told them this was extremely dangerous. The location was less than a kilometer from Russian positions across the river, and the area was under constant threat from artillery and drones. Reporting from the front line requires careful judgment, because the situation can change very quickly.

Jacobsen: I recall hearing about at least two journalists who were killed in similar circumstances.

Kovalenko: I want to speak about that case. It was not the same crew I mentioned earlier, but another Italian journalist and a Ukrainian fixer. I will tell you the story more directly.

It happened around the same time—actually the day after the incident I described. When the journalists asked me again about filming near the river, I told them it was impossible. They asked twice, saying their editor had given them the assignment. I replied that I did not care about the editor’s instructions. The area was extremely dangerous. If they wanted to go, they could go, but I would not. I also told them that while they were working with me, I did not want anyone to die. I strongly advised against it.

Still, they insisted, so I called the press officer in the Kherson region. He told me we were behaving like idiots, but if we absolutely needed to film there, he gave us a specific location and strict instructions: we would have less than one minute. We had to arrive, film, leave immediately, and move away.

That is what we did. It was in Kherson city, near the river station. We moved very quickly. While I turned the car around, the crew recorded the stand-up shot. Then we immediately left the area. Everything went fine.

But the next day there was terrible news. A Ukrainian fixer, Bogdan Bityk, and an Italian journalist, Corrado Zunino from the newspaper La Repubblica, had gone to the Antonivskyi Bridge area. That location is extremely dangerous. According to the information I received, they were not wearing proper body armor. The fixer also did not have official accreditation.

Later I spoke with the press officer again. He told me they had been stopped two or three times by Ukrainian soldiers and told to turn back. But Antonivka is a village with many small streets. You can bypass checkpoints if you know the roads.

At the bridge itself, Ukrainian forces were not positioned there. It is an exposed, straight approach, and Russian forces across the river can fire directly with machine guns or other weapons. When they moved toward the Antonivskyi Bridge, the risk was enormous.

This is something every journalist must understand: every story carries risk, and not every story is worth that risk.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Kovalenko: Your life is worth more than any story. The price can become too high.

I still do not understand why the journalist from the newspaper went there. I might expect such behavior from inexperienced freelance videographers or photographers chasing dramatic footage, but not from a major newspaper.

The journalist was injured, and the fixer, Bogdan Bityk, was killed. They were shot—whether by a sniper or machine gun fire, I do not know. His body remained there for at least six hours because the area was under constant shelling and could not be reached safely.

This is sometimes the cost of our work. But in this case, it was simply a tragic and unnecessary loss.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Andrii.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Early-Life War Exposure and Chronic Pain in Vietnam: Rui (Zoe) Huang on Life-Course Pathways

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/21

Rui (Zoe) Huang is a PhD candidate in the University at Buffalo (UB) Department of Sociology and Criminology. Drawing on the life course and socio-ecological perspectives, her research seeks to understand how social inequalities shape health and population’s well-being, with a particular focus on chronic pain. Her recent Journal of Health and Social Behavior paper uses the 2018 Vietnam Health and Aging Study to examine how early-life war exposure shapes later-life chronic pain and to identify the key underlying mechanisms.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rui (Zoe) Huang, a UB sociology and criminology PhD candidate studying how inequality and war shape chronic pain across the life course. Using the 2018 Vietnam Health and Aging Study, Huang shows early-life war exposure predicts later-life pain through neurodevelopmental stress, physical health burden, psychological distress, and PTSD. She operationalizes wartime violence and “malevolent living conditions” with exposure scales, finding distress and PTSD explain much of the living-conditions effect. Social engagement may signal resilience but does not erase harm. Huang urges postwar policies: trauma care, cohort-specific education support, healthier coping, and pain management for aging populations.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What made you focus on chronic pain, rather than PTSD alone?

Rui (Zoe) Huang: I focused on chronic pain because pain is a major public health issue in its own right. It’s a leading cause of disability worldwide and carries exceptionally large personal and societal costs. Yet it has been relatively overlooked in life-course research on the long-run health consequences of war. At the same time, war does not only produce observable physical and psychological injuries (e.g., PTSD and distress), it can also shape later-life health through less visible downstream adversities, such as constrained socioeconomic opportunities and unhealthy coping, that accumulate over the life course and are tightly linked to chronic pain risk. As a “sensitive barometer of population health”, pain helps capture these long-lasting, multi-pathway impacts of war. Finally, because PTSD and pain are often comorbid, centering pain allows us to build on the PTSD literature and better understand how trauma is embodied over time.

Jacobsen: How did you operationalize wartime violence? ?

Huang: We operationalized wartime violence as a 4-item exposure scale capturing whether respondents had ever (yes/no) been exposed to: (1) dead or seriously injured American soldiers, (2) dead or seriously injured Vietnamese soldiers, (3) dead or seriously injured civilians, and/or (4) being wounded in the warzone. We then summed these dichotomous items (range 0–4) and categorized the total into low (0), medium (1-2) and high (3-4) exposure to allow for potential non-linear effects.

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what about malevolent wartime living conditions?

Huang: We operationalized malevolent wartime living conditions as a five-item exposure scale capturing whether respondents had ever (yes/no) experienced: (1) displacement due to evacuations or bombings, (2) sleep difficulties due to noise/inhospitable environments, (3) illness/weakness due a shortage of clean water, (4) illness/weakness due a shortage of food, and (5) fear of being injured or killed.  We summed these binary items (range 0–5) and categorized the total into low (0), medium (1–2), and high (3–5) exposures.

Jacobsen: Your results suggest childhood exposure is potent. Are neurodevelopmental stress effects, disrupted schooling, or later coping behaviors, more plausible?

Huang: Our evidence most strongly supports neurodevelopmental and physiological stress pathways that later manifest as mental and physical health burden. Building on the life course perspective, we argue that prolonged childhood stress and material deprivation can shape lifelong physiological reactivity and development, and our mediation results indicate that early-life war exposures influence later-life pain primarily through poorer physical and mental health, particularly psychological distress.

Disrupted schooling is also a credible pathway, and we do observe lower educational attainment among those with greater war exposures. however, in our study, education explains relatively little of the war–pain association (though it may matter more for other health outcomes). Coping behaviors appear more mixed: wartime violence is associated with higher smoking, whereas malevolent wartime living conditions are associated with a lower likelihood of heavy drinking. Overall, behavioral pathways contribute little to the war–pain relationship in our analyses, but future work should examine a broader range of coping behaviors and life-course processes in greater detail.

Jacobsen: You highlight psychological distress and PTSD as major pathways. How much of the association is explained by them?

Huang: In our study, psychological distress and PTSD account for a large share of the war-pain association, particularly for exposures to malevolent living conditions. Overall, distress explains 46.67% and PTSD explains 18.94% of the association between malevolent living conditions and pain (about 65.6% combined), while for wartime violence, distress and PTSD explained 13.97% and 12.69% of war-pain association, respectively (around 26.7% combined).

Jacobsen: Resilience factors come from social engagement. How does this work?

Huang: In our study, we found that greater exposure to wartime violence is associated with greater social engagement in later life. This is consistent with the idea that shared traumatic experiences may foster bonding and community building, which may in turn encourage people to participate in social activities. Previous studies have also documented similar dynamics. For example, Sagi-Schwarts et al. (2013) found that Holocaust survivors reported greater social support after war, and they also lived longer and more satisfied lives, compared to their peers who did not experience Holocaust. Although our mediation results suggest that this “resilience” signal is not large enough to offset the overall negative impact of war exposure on chronic pain, it points to an important avenue for future research, especially to examine whether social engagement may bring long-term benefits for other outcomes such as mental health, functioning, or longevity. 

Jacobsen: What are the biggest limitations of using retrospective reports of war exposure?

Huang: Recall bias is an important concern. In particular, because chronic pain is associated with cognitive impairment, respondents with severe pain may not accurately recall their wartime experience, which could result in an underestimation of war impacts. In addition, people who are currently affected by distress and PTSD may remember or reinterpret their past experience differently, potentially introducing differential reporting that could bias our estimates. 

Jacobsen: Which post-war interventions are realistic for governments?

Huang: The central policy implication is that postwar recovery efforts should recognize psychological trauma as a long-term population health concern. Psychological distress and PTSD are elevated for children, adolescents, and young adults exposed to war, and account for a substantial proportion of the increased pain prevalence among people with war exposure. Programs that are culturally appropriate and effective at reducing distress or PTSD could meaningfully reduce chronic pain and related disability in later life.

Recovery efforts may also need to be tailored to specific age cohort. For those who were of primary or secondary school age during the war, strengthening educational access and quality during and after the conflict may help prevent later adverse socioeconomic trajectories. For those who were young children during the war, interventions that promote healthy coping may be especially beneficial, given that children are more likely to adopt unhealthy behavioral responses to war such as tobacco use.

Finally, the strikingly high overall prevalence of pain among older Vietnamese suggests an urgent need for pain prevention and management in Vietnam and in other conflict-affected countries with similar histories of mass mobilization.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rui. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Emergency Response Rooms Deliver Aid to Civilians in Sudan: Colin Thomas-Jensen on Locally Led Humanitarian Response

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/20

Colin Thomas-Jensen is a policy leader and advocate who has worked for 23 years on peacebuilding, civilian protection, humanitarian response in Sudan and South Sudan. He  previously advised the Administrator of USAID on a range of humanitarian policy  questions, including the Agency’s support for Sudan’s Emergency Response Rooms – a  coalition of mutual aid groups providing lifesaving assistance to civilians affected by  Sudan’s catastrophic civil war (2023 to present). He now serves as Director of Impact at  the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, advocating for stronger international support to  frontline humanitarians delivering assistance effectively amid conflict, displacement, and  severe access constraints. His work bridges realities and policy, prioritizing locally led  networks, transparency, and efficiency. 

Colin Thomas-Jensen explains to Scott Douglas Jacobsen how civilian aid in Sudan increasingly depends on Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs), volunteer mutual-aid networks operating nationwide where international access fails, often amid chaos. Drawing on his USAID experience, he describes a core bottleneck: donor systems built for multimillion-dollar grants, not $10,000 flexible support. ERR coalitions such as the Mutual Aid Sudan Coalition helped aggregate funds, manage reporting, and speed delivery while preserving accountability. Now at Aurora, he advocates direct resourcing of frontline leaders like Dr. Jamal Eltaeb, stronger protection under humanitarian law, and metrics tracking local funding share, reach, and worker safety.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How does aid reach civilians in Sudan? 

Colin Thomas-Jensen: The vast majority of aid reaching civilians in Sudan today is delivered through a network of  local mutual aid groups known as Emergency Response Rooms, or ERRs. These grassroots  organizations emerged organically from within Sudanese communities themselves, as  patriotic citizens chose to stay and help their communities rather than fleeing the violence.  These citizens bravely organize feeding centers, health services, and safe havens for their  neighbors caught in the crossfire. ERRs now operate in every state, powered by tens of  thousands of volunteers who coordinate everything from food distribution and medical  care to evacuations and psychosocial support. Their deep roots in local communities  allow them to respond rapidly and flexibly, often reaching areas that are inaccessible to  international organizations due to insecurity or bureaucratic barriers. 

At Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, we have seen firsthand the impact and value of  leveraging a locally led model to ensure aid successfully reaches humanitarians on the  ground in Sudan. This year, Aurora honors and provides direct funding to our 2026 Laureate  humanitarian, Dr. Jamal Eltaeb, who leads Al Nao Hospital in Omdurman – one of the last  functioning hospitals in greater Khartoum. 

Dr. Jamal Eltaeb (2025 Aurora Laureate)

By channeling resources directly to those on the front lines, we help ensure that aid  reaches the most vulnerable, even in the most challenging circumstances. The courage  and ingenuity of Sudan’s ERRs and local leaders are a testament to the power of  community-driven action in the face of crisis, and they remain the backbone in Sudan  today.  

Jacobsen: When you helped build capacity for Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs), what  bottlenecks were urgent to fix? 

Thomas-Jensen: The ERRs deserve the credit for the success of their heroic efforts. At USAID, the main  challenge we faced in robustly supporting ERRs directly was their small size. USAID did not  typically write $10,000 checks to support local organizations. Instead, USAID’s traditional  funding mechanisms were designed for large international organizations, issuing multi million dollar grants that were, at times, redistributed down the chain to local  implementing partners. This created significant barriers for ERRs, which needed smaller  grants and more flexible funding to operate securely and effectively. 

As the ERRs sought to establish more predictable sustained funding for their operations,  they worked to organize themselves into broader coalitions that could receive, distribute,  and account for large grants from government donors and philanthropies. My former  colleagues at USAID provided technical and other support to the Mutual Aid Sudan  Coalition and Localization Coordination Council – Sudanese-led organizations that  coordinate actions across state ERRs, local organizations, and international NGOs. This enabled ERRs to collectively raise funds, distribute those funds across the more than 800  local mutual aid groups, and provide the reporting and impact analysis that most donors  require. As international humanitarian funding and access increases, local organizations  are becoming even more important players in relief efforts.  

Jacobsen: What does locally led mean in the context of contemporary Sudan? 

Thomas-Jensen: In the context of contemporary Sudan, “locally led” means that Sudanese communities  themselves are at the forefront of humanitarian response, designing and delivering aid  based on their own priorities and knowledge. This is not a theoretical ideal but a daily  reality, embodied by the ERRs that have emerged across the country – Sudanese  grassroots networks who are banding together to help their less fortunate neighbors.  Whether organizing food distributions, running health clinics, or coordinating evacuations, 

often in areas that are inaccessible to international organizations. Locally led, in this  sense, is about trust – trusting Sudanese actors to know what their communities need and  empowering them with the resources and autonomy to act.  

At Aurora, we have seen the impact of this approach firsthand through our support of  extraordinary Sudanese and Sudan-based medical leaders like Dr. Jamal Eltaeb and Dr. Tom Catena, whose unwavering commitment exemplifies the power of locally-led  humanitarian response. Dr. Eltaeb, an orthopedic surgeon and general director of Al Nao  Hospital in Omdurman, has kept one of the last functioning referral hospitals in greater  Khartoum operational throughout devastating conflict, saving hundreds of lives while  embodying the resilience and dedication that define local leadership. Similarly, Dr. Catena, who has served as the sole full-time surgeon at Mother of Mercy Hospital in the  Nuba Mountains since 2008, demonstrates how deeply embedded local leaders can  transform entire healthcare systems – his hospital network treated over 295,000 patients  in 2024 while training the next generation of Sudanese medical professionals. These  grassroots leaders have the contextual knowledge, community trust, and sustained  commitment necessary to deliver lifesaving care where others cannot reach.  

Dr. Tom Catena (past Aurora laureate and chairman of the Advisory Board of the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative)

Jacobsen: How do you balance speed with accountability in a high-trust, low-infrastructure  environment? 

Thomas-Jensen: Balancing speed with accountability in a high-trust, low-infrastructure environment like  Sudan is a constant challenge, but it is not insurmountable. From my experience at USAID,  I can attest to the fact that working through third party NGOs to deliver funds to ERRs on  the ground was slow. USAID needed to both effectively distribute funding and demonstrate  that US taxpayer dollars were used effectively and responsibly.  

The key is to design funding and reporting mechanisms that are both rigorous and realistic,  tailored to the realities on the ground. Traditional donor models often prioritize exhaustive  paperwork and rigid compliance, which can slow down response times and stifle local  initiative. Instead, we have found that working through umbrella structures – such as the  Mutual Aid Sudan Coalition – enables faster disbursement of funds directly to local relief  efforts while maintaining close coordination and oversight. This structure allows for  collective fundraising, pooled risk, and consistent reporting, making it possible to track  impact without overwhelming local leaders with bureaucracy. Essentially this cuts out the  international NGO middleman, getting assistance directly to local actors on the ground  with the impact data necessary to justify these efforts to Congress and the US taxpayer. 

At Aurora, we focus on building personal relationships and trust with our local partners,  providing flexible funding, and supporting them to develop the systems they need to  demonstrate results. Accountability, in this context, is not just about financial audits; it’s  about transparency, open communication, and a shared commitment to serving those  most in need. By trusting local actors and adapting our expectations, we can ensure that  aid reaches people quickly while still meeting the accountability standards that donors  require. 

Jacobsen: What protections can donors and international actors realistically provide for frontline  networks? 

Thomas-Jensen: The people working for ERRs are incredibly brave. The Sudanese government and military  have a long history of manipulating humanitarian assistance for its own objectives. 

At the same time, donors and international actors play a critical role in advocating for  policy changes to facilitate ERRs work, including conflict actors’ adherence to  international humanitarian law and refrain from attacking relief workers or obstructing their  work. The most important action donors and international actors can take is listening to  what local actors are saying because the most meaningful protection comes from  empowering local organizations with the resources, flexibility, and recognition they need to  operate safely and effectively. This means providing direct funding, supporting collective  structures like the ERRs, and advocating for the rights and safety of humanitarian workers  at every level. At Aurora, we work closely with humanitarians in Sudan to understand their  security concerns and adapt our support accordingly, always prioritizing their safety and  agency. 

It is important for donors and international actors to listen and understand the security  needs and risks these frontline networks are willing to accept. In many cases, local  humanitarians will accept greater risk than outside organizations, which can sometimes  make donors (and their lawyers) uncomfortable. However, it’s critical that these  humanitarians are supported because providing resources to them is one of the most  effective ways to ensure resources reach people at scale in a dangerous operating  environment. Directing support to frontline networks raises hope and resiliency in  communities across Sudan. As Dr. Eltaeb commented, “[The Aurora Prize] is a symbol of  hope. It gives people the [feeling that] you are not alone, you are not forgotten.”

Jacobsen: What did you learn while directing a major government response? 

Thomas-Jensen: My role at USAID was to coordinate across multiple bureaus within the agency, ensure  efficiency of assistance delivery, provide clarity of objectives, and to advocate for our  funding and policy priorities within the broader US interagency and Congress. Having  worked on humanitarian issues in Sudan for nearly 25 years, I’ve witnessed the constant  evolution of our tactics to get assistance to people on the ground. To mount an effective  response to a crisis as large as Sudan – without a doubt the worst humanitarian  catastrophe of the 20th century – we needed a coordinated all-of-government approach  that paired creative ways to deliver aid with a political strategy to reduce the roadblocks  that both sides of the conflict put on humanitarian actors. And, of course, a strong  mediation effort to ultimately end this conflict. 

Yet no matter how well-resourced or well-intentioned a government response may be, it  cannot succeed without listening to and empowering those closest to the crisis. In Sudan,  for example, some of the most effective humanitarian action has come from local actors – people who understand the context, have the trust of their communities, and are willing to  take risks that many outsiders would not. As a government official, I learned that our role is  not to dictate solutions from afar, but to create the conditions for local leadership to  flourish. This means being flexible, adapting our systems to fit the realities on the ground,  and recognizing that accountability and impact can be achieved when we trust and invest  in local partners. Ultimately, creative problem solving is at the center of nearly every  humanitarian response. There’s no cookie cutter approach.  

Jacobsen: I understand you recently attended the Munich Security Conference, what was that like? 

Thomas-Jensen: Yes, I went to the Munich Security Conference alongside Aurora CEO Armine Afeyan and  2019 Aurora Prize Laureate Mirza Dinnayi. We aimed to elevate humanitarian issues and  the role of philanthropy in contributing to global security. Over the three-day conference,  

Aurora delegation members held bilateral meetings with policymakers, non-profit and  humanitarian leaders, and counterparts in the philanthropy community, and participated  in working sessions on the future of global humanitarian response, international peace  efforts to end wars in Sudan, Gaza, and Ukraine, and the evolution of global governance in  an increasingly transactional geopolitical landscape.  

Aurora attends MSC and other international convenings to emphasize the critical role that  local humanitarians play in responding to urgent crises and be a voice for shifting more 

resources and agency to local organizations working on the front lines. With global funding  for humanitarian response down by more than 40%, decreasing adherence to International  Humanitarian Law, and an ongoing reimagining of how to deliver assistance efficiently to at  

risk populations, meetings like MSC serve as a platform for Aurora to amplify the lasting  impact of our humanitarian network, bring our humanitarians into the room with key  decision makers, and an opportunity to shape the future of humanitarian response. 

Jacobsen: What are top policy changes that would improve survival outcomes? 

Thomas-Jensen: I would start with a fundamental shift toward direct, flexible funding for local organizations.  Too often, aid is funneled through layers of international agencies, slowing down response  times and diluting impact. By empowering local actors, we can ensure that assistance  reaches those who need it most, when they need it most.  

Arguably more important to recognize, however, is the fact that policy changes to improve  survival outcomes are largely political. Humanitarians have been saving lives in  challenging environments for decades – crucial efforts that continue to protect  communities in the face of crisis. But these efforts are no replacement for international  political will and capacity to forge political solutions that protect civilians and end wars. In  Sudan, external actors are fueling the inferno by providing arms and other support to the  Sudanese army and opposition Rapid Support Forces; both groups are responsible for  atrocities. 

Jacobsen: What metrics would convince you the humanitarian system in Sudan is getting healthier? 

Thomas-Jensen: To gauge whether the humanitarian system in Sudan is getting healthier, I would look for a  few key metrics. I would want to see a significant increase in the proportion of funding  going directly to local organizations, reflecting a genuine shift toward locally led response.  This includes accounting for the speed and reach of aid delivery, checking to see if more  people in hard-to-access areas are truly receiving timely assistance. I also would assess  the safety and well-being of humanitarian workers, particularly those in areas of active  conflict, to ensure the system is adequately protecting its most valuable assets. Finally, I  would look for evidence of meaningful collaboration between international and local  actors, with local voices shaping strategy and decision-making.

Despite the heroic efforts of ERRs and the few international agencies that have access to  providing support to communities in Sudan, I fear that that the situation will continue to  deteriorate as long as external actors – including the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and  Saudi Arabia – provide military support that allows the SAF and RSF to continue to fight. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Colin.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

This Gay Week 16: Global LGBTQ Crackdowns and Wartime Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/20

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

Karel Bouley and Scott Douglas Jacobsen survey a grim global week for LGBTQ+ rights, moving from Kansas’s rollback of trans IDs to Uganda’s arrest of two women accused of kissing, Senegal’s “acts against nature” crackdown, Morocco-Cameroon asylum dangers, and the Church of England’s stalled inclusion debate. They connect these stories to colonial legal leftovers, religious conservatism, and imported U.S. evangelical influence. The conversation then shifts to wartime Ukraine, where Jacobsen describes curfews, blackout-adapted medical care, animal rescue, and the eerie coexistence of cafés, coffee, and daily routine beside missile strikes, trauma, and endurance for civilians, patients, pets, and communities alike.

Karel Bouley: All right, it is This Gay Week, and we’ve got Scott Jacobsen—or he’s got me; either way, we’ve got each other. He is still in Kyiv, Ukraine, where I could talk to him for hours about what is going on there, and not just about LGBTQ people. He’s in a coffee shop, and we’re asking a lot of their Wi-Fi, so we’re going to try to get through this. 

All right, so we have agreed on some stories for this week. Unfortunately, there were no happy ones, but that is the way life goes. And we focus more on international. Although, why don’t we start with a national story making international news: Kansas—our beloved Kansas—where Dorothy is from and where the Wizard of Oz lives.

Well, we’re not in Kansas anymore—not if you’re trans. In one day, they invalidated thousands of trans people’s driver’s licenses that did not list their sex as recorded at birth. Until this point, people were allowed to self-identify on their IDs. And now a law went through that said: if you were born male and your ID does not say male, the state is taking that ID back.

They have also got a law that allows private citizens to sue over bathroom or facility use in certain government buildings, framed as an “invasion of privacy.” 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: There are going to be some very interesting legal cases.

Bouley: This continues the Trump administration’s assault. During the State of the Union, he proudly boasted that he had gotten rid of DEI. He stood on the podium and received strong applause from Republicans for saying that he ended DEI.

This is real. And then he targeted trans people in the State of the Union. So this follows along with the United States’ continued assault on trans people. It is making news worldwide.

The only good news we have this week is that Trump’s approval rating is underwater in major polling.

Many nations are no longer bowing down to him or taking his lead. Some still are, but many are not.

Unfortunately, this story is coming from the United States, but you’re right: it is going to bring about some very interesting litigation.

Jacobsen: This one goes right over my face because the most extreme stories can be the most educational. This is one of the most extreme contexts in recent history. Uganda, as we all know, passed one of the most regressive and oppressive anti-LGBTQ+ laws in the world in 2023. Under that law, certain same-sex acts can carry life imprisonment, and what the government calls “aggravated homosexuality” can carry the death penalty. It criminalizes the identity and relationships that people do not choose.

Recently, Ugandan police detained two women who were reportedly seen kissing in public. The arrest took place in Arua in February. Police said they had been observed kissing multiple times. The women were later released on police bond and had not yet been formally charged while the investigation continued.

Bouley: This raises many questions. Who is reporting them? Are there people actively monitoring public affection? Women are often more publicly affectionate toward each other than men are, so how do authorities determine romantic intent? Uganda has long been one of the worst offenders on LGBTQ rights, especially since the HIV era, and there have been killings and severe violence connected to these laws.

Sometimes, authorities make arrests very public as a deterrent, even if charges do not follow. Several human rights organizations have intervened, but Ugandan authorities have historically dismissed outside criticism. The legal framework traces back to colonial-era laws that criminalized relationships described as “against the order of nature.” Today, more than 30 African countries still criminalize same-sex relations, many under statutes inherited from British or other European colonial codes.

If you look further back in African history, you will find cultures that recognized same-sex relationships and gender diversity. The modern legal repression is tied closely to colonial governance and later political and religious movements, including some influenced by Western evangelical activism. That legacy project continues.

Jacobsen: The broader historical context includes European Christian and Arab Muslim colonization, with a particularly strong Protestant and Catholic influence exported from the United States and Europe. Some American evangelical groups have been active in Uganda for years, supporting anti-LGBTQ legislation. That influence has been documented and remains part of the story.

Bouley: They franchise their hatred, and it spreads. The same pattern appears elsewhere. In Senegal, for example—Dakar specifically—there were arrests in early February. Twelve people were detained and accused of what authorities called “acts against nature,” the same colonial-era language.

Senegal criminalizes same-sex relations under Article 319 of its penal code, with penalties that can include prison terms. My friend Vesta Williams once travelled there. She was an R&B artist in America who faced racism here. In Senegal, she encountered discrimination for being light-skinned. So prejudice there does not only target LGBTQ people; it can also operate within racial hierarchies in different ways.

The larger pattern across parts of Africa involves a mix of colonial legal remnants, domestic politics, and religious influence. And while human rights groups continue to push back, enforcement varies—sometimes dramatic arrests are publicized as warnings, and sometimes cases quietly dissipate. The laws, however, remain on the books, creating ongoing fear.

I would sure like to commit some “acts against nature.” Openly homophobic rhetoric has spread, and human rights defenders have been forced into silence. This is an ongoing trend. 

Jacobsen: Some analysts and journalists have documented the involvement of foreign conservative religious groups, including certain U.S.-based evangelical organizations, that have supported anti-LGBTQ legislation in parts of Africa. These agendas are not always generated in isolation.

Bouley: Dakar and Uganda face major challenges—access to clean water, food security, and economic stability—yet LGBTQ people become political targets. An activist from Free Senegal said there is an atmosphere of fear and intimidation in Dakar. That is the saddest part.

The twelve people arrested in Senegal have not gone to trial. Under Senegal’s penal code, consensual same-sex acts can carry prison terms of one to five years and fines. Even fines that may sound modest in euros can be devastating in local currency.

Across parts of Africa, anti-LGBTQ rhetoric appears to be intensifying rather than declining.

It is sad. You are in a war-torn country, and yet in some respects, there are different social dynamics at play compared to the countries we are discussing. I know many African people who are loving and accepting and do not support this repression.

Jacobsen: I have begun doing preliminary work on these issues in the Ukrainian context. I published an interview. One interviewee compared the social climate here to Saudi Arabia, particularly regarding forced marriage pressures. She said Ukraine feels significantly freer by comparison, though still constrained in some respects. During the war, some social issues have been deprioritized.

Bouley: Ukraine is still a largely religious country, correct? Religion plays a significant role in daily life.

Jacobsen: Yes. In Poland, Roman Catholicism is dominant. In Ukraine, Eastern Orthodoxy is the major tradition. The Orthodox Church, in its official teachings, does not affirm same-sex relationships. It is institutionally conservative. Historically, many Orthodox jurisdictions have also held restrictive views on women’s roles. These positions reflect longstanding theological frameworks that remain influential.

Bouley: They are not exactly a bathhouse of love and compassion. There have been reports in some countries of Pride events being attacked—people throwing objects, even hostile counter-protests. In Uganda in 2023, authorities shut down Pride gatherings and raided venues under the Anti-Homosexuality Act. That climate creates fear.

In wartime Ukraine, martial law does restrict certain forms of assembly. That is about security and military realities. But what does it say about Saudi Arabia when a lesbian in Ukraine says, “It is not great here, but it is better than there”? That tells you something about Saudi Arabia.

Jacobsen: I asked her directly. She described growing up with anticipatory dread—constant fear that something inevitable would happen: family pressure, forced marriage, legal consequences, or social ruin. Self-expression was tightly controlled—how you dress, how you speak, and the relationships you could have. In Saudi Arabia, same-sex conduct is criminalized and can carry severe penalties under interpretations of Islamic law. Enforcement varies, but the legal framework is deeply restrictive.

Bouley: And yet Saudi Arabia is building that massive futuristic project—NEOM, the proposed linear city called “The Line.” It is marketed as the world’s most advanced car-free city. If it is built as planned, it would be technologically remarkable. But the same society that is building a futuristic smart city maintains one of the most restrictive social systems. That contradiction is striking—hyper-modern technology paired with rigid social conservatism.

Jacobsen: It reflects a distinction scholars sometimes make between science as a method and technology as an application. You can adopt advanced technology without fully embracing the scientific mindset—critical inquiry, open debate, pluralism. The late physicist Abdus Salam, who worked with Steven Weinberg on electroweak theory, spoke about the difficulty of fostering scientific culture in parts of the Muslim world, even where technological adoption was strong. Technology can be imported. A culture of open scientific inquiry is harder to transplant.

Dubai is often seen as more socially permissive than other parts of the region, though the UAE still criminalizes same-sex relations under federal law. Enforcement and social climate can differ by location. Step outside certain urban enclaves, and the legal and cultural boundaries become clearer.

Bouley: It is remarkable. Another story coming out of Dakar involves Morocco, and Donald Trump is at it again. This is one of those “only in America” stories, even though it has international consequences.

People have asked me why I have never gone to Marrakesh or other trendy places in Morocco. I say that no matter how fashionable people think it is, same-sex relations are illegal in Morocco and can carry prison sentences of up to three years under Article 489 of the penal code.

There is a woman from Morocco—her name is Farah, she is 21—who fled to the United States seeking asylum because she said she faced danger as a lesbian. Under U.S. asylum law, individuals can request protection if they fear persecution based on sexual orientation. She was detained in immigration facilities in Arizona and Louisiana for many months. She reported harsh conditions and inadequate medical care.

An immigration judge ruled she could not be deported to Morocco because it could endanger her life. Instead, U.S. authorities reportedly removed her to Cameroon, where same-sex relations are also criminalized and can carry prison sentences of up to five years. Human rights organizations have documented abuse and imprisonment of LGBTQ people there.

Reports indicate that multiple deportees on the same flight had court-ordered protections limiting removal to their countries of origin. Legal advocates have argued that transferring them to other countries where they also face persecution raises serious due process concerns.

Three journalists reporting for the Associated Press on the deportations to Cameroon were briefly detained by Cameroonian authorities while covering the story.

Jacobsen: There has been a documented increase globally in harassment, detention, and killing of journalists in recent years, according to organizations like the Committee to Protect Journalists. I do not know a journalist who has not faced harassment. Women journalists often experience sexualized harassment in addition to threats. That undermines democratic norms, because a free press is tied to the public’s right to know.

Bouley: We are not living in normal times. Another story: the Church of England’s General Synod has paused further work on proposals related to blessing same-sex couples. Earlier efforts to expand inclusion have moved forward, but internal divisions remain strong. It is disappointing because there had been incremental progress, and now that process appears stalled.

Again, this speaks to the fact that it now seems acceptable in some spaces to bash gay people. Another issue is the online community. Many LGBTQ people—young and old—find solace and connection online, especially in gaming. You can be a character. You do not have to present yourself exactly as you are. You can experiment and assimilate.

However, several game developers have recently spoken out about ineffective moderation on major platforms, particularly Steam, which is the largest PC gaming storefront in the world. They argue that there is unchecked hate speech in discussion forums and organized campaigns of negative “anti-woke” review bombing targeting games with inclusive themes. Real-world hostility toward LGBTQ people appears to be spilling into virtual spaces.

Developers are saying this should not be normalized.

Jacobsen: Online subcultures have always included forms of policing—often gender policing. In earlier gaming communities, there were groups of heterosexual male players who used slurs or mockery to discipline anyone perceived as different—whether for being more expressive, wearing nail polish, or presenting outside narrow norms. That dynamic has existed for years, but now it appears more organized and politically framed.

Bouley: And it has real-world effects. On Steam, coordinated negative reviews can affect sales, investor confidence, and future game development. Some self-appointed curators direct campaigns against games they perceive as progressive or inclusive. Developers are concerned because this affects their business.

Reports indicate that transgender themes are especially targeted. That is troubling. On a separate note, actor Shia LaBeouf was involved in a public altercation during Mardi Gras in New Orleans in which he reportedly used anti-gay slurs. A judge later ordered him into treatment, reportedly connected to alcohol-related issues. He has since said he is not homophobic and is seeking help. Whether that leads to genuine change remains to be seen.

Take it easy in Kyiv. I was hoping you were already home. You look like a war correspondent—scruffy hair, scruffy beard—like those CNN reporters during the Iraq war who always looked ready to dive into a foxhole. At least you are clean-shaven.

Let me ask you something more practical. You have been there for a while. In Canada, you have certain creature comforts—routine, products, familiar cafés. In Ukraine, especially during wartime, are you still finding normalcy? Do you have access to basic comforts—things like shampoo, coffee, and daily routines? Is there still a sense of ordinary life alongside everything else?

Jacobsen: That is a good question. Basic goods are available. Stores are open. You can buy shampoo, conditioner, food, and coffee. There are curfews—midnight to 5 a.m. in many areas—so movement is restricted during those hours. When I was in Kyiv during heavy strikes, electricity was intermittent—sometimes about 12 hours a day, often in overnight cycles. That meant heating could shut off in winter. You adapt quickly.

Hospitals are functioning, but capacity varies. Facilities closer to the front lines are under more strain. There has been documented bombing of medical infrastructure. In 2024, the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv was severely damaged by a missile strike. That affects pediatric cancer treatment and other specialized care.

I spoke with a humanitarian medical expert who described patients on dialysis timing their sessions around power availability. Imagine coordinating life-sustaining treatment with rolling blackouts. Backup generators help, but not everywhere equally.

Bouley: During COVID in the United States, non-emergent care was delayed—chemotherapy, follow-ups, dialysis scheduling. When hospitals are overwhelmed, people fall through the cracks. So when I think about Ukraine, I wonder how people are managing chronic conditions.

Jacobsen: Many are managing through resilience and improvisation. That is the pattern. This past week marked twelve years since Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea and four years since the full-scale invasion of 2022. For children born after 2022, war is their baseline reality. Some were conceived during wartime and are now entering preschool having known nothing else.

When the war ends—if Ukraine regains its territories—returning to uninterrupted electricity and uninterrupted safety will be an adjustment. People develop adaptive schedules. A dialysis routine shaped by power cycles becomes normal.

Bouley: That is what I mean. When 24-hour electricity returns, will someone still feel compelled to structure their day around old blackout windows? Trauma changes habits. And what about veterinary care? I love my dog. Are vets still operating?

Jacobsen: Yes. I have interviewed a veterinarian and an animal rescue volunteer. Organizations are evacuating injured or abandoned animals from frontline regions. A Romanian veterinarian regularly enters war-affected zones to treat sick or traumatized animals. Estimates suggest hundreds of thousands of stray or displaced cats and dogs across Ukraine, though precise numbers are difficult to confirm.

Animal rescue has become a parallel humanitarian effort. War affects every layer of life—human medicine, mental health, pets, agriculture, and infrastructure. Yet cafés are open, coffee is roasted, and daily routines persist. Normalcy exists beside sirens. That juxtaposition becomes its own new equilibrium.

Jacobsen: I gave a two-hour talk to the Humanist Association of Toronto about some of these realities. They are not gentle topics, but they are important. In war zones, ecosystems destabilize quickly. Stray dogs may prey on cats. Pigs can scavenge human remains in areas of heavy fighting. Volunteers sometimes approach livestock cautiously, wondering what those animals may have been exposed to.

Frontline soldiers, depending on conditions, may slaughter cattle or pigs for food, especially during severe winters when temperatures drop to minus 15 or minus 19 Celsius. These are not abstract discussions. They are practical survival decisions shaped by cold, supply disruptions, and proximity to combat.

Bouley: I donate to Paws of War, but if you come across another reputable organization directly helping animals in Ukraine, let me know. I am happy to contribute. It may only be a few hundred dollars, but that can feed animals or cover veterinary care. 

Jacobsen: There are established Ukrainian organizations focused on evacuating, sterilizing, and treating war-affected animals, as well as international partnerships supporting them.

Bouley: Stay safe. We will see you next week.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Psychotherapy vs AI Chatbots: Dr. Helen Marlo on What Real Therapy Requires

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/19

Helen Marlo, Ph.D.,is Dean of the School of Psychology and Professor of Clinical Psychology at Notre Dame de Namur University. She is a practicing clinician with nearly 30 years of experience as a licensed clinical psychologist and certified psychoanalyst. Her work centers on long-term, depth-oriented care, emphasizing the therapeutic relationship, clinical nuance, and sustained healing beyond quick fixes. Marlo can speak to the growing use of AI chatbots for mental health guidance, the risks of substituting automated tools for live and clinically supervised treatment, and the limits of dehumanized care. She brings a grounded perspective on what meaningful psychotherapy requires in practice.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Dr. Helen Marlo about AI chatbots posing as therapy. Marlo argues real psychotherapy is not advice, venting, or quick tools, but an emergent, emotionally charged relationship where conflict, repair, and nuance drive change. Chatbots can deliver education and strategies, yet they cannot judge what fits a person’s history, motives, and unconscious patterns. She warns convenience, anonymity, and low vulnerability can reinforce the very issues treatment addresses, while AI guidance may distort major life decisions outside crises. Depth-oriented care, she says, builds durable inner capacities through sustained human attunement, and clinically supervised practice remains the safer standard.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When people use chatbots for something seen as digital-based therapy, what are common misunderstandings about real psychotherapy compared to what people are, in fact, engaging in interaction with these chat bots?

Dr. Helen Marlo: A common misconception about psychotherapy is that its main purpose or effectiveness is to offer support or serve as a space to vent, solve problems, receive advice, gain tools, or obtain answers. Although these aspects are often part of psychotherapy, they are typically not the elements that produce the deepest therapeutic change.

Another misconception about psychotherapy is the belief that a patient feels fully understood, affirmed, and supported by the psychotherapist, and therefore does not encounter relational conflict or experience difficult or negative emotions within the therapeutic process. Working through these challenges is a key part of psychotherapy.

Providing support, education, problem-solving, practical tools, and advice are areas in which chatbots and AI-based therapy tend to excel. These parts of psychotherapy are less complex and more concrete, so chatbots and AI are better-suited for these tasks. Knowing whether the education, solution, tool, or advice is best for that individual is where AI falters and is far less effective.

Real psychotherapy is a fluid, dynamic, and emergent process that unfolds between human beings, each bringing their own reactions, emotions, and thoughts into the encounter. There are incalculable ways that this interaction could unfold, which impact where the psychotherapy goes and what gets addressed through the work. AI does not capture the myriad, individualized, and flexible nature of these interactions, which make a profound difference in the quality and depth of the therapeutic experience.

Some of the most powerful and transformative moments in psychotherapy arise from the interpersonal engagement between therapist and patient. This involves, for example, when a psychotherapist attunes to emotional and less conscious, often unspoken aspects of experience; sees and addresses conflicts and patterns; gives language to painful or complex realities; listens actively, to what is said and not said both verbally and nonverbally; tracks and regulates affect; holds and remains present with suffering; notices subtle and less obvious patterns in behavior; and provides engagement and feedback that may be hard, yet ultimately, healing for a human being to hear.

The education and training required to become a licensed psychotherapist are extensive. Unlike many other professions, a therapist’s effectiveness depends not only on formal knowledge and clinical preparation but also on their ongoing personal development and psychological well-being.

Decades of psychotherapy research show that two of the strongest predictors of therapeutic change are the quality of the therapeutic relationship and the extent to which therapy is an active, affective process that engages emotion. In other words, meaningful change is less about techniques and more about the depth of relational connection and the capacity to access, tolerate, and work through emotional experience.

Therapists who are most effective at establishing and sustaining healthy therapeutic relationships tend to possess self-awareness, emotional maturity, and sensitivity to others’ inner worlds. Their clinical skill is inseparable from their personal development, as their ability to understand and regulate their own responses allows them to engage patients with attunement, authenticity, and psychological presence.

Jacobsen: What clinical functions does a real therapeutic relationship provide

Marlo: A genuine therapeutic relationship provides a living, relational experience grounded in moment-to-moment engagement. It allows for the recognition and repair of limiting patterns, misunderstandings, and challenging personal qualities, experiences, and ways of being. It creates a space in which difficulties can be explored and worked through over time. 

It is not a relationship defined by ready-made answers, instant reassurance, indiscriminate affirmation, and simply hearing what one wishes to hear—responses that may feel comforting in the moment but are often not the most therapeutic in the long term. Instead, real clinical work involves careful attention to nuance, complexity, contradictions, conflicts, patterns, and the subtle shifts that occur within the therapeutic process.

At the same time, the therapeutic relationship offers a secure and containing space in which the individual experiences the therapist as holding an integrated understanding of their unique past and present, while engaging collaboratively with them in shaping their future.

Jacobsen: Why do people turn to chatbots rather than psychotherapists, and what are the inherent risks in this emphasis on chatbots without guardrails  or professional specialization and input built into them to a sufficient degree so far?

Marlo: People are often drawn to these sources because they are instantly available, inexpensive, anonymous, highly convenient, require less emotional vulnerability, decrease a fear of judgment, demand minimal boundaries, are limitless, and frequently offer responses that align with what one hopes to hear.  Often, these are the very psychological issues one needs to address, so the way chatbots and AI offer care is, therefore, inherently problematic. 

Yet thinking, feeling, imagining, and reflecting are inherently complex and effortful human processes. While chatbots can simulate or simplify these activities, real psychotherapy seeks cultivate these capacities in others by being in the experience together, rather than providing “how to do it” for them. The therapeutic aim is not to make inner work easier by doing it for the person, but to strengthen their ability to engage in it independently, by cultivating it together.

At times, some of the most therapeutic moments arise when a clinician poses a difficult question—one that is carefully attuned to the individual, grounded in their lived experience, which is meaningful to the challenges of their life.

Jacobsen: Where do you see the biggest risks, e.g., misdiagnosis, false reassurance, or something else?

Marlo: One of the central concerns can be captured by the old proverb: give someone a fish, and they eat for a day; teach them to fish, and they eat for a lifetime. Effective psychotherapy aims to help individuals develop the internal psychological capacities to live more fully and navigate challenges independently. By contrast, AI-generated interactions can resemble providing the fish for the day—offering immediate input without necessarily fostering lasting growth.

These experiences may also fall short in preparing people to engage with mediating and repairing the imperfections, unpredictability, and complexity of real human relationships, which are essential for psychological development. 

I see serious risks in how chatbots and AI support may influence important decisions that impact daily life, in contrast to the dangers of their use in genuine crises. The average person can easily understand that AI is not best equipped to help a person through a suicidal crisis and its dangers and shortcomings with managing these serious issues is more understood. Safeguards are being developed in these areas. 

However, the use of AI for less serious issues concerns me more, given its profound impact on daily life. For example, consulting with AI on whether a spouse is being abusive, if they should have no contact with their parent, whether a friendship should be ended, or if they should quit their job are a few of many issues that people are blindly entrusting to AI rather than carefully examining the issue for themselves within a trusted therapeutic relationship.  Advice or feedback generated without a lived understanding of the individual, with limited understanding of how the consequences of this advice can impact one’s life, can be destructive, inaccurate, or overly aligned with what the person wishes to hear, potentially shaping decisions that are not beneficial in the long term. 

Jacobsen: What does depth-oriented care mean in plain terms?

Marlo: Depth-oriented care involves attending to both the conscious and unconscious dimensions of a person’s experience.  It occurs in the context of a consistent, engaged psychotherapeutic relationship with a trained professional who is dedicated to focusing on the patient and their life, which also differentiates it from speaking with a good friend. Depth psychotherapists are specifically trained to recognize, understand, and work with unconscious processes. Because many of the forces that shape psychological life operate outside of conscious awareness, this approach emphasizes exploring underlying meanings, patterns, and symbols that influence thoughts, emotions, and behavior in the here and now.

Jacobsen: If AI tools are an adjunct rather than a substitute, what are the potential benefits if sufficient guardrails are programmed into the algorithms’ processing weights?

Marlo: As an adjunct, AI is highly valuable for education, generating ideas, offering alternative perspectives, and providing concrete tools and strategies. The material it produces can serve as a catalyst for imagination, reflection, and change, that can be explored in psychotherapy.

Jacobsen: What should regulators and tech companies each do to reduce predictable harms?

Marlo: Users should be well informed of the limits and potential negative consequences. For example, this information is a general suggestion, may not be relevant for their situation, may be most valuable as a springboard for further reflection, and does not replace professional help.  

That said, the ultimate regulator would be to limit or reduce the financial incentive for its use in this way. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Helen.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Sergiy Tomilenko on Journalist Safety, Solidarity Centres, and War Reporting in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/18

Sergiy Tomilenko has been President of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU) since 2017. Under his leadership, NUJU helped build a network of Journalists’ Solidarity Centres, supported by UNESCO and the International and European Federations of Journalists, to provide workspaces, equipment, training, and emergency assistance during Russia’s full-scale invasion. In the interview, Tomilenko argues that drone warfare has expanded the practical danger zone well beyond the immediate line of contact, and he describes parallel crises: journalist detention in occupied territories, targeted strikes on civilian infrastructure used by reporters (including hotels), and the economic collapse of many local outlets. He also notes that different watchdogs track media-worker deaths using different definitions, and he urges sustained international pressure for the release of detained Ukrainian journalists.

Sergiy Tomilenko, president of Ukraine’s journalists’ union since 2017, explains how NUJU’s UNESCO-backed Journalists’ Solidarity Centres became lifelines—workspaces, protective gear, training, and emergency aid—during Russia’s full-scale invasion. He says drone warfare stretches risk far beyond the front, while detentions in occupied territories and strikes on civilian infrastructure (including hotels) endanger reporters. He notes safety guidance shifted in 2024: avoid visible “PRESS” markings. Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses on misinformation and embedded reporting; Tomilenko argues that escorts impose security limits, not propaganda. With revenues collapsing, watchdog counts diverging solely by definition, and burnout rising, he urges pressure to free detained journalists.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The legitimacy of information matters. Not through standard processes, but through flooded social media networks. People go to social media, pick up disinformation and misinformation, and that changes what they think they know and how they read. Even if the articles are the same, the frame they bring to those articles changes. There is a place for social media as a first-pass filter, but quality checks and fact checks, however imperfect, require people with professional experience who put time into making these reports, like yourselves and others do.

Tomilenko: The level of media literacy is insufficient, and ordinary people consume news on social media and other sources. They are consumers of news and media, and it is not easy for them to find reliable information or protect themselves from disinformation. Russians try to use safety concerns or other triggers because people are very afraid.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (left) and Sergiy Tomilenko (right) at the Kyiv Journalists’ Solidarity Center. (Copyright: NUJU)

Jacobsen: What about foreign journalists—non-Russian, non-Ukrainian—who go with the military or associates to frontline areas? They may be toured by Russian forces or by Ukrainian forces. What are the risks for journalists in terms of independent reportage in this war, when reportage is guided in some manner? Is that something journalists should keep in mind, that what they see and the stories they receive can be filtered?

Tomilenko: As I see, if journalists are going to the frontline and are escorted by press officers or the military, we do not see pressure from the military or press officers on Ukrainian or foreign journalists about how to cover events. There are concrete limitations related to national security, but it is not about instructing journalists to cover certain political figures or to present only positive information about the Ukrainian army and only negative information about the Russians.

I think this system of official military communication, with press officers—there are hundreds, maybe thousands, of people involved in this communication infrastructure in the army—does not function as an infrastructure for pressure or propaganda against foreign journalists. As you see with the Associated Press, Reuters, CNN, The Globe and Mail, and other major Western media, there are no accusations of systematic pressure.

You, as journalists, can remain independent when covering the war in Ukraine. We see a lack of foreign journalists in Ukraine. So press officers are very receptive when foreign journalists request to travel to the frontline or to areas close to it to cover topics.

In general, we do not see a system of pressure on journalists or political restrictions. All restrictions are concrete and comparable to limitations in Western armies or in police emergencies. They are not political limitations. So independence isn’t the main problem right now.

After the full-scale invasion began, we created our own hotline for journalists during the war, called the Network of Journalist Solidarity Centres. You visited Lviv and are now in Kyiv at our office. At this moment, our main focus is supporting frontline Journalist Solidarity Centres in Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Zaporizhzhia.

We are glad if foreign journalists, like you, go to frontline regions—not necessarily the open frontline, but areas close to the frontline in Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Zaporizhzhia. Our colleagues can support with renting safety equipment, organizing access, and advising on local topics, interesting subjects, and sources of information.

It was a good idea to create this network of small hubs in the regions. UNESCO’s headquarters appreciates this work and is one of our key partners. UNESCO launched a special program called Safe Spaces for Journalists in Crisis Zones, and the creation of Journalist Solidarity Centres in Ukraine was the initiative’s first stage. For this moment, in Gaza, three Solidarity Centres have been created following the Ukrainian model.

This is infrastructure mainly for Ukrainian journalists, and we try to support Ukrainian journalists in emergencies—for example, when people try to leave occupied territory or after a journalist is injured during the war, as in the case of five journalists who were deliberately injured while working as journalists.

Jacobsen: When wearing protection—personal body protection, helmet, and vest —it is advised not to wear “PRESS” now. To be very explicit: whether at the frontline or not, the recommendation is not to wear visible “press” markings.

Tomilenko: Yes, after the beginning of the full-scale invasion, our recommendation in 2022 was to use “press” markings, following UNESCO safety guides. This changed later, mostly in 2024.

For example, I discussed this with our colleague Vasyl Miroshnyk, editor of a frontline newspaper. He explained to me last year that, after the full-scale invasion began, the main targets for the Russians were military vehicles and infrastructure. But in 2024, Russians increasingly attacked civilians. So we do not recommend that journalists—whether foreign or otherwise—use “press” inscriptions. We recommend using neutral black or blue helmets and protective gear without visible markings.

Jacobsen: To return to the foundational point of this entire war, regardless of political rhetoric or prior geopolitical disputes, broken promises by administrations and regimes, the core issue is international law, international humanitarian law, and the crime of aggression. Starting with Crimea in 2014, expanding over the years, and escalating significantly on February 24, 2022, we are now entering the fifth year of full-scale war.

The crime of aggression, followed by annexation, carries obligations under international law for any occupying power. We must not frame occupied territories as empty spaces. There are people there. Abuses are happening there. With that foundation, where do you see the role of the Solidarity Centres and the network within the country in the information space? How do they help ensure that accurate information is available so that fewer human rights abuses happen because those who can act have reliable information?

Tomilenko: Our role and our goal are to support journalists in need and to help them remain professional and responsible, producing accurate information. It is very important to provide support and networks so that journalists do not leave the profession. They should remain in the field and continue their work.

We see very serious mental and economic challenges for journalists. Some have lost their homes in occupied territories, lost their media outlets, or lost revenue as editors. Many colleagues are exhausted and are considering leaving the profession. The role of our Network of Journalist Solidarity Centres is to organize infrastructure and create an atmosphere of solidarity and mutual support among journalists.

For example, at the Zaporizhzhia Journalist Solidarity Centre, we created a so-called club of evacuated journalists. Journalists from temporarily occupied areas of the Zaporizhzhia region now live in Zaporizhzhia, which is under Ukrainian government control. At our centre, we gather about 30–35 journalists from the occupied territories. They need to be part of a community of journalists. They dream about returning and about rebuilding their audience. We train them to improve digital media and reach audiences, including refugees and others.

For example, within our journalistic community, some media outlets were restarted. As I mentioned, a local newspaper in the Zaporizhzhia region was revived. The editor-in-chief of this newspaper, Svitlana Karpenko, relocated from Zaporizhzhia because it is an open frontline city. She stopped operations at the start of the full-scale invasion and lived in Zaporizhzhia’s city center. Because she became part of our community of evacuated journalists, she decided, with our support, to restart the newspaper.

In April 2023, one year after the beginning of the full-scale invasion, she restarted it. Now she continues with support from international donors and others. If we had not created such a network and instruments for mutual support, many of our colleagues, especially in the regions, would not have remained in the profession or would not have remained here.

We encourage our colleagues to be responsible journalists. We do not encourage them to produce pro-Ukrainian propaganda or anti-Russian propaganda.

Jacobsen: When people try to charm me or pressure me, I respond that ‘I am not here as pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian. I am here as a pro-human rights, and I try to present the case accurately.’

Tomilenko: For Ukrainian journalists and media workers, and for every Ukrainian, this is war in Ukraine. Russia is waging war against Ukraine and is trying to kill Ukrainians. As you see, at this moment, the most pro-Ukrainian city is Kharkiv.

Before the full-scale invasion, Kharkiv was often described as more pro-Russian. People there were neighbours with Russia, and some sympathized with Putin or Russia. They were not necessarily critical of European Union integration, but there were many political discussions. Now, Kharkiv is strongly pro-Ukrainian because people see that Russians want to kill them, not be their friends.

I think many Ukrainian journalists and media workers try to support Ukraine when covering events, but primarily they support Ukrainian citizens and the Ukrainian people. That does not mean producing propaganda.

Jacobsen: For opinion polls conducted ideally externally or internally and independently, but surveying Ukrainian sentiment about Russia, Putin, Zelensky, and the direction of the country, have people become more unified in their sense of identity and opinion about the war, or not?

Tomilenko: Yes, Putin has created a more united Ukrainian nation.

Jacobsen: A new patriotism, in a way.

Tomilenko: Yes, a new patriotism. Before the invasion, there were many political discussions in Ukraine. For example, Odesa, Kharkiv, and Mariupol were sometimes described as more pro-Russian cities. But after the invasion, we saw the Russian army try to destroy cities in the west and south. Now, some people still sympathize with Putin or Russia, but not openly. Those are marginal views, not a general trend. If people want to support Putin, they can go to Russia.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Sergiy.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Michelle Quist Ryder on Social Connection, Belonging Cues, and Holiday Loneliness

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/17

Dr. Michelle Quist Ryder, PhD (she/her), is a social psychologist and research leader who serves as Chief Executive Officer of the American Psychological Foundation (APF). At APF, she helps steer philanthropic investment that funds psychological research, supports scholars and practitioners, and expands evidence-based solutions to real-world problems. Her professional background includes human-centric organizational design, effective DEI practice, and translating social science into practical tools for institutions and communities. She regularly speaks and writes on belonging, identity, workplace culture, and the public value of psychological science—so more people can live healthier, dignified lives, and accelerate impact through rigorous, ethical research globally.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Michelle Quist Ryder (CEO, American Psychological Foundation) about why social connection is a major health protective factor. Ryder says evidence is “overwhelming”: strong ties predict longer life and better mental and physical health, while loneliness rivals major risk factors—comparable, in effect size, to smoking. She distinguishes social ties (having friends) from belonging (felt acceptance and safety). Small, designable cues—being noticed, easy participation, representation, and especially contribution—accelerate belonging. For holidays, she recommends early concrete plans, less social media comparison, and volunteering to shift from rumination to being needed.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Social connection is protective factor for health. What is the evidence for this?

Dr. Michelle Quist Ryder: The evidence is, frankly, overwhelming. Decades of research show that people with stronger social connections live longer and experience better physical and mental health across the board. Loneliness and social isolation are so dramatically associated with increased risk of early mortality that they surpass conditions that we consider to be critical, like obesity and lack of physical activity, and are on par with factors we consider to be actively harmful.  The effect size is roughly comparable to smoking 15 cigarettes a day.

What’s especially important is that this isn’t just about “having people around.” You don’t have to be alone to be lonely. The critical piece is whether we feel supported and that we belong. Social connection buffers stress, supports healthier behaviors, and reduces the chronic strain that comes from feeling unsafe or unseen. In other words: connection isn’t just sentimental; it’s physiological.

Jacobsen: Galentine’s Day is a pop-culture invention. Why do informal rituals become psychologically meaningful?

Ryder: Humans are remarkably good at turning small, invented things into meaningful ones, and those things can be immensely helpful if they meet a real need. Informal rituals foster belonging, reduce cognitive load (because we know what to expect), and create the sense that everyone is aligned in the shared positive emotions. They take an abstract feeling (“I value my friends”) and turn it into a repeated action (“we do this every year”). So not only do we have the pleasant feelings of our memories, but the warmth of expectation that we’ll do it again.

I also think it’s worth mentioning that there’s a specific element of agency to “Galentine’s Day”. Valentine’s Day is about romance, and it historically focuses primarily on whether couples are partnered, and what the male partner is planning for the female partner. And stereotypically, male partners initiate relationships. So you have a lot of people who might feel left out; those aren’t partnered, those who aren’t heterosexual, or those who are partnered with men who aren’t demonstrative for whatever reason. “Galentine’s” can feel like reclaiming. It says: we can choose to honor the relationships that sustain us, without waiting to be chosen.

Jacobsen: What is the difference between having friends and feeling belonging?

Ryder: In short, having friends is about social ties. Belonging is about a felt sense of being wanted and accepted.

Many people recognize the experience of a friend who drains more resources (mental, emotional, or physical) than they give back. Or a friend group in which you psych yourself up before an interaction; reminding yourself what you should and shouldn’t say or do. You can have plenty of friends and still feel like you don’t quite fit–especially if you feel you’re performing, editing yourself, or always doing the emotional labor. 

Belonging is different. Belonging is peace and acceptance. You don’t have to perform. You don’t have to brace. And interestingly, you don’t even have to have close friends in a space to feel a sense of belonging, as long as the environment consistently signals that people “like you” are welcome there. 

Social ties are important. Belonging is essential.

Jacobsen: What does research suggest are effective belonging cues in community spaces?

Ryder: Belonging is shaped by surprisingly small signals that answer one basic question: Is there a place for someone like me here?

Effective cues include being noticed when you arrive, having clear ways to participate without insider knowledge, and seeing people like you reflected in leadership or norms. You can also grow a sense of belonging over time in spaces that make it easy to return; to build that sense of peace and community.

One of the most powerful cues that isn’t necessarily intuitive is contribution. When people are invited to help, host, or play a role, belonging accelerates. I have a friend who feels lonely at holiday gatherings; not because her family is cold, but because they won’t let her contribute. They insist on doing everything themselves and resist when she tries to help. Even in a warm environment, being excluded from contribution can create feelings of isolation.

Being needed is a fast track to feeling like you matter; and ultimately, that is a basic human need at the core of belonging.

Jacobsen: What are evidence-aligned ways to reduce loneliness around holidays?

Ryder: Loneliness tends to spike around holidays because expectations are high, plans are often vague, and belonging is assumed. 

It’s pretty brutal.

So here are a few things that reliably help:

  1. Plan early and concretely. Choose one meaningful interaction instead of chasing the perfect day. If you suffer from social anxiety, use simple structures such as shared meals or activities. And reach out in ways that lower the cost of saying yes: “No pressure, but want to do a Facetime lunch on Thursday?” goes a long way.
  2. Step back from social media, which can amplify the illusion that everyone else is included. Instagram is famous (among researchers at least) for fostering negative emotions. Loneliness thrives on ambiguity and comparison; it shrinks when we make one real plan with one real person.
  3. Volunteer. It might sound counterintuitive, but remember that thing about being needed? Serving other people moves your emotions outside of rumination and into the real world, where they can be tied to real things, like actively making someone’s life better. Even if it’s just for a moment. And volunteer environments are dang near unparalleled for fostering a sense of belonging over time.

Jacobsen: How do identity, stigma, or marginalization alter the loneliness/belonging equation?

Ryder: Oof. There are so many layers to this.

At baseline, marginalization adds cognitive and emotional load. There’s belonging uncertainty (“Do I fit here?”), vigilance for bias, and sometimes the need to conceal parts of oneself to stay safe. All of that makes connection harder, even in a room full of people. Maybe even especially in a room full of people.

This is why inclusive design matters. When environments reduce background threat through things like norms, behavior, and accountability, people have more capacity to actually connect. Belonging isn’t just emotional; it’s structural. That structure means everything. It takes the burden off of the person walking in to search for the place in which they belong and instead highlights it straight from the outset.

Jacobsen: If a reader wanted to host a Galentine’s gathering, what design choices matter? 

Ryder: The difference between “cute” and “meaningful” is structure. Keep the group small enough that people can be seen. Create an easy arrival; music, a snack, something to do with your hands. A way to connect with people. Build in one shared activity so conversation doesn’t carry all the weight.

Invite contribution, but keep it optional. Say the belonging part out loud: “I’m really glad you’re here!”  

And if you want the belonging to last, create a next touchpoint; a group chat, a photo share, a “same time next month?”

The secret ingredient isn’t themed décor. It’s making it easy to be recognized, be safe, and to just be.

Jacobsen: From the APF perspective, where is the most promising frontier in belongingness research?

Ryder: The frontier isn’t discovering that belonging matters. We know that. Emphatically. 

The frontier is implementation: translating belonging science into everyday environments like schools, workplaces, healthcare settings, and community spaces.

That means better measurement, better design, and interventions that don’t put the burden entirely on individuals to “try harder” to connect. The most promising work treats belonging as something we can build into systems, not something people should have to earn by luck or personality. It’s inclusion. It’s recognition. It’s shared humanity. And most of all, it’s intrinsically good. For all of us.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Michelle. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How The Hunger Project’s Ghana Epicenters Reduce Child Labour Risks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/16

The Hunger Project (THP) is a global nonprofit founded in 1977 that works to sustainably end hunger and poverty by building community-led, women-centered systems for self-reliance.  THP does not provide short-term relief; rather it partners with communities to strengthen governance systems, improve agriculture and health outcomes, expand education and increase household incomes.

In Ghana, where it has operated since 1996, the organization works through its Epicenter Strategy – a model that brings clusters of villages together to coordinate services, leadership development and economic initiatives. The strategy emphasizes women’s leadership, measurable results and strong accountability systems to ensure communities sustain progress independently over time. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviewed The Hunger Project on Ghana’s Epicenter Strategy, showing how women-led governance and savings groups can block pathways from cocoa income shocks to child labour. The Supriso epicenter uses VCA workshops, literacy sensitization, and strong school–community accountability to keep children in class, supported by Free Compulsory Basic Education. A 2025 household survey reported 93% attendance among ages 4–18 and 98% primary enrolment. THP also links farmer cooperatives, “farming as a business” training, and climate-smart sanitation—mass pruning, weed control, barrier crops, and cocoa-free zones—to higher yields, resilience, and bargaining power. Evaluation tracks access, gains, behaviour change, and livelihoods.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the pathways of linking cocoa household income constraints to child labour?

The Hunger Project: Income constraints in cocoa-producing households can increase the risk of child labour. When households cannot afford hired labour, children may be drawn into farm activities such as land preparation, weeding and harvesting. Price volatility and climate variability further reduce household earnings, sometimes leading families to prioritize farm survival over schooling.

The Hunger Project-Ghana’s intervention has however supported the development of cocoa in its implementation areas, including the Supriso epicenter.  Below are some of the interventions that have prevented child labour in the Supriso epicenter.

  1. Through participation in the VCA workshops, Joyce, Racheal, and Janet developed a strong understanding of the importance of keeping their wards in school and deliberately avoiding children’s involvement in farm labour.
  2. In Supreso communities, almost all children of school-going age are enrolled and attend school, reflecting sustained community sensitization on the value of education. THP has consistently embarked on literacy and education sensitization whilst promoting responsible parenting and enhancing the relationship between schools and communities. 

III. Ghana’s Free Compulsory Basic Education policy is fully operational, particularly in rural areas, significantly reducing education-related financial barriers for cocoa households.

  1. Assembly Members actively collaborate with School Management Committees to ensure that all children of school-going age are enrolled and retained in school.

Although income constraints in cocoa households can lead to child labour these pathways are effectively blocked in the Supreso communities. The awareness creation through VCA workshops, and strong local governance structures ensure that children remain in school. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what about reduced school attendance?

The Hunger Project: Since children are no longer involved in child labour within cocoa farming households, school attendance has improved significantly. As women’s economic resilience has strengthened, they are better able to support their children’s educational needs. A 2025 household survey conducted in the Supriso Epicenter found that 93% of children aged 4–18 years are currently attending school, with particularly strong enrolment at the primary level, reaching 98%. These results reflect both improved household stability and sustained community emphasis on education.

Jacobsen: Which women-focused interventions show measurable association with improved child educational outcomes?

The Hunger Project: Women’s participation in local savings and investment programmes within their communities has increased significantly. This growth is linked to the mindset shift fostered through VCA workshops, which have provided women with a renewed sense of hope, a strong “can-do” attitude, and greater resilience.  

With increased savings and income diversification, women are better positioned to cover school fees-related expenses (uniforms, school supplies, transportation) and ensure consistent school attendance. The measurable outcomes include improved enrollment rates, higher attendance and reduced reliance on child labour.

Jacobsen: How does organizing farmers into groups change bargaining power?

The Hunger Project: Farmer organization into cooperatives or farmer-based groups strengthens collective bargaining power. Acting as a group enables farmers to negotiate better prices, reduce exploitation by middlemen and coordinate bulk sales.

Collective marketing increases price transparency and allows farmers to secure more competitive and fair market terms. Group structures also improve access to training, financial services and quality inputs.

Jacobsen: Which climate stressors contribute to yield loss?

The Hunger Project: The negative effects of climate change coupled with lack of technology among rural farmers, exposes their crops to drought, extreme heat, flooding, and erratic rainfall patterns thereby causing yield loss. These climate variabilities also create favorable conditions for pests and pathogens to thrive, thereby affecting yield.

Jacobsen: Which farm sanitation and disease management practices produce the largest reduction in disease? 

The Hunger Project: Several key practices significantly reduce cocoa disease prevalence:

  1. Mass pruning: Farmers strategically trim cocoa trees and shade canopies to improve sunlight exposure and airflow. This practice significantly reduces the spread of fungal diseases like Black Pod.
  2. Weed control: Timely weeding reduces the humidity at the base of the trees and eliminates habitats for pests and may cause diseases.

III. Barrier cropping: Planting a 10-meter barrier of non-host crops (e.g. citrus, oil palm) around new cocoa farm can reduce crop infections

  1. Leaving a 10-meter cocoa-free zone around newly planted cocoa helps prevent the “jump spread” of infected mealybugs.

When implemented consistently, these practices significantly improve crop health and yield.

Jacobsen: How are digital learning tools evaluated for impacts?

The Hunger Project: At The Hunger Project-Ghana, the core of everything we do is about transformation. When it comes to the roll out of digital learning tools, our focus goes beyond usage but by transformation. The evaluation of digital tools for impact borders on access, knowledge acquisition, behavioral change and livelihood improvement. Beyond the introduction of the digital tools, THP takes interest in how community members are using the digital facilities by tracking attendance, user registration, etc. When it comes to training community partners, we conduct pre and post training assessments aimed at measuring digital literacy and how it is impacting on agricultural knowledge and financial literacy. The expectation is that these will be demonstrated through behavioural change in the utilization of new skills like the application of improved practices, increased savings, and marketing strategies. 

The overall impact is therefore measured in increased crop yields, improved income levels, enhanced social participation of women in decision making, household resilience, etc. These are measured through surveys, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. 

Jacobsen: When ”farming as a business” training is provided, which competencies sustained income gains? 

The Hunger Project: The competencies most strongly associated with sustained income gains include:

  1. Record keeping; Farmers are trained to keep a basic record of their farm business, e.g. tracking expenditure versus income to calculate actual profit but not just measuring volume. 
  2. Financial Literacy and Savings: Establishing a saving culture through Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLA) or local banks to build capital and manage risks.

III. Value addition and branding: Farmers are taken through skills in processing eg. turning raw produce into finished products. They are also taught on how to package their products to attract more customers and increase market value. 

  1. Market Planning: Understanding pricing cycles and negotiating strategically.

These competencies strengthen farmers’ capacity to treat agriculture as a business enterprise rather than solely a subsistence activity.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Russian Orthodox ‘Holy War’ Framing and Propaganda in Ukraine: Interview With Alex Craiu

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/15

Alex Craiu is a Romanian war correspondent based in Ukraine, reporting from the frontline and rear areas for international audiences. Trained in documentary and cinematography production, he studied in the United Kingdom and in California, United States. He works as an independent, freelance journalist and has produced short-form video reporting for social platforms as well as written analysis. In 2017, he completed an internship with the BBC in London, then expanded his field reporting during Russia’s full-scale invasion. Craiu has contributed to outlets including Veridica and In-Sight Publishing, focusing on civilian life, information warfare, battlefield realities, and humanitarian consequences under fire.

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Alex Craiu how religion is mobilized in Russia’s war against Ukraine. Craiu explains that Orthodox rhetoric can sacralize the conflict as a “holy war,” linking state survival to morality, tradition, and anti-LGBT messaging, while also functioning as routine political language. He notes spillover inside Ukraine, including wartime allegations involving clergy, and describes efforts to distance Ukrainian Orthodoxy from Moscow and consolidate the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. Craiu highlights propaganda in Chernivtsi exploiting Romanian ethnicity and church legitimacy, and he observes that churches are usually damaged amid broader strikes, not uniquely targeted across rural communities.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How are religious discourse, iconography, and language used to justify continuing the aggression—or stopping it, if at all—among the various players in this war?

Alex Craiu: The Russian Orthodox Church, in some framings, presents the conflict as a holy war and as part of a state-shaping narrative. In other contexts, it functions as part of ordinary political discourse. Because Russia is at war or adjacent to a country at war, religious language is elevated, though it is not always used as direct justification. There are different frames and nuances surrounding this. In an ideal world, the church would be separated from the state and its political narratives.

Jacobsen: In the best of all possible worlds, God would have no role in the state?

Craiu: Or in its representatives. That would occur in an ideal world. We are not in such a world. In Russia, the war is often framed in sacral terms, including as a “holy war,” and justified as a defence of national existence. Cultural elements tied to religion are portrayed as values that Russia is protecting.

These include morality as expressed through Orthodoxy, “family values,” and tradition—principles that, according to the Russian narrative, Ukraine has abandoned. Russia’s anti-LGBT posture is frequently positioned in that narrative as evidence of a moral contrast, and Ukraine’s steps toward recognizing LGBT rights are cited as proof of divergence. This perceived distance from Orthodox values is used to reinforce the claim that Russia is waging a holy war.

Clerical rhetoric has also been used to justify violence, and the religious framing has had spillover effects inside Ukraine as well. For example, Ukrainian authorities reported serving a notice of suspicion to Metropolitan Arseniy, the head (abbot) of the Sviatohirsk Lavra in Donetsk Oblast, alleging he leaked the locations of Ukrainian defence checkpoints in the Kramatorsk district. This offence can carry a prison sentence if proven in court.

I am referring to a priest who was accused of espionage and of collaborating with Russian forces. This occurred in Donetsk Oblast, an area that has been strategically significant for Ukraine’s defence. Such allegations, if proven, constitute a serious offence during wartime.

We have seen Russia attempt to retain influence in Ukraine through religious structures. This has also prompted institutional changes within Ukrainian Orthodoxy, particularly efforts to distance certain communities from the traditionally Moscow-affiliated Ukrainian Orthodox Church and to consolidate support for the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, which received autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 2019. These developments have generated mixed reactions and have become targets of Russian propaganda.

One focal point has been Chernivtsi Oblast, which borders Romania. There, Russian narratives have emphasized two issues: ethnicity and religion. Propaganda has promoted the claim that Romanian minorities in the region are being discriminated against by the Ukrainian government, thereby attempting to strain Ukraine–Romania relations. In parallel, the Moscow-affiliated church structures have been portrayed as the sole legitimate representatives of the Romanian community in that region.

This framing has encouraged some to conflate the pro-Moscow church with the protection of Romanian ethnic identity. However, instrumentalizing minority communities for geopolitical messaging is not equivalent to protecting their cultural or national identity. Rather, it advances a particular state narrative.

From this perspective, religious discourse functions as a vehicle for division. On the Russian side, it serves to transmit state propaganda through local messengers, including clergy who wield influence within their communities. While each case may be local, the cumulative effect across multiple rural areas can shape broader public perception.

Jacobsen: Are churches being bombed?

Craiu: Religious buildings have been damaged or destroyed during the war, sometimes as part of broader strikes and sometimes under disputed circumstances. I have not observed evidence that churches are targeted at a significantly higher rate than residential or other civilian structures. In many documented cases, they appear to have been damaged during wider bombardment.

This has affected not only Orthodox churches but also other Christian denominations and religious sites. For example, the Transfiguration Cathedral in Odesa sustained significant damage during a Russian missile strike in July 2023. Religious buildings have been damaged since the early stages of the full-scale invasion, and such incidents continue.

The Russian Federation does not appear to prioritize the preservation of these structures’ religious or historical significance. When such buildings are not of strategic use, they may be damaged in attacks alongside other civilian infrastructure, without regard for their heritage value.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Alex.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Deborah Sweet on Nature Portfolio Quality, Peer Review, Retractions, and Reproducibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/14

Deborah Sweet, Executive Vice President for Journals at Nature Portfolio, she has a long career in high-impact scientific publishing, including leadership roles at Cell Press and experience launching and guiding major titles. She joined Springer Nature in 2022 and later moved into top-level leadership for Nature Portfolio journals, focusing on editorial excellence, trust, and the systems that keep peer review and corrections credible at global scale. Her vantage point is ideal for discussing publishing integrity, the meaning of “quality,” and how elite journals handle the pressures of prestige, speed, and scrutiny. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Deborah Sweet, Executive Vice President for Journals at Nature Portfolio, about what “high-quality” publishing means under global prestige pressure. Sweet emphasizes people and process: expert editors, methodological integrity, transparency, and stewardship of the scientific record. She notes that emerging technologies accelerate discovery but also enable new forms of abuse, including risks not yet imagined. Sweet argues that corrections and retractions should carry less stigma, because openness strengthens science’s self-correction. Evidence-backed peer-review tweaks include statistical review and some forms of open review. Reproducibility, she says, begins with methods and data and code availability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the meaning of high-quality publishing inside a top-tier portfolio?  

Deborah Sweet: In my experience, it all comes down to the people, and the interaction between our expert editorial team and researchers as they work with to bring influential research to the eyes of the world.   Our team curates and advances rigorous research through strong editorial stewardship, consistent standards of methodological integrity and transparency, and processes that actively improve the research rather than just evaluate it.  In post-publication surveys, authors frequently comment on the positive role their handling editor played in helping them to shape their paper and respond to reviewer feedback.  We have a shared commitment across our journals to uphold high standards and act as stewards of the scientific record to build trust among authors, readers, reviewers, institutions, and the general public.  Having the opportunity to do this on journals like ours is both an honor and a responsibility that I know everyone across our team works hard to live up to.   

Jacobsen: Which threats worry you most, e.g., paper mills, perverse incentives, etc.? 

Sweet: We live in an environment of rapid change, especially in the realm of technology development, and that of course impacts the research enterprise and publishing landscape as well.  Much of this change is very exciting – think about how much a tool like AlphaFold can help move research forward, for instance.  New approaches are changing the way we consume and analyze information, the way we solve problems, and even the way we learn.  But, as with many technological developments, there are negatives and downsides as well.  The very approaches that enable us to move the research and discovery process forward more quickly also enable more rapid and extensive developments of challenges that can undermine it.  The threats that worry me most are the ones we haven’t yet thought of, because that means we aren’t prepared for them or taking preventative action.  But I also have a lot of confidence in the research community and our desire to be a positive force in global society, and then in turn in our role as publishers in helping to support and facilitate that.  I also think that even with the abundance of new tools, the value of carefully reviewed and curated information will remain strong, because we will all still need resources we can trust.  I try to keep my focus in that direction – what we can do to move forward and make a positive difference – rather than on negatives that could hold us back.  

Jacobsen: How should non-experts think appropriately about retractions and corrections as part of science’s self-correction mechanism? 

Sweet: There is a lot of stigma associated with post-publication corrections and retractions, far more than I think there ought to be.  Corrections and retractions can happen for a wide range of reasons, and if we can encourage a culture of being open about correcting errors when they occur, we will improve the robustness and value of the scientific record.  Science is by its very nature a self-correcting process, and while most of that self-correction comes through further studies and adjustment of conclusions with additional data, if information comes to light showing that a previous analysis or conclusion was misleading, we all benefit if that is pointed out not pushed aside.  I do need to acknowledge that there are of course some situations where a retraction is based on active deception or misconduct, and those cases are very unfortunate.  But, if we could do more to spread the view that a correction or retraction is not necessarily a blot on an author’s or a journal’s record, and can even be a mark of integrity, I hope we’d be able to encourage self-correction even more.   

Jacobsen: What reforms to peer review have real evidence behind them? 

Sweet: It’s difficult to do meaningful, controlled, studies of interventions in peer review.  The value and impact of a given intervention or change in approach can also vary depending on the topic area of the paper and the type of journal that is conducting the peer review.  Some that have yielded measurable improvements include adding an expert statistical reviewer, which is common in some subject areas such as medicine, and conducting open peer review (i.e. revealing reviewer names), which some journals do routinely but can lead to concerns from reviewers about negative repercussions of a critical review.  Even double-anonymous peer review, while supported by some studies as reducing some forms of bias, doesn’t have robust indications of improvements in outcomes or reduction in other forms of bias (see this paper for more information).  

If you’d like to know more about this topic, there’s a meta-analysis paper published in BMC Medicine (link here) that looks at 22 different intervention tests and discusses which of them led to measurable improvement in peer review, and another in JAHA that does a related analysis of reviewer-oriented interventions which found some improvements, although often at the expense of speed.  

In my experience, some of the greatest value is at an editorial level in choosing appropriate reviewers who can comment on the various different aspects of a paper with the level of expertise needed, and then also in editorial synthesis to interpret the reviews and work with the authors towards their final publication.     

Jacobsen: How do you balance novelty with robustness? 

Sweet: I don’t think of novelty and robustness as opposing forces that we need to balance or trade off; they are both important.  In fact, we need them to go together.  Our editors and reviewers work hard to ensure that the papers we publish have data and analyses that support the conclusions being presented strongly enough for us to accept them for publication.  Of course, for a new observation or conclusion being reported for the first time, there aren’t at that time other studies that make the same point, and sometimes for pioneering work that breaks new ground it’s not possible to control for every possible alternative explanation.  That backup comes over time as other researchers build on and extend the work.  In the end, what matters most is that when we publish a new finding, readers can trust that it has a solid and rigorous foundation that the research community can build on to take it forward.     

Jacobsen: What role should journals play in reproducibility? 

Sweet: In the fields I am most familiar with (biomedical science), and across many others as well, the biggest key to ensuring reproducibility of results is detailed and accurate reporting of research methods.  Researchers have increasingly come to appreciate that even minor variations in equipment, reagents, or methodological approach can make a significant difference to experimental outcomes.  This is why the Nature Portfolio journals pioneered the use of detailed and comprehensive reporting checklists for research articles, including making use of external standard guidelines such as CONSORT (for clinical trials) and PRISMA (for systematic reviews and meta-analyses) where they are available.  We also require authors to make clear statements about the availability of data and code, again to support reproducibility and onward studies.  Although ensuring that these steps are complete can involve significant work for both authors and our editorial team, we believe that by taking this rigorous approach to transparent reporting we are making an important contribution to the reproducibility and integrity of the research record overall.  We have also supported replication studies, for example in this pioneering project related to work published in Nature Human Behaviour, and journals across our portfolio, including Nature itself, explicitly welcome consideration of replication studies.  In addition, transparent peer review, which is increasingly being adopted across our journal portfolio, can further help because it allows readers to see what questions reviewers raised about the paper and how the authors answered them, giving additional perspective and insight.  

Jacobsen: How is Nature Portfolio approaching open access transitions institutionally? 

Sweet: Our overall goal is to offer options for our authors and our institutional customers so we can work with them to find an approach that meets their needs, and then also support the needs and goals of the research community as those continue to evolve.  Across our portfolio, we have a number of fully open access journals, with different subject coverages and publication goals, which authors can choose between.  In addition, Nature and the Nature Research Journals follow a hybrid model, in which authors can choose to publish open access if they wish to.   We are also seeing growing interest in transformative agreements for the hybrid journals in our portfolio.  These combine support for open access publishing for an institution’s authors with read access to the portion of the content that is not published open access.  I would encourage any institutions that are interested in this type of approach to discuss it with relevant representatives from our team and explore options.   

Jacobsen: During high-attention moments, how do you prevent prestige narratives from distorting understanding of science? 

Sweet: These types of situations can be challenging, especially if the narrative has strayed away from points that have evidence-based support.  In my view, our best approach is to shift the focus back to evidence, transparency, and clarity about methods, and use clear explanations about what the data and evidence do and do not show.  At Nature Portfolio, we can also point to our editorial independence, and our focus on upholding rigor in all that we choose to publish in our journals.  Our press team also plays an active role in communication about important new advances that we publish to the broader world.  They focus strongly on making sure that research is presented in an engaging and accurate way, to help the public appreciate its significance and meaning.  I view supporting communication about research advances to the wider public as an important part of our role as a publisher.   We have a strong platform, which we can use to help share accurate, evidence-based information in a way that helps build public trust and can counterbalance any potential distortions that may occur. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Debbie. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ukraine vs Russia Foreign Fighters: Mercenary Law and Predatory Recruitment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/13

Dr. Dmytro Koval is an international law scholar and practitioner. He serves as Co-Executive Director and Legal Director at Truth Hounds, a rights organization that documents and investigates crimes. Koval is an Associate Professor of International and European Law at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy and sits on the International Advisory Council of Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office. He has held research fellowships at Stanford University, CEU, Jagiellonian University, and the Academy of Sciences.

Denys Sultanhaliiev is a Senior Researcher at Truth Hounds, the rights NGO that documents and investigates war crimes and other crimes. His work focuses on building evidence-based reports, interviewing witnesses and prisoners of war, and translating field findings into legal analysis for accountability efforts. At Truth Hounds, he has contributed to research on Russian practices, including occupation-related abuses and conflict-linked violations, and regularly briefs audiences on investigative methods and findings in Ukraine.

In this discussion, Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Dr. Dmytro Koval and Denys Sultanhaliiev of Truth Hounds, with Roman Koval noted for research oversight. Koval explains that international law defines “mercenary” narrowly, so many foreign fighters fail the cumulative test. He contrasts Ukraine’s enlistment, framed as self-defence under UN Charter Article 51, with Russia’s widely characterized aggression. Sultanhaliiev describes Russia’s “predatory recruitment”: exploiting migrants in Russia, coercion via police pressure, and overseas intermediaries who mislead recruits about civilian jobs. Incentives fluctuate regionally, while trafficking cases remain under investigation. They also flag drone factory recruitment of vulnerable women in practice.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: People understand that in wars, individuals with prior military training or combat experience sometimes join foreign armed forces. In Ukraine’s case, the full-scale phase has now lasted nearly four years, and the broader conflict has continued since 2014.

For those who volunteer and join the Ukrainian Armed Forces, how does that context differ from the Russian case, in which individuals from countries such as Kenya, South Africa, India, or North Korea are recruited or sent to fight on the aggressor side?

Dr. Dmytro Koval: Recruitment by foreign armed forces is not unusual in human history. Foreign nationals have long fought for causes beyond their own national communities. This has continued even after the development of international legal rules aimed at limiting mercenarism.

Under international law, “mercenary” is defined narrowly. The criteria used in key instruments—such as Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions (Article 47) and the UN Mercenary Convention—focus on factors including whether a person was specially recruited to fight, takes direct part in hostilities, is motivated essentially by private gain and promised material compensation substantially in excess of that paid to comparable members of the armed forces, is neither a national nor resident of a party to the conflict, is not a member of that party’s armed forces, and is not sent by another state on official duty.

Because the definition is cumulative and restrictive, many foreign fighters—whether on the Ukrainian or Russian side—do not meet the legal criteria for “mercenary,” even when that label is used in public discourse.

There are, however, significant differences in how Russia and Ukraine recruit foreign fighters. The primary distinction concerns the side for which they fight: a state exercising self-defence in response to an armed attack, or a state widely described by international bodies and legal experts as engaging in an unlawful use of force.

Ukraine is acting in self-defence, relying on the UN Charter framework, including the inherent right of self-defence under Article 51.

Jacobsen: Since 2014, the UN General Assembly has adopted multiple resolutions affirming Ukraine’s territorial integrity and addressing the status of occupied territories.

Koval: Russia, by contrast, is widely described in international legal analysis and by numerous international bodies as waging a war of aggression or committing an act of aggression.

The UN Security Council has not adopted a resolution formally determining aggression in this case, largely because Russia, as a permanent member, can veto such action. International courts and tribunals can address associated violations—such as war crimes and crimes against humanity—but the crime of aggression has jurisdictional constraints that often depend on Security Council referral or state consent.

Nevertheless, many international resolutions and expert legal assessments characterize Russia’s conduct as aggression. Participation on Russia’s side may therefore be understood, depending on the circumstances, as contributing to an internationally wrongful use of force.

Participation in the war on Ukraine’s side is framed as an effort to restrain violations of international law through a lawful response to aggression—namely, self-defence. That is a core difference between the causes for which Ukraine recruits and those for which Russia recruits.

Another significant difference concerns the recruitment process itself. We have not seen reports of the Ukrainian state recruiting foreigners through coercion or systematic deception. There may be misunderstandings or unmet expectations, but these differ substantially from the practices attributed to Russia.

In contrast, Russia’s recruitment practices, in some documented cases, appear to approach or cross into conduct resembling human trafficking. Recruitment has reportedly been conducted through intermediaries or brokers operating abroad. Some foreign nationals were allegedly promised civilian employment in Russia unrelated to military service. Upon arrival, they reportedly signed contracts with the Russian armed forces that were not translated into their native languages, and some were then sent to training centers or deployed to the front.

Such practices raise serious legal concerns and differ from transparent, voluntary recruitment. We are also studying differences in how foreign recruits are treated. At this stage, we cannot draw firm conclusions. However, media reports and some testimonies from family members and individuals who were recruited into the Russian army suggest instances of mistreatment.

The available information does not yet allow for a consolidated conclusion about the overall nature of Russian practices. We have heard significantly fewer allegations of mistreatment concerning foreign volunteers on the Ukrainian side, and we have not seen credible evidence indicating systematic racial discrimination or comparable abuse within Ukrainian forces.

These differences may prove significant, but our research is ongoing, and we are not prepared to present conclusions.

That is all I can add for now. We have conducted interviews with foreign prisoners of war who fought in the Russian army.

Jacobsen: The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights reported in 2022–2023 that it interviewed several hundred prisoners of war. Approximately half of the Russian POWs interviewed reported torture or ill-treatment. That was one area of symmetry in the early phase of the full-scale invasion.

However, there was an important distinction. Ill-treatment of Ukrainian POWs reportedly occurred primarily during detention by Russian authorities. In contrast, reported ill-treatment of Russian POWs by Ukrainian forces occurred more frequently during capture, transit, or initial processing, and was reportedly reduced once detainees reached official detention facilities. That difference may suggest variation in patterns of responsibility, though the UN’s reporting does not necessarily establish definitive conclusions about systemic intent.

Regarding allegations of racial or other discrimination, I will treat that as a tentative area of inquiry rather than a settled conclusion. I recently interviewed a Ukrainian press officer about diversity within the armed forces. Ukraine has mobilized women extensively, and women serve in significant numbers within the military.

Koval: I would not characterize the presence of women in Ukraine’s armed forces primarily in demographic or tactical terms. A more accurate explanation concerns social dynamics. Ukrainian society is generally less restrictive about gender roles than Russian society. Levels of gender equality in Ukraine are comparatively higher.

In Russia, certain sectors—including the military—retain more traditional and exclusionary norms in “toxic masculinity,” and the presence of women in those spheres is often viewed as inappropriate. In Ukraine, the situation is different. The participation of women reflects broader social equality rather than purely strategic necessity.

Jacobsen: On the Ukrainian side, there is mobilization and voluntary foreign enlistment. There is no mercenary army, and there is no evidence of systematic coercive schemes to recruit foreigners.

On the Russian side, there has been the Wagner Group. There have also been reports of deception and coercion involving individuals from countries such as South Africa, India, Kenya, and others. A third category involves allied authoritarian regimes, such as North Korea, sending troops under state direction.

So the Russian side appears more complex—private military actors, coercion, deception, and state-aligned deployments—whereas the Ukrainian side consists primarily of mobilization and voluntary foreign fighters.

Jacobsen: So the individuals carrying out these schemes have official positions within the Russian military structure? Or are they affiliated with governmental actors?

Sultanhaliiev: There appear to be several different recruitment schemes operating in different contexts.

One distinction concerns recruitment within Russia itself, targeting migrants who are already living or working there, as well as international students residing in the country. In many of these cases, recruitment appears formally voluntary. However, it involves the exploitation of vulnerability, particularly of migrants who are unable to extend their visas and do not view returning home as a viable option.

For some, signing a contract with the Russian armed forces becomes the most practical way to regularize their status. This dynamic may be described as “predatory recruitment,” because it relies on structural vulnerability. At the same time, the Russian government has sought to avoid large-scale domestic mobilization, creating demand for individuals who will enlist “voluntarily.”

The combination of state demand and migrant precarity creates conditions in which such decisions are framed as voluntary, even though they are shaped by constraint.

Nevertheless, we have also encountered cases that appear to involve direct coercion.

One category involves individuals already living in Russia—migrants or foreign students. We encountered such cases while interviewing individuals who had joined the Russian army and are now in Ukrainian captivity.

In some instances, there appears to have been direct coercion. For example, there are accounts of Russian police detaining foreign nationals over documentation issues and pressuring them into signing military contracts. In one case we examined, the individual was a student from North Africa, from a stable middle-class background, sent by his family to pursue a degree in Russia. He was not socially or economically marginalized. However, a combination of visa vulnerability, language barriers, and alleged police violence resulted in him signing a contract with the Russian army.

This constitutes the first category: recruitment targeting migrants and foreign residents already inside Russia.

The second category involves recruiting individuals from abroad. We have identified significant numbers from countries such as Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Cuba. You mentioned North Korea, but we would treat that separately. North Korean troops are deployed under the authority of the North Korean state and serve as members of the North Korean armed forces, even if operating in coordination with Russia. They are not contract soldiers within the Russian military structure. That situation should be analyzed as North Korea’s participation in the war, not as foreign mercenaries or coerced recruitment into the Russian army.

Jacobsen: Do we have estimates of how many individuals have been recruited through these predatory mechanisms?

Sultanhaliiev: The Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War reports that over 18,000 foreign nationals have already been recruited into Russia’s army in the war against Ukraine, as of December 2025. Available estimates suggest that recruits from Cuba, Nepal, and Sri Lanka number in the thousands. For other countries, the numbers appear lower, likely in the hundreds. These figures are approximate and should be treated as estimates rather than exact counts.

In comparing Russian and Ukrainian recruitment models, we must note that our research has not examined Ukrainian recruitment mechanisms in the same depth. However, available information suggests that the number of foreign volunteers serving in the Ukrainian military is significantly lower. Publicly available data also indicate that financial incentives—particularly signing bonuses—are substantially higher in the Russian armed forces than in the Ukrainian military. Our research on these differences is ongoing.

Jacobsen: What are the signing bonuses? And how long do the contracts last?

Sultanhaliiev: That is a complex question. The standard advertised rate across our data transcripts is around 200,000 rubles (~$2,000/month), appearing consistently in recruitment flyers, Sinhala-language leaflets, contract documentation, and verbal briefings upon arrival. Based on interviews with foreign nationals currently in Ukrainian captivity, the promised amounts vary widely. The highest figure we heard was 1.9 million rubles, though that was a promised amount rather than a confirmed payment. More commonly, figures mentioned were around 500,000 rubles as a signing bonus. Signing bonus: The range runs from ~150,000–200,000 rubles (~$1,600–2,000) up to 1,900,000 rubles (~$19,000). The lower tier appears to be the more standard figure in earlier or lower-tier recruitment contexts.

There is no single standard amount in the Russian system. Payments depend heavily on the region where the contract is signed. The structure typically includes several components: a regional payment from the governor’s office, a federal payment, and additional bonuses from local administrations. These figures change frequently and are influenced by local budgets. Wealthier regions, such as Moscow or Saint Petersburg, tend to offer higher bonuses than less affluent regions.

Jacobsen: Given that the full-scale invasion has continued for nearly four years, the economy is under strain. Are there observable trends in reduced promised or actual payments?

Sultanhaliiev: Over the past six months, there have been fluctuations. This observation is based on broader public data and personal review rather than formal organizational findings.

The pattern is cyclical: bonuses decrease, then increase again. The difficulty lies in interpretation. A decrease in payments could suggest budgetary pressure. When payments increase, it could indicate recruitment shortfalls requiring higher incentives.

It is unclear whether declining amounts reflect economic strain or whether rising amounts signal difficulty attracting sufficient recruits. Ukrainian military analysts offer differing interpretations. What can be stated with confidence is that recruitment incentives in Russia are dynamic and responsive to evolving workforce needs.

If the Russian state budget contracts, financial incentives for enlistment would likely decline, affecting both Russian citizens and foreign recruits. In our research on foreign motivations, we encountered some cases of direct coercion or deception. However, in most of the cases we examined, financial motivation was central.

These motivations are often tied to economic vulnerability. Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Cuba are examples frequently cited in this context. When assessing motivation, it is important to recognize that decisions may reflect a combination of economic pressure and misleading promises.

A common pattern involves assurances that recruits would serve in engineering or construction units in occupied territories rather than in direct combat roles. We have not personally interviewed individuals whose promise was fulfilled. However, our interview pool consists of individuals who ended up in captivity, which generally requires frontline deployment. Given current Russian military tactics and sustained personnel losses, demand for the workforce appears high. There have been public reports suggesting that, at certain points, Russian casualties exceeded recruitment numbers. While the methodology behind those calculations is debated, the broader assumption is that recruitment pressure remains significant.

Jacobsen: We were discussing potential human trafficking mechanisms related to recruitment into the Russian armed forces. Military-related human trafficking differs from more widely recognized forms, such as sexual exploitation. Could you explain how these recruitment schemes function?

Sultanhaliiev: One of the most complex questions concerns intermediaries. In several countries, including South Africa, individuals with significant local influence have been linked to recruitment efforts.

Our research indicates that information about recruitment opportunities spreads through multiple channels within the societies from which foreign fighters originate. One channel involves commercial intermediaries based in those countries. Before increased legal scrutiny, such activity was not always treated as a serious offence by local authorities because it was framed as facilitating voluntary employment abroad.

Some intermediaries appear to have received compensation from Russian actors for facilitating recruitment. In addition, there are documented cases in both Africa and Southeast Asia in which recruits paid substantial sums—sometimes thousands of U.S. dollars—to intermediaries to secure what they believed to be legitimate employment in Russia.

Jacobsen: Which countries in Africa and Southeast Asia are we discussing?

Sultanhaliiev: In Southeast Asia, we have worked with cases involving Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. In each of these countries, there were instances in which individuals believed they were travelling voluntarily to Russia for work, only to later be recruited into military service.

In several cases, individuals who believed they were travelling for civilian work paid intermediaries to organize logistics. Travel was often arranged indirectly, for example, through transit countries in West Asia and the Middle East. 

In Africa, we have documented cases involving Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Ghana. These are the countries we have directly worked with, though there may be isolated cases in other African states as well.

There are also important legal considerations. One framework is forced labour. However, international law contains exemptions for military service, meaning that military recruitment does not automatically qualify as forced labour under conventional definitions.

Jacobsen: One clarification. From what you describe, there appear to be few or no documented cases of women or children being coerced into direct military recruitment. Most cases involve adult men from African and Southeast Asian countries.

Sultanhaliiev: Based on what we have seen, recruitment into combat roles primarily involves adult men, reflecting the structure of military demand.

However, there is a separate and widely reported case involving the Alabuga Special Economic Zone. In that situation, women from African countries, including South Sudan, were recruited for employment in Russia and later found themselves working in facilities producing Shahed-type drones used by Russian forces. These facilities manufacture large numbers of unmanned aerial systems annually.

Regardless of legal framing, such facilities are connected to military production and may be targeted in wartime. Recruiting foreign women into that industrial context places them at significant risk. We do not have clear evidence regarding how fully they were informed about the nature of the work before arrival.

From our interviews with men recruited into the Russian army, misinformation or inadequate information appears in nearly all cases. Even when individuals travelled voluntarily, they frequently reported that contracts were not translated, instructions were not explained, and key details were withheld. In many cases, there was either active deception or a failure to provide basic, understandable information.

Jacobsen: When individuals who were coerced later realize that they were coerced, what emotions or reflections emerge in interviews?

Sultanhaliiev: Reactions vary. It is important to understand the context: many of these individuals are now in Ukrainian captivity and face an uncertain future. Russia has not consistently included foreign recruits in prisoner exchanges, so some have remained in captivity for extended periods. This creates an extremely difficult psychological environment.

Emotional responses differ. Some express anger at intermediaries or authorities who misled them. Others focus on regret, particularly regarding the financial decisions that brought them into the situation. Some describe confusion—believing they made a voluntary choice, only later recognizing the extent of misinformation or coercion involved.

Their reflections are shaped not only by the recruitment experience but also by prolonged detention and uncertainty about repatriation.

We are not aware of cases in which the home countries of these detainees have actively pursued diplomatic arrangements with Ukraine to secure their return. For now, many of these individuals remain in Ukrainian captivity, and their future remains uncertain.

Emotionally, reactions vary. Some detainees appear to have difficulty accepting that they were deliberately coerced. They tend to believe that Russia, as a major state actor, would not intentionally engage in deceptive or unlawful recruitment practices. Some interpret their situation as the result of bureaucratic error rather than intentional misconduct. A few have even expressed a desire to return to Russia to seek unpaid wages or pursue legal action.

Jacobsen: Has there been any documented case of someone returning and receiving compensation?

Sultanhaliiev: We are not aware of such cases among those we have interviewed, as they remain in Ukrainian captivity. Two individuals with Kazakh citizenship were exchanged, but they also held Russian citizenship and were exchanged as Russian nationals. We did not have the opportunity to interview them before the exchange. In at least one of those cases, the individual reportedly returned to frontline service shortly after being exchanged. This suggests that repatriation to Russia can carry significant risks, particularly while hostilities continue.

Regarding the human trafficking dimension, several possible legal frameworks could be used to assess these cases. Human trafficking is one of the more promising frameworks because it can encompass recruitment for military exploitation under certain conditions. Some of the cases we have examined closely resemble trafficking under international legal definitions.

However, it would be inaccurate to classify all Russian recruitment of foreigners as human trafficking. Many individuals appear to have joined voluntarily, motivated primarily by financial incentives. The challenge lies in distinguishing voluntary enlistment shaped by economic hardship from coercion or deception that crosses into criminal conduct.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Denys and Dmytro.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

David M. Ewalt on Scientific American’s Non-Negotiables for Science Journalism in the AI Era

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/12

David M. Ewalt, Editor-in-Chief of Scientific American since June 2025, he is a veteran technology and science journalist with experience across major newsrooms and digital outlets. His background includes senior editorial roles at Reuters, Forbes, and Gizmodo, and he is also the author of books on virtual reality and on Dungeons & Dragons culture. His remit now spans print, digital, and product lines—shaping what “authoritative” science journalism looks like during rapid AI and platform change. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews David M. Ewalt, Editor-in-Chief of Scientific American, on defending scientific rigor in a platform-and-AI era. Ewalt says quality science journalism is accurate, clear, and true, with conclusions anchored in observation and evidence. He argues controversy alone is not coverage-worthy, rejecting “flat Earth” false balance. On uncertainty, he wants readers told what is unknown while not inflating vanishingly small doubts. He notes Scientific American follows Springer Nature’s AI rules: human oversight and disclosure. Ewalt promotes a corrections culture as scientific-method integrity, and aims to keep Scientific American authoritative, trusted, accessible, and pro–evidence-based innovation for scientists and readers.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are your non-negotiables for quality science journalism?

David M. Ewalt: Science journalism must be accurate, clear, and true. A journalist has to minimize bias and make conclusions based on observation and evidence, just like a scientist does.

At its core, it’s about translating scientific research into stories that educate and inform, but a science story doesn’t have to be about science itself — it can bring those tools to a story about anything, and help explain the way the world works.

Jacobsen: How do you decide which scientific controversies deserve oxygen?

Ewalt: All journalists consider a set of core news values when they’re evaluating stories, including things like timeliness, prominence and novelty. Conflict can be an important element of newsworthiness, but controversy alone isn’t usually enough. I understand some people might disagree with the fact that the Earth is round, but that conflict doesn’t make their arguments worth covering.

Jacobsen: What is your approach to uncertainty to communicate uncertainty levels without losing readers?

Ewalt: Good science journalism must always be clear when there’s uncertainty about a result. Just because one study says something doesn’t mean it’s fact or law; we need to make sure our readers understand that.

That said, a reasonable conclusion doesn’t require 100% certainty, and if scientists are 99.9% sure about something, I’m not doing my readers any favors if I waste a lot of time talking about the unlikely tenth of a percent.

Jacobsen: How do you handle conflicts between public interest and institutional pushback?

Ewalt: I’m not sure I understand this question. I can say that public interest is at the core of all good journalism; public interest should always come first.

Jacobsen: AI is changing language and publishing. What is the policy regarding AI-assisted writing, fact-checking, etc.? 

Ewalt: Scientific American abides by the AI policies put forth by our parent company Springer Nature, which include always maintaining human oversight of AI tools, and disclosing its use. We are very careful about when and where we use AI and we always tell our readers how and why we used it.

We’re excited about the potential that AI tools have for improving journalism, but want to move carefully and in full view of our readers.

Jacobsen: How do you build an editorial culture rewarding corrections and humility?

Ewalt: I like to remind our journalists that the scientific method relies on making mistakes. The key is to examine and learn from them. And having the integrity to admit a mistake helps build trust!

Jacobsen: What do you want Scientific American to represent by the end of your tenure?

Ewalt: I want it to represent the same thing it has for 180 years: authoritative, trusted, accessible journalism. I want it to be a voice for science and the people who practice science. I want it to advocate for innovation and evidence-based thinking.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, David. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 37: Saudi Enrichment, IEEPA Tariffs, and Indonesia NickelThe Good Men Project

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/11

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses Irina Tsukerman on three leverage contests: a proposed U.S.–Saudi civilian nuclear deal that may allow domestic uranium enrichment; U.S. sanctions and Kremlin rhetoric around Cuba; and Indonesia’s tightening grip on nickel. Tsukerman argues enrichment is dual-use but manageable with strict U.S./IAEA safeguards, and warns Saudi Arabia could otherwise turn to China or Pakistan. She calls Iran’s advanced program the immediate proliferation risk. On Cuba, she predicts “Venezuela-style” cosmetic change and renewed Chinese influence. They also discuss the Supreme Court’s Feb. 20, 2026 ruling that IEEPA cannot authorize broad tariffs, complicating refunds, future credibility, and trade deals.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A significant point—though it appears as a minor detail on the AP News page—is that Saudi Arabia could be allowed some form of domestic uranium enrichment under a proposed civilian nuclear deal with the United States, according to congressional documents and nonproliferation experts.

That raises proliferation concerns in the context of U.S.–Iran tensions. For context, Saudi Arabia is a predominantly Sunni state, while Iran is predominantly Shia, and the two have long been geopolitical rivals. A Saudi enrichment capability would not automatically mean Iran receives enrichment, but it could intensify regional threat perceptions and hedging behavior.

This proposed U.S.–Saudi nuclear arrangement is distinct from negotiations with Iran, but it could still affect Iran’s calculus indirectly. Separately, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed a Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement on September 17, 2025. Some analysts linked the timing to the regional volatility that followed Israel’s September 2025 strike in Doha, Qatar, which reportedly targeted Hamas political leadership and drew international criticism as an escalation.

With that background, what are your thoughts on a U.S.–Saudi deal that could permit enrichment, the possible second-order effects on Iran’s nuclear posture, and the broader regional signaling?

Irina Tsukerman: I think the issue is often framed imprecisely. Saudi Arabia has sought a civilian nuclear program for years, and U.S.–Saudi nuclear talks have spanned multiple administrations.

Saudi leaders have also publicly suggested that if Iran were to obtain a nuclear weapon, Saudi Arabia would seek to match that capability. That does not prove intent in any specific deal, but it is part of the strategic backdrop that makes enrichment provisions sensitive.

A civilian nuclear program does not automatically translate into a weapons program. The proliferation concern is that enrichment is a dual-use capability: it can support civilian fuel supply, but it also reduces the technical distance to weapons-grade material if a state later chooses to cross that line. For comparison, the UAE’s U.S. nuclear agreement is often described as a “gold standard” because it forswore enrichment and reprocessing.

A slow, monitored pathway—with stringent safeguards, robust verification, and meaningful U.S. and IAEA oversight—is generally preferable to scenarios in which Saudi Arabia turns to alternative suppliers with fewer constraints. The tradeoff is that the United States would need to be deeply engaged in monitoring and enforcement, rather than treating the deal primarily as an export or industrial opportunity.

Without U.S. backing, Saudi Arabia will turn to other, far less West-friendly players to advance its objectives. Is it possible that, down the road, Saudi Arabia will pursue a nuclear weapon, even if Iran is ultimately disrupted? Anything is possible. India and Pakistan surprised the world in the past. There are also periodic allegations about undeclared testing by other powers. Surprises occur. However, there is a balanced way to handle this policy without giving rise to anti-Saudi hysteria on the one hand, while ensuring that a nuclear race does not turn deadly in the Middle East on the other.

That said, the more immediate concern is not a nascent Saudi process but the far more advanced Iranian program. At present, there is no clear solution—short of regime change—for permanently reversing that ambition. Even if the United States were to significantly degrade Iran’s program through sustained strikes, the technical knowledge and the regime’s intent would remain. Those factors make a return to nuclear development likely when circumstances permit. There is also no guarantee that elements of the program are not being supported externally, potentially by actors beyond U.S. oversight.

Jacobsen: There is ongoing geopolitical complexity, including what some in North America describe as a “bromance” between Trump and Putin. Such relationships tend to fluctuate. President Putin has condemned U.S. sanctions against Cuba. This criticism appears within a broader alignment of interests between the Trump administration and the Kremlin. What are your thoughts on U.S. sanctions against Cuba, and on President Putin’s response? Do gestures of rhetorical support toward smaller states meaningfully affect broader geopolitical trends?

Tsukerman: Any regime change in Cuba would likely resemble the cynical process that occurred in Venezuela. There, an unpopular and ineffective figurehead was removed under the banner of accountability, yet the underlying power structure remained intact. In Venezuela, Vice President Delcy Rodríguez retained authority and continuity of policy under the Maduro regime.

Venezuela has since opened portions of its economy to American and Western business interests. That has benefited the economy in macroeconomic terms but has not necessarily improved conditions for ordinary citizens. If the regime structure remains unchanged, financial inflows may strengthen the leadership and undermine the intended impact of sanctions, which had significantly weakened Venezuela in recent years.

While access to oil and gas may provide economic incentives for engagement, such arrangements carry risks for financial institutions, particularly if sanctions frameworks remain partially in place.

There’s a borderline violation of U.S. policy at the moment. And second, the U.S. could end up empowering people far worse than Maduro himself and far more dangerous. Because of Trump’s predilection for strongmen and skepticism about democratic elections, he may want to remain in control of similar processes in Cuba. The only way to do that is to either cut a deal with the existing regime or replace a figurehead with someone willing to play ball while leaving everything else unchanged. The biggest danger now is that Venezuela has not dismantled any of its intelligence infrastructure; it remains highly dependent on Cuba and still owes significant debt to China. It could be only a matter of time before China decides to reassert itself—not necessarily in a way confrontational to the U.S., but in a way that allows it to reap the benefits of a long-standing relationship. This anti-China disruption may be temporary and renegotiable if China comes to Trump with a deal that looks good from his perspective, including any personal cut he might expect. In that case, he could be amenable to allowing Beijing back into influence in Venezuela, Panama, and other countries he wants under a pro-Western direction.

Jacobsen: On another front, the U.S. Supreme Court has delivered a major ruling on tariffs that will directly impact geopolitics and global finance. In Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump, the Court held that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) does not authorize the president to unilaterally impose broad tariffs—an authority that only Congress holds. This decision, released on February 20 2026, effectively ruled that many of former President Trump’s sweeping emergency-based global tariffs were illegal because they exceeded executive power.

The ruling means that tariffs imposed under IEEPA lack a legal foundation, and it immediately halted the government’s ability to collect those duties. It also opens the door for companies and states to seek refunds on billions of dollars already collected, although the process for refunding those revenues remains legally uncertain. Reuters estimates that over $175 billion in tariff revenue could be at risk for potential refunds.

Tuskerman: Legally, the Supreme Court reaffirmed a core constitutional principle: the power to levy taxes and duties resides with Congress, and the executive branch cannot sidestep that by unilaterally invoking emergency law. Tariffs are treated as a form of tax, and the Court emphasized that Congress cannot delegate its constitutional taxing power without explicit statutory authority—something the IEEPA does not provide.

In response, the administration has already moved to replace those struck-down tariffs with a new 15 percent global levy under a different statutory authority (the Trade Act of 1974), which has more limited scope and duration and requires congressional involvement for extensions.

The ruling has unsettled global markets, prompted diplomatic criticism from trading partners like China and the European Union, and raised questions about U.S. trade credibility because of the abrupt legal shift and the uncertainty around refunds and future tariff stability. 

The ruling essentially restores taxation powers fully to Congress. Its implications may extend beyond tariffs to other taxation-related issues. For present purposes, it means that any tariffs imposed by the president must go through Congress. Yet an executive order was announced establishing a global 10 percent tariff without congressional approval.

Second, the money already collected should, in theory, be addressed by Congress. Refunds or redistribution to affected taxpayers may be warranted. However, that will be complicated. Some entities that paid those duties have since gone out of business and no longer exist as legal claimants. It remains unclear how Congress will handle that situation. Ideally, the funds would be used in a manner consistent with constitutional authority rather than redirected toward questionable executive initiatives.

The largest unresolved question concerns trade agreements negotiated using tariff escalation as leverage. If the tariffs that created the leverage were unconstitutional, are the resulting deals undermined? Does the system revert to the pre-tariff status quo? If a new tariff is imposed by executive order without congressional authorization, it would raise the same constitutional defect. Litigation is likely.

In theory, prior arrangements should revert to their original baseline. In practice, the situation is complex. Political, commercial, and investment decisions have already been made based on those recalibrations. It is uncertain whether all of that is reversible.

Jacobsen: Another issue, niche but geopolitically significant, concerns Indonesia’s nickel policy. As the United States and China compete for critical minerals—rare earths, advanced AI chips, compute capacity, and energy inputs—Indonesia has consolidated control over its nickel resources. Nickel is central to electric vehicle batteries, defense technologies, and aspects of the green energy transition.

Indonesia accounts for roughly 60 percent of global nickel production as of 2024, up from approximately 31.5 percent in 2020. Former President Joko Widodo banned the export of raw nickel ore to ensure domestic processing and industrialization. Nickel must now remain in Indonesia for refining and value-added production, particularly to support a homegrown electric vehicle sector.

What does this signal? What are the implications for the United States and China?

Tsukerman: Indonesia is positioning itself as a strategic kingmaker in the global race for critical minerals. With both Washington and Beijing seeking secure supply chains for energy, AI, defense, and green industries, Indonesia holds significant leverage.

By restricting exports and requiring domestic processing, Indonesia increases its bargaining power. The move may be industrial policy rather than pure resource nationalism. It could also be a negotiating strategy: restrict supply, assess offers, and extract maximum advantage from competing powers.

The only effective way to test market leverage at that scale is precisely what Indonesia has done—halt unrestricted exports and wait to see which partners are willing to provide the most favorable terms.

The offers Indonesia is seeking may be more complex than a simple exchange of money for exports. For example, Indonesia has positioned itself as a potential contributor to stabilization efforts in Gaza, reportedly pledging up to 8,000 personnel for a peacekeeping or stabilization role. Indonesia is the most populous Muslim-majority country in the world, so such a deployment is within its demographic capacity. Questions remain regarding language, training, and operational coordination, but politically it signals willingness to take a visible role in Middle Eastern diplomacy.

From Indonesia’s perspective, this move offers leverage. It provides political capital, particularly with Washington, since few countries have committed personnel in that context. By making what appears to be a good-faith diplomatic gesture, Indonesia creates room to negotiate parallel economic arrangements, including those related to critical mineral exports.

Indonesia may also be pursuing broader geopolitical ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. The United States has long relied on India as a cornerstone of its regional strategy. Trade tensions and tariff disputes have complicated aspects of that alignment. Indonesia may see an opportunity to elevate its status—positioning itself as a preferred strategic partner. That could involve seeking enhanced trade status, expanded access to U.S. markets beyond nickel, or security cooperation against regional competitors.

At the same time, Indonesia is unlikely to negotiate exclusively with Washington. It may be conducting parallel discussions with China, comparing economic and strategic packages. A troop commitment in Gaza does not preclude deeper economic engagement with Beijing.

Economically, it is difficult to justify permanently retaining all nickel domestically if export revenues are substantial. Limiting exports to promote domestic processing makes strategic sense. Completely banning exports would sacrifice revenue without guaranteed industrial dominance. China already dominates much of the global electric vehicle market, particularly in Asia and parts of Europe. Other emerging producers, including Morocco, are also expanding manufacturing capacity.

It is unclear whether Indonesia can realistically outcompete China in electric vehicles solely by controlling nickel. The export restrictions appear less like a permanent industrial pivot and more like a negotiating instrument designed to maximize leverage in a competitive global environment.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Documenting Attacks on Healthcare in Ukraine: Accountability, Impunity, and International Humanitarian Law

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/10

Uliana Poltavets, M.S., is the International Advocacy and Ukraine Program Coordinator at Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), where she focuses on documenting attacks on health care in Ukraine since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Before joining PHR, she spent more than a decade supporting Ukrainian civil society and leadership development, working across human rights advocacy, civic and political education, and public ethics and institutions with organizations including the Council of Europe and Democracy Reporting International. Poltavets holds a Master of Science in Public Administration from Leiden University (Netherlands) and speaks English, Ukrainian, Russian, French, and Dutch.

In conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Poltavets examine documented attacks on healthcare in Ukraine and their broader implications under international humanitarian law. Poltavets outlines patterns showing sustained strikes on hospitals, pediatric facilities, and energy infrastructure critical to medical services. She argues these attacks are not incidental but strategically undermine civilian life and force displacement. Despite UN Security Council Resolution 2286, accountability remains rare, emboldening perpetrators. She emphasizes prevention through military integration of humanitarian law, operational legal review, and enforcement mechanisms, including sanctions and investigations. Without credible accountability and global pressure, attacks on healthcare risk further normalization across contemporary conflicts.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Over these four years, the peak of attacks in your dataset appears at the beginning. The trend resembles an elongated U-shape, with a middle period showing a modest reduction. It is unclear whether that reflects limitations in verification capacity or an actual decrease in attacks. More recently, the numbers have risen again. What can we infer from that broader pattern?

Uliana Poltavets: In the first months of the full-scale invasion, attacks on healthcare were extremely frequent. Across 2022 and through mid-April 2024, documentation by Physicians for Human Rights and partners recorded nearly 1,500 attacks on healthcare facilities, averaging roughly two attacks per day over that period.

The pattern has shifted over time. In 2024, 445 incidents were documented, and in 2025, that number rose to 663—an increase of nearly 50 percent. The rise reflects intensified strikes on densely populated civilian areas.

In frontline regions, many facilities have already been damaged or destroyed. There, we often see ambulances targeted or hospitals evacuated due to proximity to active combat.

When attacks occur in cities farther from the frontline—such as Kyiv or Lviv—they are not explained by immediate battlefield conditions. This supports the conclusion that attacks on healthcare are not merely collateral damage but form part of a broader strategy to undermine civilian life and contribute to displacement.

Hospitals are essential to community stability. When healthcare systems are disrupted or destroyed, normal life becomes unsustainable, and people leave.

These attacks include not only strikes on hospitals and clinics but also on systems vital to healthcare operations. Attacks on energy infrastructure directly affect healthcare delivery. In that sense, attacks on energy function as attacks on health.

Jacobsen: Ukraine has stated that more than 19,500 children have been taken to Russia or Russian-occupied areas without parental consent. That figure is widely cited as Ukraine’s official claim rather than as an independently verified consolidated total.

In addition, there was the July 8, 2024, strike on Kyiv’s Okhmatdyt Children’s Hospital, a major pediatric facility that provides specialized treatment, including oncology care. What did your reporting find about that case? More broadly, what patterns have you identified regarding children’s hospitals and pediatric healthcare?

Poltavets: Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, we have recorded 127 attacks on children’s healthcare facilities. This includes pediatric hospitals and specialized children’s departments.

One of the most prominent attacks was on Okhmatdyt Children’s Hospital in Kyiv. The name is an abbreviation derived from “Protection of Mother and Child.” It is the largest children’s hospital in Ukraine and serves not only Kyiv but patients from across the country. Many children receive specialized treatment there, including oncology care, treatment for autoimmune diseases, and other rare conditions.

When the hospital was struck, the impact extended far beyond Kyiv. At the time of the attack, more than 600 patients were present. The strike occurred during a busy daytime period.

We analyzed with our partners, including the investigative organization Truth Hounds. Their findings, along with independent assessments, indicated that the strike was likely deliberate. The attack resulted in civilian deaths, including a doctor and patients, and caused severe damage to hospital buildings, including critical departments.

The hospital lost power for several days. This was particularly dangerous given the number of patients dependent on life-sustaining equipment, including dialysis and cardiac care. Emergency generators and additional resources had to be mobilized, and many patients were evacuated under urgent conditions.

We spoke with an ophthalmologic oncologist who described a colleague performing delicate eye surgery at the moment of the strike. The procedure was seconds from a critical stage when the explosion occurred. Incidents like this underscore that these were children receiving complex medical care.

Many people also remember one of the earliest images of the war: a pregnant woman carried on a stretcher after the bombing of a maternity hospital in Mariupol. That image became symbolic. We spoke with one of the anesthesiologists who treated that patient. She described conditions in Mariupol at the time: the city was nearly encircled, medical supplies were scarce, the hospital had already been struck multiple times, and there was no reliable power or heat. Under such circumstances, providing adequate care was extremely difficult. The patient later died.

These patterns are not unique to Ukraine. Similar tactics were documented in Syria, particularly after Russia’s direct military involvement. There, attacks on healthcare facilities and medical personnel increased significantly. The lack of accountability in Syria demonstrated how impunity can normalize such practices.

Jacobsen: Under international humanitarian law, how does impunity contribute to recurrence, particularly in light of what you have just described?

Poltavets: That is a complex question. Attacks on healthcare have historically been marked by severe impunity. If you examine court cases over the past several decades across different conflicts, very few perpetrators have been prosecuted specifically for attacks on healthcare facilities.

There are multiple reasons for this. First, these cases are difficult to prove. It must be established that a hospital was not being used for military purposes. It must also be shown that the strike was not incidental to a legitimate military objective. Even then, prosecutors must assess proportionality and intent. These evidentiary thresholds make such cases legally challenging.

As a result, prosecutors have often been reluctant to pursue them, even when attacks on facilities such as maternity hospitals appear egregious. The lack of accountability for this category of crimes has been significant.

Because similar attacks were rarely punished in recent conflicts, including Syria and Chechnya, perpetrators have been emboldened. The tactic undermines civilian life, disrupts essential services, and contributes to displacement. It weakens morale and destabilizes communities.

Our documentation in Ukraine contributes to the global database of attacks on healthcare. Globally, such attacks have increased in recent years, despite strong protections under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and international criminal law.

In 2016, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2286, which reaffirmed the protection of medical facilities in armed conflict. This year marks ten years since its adoption. However, during this period, attacks on healthcare have not declined; in many contexts, they have increased.

Since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022, Ukraine has accounted for a significant proportion of documented global attacks on healthcare. In 2022, Ukraine represented over 30 percent of reported incidents worldwide. With the escalation of hostilities in Gaza, global numbers rose further. Current data indicate that Ukraine remains one of the primary contributors to global attack figures.

Our central call to action is that investigative bodies and accountability mechanisms must prioritize attacks on healthcare. Without credible accountability, deterrence will remain weak.

Jacobsen: In situations where states conduct attacks on humanitarian targets, what measures have historically reduced or halted such attacks in active war zones, outside the specific context of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine?

Poltavets: There is no simple answer. Legal scholars, humanitarian actors, civil society organizations, and states are actively examining what measures can reduce attacks on healthcare.

This year marks the tenth anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 2286 on the protection of medical facilities in armed conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross in Geneva is currently engaged in efforts to strengthen the implementation of international humanitarian law, particularly regarding healthcare protection, and to identify practical measures that improve compliance.

The response must be multifaceted.

First, prevention. International humanitarian law must be embedded within military doctrine, operational planning, and training. This cannot be a one-time course; it must be continuous and integrated into command structures.

Operational decision-making is critical. Legal advisers and, where appropriate, public health or medical experts should be involved in targeting decisions. They can assess legality, proportionality, civilian impact, and foreseeable reverberating effects.

Reverberating effects are especially important. The destruction of a hospital has immediate consequences and long-term impacts on access to care, public health, and civilian survival. These effects must be considered during planning.

Second, accountability. When unlawful attacks occur, enforcement mechanisms must function. The legal framework is already extensive; the problem is not a lack of norms but weak enforcement and inconsistent interpretation.

Enforcement measures can include targeted sanctions, restrictions on arms transfers, independent investigations, and public attribution. Naming violations and documenting responsibility can increase reputational and political costs.

Finally, normalization must be resisted. The frequency of attacks does not make them lawful or acceptable. Public awareness and sustained advocacy are necessary to prevent erosion of established protections.

Reducing attacks on healthcare requires simultaneous action across prevention, accountability, and global advocacy. These measures must operate together to create meaningful deterrence.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Uliana. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Roksolana Kryvenko on Artefact Music, Soviet Censorship, and Wartime Journalism in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/09

Roksolana Kryvenko is a Ukrainian journalist and cultural historian who leads Artefact Music, a digital outlet dedicated to Ukrainian music history. Her reporting traces how Soviet repression and censorship sidelined composers and institutions, and she uses music as a doorway into national memory. She also writes socio-political analysis for Nzl.media (“The Ukrainians” project), producing clear explainers and investigations on wartime social harms, including predatory online gambling and veterans’ family-compensation disputes. Trained in Kyiv and continuing her studies at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Kryvenko argues that numbers matter, but war is best understood through names, faces, and the lives behind statistics.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Roksolana Kryvenko, a Ukrainian journalist and editor-in-chief of Artefact Music, about recovering Ukraine’s musical past from Soviet censorship and Russian “younger brother” narratives. Kryvenko explains how war accelerated public interest in Ukrainian culture and how her outlet covers composers, performers, institutions, and radio history. She also describes her analytical work for Nzl.media (“The Ukrainians” project), from investigations into gambling ads targeting soldiers to explainers on compensation for families of the fallen. Under martial law, she says limits are mainly operational-security delays, while independent scrutiny continues amid blackouts, air alerts, and waning global attention abroad.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your profession? Whom do you write for?

Kryvenko: I am a journalist. I write for Ukrainian media, and I am the CEO of Artefact Music, an online Ukrainian media outlet dedicated to the history of Ukrainian music.

Jacobsen: Why focus on the history of Ukrainian music? What drew you to that field?

Kryvenko: I graduated from music school as a child. When the full-scale war began, I realized that many people had not been interested in Ukrainian culture before, partly because Russian content dominated television and radio. After the invasion, interest in Ukrainian music and art increased significantly. People were surprised to discover how many talented Ukrainian musicians there are, especially from the twentieth century. Many are not widely known today, not because they lacked significance, but because Soviet repression and censorship targeted Ukrainian cultural figures and suppressed or erased parts of their work from institutions and public life.

For example, Mykola Leontovych composed the melody best known internationally as “Carol of the Bells.” Many people have heard it, but fewer know that Leontovych was a Ukrainian composer. He was killed in 1921 by an agent of the Soviet secret police, the Cheka. I decided to tell the history through music.

Jacobsen: What area of music did you specialize in—instrumental, vocal, or conducting?

Kryvenko: We focus on history across all areas. For example, on International Day of Radio, we published an article about the history of Ukrainian radio and how it operated under the Soviet system, including restrictions and controls over Ukrainian-language content and the music of Ukrainian composers. We cover composers, performers, institutions, and broadcasting—everything related to the history of Ukrainian music.

Jacobsen: How did the Soviets define “Ukrainian”? Was it based on ethnicity, nationality, language, or something broader?

Kryvenko: It was broad. Russian narratives sometimes claim that Ukraine has a minor culture and is merely a “younger brother,” but I disagree. In the eighteenth century, institutions such as the Hlukhiv Singing School, founded in 1738, trained musicians who were recruited to serve imperial institutions in Saint Petersburg, including the Imperial Court Chapel, drawing skilled performers away from their communities. What is often described as “Russian culture” absorbed significant contributions from many peoples, including Ukrainians.

Beyond music, I also work as a socio-political analyst at Nzl.media (“The Ukrainians” project), writing analytical posts and publication texts on a range of topics.

Jacobsen: Where did those cross paths? Where does your analytical work intersect with the history of music bans and cultural repression?

Kryvenko: I have many interests, not only music. My main goal is to be useful to my country and to society. When we tell people the real history of Ukrainian music—history that was suppressed for many years—it strengthens our understanding of who we are. For example, my parents did not study the full history of Ukraine in school. That matters because a nation that does not know its history cannot fully understand what it is defending. The idea that Ukrainians and Russians share the same history is often repeated, but I do not believe that is accurate.

My analytical work also addresses current social issues. Last year, I worked on an investigation into online gambling platforms operating in Ukraine. Some of these platforms targeted Ukrainian soldiers in their advertising, appealing to stress and psychological vulnerability caused by war. They promoted gambling as a way to cope with trauma and pressure. That is harmful, particularly for people already under extreme stress.

Our reporting, along with the work of other journalists and legal advocates, contributed to restrictions preventing online gambling companies from directly targeting members of the military. It was a collective effort, but I was part of it.

I primarily write for Nzl.media (“The Ukrainians” project), including a subsection called ANZEL. My role is to explain complex issues in an accessible language. If there is a public issue that people find confusing, I try to break it down clearly—what the problem is, why it matters, and what possible solutions exist.

For example, in the autumn, I wrote about state compensation provided to the families of fallen soldiers. Ukraine is facing challenges because the scale of the war is unprecedented in modern times. Under Ukrainian law, compensation is distributed to spouses, children, and parents. However, soldiers may submit a formal declaration specifying how they wish this compensation to be allocated. This is separate from a general will and applies specifically to state benefits upon death.

In some cases, a soldier may have been estranged from their parents or had serious disagreements, including political differences regarding the war. This raises complex legal and ethical questions about how compensation should be distributed. I interviewed the wives of fallen soldiers to explore how the system could be improved and how families are affected in practice.

Jacobsen: When you read foreign media, what do they get right, what do they get wrong, and what do they miss about this war?

Kryvenko: One of the main problems is the decline in international coverage compared to 2022. At the beginning of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine was constantly in global headlines. Now there are fewer reports. The world is dealing with many crises, wars, disasters, and attention shifts. As a result, people begin to assume that the situation here has stabilized or improved.

When I travel abroad, people often ask whether the war is still ongoing. It is, and in many ways it is becoming more difficult. If international media reduce coverage, audiences may conclude that the situation is improving, even when it is not—sustained attention matters.

Jacobsen: Oleksandra Matviichuk of the Center for Civil Liberties has emphasized the importance of reporting accurate data—casualties, aid levels, destruction—while also preserving human stories so they do not become abstract statistics. Do you incorporate that concern into your journalism?

Kryvenko: Yes. Responsible journalism must include human stories. Numbers are important, but they do not capture the reality of war. In Ukrainian, there is a saying: if you ask what war is, I will answer with names or faces. Each person killed or injured represents a network of family and friends whose lives are permanently changed.

Behind every statistic are spouses, children, parents, and communities. Some victims were soldiers; others were civilians whose homes were destroyed. I try to include that human dimension in my work. Without it, reporting becomes incomplete.

Jacobsen: How do you assess press freedom under martial law? Reporters Without Borders ranked Ukraine 106th in 2002 and 62nd in 2025, a significant improvement, with most concerns concentrated near the front line. Russia, by contrast, ranked 155th in 2022 and 171st in 2025 out of 180 countries. The UN has reported systematic torture and ill-treatment of journalists by Russian authorities, as well as deliberate targeting of journalists in conflict zones. As you know, journalists near the front are sometimes advised not to label themselves as “press” on protective gear, since that no longer guarantees safety.

Kryvenko: Martial law imposes certain restrictions, particularly related to military information and operational security. Journalists must follow accreditation rules and coordinate with the armed forces in frontline areas. These measures are intended to prevent the disclosure of sensitive information that could endanger troops.

At the same time, independent media continue to operate, investigate corruption, and criticize government decisions. That remains possible in Ukraine. Conditions near the front line are more dangerous, and safety concerns are real. The risks journalists face in areas occupied by Russian forces are significantly higher, especially given documented cases of detention and abuse.

In Ukraine, challenges under martial law persist, but there is still space for independent journalism and public debate.

The same applies to doctors. Under international humanitarian law, medical vehicles and personnel are protected, but in practice, those protections are violated. From the beginning of the full-scale invasion, it became clear that protective markings do not always guarantee safety.

For example, in March 2022, the Donetsk Academic Regional Drama Theatre in Mariupol was bombed. The word “children” had been written in large letters outside the building to signal that civilians were sheltering there. Despite that, the theatre was struck. The exact number of people killed remains disputed, but it was a major civilian tragedy. Incidents like that demonstrate that visible humanitarian or civilian markings do not necessarily prevent attacks.

You asked about press freedom under martial law in Ukraine.

Jacobsen: Press freedom under martial law within Ukraine—how have you experienced it? Have there been concerns about the persecution of journalists within Ukraine?

Kryvenko: I was not familiar with the specific index rankings before, but based on my own experience, I do not see systemic problems with press freedom inside Ukraine. There are rules about publishing certain types of information, but they primarily relate to security.

For example, if a missile strikes a building, journalists may be asked not to publish images immediately. This is because Russian forces monitor social media and media coverage. Immediate publication can help them assess strike accuracy and adjust future attacks. Delays are intended to prevent additional harm.

There have also been cases in which media outlets published images of military facilities, including defence production sites. After such information became public, those sites were targeted. Because of this, there are restrictions on sharing sensitive military details. These rules are about operational security, not about suppressing political criticism or independent reporting.

Jacobsen: One major issue in this war is reduced international support. For example, under the Trump administration, U.S. military and humanitarian aid decreased significantly, while European countries increased their contributions. I interviewed Vrinda Grover, a commissioner with the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. She described systematic short-range drone attacks along parts of the Dnipro River targeting civilians. The reported proportion of civilian targeting appeared to increase sharply.

Kryvenko: I am not familiar with the specific figures you mentioned. Different organizations publish different data, and those numbers need to be verified carefully. What I can say is that drone attacks against civilian areas, particularly in frontline and river-adjacent regions, have been widely documented by Ukrainian authorities and international monitors. The scale and patterns vary over time, and it is important to rely on verified sources when discussing specific percentages.

Jacobsen: The UN compiled its findings using its own methodology. I am not an expert; I interview experts and try to synthesize their analysis into narrative form. In their recent reports, they examined treatment of prisoners of war, including documented cases of sexual violence against both men and women. These are extremely serious allegations and require careful wording.

From what I am hearing across interviews, reductions in funding are affecting the capacity of justice reporting—documentation of human rights abuses, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. At the same time, as you noted, there are fewer foreign journalists here now compared to 2022.

Given that Ukraine’s press freedom ranking has improved relative to Russia’s, one could argue that conditions for independent reporting are comparatively stronger here than in Russia, even under wartime constraints. From your perspective—as someone working in culture, music history, geopolitics, and analytical journalism—what are your biggest constraints?

Kryvenko: Do you mean practical limitations during wartime—resources, capacity?

Jacobsen: Yes. I am noticing a broader theme: reduced military and humanitarian aid, fewer UN resources for investigations, fewer foreign journalists on the ground, and public fatigue abroad. In your daily work, what limits you most?

Kryvenko: The main limitation is the war itself—Russia’s aggression. That is the fundamental constraint. Other challenges—funding, institutional development, professional standards—are part of the normal evolution of journalism in any country and can be addressed over time.

Ukraine regained independence in 1991 after decades within the Soviet Union, where the media were tightly controlled and centralized. Under the Soviet system, there were very few officially sanctioned publications, and information was heavily regulated. After independence, Ukraine began building its own media ecosystem from scratch. That process has taken time and continues today.

The war intensifies every challenge—security risks, economic strain, psychological pressure—but the structural development of Ukrainian journalism has been ongoing since independence.

It has not been a long time since independent journalism has fully developed and strengthened. Ukrainian journalists are working under conditions that are not normal even for daily life, let alone for professional work. Yet we continue to report, to share verified information, and to tell the stories of our history and our people.

The central constraint is Russia’s invasion. If the war ends, many structural problems can be addressed within a few years. The immediate obstacles—electricity shortages, damaged infrastructure, constant air alerts—are consequences of the war.

For example, there are days when electricity and internet access are available only briefly. On one recent Sunday, I had just over half an hour of reliable power. That makes sustained work extremely difficult. Nighttime missile and drone attacks disrupt sleep and concentration. These conditions affect daily life and journalism alike.

Jacobsen: What areas would you like to explore in your journalism that you have not yet had the opportunity to pursue?

Kryvenko: I want to continue doing meaningful work that benefits Ukrainian society. My goal is to contribute wherever I can be most useful—whether in cultural history, investigative reporting, or social analysis. The priority is relevance and service.

Jacobsen: When Ukrainians talk about the war—about loss, or the ongoing stress of nightly attacks—what core emotions emerge?

Kryvenko: Anger is a central emotion. There is also grief and exhaustion, but anger is often at the forefront. Ukraine is a country with a deep cultural heritage, diverse regions, and strong local identities. You can travel from the Carpathian Mountains to the Black Sea and encounter different accents, traditions, and cuisines, yet it remains one country. That diversity is part of its richness.

It is painful that instead of focusing entirely on development and cultural growth, we must devote so much energy to defence and survival. When I travel abroad and hear people describe Ukraine only in terms of economic or political problems, I find that perspective incomplete. Every country faces corruption and governance challenges. Ukraine does as well. But it is also a country of resilience, culture, and complexity that cannot be reduced to its difficulties.

Jacobsen: I have interviewed several officials from Transparency International Ukraine. One key point they emphasize is that the ranking itself matters less than the trajectory. From an institutional perspective, every country benefits from reducing corruption because it improves business confidence and governance. The real story is the direction of change. Ukraine’s corruption ranking has improved significantly over time, even during wartime. In that sense, reform during conflict may be the larger narrative.

Kryvenko: Yes, and we continue that work even now. There are ongoing corruption investigations, including during the war. Some people say, “How can there be corruption during wartime?” The fact that investigations are underway is a positive sign. Institutions such as NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office are functioning.

Corruption existed before, including during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych. At that time, corruption was higher, and it was far more dangerous for journalists to investigate it. Today, journalists can publish investigations more openly. That does not mean corruption has disappeared, but it does mean there is greater transparency and accountability.

Even during the war, there are signs of development. New businesses continue to open. Offline businesses operate under extreme conditions, often relying on generators during power outages. Many struggle to stay open. Infrastructure suffers from repeated strikes and freezing temperatures. During severe cold periods, repair crews must work outdoors in dangerous conditions, and some have died while trying to restore electricity.

Jacobsen: I read about cases during the cold snap, including elderly residents – one Holocaust survivor – who died from exposure. The humanitarian impact is severe.

Kryvenko: Yes. After major strikes, some apartments in Kyiv have had indoor temperatures close to freezing. In my case, after one large attack in January, the temperature in my home dropped to around 10 degrees Celsius. For many families, conditions have been even colder. These are the daily realities people face while continuing to work and live under wartime conditions.

Jacobsen: In your journalistic training, did you study in Kyiv?

Kryvenko: I completed my bachelor’s degree in Lviv and am now studying at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.

Jacobsen: How would you characterize the Ukrainian educational system, particularly journalism education during wartime?

Kryvenko: It depends on the university. I studied at two institutions, and the experiences were different. Journalism education can still improve, but I see progress. Some courses that were not available when I began are now part of the curriculum. That indicates development.

At Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, many instructors are practicing journalists. That practical experience strengthens the program. Because of the war, new subjects have been added. We study frontline safety, how to operate in combat zones, and how to interview people who have experienced trauma, including those who have lost family members or suffered serious injuries.

Studying during wartime is difficult. Air raid alerts interrupt classes. Transportation is sometimes disrupted. Public officials, including Kyiv’s mayor, have acknowledged how hard daily life can be under constant threat. Still, universities continue operating. Ukraine’s education system has been evolving since its independence in 1991, after decades under the Soviet system. Developing independent curricula and institutions takes time. Overall, I cannot complain; my universities have given me valuable knowledge.

Jacobsen: What are your biggest lessons from the war, as a person?

Kryvenko: The most important lesson is gratitude. Each morning, if you wake up, you should be grateful because someone else did not. Sometimes that person may live in your own neighbourhood.

You learn to value ordinary opportunities—to study, to work, to see your family. Air raids disrupt daily life. Public transport can stop. Electricity and internet access are unreliable. Yet if you can continue your studies or your work, that is something to appreciate.

You also see solidarity. During power outages, strangers help each other. If someone cannot heat food for a child, others offer their homes. If a wounded veteran needs to charge a prosthetic device, someone with a generator invites them in. Businesses offer free tea or a warm place to sit during curfew hours.

War reveals how interconnected people are. It teaches you to value community, resilience, and the present moment. You do not know what tomorrow will bring.

Jacobsen: Any final words?

Kryvenko: Do not forget about Ukraine. The war is ongoing. If people cannot provide direct assistance, continued attention and support still matter.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Roksolana.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Worlds Behind Words 9: Stonewall Pride Flag, Federal DEI Rollbacks, and Body Image Pressure

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/08

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Will Dempsey examine representation across institutions, culture, and health. They discuss the National Park Service’s decision to stop the Pride flag at Stonewall, the February 12, 2026, re-raising, and proposed federal protections as a test of public memory and morale. Dempsey frames removals as symbolic erasure amid political tension, linking them to disputes over historical exhibits and broader “anti-woke” filtering. They also address advocacy triage, with trans healthcare prioritized over language policing. The conversation turns to Eating Disorders Awareness Month, noting elevated body dysmorphia and disordered eating among gay men and transfeminine clients.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is a win. The National Park Service stopped flying a rainbow Pride flag at the Stonewall National Monument in Manhattan in early February 2026, citing federal flag policy. Stonewall marks the site of the 1969 uprising that catalyzed the modern LGBTQ+ rights movement in the United States, so the flag’s presence there is historically contextual, not decorative.

New York officials and activists re-raised the Pride flag at the site on February 12, 2026. Following that, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer announced plans to introduce legislation to protect the ability to fly the Pride flag at Stonewall and, more broadly, on federal property. Representatives, including Dan Goldman and Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, voiced support.

You have likely heard more about this than I have, given that I am in Ukraine. What are your thoughts? When symbols are appropriately placed for specific identity groups in the United States who value them, while most people may not care about monuments, many do—what does this mean to them? How does it affect community morale?

Will Dempsey: Representation matters. In a political climate marked by tension between LGBTQ+ communities and the current administration, the removal of the Pride flag at Stonewall was widely interpreted as symbolic erasure rather than routine policy enforcement.

This followed controversy in Philadelphia, where elements of a National Park Service exhibit at the President’s House site, detailing enslaved people held by George Washington, were removed after an executive order addressing federal historical interpretation. A federal judge later ordered the exhibit restored, and the panels were reinstalled after legal and public pressure.

The Pride flag being re-raised at Stonewall—whether through official reconsideration or civic protest—carries symbolic weight. Stonewall’s history centers on resistance to marginalization. The act of restoring the flag signals that many people, inside and outside the LGBTQ+ community, continue to support inclusion and public recognition. It also underscores that those in power do not necessarily reflect the broader national consensus.

Nations have complicated histories because much of human history fails to meet contemporary universal ethical standards, such as human rights and humanitarian law. Commemoration is not about sanitizing history; it is about marking moral progress and safeguarding hard-won gains.

The debate reflects differing interpretations of what monuments represent. Some do not see Stonewall as a positive symbol of civic inclusion. That position differs significantly from debates over Confederate monuments, yet both controversies hinge on how national identity and historical memory are publicly expressed.

Jacobsen: Some people might perceive these issues as similar, even though the historical contexts and communities involved are very different. At the federal level, there has been a push within the United States government to purge or block references to content officials categorize as “woke.” Some examples, highlighted in media commentary, included automated removals of terms such as “gay,” which reportedly led to references to historical events like the Enola Gay being flagged because of keyword filtering.

We are now seeing another round of this. Reports from outlets including NBC News, Politico, and the Associated Press indicated that the Pentagon flagged approximately 26,000 images and posts for deletion as part of a broader effort to remove diversity, equity, and inclusion content from Department of Defence platforms.

What is the messaging here? How is this being received in community commentary, particularly regarding the Pentagon?

Dempsey: Transparently, much of the community’s online discourse is currently focused elsewhere, including attention on the Epstein files. Some view actions like this as a distraction from other issues they consider more urgent.

That said, there is a longer historical lens through which this is interpreted. Many in the LGBTQ+ community have long felt that federal institutions have attempted to marginalize or erase them—from the Reagan administration’s response to the AIDS epidemic to various policy debates since. Actions perceived as removing language or representation can be read within that broader historical narrative.

While it may be recognized as a setback—similar in symbolic terms to the Stonewall flag issue—there is also a pragmatic understanding that not every setback can receive equal energy. Within the community, trans rights and access to trans healthcare are often seen as more immediate priorities than language filtering controversies.

There is a long history of triaging advocacy efforts: recognizing that setbacks will occur and deciding strategically where to invest energy.

Jacobsen: February is recognized in the United States as National Eating Disorders Awareness Month. There has been increasing advocacy highlighting the struggles of gay men who may experience bulimia, body image pressures, or body dysmorphia. How effective are awareness months like this? And how are they incorporated into social workers’ regular practice?

Dempsey: Awareness months are not always deeply integrated into day-to-day clinical practice, which speaks to both their limits and their function. They tend to raise visibility rather than structurally reshape care.

In our office, we do see elevated rates of body dysmorphia and disordered eating among gay men, and particularly among trans women. As our practice has grown and we have gathered more internal data over the past year or two, we have observed increased rates of disordered eating among transfeminine clients.

These issues are real and clinically significant. Awareness campaigns can help normalize conversations and reduce stigma, but sustained interventions depend on ongoing access to competent care rather than a designated month of recognition.

Awareness months create opportunities to open conversations. They remind us to check in with one another at a communal level and, professionally, with clients about what they may be experiencing.

Body image pressures have been apparent in the gay community for a long time. There is a historical context tied to the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the way physical appearance became heavily scrutinized within parts of the gay male community. That history continues to shape contemporary body standards.

As more transfeminine people come out, transition, and gain broader—though still incomplete—social acceptance, they are increasingly subject to the same societal expectations placed on women’s bodies. Even incremental shifts in visibility can intensify exposure to those norms. That may help explain why we are continuing to see parallels between transfeminine individuals and patterns of body dysmorphia, similar to what gay men have experienced for decades.

Jacobsen: Let me shift the angle slightly. Goldman Sachs recently dropped race, gender, and LGBTQ+ criteria from its board diversity requirements. At the same time, the 2026 Film Independent Spirit Awards highlighted achievements such as Eva Victor winning Best Screenplay and Arian Moayed receiving recognition in acting categories.

In one context, the corporate world, formal diversity criteria are being removed from board evaluations. In another, the arts, representation emerges through talent, achievement, and awards. In corporate governance, what happens when intentional representation criteria are removed? In the arts, when individuals from historically underrepresented communities win major awards, what effect does that have on long-term representation and community visibility?

Dempsey: If I understand correctly, the question centers on representation in different contexts—intentional diversity initiatives versus achievement-based recognition.

Debates around diversity, equity, and inclusion often frame this as intentional representation at the table versus “earning” a place without structured consideration. In reality, there has to be a balance.

Without intentional efforts to diversify leadership spaces, historical patterns tend to reproduce themselves because those patterns are rooted in longstanding privilege and access disparities. At the same time, individuals who hold leadership positions or receive awards still earn them through competence and effort. Representation does not negate merit.

Critics of diversity initiatives worry that positions are handed out. That framing overlooks systemic barriers that have historically limited access. Ensuring access and opportunity does not mean lowering standards.

In short, intentional inclusion and earned achievement are not mutually exclusive. They can, and arguably should, operate together to create fairer and more representative institutions over time.

There needs to be safeguards to ensure that whoever is setting the proverbial table is intentional in how people are selected—due diligence matters. Leadership should actively ensure that diverse communities are represented and that their voices are heard, while avoiding the practice of offering a seat solely for symbolic purposes. There is a delicate balance between intentional representation and maintaining merit-based standards.

As conversations around diversity, equity, and inclusion continue to evolve, this tension remains central, particularly in spaces where diversity has historically been limited. Once political tensions have settled, there could be broader, thoughtful societal discussions about how to approach this responsibly and sustainably.

Jacobsen: I can feel us both losing energy, so we will call it a night. 

Dempsey: Sounds good. Take care of yourself. I am genuinely glad that you are alive and well. Stay vigilant. Sleep well.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

From Publications to Policy: Nicola Jones on SDG Research Impact Metrics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/07

Nicola Jones, Director of the SDG programme at Springer Nature, coordinates publishing activity related to the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and works to surface research with real-world implementation potential. A core piece of that work is translating between ecosystems—research, policy, and practice—so evidence can travel farther than journal readership. She was one of the project leads on a report published in November 2025 “From publications to policy” in partnership with Overton, analyzing how research is cited in SDG related policy documents at scale.   

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Nicola Jones, Director of Springer Nature’s SDG programme, about tracing research influence beyond journals. Jones contrasts academic citations with policy citations, noting policy documents are heterogeneous, often unreferenced, and evidence also travels through advisory panels and accumulated bodies of work. Citing Springer Nature–Overton’s November 2025 analysis, she finds Society SDGs generate the most policy documents, while Biosphere policies cite research at higher rates. US institutions dominate citations worldwide, pointing to language and prestige effects. She recommends clearer summaries and science communication for busy policymakers worldwide, and shifting assessment toward outcomes and implementation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What’s the gap between research impact and policy impact downstream? 

Nicola Jones: Traditionally, the impact of academic research has been measured by how many times it is cited in other academic publications. This number gives us a sense of how much a research publication feeds into the wider literature on a topic by quantifying how many other publications refer to it. This is a long-standing tradition in academia and it’s very standardised because of the way research publications have a standardised format – Clarivate’s Journal Citation Reports have existed for over 50 years. However, citation of work in other research publications does not tell us much about how research influences decision making outside of academia. Policy impact gives us an idea of how much research findings have influenced policymaking, which is one way to quantify the impact of research beyond academic settings. And of course research is not the only influence on policymaking – and it shouldn’t be the only influence on policymaking.  

Jacobsen: Policy citations can be a seductive metrics. What do they capture well and not well? 

Jones: Like any citation metric, policy citations are a proxy measure of impact. The policy literature is not standardized in the same way as the academic literature is – both in terms of the variety of document formats, e.g. white paper, briefing, meeting minutes, budget, and in terms of the ways in which each type of document is laid out. This means that just counting citations can only give us an indication of impact. It’s likely that research evidence is incorporated into policymaking but not cited in policy documents for a wide variety of reasons – the impact might come from participation of researchers on policy advisory panels, impact may result from whole bodies of work rather than individual publications, and some policy documents simply don’t include references, only recommendations. 

Policy citations are one piece of a wider puzzle. If the goal is to quantify the impact of research beyond academia, then the outcomes of policy implementation are also important and this isn’t captured by policy citation metrics. An example that’s easy to understand would be research into a new health intervention that is found to be effective in a clinical trial. It’s not enough to know how many times policy documents recommend the intervention – to be able to assess the true impact of the research, we would also need to know statistics on actual implementation of the intervention and the impact on health outcomes.  

Jacobsen: Which SDGs tend to get the most policy uptake? 

Jones: In our report, we grouped the SDGs according to the Stockholm Resilience Centre’s “wedding cake model”: 

Economy: SDGs 8, 9, 10 and 12 

Society: SDGs 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 11 and 16 

Biosphere: SDGs 6, 13, 14, 15 

We found that the Society grouping accounts for the largest number of policy documents and the largest number of those documents that cite scholarly research. To some extent this is driven by health policy and research as SDG 3: Good Health and Wellbeing has the highest number of policy documents in Overton’s database, and the highest volume of research publications. However, when we look at the proportion of policy documents that cite research publications for each of these groupings, we see that the Biosphere related policy documents cite research at slightly higher rates than Economy or Society – 16% of Biosphere related policy documents cited research compared to 13% of Economy related policy documents and 11% of Society related policy documents. 

Jacobsen: How do language and institutional power potentially bias what gets cited? 

Jones: Our analysis showed that research from US institutions is the most commonly cited in policy documents around the world, no matter which country wrote the policy. We had expected governments to cite more of their own country’s research, but the data didn’t support that. The only clear exceptions were Brazil, India and Australia, which all cite their own research as much as, or more than, research from the US.  

Because most academic research is published in English, even though many policy documents are written in other languages, this may create a language bias. In other words, research written in English could be more likely to be cited simply because it is more widely available.  

Brazil stands out in particular. Some have suggested this might be because of language, but we didn’t see the same pattern in other Latin American or European countries. A more likely explanation is that, in Brazil, government and research priorities are closely aligned—so policymakers naturally cite domestic research more often.  

Institutional reputation may also influence which research gets cited. Other studies have shown that researchers from the Global South are often left out of development research, and well-known institutions tend to be seen as more credible. For busy policymakers, name recognition alone may shape which research they trust and decide to cite. 

Jacobsen: How should researchers write about findings? 

Jones: Our report looked at the impact of different content formats and found that news, reviews and letters were cited in policy documents at higher rates compared to publication volumes and academic citations. What this suggests is that timelines and summaries of information are important when it comes to policy impact. Researchers will always need to follow academic publication conventions when writing up their findings, but this points to a role for additional summary content for policy makers, and a place for wider science communication mechanisms from researchers, institutions and publishers to make evidence available to those who need it, when they need it. 

Jacobsen: What did the Overton work reveal about the final steps from publication to implementation?  

Jones: While the report focuses on data analysis of citation patterns, we are keen to explore insights from researchers and policymakers about how research comes to the attention of policymakers and ends up influencing policy, and we plan to extend the report throughout 2026 with case studies to share this information. 

Jacobsen: What incentives should be changed regarding universities to reward genuine societal contribution? 

Jones: Another report published by Springer Nature last year “The State of Research Assessment” found that a majority of researchers would like their work to be assessed on the basis of multiple quantitative and qualitative factors including contributions within and beyond research environments. To do so would require stakeholders across the research ecosystem to work together – not just researchers and publishers, but institutions and funders too. The Joint Taskforce on Outcomes and Impacts, convened by HESI 2022 – 2023 (full disclosure: I contributed to this Taskforce) recommended a shift from assessing researchers and universities on the basis of outputs to instead look at outcomes that result from their work – particularly those aligned with the SDGs  

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Nicola.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Libraries in the AI Era: Robert Hilliker on Access, Privacy, and Scholarly Value

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/06

Robert Hilliker, Director of Library Relations (North America) at Springer Nature, he works at the front lines where research access, budgets, licensing, and institutional mission collide. With decades of experience across academic and school libraries—including senior leadership roles—he has focused on how libraries adapt to changing research practices, digital scholarship, and community needs. His perspective is especially relevant right now: libraries are asked to be guardians of access and privacy while also supporting open science, data infrastructure, and AI-era information literacy—often with finite resources and rising costs. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Robert Hilliker, Springer Nature’s Director of Library Relations (North America), about how libraries navigate budget pressure, open science, and AI-driven discovery. Hilliker argues publishers often understand constraints, but librarians still need better ways to communicate value to senior leadership. He describes libraries’ shift from collections to research-support services—data management, copyright, training, and open access publishing. Generative AI accelerates “zero-click search,” complicating attribution and impact tracking. He outlines modern access as fragmented and convenience-driven, emphasizes procurement-based privacy protections, and highlights responses to paper mills, including publishing guidance, trusted indexes, and transformative agreements.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What do publishers misunderstand about library constraints? 

Robert Hilliker: As a former librarian, actually, I think many librarians would be surprised by how well publishers understand the constraints we operate under—everything from the budget challenges to the high expectations of our users are, in my experience, well known to academic publishers.  Where I think the bigger challenge lies is in how best to help librarians articulate the value of the resources publishers provide to the senior academic leaders who determine library budgets.  There are pockets of progress being made on this issue, in areas like measuring the positive impact of a well-resourced library on student success, but also in accounting for the wider social, health, and economic impacts of promoting broader access to the latest research (more on that below).  Still, it is very much a work in progress. 

Jacobsen: How are library priorities shifting with AI tools and open science expectations? 

Hilliker: Looking back over my career, the shift towards open access publishing—and open science more broadly—has had a massive impact on the role of academic libraries, particularly at institutions with significant research activity.  Many libraries have gone from having a single “scholarly communications librarian” role to an entire team devoted to “research support services” that may encompass everything from research data management support, to copyright and IP consultations, to research training for graduate and undergraduate students, to the publishing of open access journals.  Ultimately, these libraries are in the middle of a long-term transition from a world where we acquired physical information resources for local consultation by students and researchers to one where we provide a comprehensive suite of information services in support of the entire teaching and learning mission of their institutions, which includes disseminating their research to a global audience to ensure the benefits of new discoveries are widely realized. 

It’s early to say whether generative AI will have a similarly long-lasting impact on the direction of libraries, but certainly there are indications that it will.  The biggest change so far is in how people search for information, as the rapid rise of so-called “zero-click search” upends the entire information ecosystem by removing the signals of user intent and interest that libraries and publishers have gotten used to having over the last 25 years or so.  We have a challenge ahead of us making sure that we can continue to properly value original intellectual property and trace its usage and impact. The key for libraries is to stay focused on their values and purpose—helping people find good information and make good use of it—rather than on maintaining processes and procedures that may no longer serve those values. 

Jacobsen: What does access mean now, e.g., interlibrary loan, preprints, subscriptions, etc.? 

Hilliker: I think your question captures the fragmentation of access since the rise of the World Wide Web—the reality is people have so many sources of information these days that it can be overwhelming to consider.  And, in fact, many people are overwhelmed by it!  Happily, most people still believe in libraries as a trusted source of information, but they don’t feel like our modes of access have necessarily kept pace with technological change.  It isn’t enough to provide access; you have to work to make that access relevant to users, to make it convenient for them.  Streamlining interlibrary loan is one way to approach that: most users don’t care where the book or article is coming from as long as they get it quickly.  That might also mean investing in apps and interfaces that make it easier for your users to find, read, annotate, and save digital content.  If you can provide that utility, along with access to high quality information, then users will see how the value of library-provided content exceeds what they can find on their own. 

Jacobsen: How should institutions evaluate value, e.g., usage stats, research competitiveness, etc.? 

Hilliker: I don’t think there’s “one ring to rule them all” here—if anything, I think the desire for a single uniform set of criteria has kept us from having a much-needed in-depth conversation about what creates and delivers value in higher education. Traditional metrics like usage and citations are important, but when we just quote numbers without context we are doing researchers a disservice.  One promising area that my colleagues at Springer Nature have been exploring in partnership with Overton is the policy impact of published research.  They recently issued a report highlighting a number of ways in which researchers can enhance the impact of their work, from ensuring that it is framed in ways that highlight its utility to a non-expert audience to publishing open access, which makes it available to a global audience.  Going forward, I hope we will see these kinds of impacts included in research assessment process at both the institutional and individual level. 

Jacobsen: What are the privacy threats facing libraries? 

Hilliker: Unsurprisingly, the main risks libraries face in protecting the privacy of their users come from the increasingly complex technology environment they operate in.  Traditional concerns like protecting the privacy of a patron’s borrowing history were more easily managed when they were primarily borrowing print books; how do you protect a patron when they are interacting with dozens of online platforms that we neither host nor directly monitor?  In my experience, the libraries that do this best collaborate closely with not only the CISO (Chief Information Security Officer) on their campus, but also the General Counsel’s Office and, if they have one, the Chief Privacy Officer or Chief Compliance Officer.  That way they have a shared understanding of the legal and technical aspects of the privacy risks and can work to use the procurement and contracting process to mitigate that risk by ensuring they and their vendor partners follow industry best practices in security and user privacy. 

Jacobsen: How do you see libraries responding to paper mills and predatory journals? 

Hilliker: Many academic libraries have begun providing trainings and consultations to help authors find good venues for their research; some have even added roles like “scholarly publishing librarian” that include this as a core service.  Resources like DOAJ (the Directory of Open Access Journals) and Cabell’s Predatory Journals help librarians determine which journals are reliable and which should be avoided. 

Read and Publish Agreements are another important mechanism here: by underwriting the publishing costs at trusted publishing partners, they ensure their faculty have APC-free access to high-quality Open Access venues for their research.  These agreements, which are also called “Transformative Agreements,” can also simplify compliance with funder mandates for public access to grant-funded research–and they benefit researchers who don’t have large grants, making Open Access publishing more equitable for folks in the Humanities and Social Sciences. 

Jacobsen: What partnerships could reduce friction without compromising principles? 

Hilliker: We need to increase the substantive partnerships between academic libraries and academic publishers.  In my work at Springer Nature, I have found that many of our goals align directly with library goals: we all want to see a healthy, sustainable scholarly communication ecosystem, where researchers can readily share their work with a broad audience, and members of that audience can trust in the quality and integrity of what they are reading.   

There are many shared steps we can take to realize that vision together.  To give a very specific example, I currently serve as Co-Chair of the University Relations Working Group for the Scholarly Networks Security Initiative (SNSI), a multi-stakeholder partnership funded by academic publishers to raise awareness about cybersecurity risks that can impact library operations and undermine the scholarly communications ecosystem.  Our group consists of publishers working directly with librarians and IT professionals; we convene panel discussions and present posters at conferences, we conduct surveys and other research to stay current on emerging threats and areas of concern, and we prepare information resources to share with stakeholder groups to help them navigate this difficult terrain, like this toolkit for librarians.  There’s a lot of advice in there, but the main takeaway is that organizational silos and lack of communication are the biggest sources of risk—in other words, collaboration isn’t just nice to have, it is critical to realizing and protecting our principles. 

Jacobsen: If you had one policy lever to improve the scholarly ecosystem for students and researchers, what would it be? 

Hilliker: If I could wave that proverbial magic wand, I would see to it that every academic institution had a policy in place to ensure that everyone involved in scholarly research had an institutionally-verified ORCID ID and the training and support to use it well.  I think that would go a surprisingly long way in contributing to greater visibility of scholarship across all fields and greater security within the scholarly ecosystem writ large. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rob.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

WalletHub’s Vice Index: How the ‘Seven Sins’ Become 37 Measurable Metrics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/05

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Chip Lupo about WalletHub’s “Vice Index” and how it operationalizes the seven sins using 37 measurable indicators. Lupo says the project avoids moral judgment by translating abstract “sin” into widely recognized social harms—violence, fraud, addiction, and social disconnection—scored on a 100-point scale. Categories (Anger & Hatred, Jealousy, Excesses & Vices, Greed, Lust, Vanity, Laziness) weight equally, producing a composite index. He explains adjustments such as per-capita rates and square-root population scaling for certain venue counts, plus the rationale for Google-search interest as a comparative proxy for private behaviors.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did WalletHub operationalize the seven sins? 

Chip Lupo: WalletHub identified tangible metrics for each of the seven sins, allowing our team to perform a data-driven analysis and score the cities based on observable, measurable behaviors rather than moral judgments. 

We used a total of 37 relevant metrics tied to crime, health, consumption, financial behavior, online search activity, and civic engagement. Each metric was scored out of 100. All metrics counted equally in their category, and the results were combined to give each category a total score of 14.3 points. Each category – Anger & Hatred, Jealousy, Excesses & Vices, Greed, Lust, Vanity, and Laziness – represents one of the seven sins.  

Those category scores were averaged into a single composite measure, the WalletHub Vice Index, which captures how widespread and intense illicit activities and socially harmful excesses are in each city. This approach allowed us to move from abstract concepts like “sin” to comparable, empirical rankings grounded in real-world data. 

Jacobsen: How do you address cultural/values bias baked into the concept? 

Lupo: That concern is addressed by grounding the analysis in broadly recognized social harms rather than religious or moral doctrine. WalletHub does not judge personal beliefs or cultural norms. Instead, we focus on behaviors that most people, across cultures, agree are damaging when they become widespread – such as violence, fraud, addiction, and social disconnection. 

The study also acknowledges that some activities aren’t inherently bad in moderation. Things like drinking, gambling, or cosmetic spending are only treated as “sinful” when data show they reach levels associated with real harm to individuals or communities. By relying on objective, publicly available metrics and applying the same standards to every city, WalletHub minimizes value judgments and keeps the rankings centered on measurable outcomes, not cultural preferences. 

Jacobsen: What evidence suggests cities cause more sinful behavior rather than simply attracting it? 

Lupo: The study doesn’t claim that cities cause sinful behavior. It simply shows where harmful behaviors are most concentrated and most visible.  

What the evidence does suggest is that local conditions matter. The wide variation across cities, sometimes within the same state, points to factors like policy choices, economic conditions, enforcement, and access shaping how much these behaviors occur, not just who lives there. 

Even if certain cities have a reputation for sinful behavior, local policymakers still have some say in what’s promoted or even tolerated moving forward.  

Jacobsen: Did you control for population size, tourism volume, age distribution, income inequality, etc.?  

Lupo: Most metrics were calculated on a per-capita basis, which directly adjusts for population size. For some measures, such as the number of casinos, fast-food outlets, and adult entertainment establishments, the square root of the population was used to avoid overstating differences driven purely by city size. Age effects were also accounted for in relevant metrics, such as excessive drinking and marijuana use. 

Tourism and income inequality were not explicitly controlled for as standalone variables. Instead, their effects are implicitly reflected in outcome measures like crime rates, fraud complaints, gambling disorders, and debt-to-income ratios. 

Jacobsen: Are violent crime and theft measured using consistent definitions? 

Lupo: Yes. WalletHub relies on standardized, widely used definitions for both violent crime and theft, which allows for consistent comparisons across cities. 

By using per-capita rates, data sources that include all cities, and nationally recognized definitions, WalletHub ensures that differences in rankings reflect real variation in reported behavior, not differences in how crimes are defined or counted from one city to another. 

Jacobsen: For things like porn/strip-club/affair-related Google searches, how do you justify using search behavior as a proxy? 

Lupo: WalletHub uses search behavior as a proxy because it offers a consistent, comparable way to measure interest in certain activities across cities, especially for behaviors that are private, stigmatized, or underreported in official statistics. 

Activities tied to lust and vanity, such as pornography use or interest in strip clubs and affairs, don’t reliably show up in crime or health data. Google search interest provides an aggregated, anonymized signal of how often people in a city are actively seeking out that content. Importantly, WalletHub doesn’t look at individuals or raw volumes; it uses indexed search interest, which allows cities of different sizes to be compared on the same scale. 

Used alongside indicators like the number of adult entertainment establishments or teen birth rates, search data helps fill in gaps where traditional data sources fall short, making the overall picture more complete rather than relying on any single proxy alone. 

Jacobsen: If a city ranks high, what should policymakers actually do

Lupo: A high ranking isn’t a label of moral failure. Policymakers should read it as a map of where risks are concentrated, not as a verdict on residents. 

Because the index breaks results into seven categories, leaders can see which behaviors are driving the score and respond accordingly. High scores in Anger & Hatred point to the need for violence prevention, better community policing, and mental health intervention. Elevated Greed or Jealousy scores suggest focusing on fraud prevention, gambling intervention, and financial literacy education. Excesses & Vices highlight opportunities for public health responses, such as addiction treatment, harm-reduction programs, and DUI prevention. Weak performance in Laziness points to the need for investments in education, workforce participation, and civic engagement. 

In short, the value of the ranking is that it turns abstract social problems into measurable pressure points. Policymakers can use it to prioritize resources, track progress over time, and learn from peer cities that score better in the same categories. 

Jacobsen: How do you recommend journalists present the results responsibly? 

Lupo: The results are best presented as a tool for understanding patterns, not as a moral scorecard or a “shame list” of cities. 

Journalists should emphasize that the rankings measure the prevalence of certain behaviors and outcomes, not the character of residents. A high rank reflects where issues like crime, addiction, fraud, or low civic engagement are more common, not why they exist or who is to blame. Pointing readers to the category-level scores helps show nuance, since most cities perform poorly in some areas and relatively well in others. 

It’s also important to highlight the methodology, especially the use of per-capita and standardized metrics, so readers understand that comparisons are data-driven.  

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Chip. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Everywhere Insiders 36: Hybrid Warfare, Intelligence Limits, and Liberal Democratic Legitimacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/04

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Irina Tsukerman, a national security and human rights attorney, on the legal boundaries of modern “hybrid” conflict. She separates German debate about expanding BND cyber and technical powers from any blanket mandate for offensive cyberattacks, emphasizing constitutional constraints, oversight, and escalation risk. Tsukerman flags misinformation—such as unverified “sonic device” arrest claims—while noting that intelligence services sometimes pair collection with disruption. Turning to India–diaspora tensions, she contrasts protected advocacy with criminal plotting, situating the Nijjar and Gupta cases within sovereignty disputes and evidentiary tradeoffs. She then links antisemitism in France to Enlightenment-era civic equality and institutional defense.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is the German intelligence chief, Martin Jäger, the president of the BND (Germany’s foreign intelligence service). He has been arguing that Germany should strengthen its intelligence services and give them more operational freedom in light of Russia-linked “hybrid” threats such as disinformation, cyberattacks, and sabotage. At the Munich Security Conference, he framed the issue as a shift from passive monitoring to action: do they continue to observe and document developments, or has the situation reached a point where active countermeasures are necessary? My interpretation is that countermeasures are needed because hybrid activity operates in a grey zone and allows Russia to apply pressure while avoiding open, conventional escalation. What is your view?

Irina Tsukerman: There has been a real shift in the German debate and in proposed policy, but it is important to describe it accurately. What we are seeing is political momentum and discussion of draft legislation aimed at expanding intelligence authorities and operational scope, including more robust cyber and technical powers. That is not the same as Germany having broadly authorized offensive cyberattacks across the board.

In the United States, the government has long conducted cyber operations through entities such as U.S. Cyber Command and the intelligence community. By contrast, U.S. private companies are generally not legally permitted to launch retaliatory cyberattacks; their role is largely confined to defensive security measures, incident response, and cooperation with law enforcement.

For Germany, the trajectory under discussion points toward greater flexibility and a more assertive posture, especially in cyberspace, where escalation risks are perceived as lower than in kinetic conflict. Even so, there is a critical distinction between intelligence collection and disruption on the one hand, and sabotage or physically destructive actions on the other. Germany has traditionally been associated more with defensive counterintelligence, counterterrorism operations, and arrests than with overt, confrontational external intelligence campaigns.

The United States also has a history of covert action, including the CIA’s involvement in armed drone strikes during the Obama administration. Whether that represents the best use of intelligence resources remains open to debate. One argument is that lethal operations are more appropriately assigned to the military, while intelligence services should concentrate on collection, analysis, and enabling informed policymaking.

We need to be careful with the factual framing. There has been no publicly verified U.S. operation involving the arrest of Nicolás Maduro using a “sonic device” for mass paralysis. Maduro remains in power in Venezuela. There have been past U.S. indictments, sanctions, and attempted pressure campaigns, but no confirmed arrest operation of that kind. Claims of exotic non-lethal mass paralysis devices tend to circulate in speculative or conspiratorial narratives rather than in verified reporting.

It is true, however, that intelligence services globally—including Israel’s Mossad—have historically combined intelligence collection with operational disruption. Israel has conducted targeted counterterrorism operations against Hezbollah and other groups. Those operations typically involve extensive intelligence preparation, but they are also highly controversial and legally complex under international law.

Could Germany move in a similar direction? Germany operates under strict constitutional constraints shaped by its postwar legal culture. Any expansion of authority for the BND would face parliamentary oversight and judicial review. While more assertive cyber or counterintelligence measures are conceivable, extraterritorial lethal operations or sabotage would raise profound legal and political barriers.

In principle, states argue that asymmetric environments reward those willing to act aggressively in grey zones. The counterargument is escalation risk and blowback. Intelligence agencies that drift into paramilitary roles can create legal exposure and diplomatic fallout. Effectiveness depends not only on capability but on legitimacy and strategic coherence.

Jacobsen: An Indian national, Nikhil Gupta, pleaded guilty in U.S. federal court in connection with a murder-for-hire conspiracy targeting a Sikh separatist activist in the United States. Prosecutors alleged that the intended target was Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a U.S.-based advocate for Khalistan. The charges included conspiracy to commit murder for hire and conspiracy to commit money laundering. The maximum combined sentence exposure is substantial under U.S. law. Gupta was arrested in the Czech Republic in 2023 and later extradited to the United States.

In Canada, the 2023 killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar in British Columbia led Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to state in Parliament that Canadian intelligence had credible allegations linking agents of the Indian government to the assassination. India has denied involvement. As of now, criminal proceedings in Canada are ongoing against individuals charged domestically, but a full public evidentiary record tying senior Indian officials directly to the killing has not been judicially established in open court.

Tsukerman: The through line is the globalization of domestic separatist conflicts. When diaspora activism intersects with homeland politics, intelligence services may be tempted to extend operations abroad. That carries severe diplomatic consequences. If evidence substantiates state-directed plots on foreign soil, it represents a significant breach of sovereignty.

The broader pattern suggests that hybrid tactics—covert action, deniable proxies, intimidation, targeted plots—are no longer confined to traditional war zones. The challenge for liberal democracies is responding firmly without eroding the legal frameworks that distinguish them from the actors they oppose. Power without constraint may be effective in the short term, but legitimacy is a strategic asset in the long run.

India has long been deeply concerned about Khalistan-aligned separatist activism. This is not “all Sikhs”; it is a subset of political and activist networks advocating for an independent Sikh state, with a spectrum ranging from lawful advocacy to associations—historically—with militancy and violence.

Some individuals and networks linked to Khalistan-oriented militancy have been connected to serious violence in the past, including the 1985 bombing of Air India Flight 182, which Canadian authorities and subsequent inquiries described as a conspiracy conceived, planned, and executed in Canada by Sikh extremists.

From India’s perspective, the problem is not diaspora political speech in itself, but allegations that certain overseas networks have provided funding, propaganda, recruitment, or logistical support for violent activity tied to Indian security concerns. That said, democratic states draw sharp legal lines: advocacy and protest are protected; incitement, financing violence, or operational plotting are crimes.

On Canada–India friction: New Delhi has repeatedly argued that Canada has not done enough against individuals it views as extremists. Ottawa, meanwhile, has stated publicly that it had “credible allegations” of a potential link between agents of the Government of India and the June 2023 killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar in British Columbia. India has denied involvement.

It is also important not to overstate claims that have not been established in open court. Commentaries sometimes assert a fixed number of alleged overseas killings, or conflate political representation with organizational culpability. Canada has charged four Indian nationals in the Nijjar killing, and Canadian statements have focused on alleged involvement of Indian agents, but a full public evidentiary record tying the operation to senior Indian leadership has not been judicially proven in open proceedings.

Regarding the “why” of alleged transnational plots: the U.S. case involving Nikhil Gupta (who pleaded guilty in February 2026) shows how these controversies escalate—when a state is alleged to pursue dissidents abroad, it triggers sovereignty, criminal, and diplomatic consequences regardless of the target’s politics.

India’s security establishment sees parts of the diaspora movement as an externalized security threat, Canada frames the issue as sovereignty and rule of law, and the evidence question sits at the center—what can be proven publicly versus what remains protected intelligence.

When governments make politically explosive claims, they face a tradeoff: protecting sources and methods versus providing corroboration that can withstand scrutiny. That tension becomes even sharper when the alleged conduct is a covert operation on allied soil. The strategic risk is not only escalation with the targeted state, but a reputational hit with partners if the case is perceived as under-substantiated or over-politicized.

That failure to substantiate the allegation publicly—at least in a way the public could evaluate—became a major political and diplomatic rupture with India. Since Mark Carney became prime minister on March 14, 2025, Ottawa has signaled an interest in stabilizing relations and resetting channels where possible.

On the U.S. side, the most concrete “edge-taker-off” development was procedural and legal rather than rhetorical: the United States approved and then executed the extradition of Tahawwur Rana to India after the U.S. Supreme Court declined to halt the process, and Rana was transferred in April 2025. That does not resolve the Canada–India sovereignty dispute over alleged Indian-linked operations in North America, but it did demonstrate that—when the legal threshold is met—Washington will move forward on sensitive India-related cases.

The broader point stands: there was no comprehensive, publicly articulated diplomatic framework for handling disputes involving Sikh separatist activism, dual nationals, and alleged extraterritorial operations. Instead, there were case-by-case reactions, intelligence claims constrained by source protection, and political messaging that left key questions unresolved—so the issue predictably resurfaces when new prosecutions, guilty pleas, or intelligence allegations appear.

Jacobsen: Macron has called for stronger measures against antisemitism in France. Government data reported 1,320 antisemitic acts in 2025, accounting for over half of all anti-religious acts. Macron said, “Schools, the justice system, elected officials—everyone must be mobilised,” and added that in a democracy, free speech does not extend to racism and antisemitism. How do you read his framing of the Enlightenment and the boundary he draws for speech—especially compared to the “platform free speech” posture associated with X and Grok?

Tsukerman: Any serious, resourced effort by a head of state to confront antisemitism is welcome—especially when it is tied to enforcement, education, and institutional responsibility rather than slogans.

Where I would tighten the factual framing is on motive and alliances. French politics since the 2024 snap election has involved tactical withdrawals and “republican front”-style coordination to block the far right in some races, not a clean ideological merger of Macron’s camp with Mélenchon’s party. It is also fair to say that parts of the French political ecosystem—including factions on the hard left and hard right—have amplified conspiratorial and antisemitic content online, and that this has contributed to a climate of intimidation and disorder.

Macron’s strongest point here is the linkage: antisemitism is not merely a “minority issue.” It corrodes core liberal rights—freedom of worship, equal citizenship, and public order—then metastasizes into broader conspiracism aimed at institutions, officials, and social cohesion. When states tolerate pervasive bigotry, they tend to discover—late—that the same networks and narratives do not stop with one target.

The political risk is durability. Macron’s term ends in May 2027, so this is the final stretch of his presidency, and follow-through will depend on whether France’s institutions and next leadership keep the same intensity and clarity rather than treating this as an end-of-term messaging campaign.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Natalia Voitovych: Russian Disinformation, Western Media Blind Spots, and Ukraine’s Journalist Solidarity Hubs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Yurii Markevych (On-Site Live Translation, English-Ukrainian)

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/03

Natalia Voitovych is a Ukrainian journalist and disinformation researcher who coordinates the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center within the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine’s nationwide network. Her work focuses on keeping reporters safe and operational during Russia’s invasion: organizing coworking space during blackouts, arranging access to protective equipment, and connecting displaced journalists with practical support and training. Alongside this field role, she contributes to academic and professional literature on media literacy and countering disinformation, examining how propaganda spreads and how audiences can be inoculated against it. She collaborates with international partners, including UNESCO-backed programs, to sustain independent Ukrainian journalism nationwide.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Natalia Voitovych, coordinator of the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center, about how Russian disinformation distorts Western coverage and how Ukraine’s resistance forced many outlets to revise early assumptions. Voitovych argues that the war began in 2014, not 2022, and critiques narratives that frame Ukraine as too small to endure. She describes propaganda shifts—from “protecting Russian speakers” to claims of “returning lands”—and urges journalists to ground reporting in history. They also discuss press-freedom trajectories, wartime media centralization, and solidarity hubs that provide gear, training, and a safe workspace for frontline reporting amid blackouts, displacement, and escalating threats.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In conversations with Ukrainian lawyers and activists, three frames keep coming up about “Western” media: what it gets right, what it gets wrong, and what it misses entirely. From your vantage point, what does it get right, wrong, and miss?

Natalia Voitovych: Russian propaganda has had a strong presence in Western information spaces.  This is an information war.

Some media outlets and commentators repeat Russian narratives—sometimes for ideological reasons, sometimes to capture audiences, and sometimes because Russian-language material is readily available. Many Europeans learned Russian, and when people looked for information, they often turned to Russian-language sources.

However, Russian state-aligned sources and pro-Kremlin messaging do not provide a full or reliable picture of what is happening in Ukraine, which creates a distorted understanding.

The war did not begin in 2022. Russia’s war against Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014, beginning with the seizure and annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia-backed fighting in eastern Ukraine. Many European outlets treated the conflict for years as an internal Ukrainian issue—a “civil conflict” or “separatist” war—rather than as Russian aggression against Ukraine. That misframing was one of the biggest problems.

Russia has major structural advantages: a much larger population, far larger territory, and far greater resources. Ukraine is smaller in both population and geography. Many people assumed a smaller country could not withstand Russia.

The full-scale invasion began on February 24, 2022. As of now, it is in its fourth year. Over these years, the world has seen that a smaller country can resist and fight a much larger aggressor.

Ukraine is also defending the broader European security order. If Ukraine were conquered, the threat would not necessarily stop at Ukraine’s borders; it would increase the risk of further instability and coercion across Europe.

Ukraine has become a barrier to Putin’s expansion into Europe and beyond.

Before the full-scale invasion began, some people began practicing Ukrainian, but it was not widely prioritized. When Russia’s full-scale invasion started in 2022, some European and “Western” media initially said Ukraine was a small country, and Russia was a big country, so Ukraine could not defend itself.

However, our country—our people—became a clear example that Ukraine can defend itself. It is not only about size. European media contains a lot of Russian propaganda, and that influences perceptions.

Early on, a common narrative was: ‘Russia is big, Ukraine cannot defend itself.’ Later, the media began to acknowledge what proved true: Ukraine can defend itself. However, that was not the first image; it came later.

Jacobsen: Many Western outlets revised early expectations once Ukraine resisted the initial assault. 

Voitovych: I read questions from foreign media, including in Ukraine and in some European countries. Some people said they would not go and doubted that Ukraine would resist.

However, when the invasion began in 2022, people joined the defence in enormous numbers—men and women ready to stand up and defend the state. There were long lines of volunteers.

Painters, bakers, singers, musicians, seamstresses—ordinary people—ready to participate in the defence of the country.

In 2022, I was interviewed by Polish media and said that if the war came to Lviv, I would take up arms and defend my country because it is my land and I would not leave.

In Kyiv in 2022, when the full-scale invasion began, weapons were distributed, and people went out to defend the city, even facing armoured vehicles with whatever they had. They defended Kyiv and Ukraine.

Voitovych: There were lines for weapons. They gave people weapons, and they went to defend their neighbourhoods and their cities themselves.

Jacobsen: Your specialization is Russian disinformation. What was the character of Russian disinformation at the start of the war in 2014? How did it change in 2022? What is its character now—especially with EU and NATO delays, and the political chaos around Trump?

Voitovych: Russian disinformation has centred on the claim of “returning Russian lands,” despite Ukraine’s internationally recognized sovereignty after 1991: sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. They also pushed the narrative that they were “liberating” or “protecting” Russian-speaking people.

That was propaganda. Sometimes it sounded as if they were afraid of Western Ukraine because we are Ukrainian-speaking and we value our language.

Even in Lviv, we had multiple schools that taught Russian as a minority language. In the streets of Lviv, people spoke Russian, and nobody forbade it.

Until around 2016–2018, much public life was bilingual: concerts and programs often had one line in Ukrainian and another line in Russian. You cannot honestly claim there was “pressure” on the Russian language.

In 2014, they started the war in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. They staged “referendums” about separating those territories, although many people were forced to leave and could not vote. They then claimed large percentages supported separation.

Russia also claimed it was a war inside Ukraine—Ukrainians fighting Ukrainians—and that Russia had nothing to do with it. In Crimea, they used a similar line. They said Russian troops were not there. That is where the phrase and meme came from: the “little green men.”

Jacobsen: When Russians frame “liberation,” they mean “liberation” from the humiliation of the Russian language.

Voitovych: Russian officials said they were not in Crimea, but they were in Crimea—and they are still there.

In Ukrainian, it translates as “they are not there,” and it became a meme—”in one word.”

When other parts of the world—Europe, America, Canada, and others—say that Russia occupied Crimea, Russia responds by claiming that Ukraine is not really a country. They claim Ukraine was “founded” by Lenin.

However, Kyiv is far older than Moscow by centuries. It is illogical to say that a place with an older city, a long history, and an established culture was “created” recently by the Soviet Union. This is one of the biggest propaganda claims.

Ukraine existed as a historical polity and a cultural territory long before the USSR. There is historical evidence, including accounts by European travellers and researchers, describing the territory of Ukraine, its culture, and historical developments that differed sharply from those in Russia.

Now, when they cannot credibly claim they are “protecting Russian-speaking people,” they shift to another message: that Ukraine is “their territory” and they are “taking back what is theirs.” That is where the propaganda has moved.

European media—and world media—need to return to history and read it seriously: not only Russian state narratives, but also French, Italian, Spanish, and other historians and travellers from the 15th and 16th centuries who documented the region and drew maps that included Ukraine. This matters.

Western media are often new to this context.

Russian propaganda claimed that Russian-speaking boys were in danger in Lviv. You went to Lviv—I hope you did not see anything like that.

Western media, in general, does not know Russian history very well either. Russian propaganda says that in Lviv, our people “eat Russian boys,” and similar absurd things. That is propaganda.

Jacobsen: In different contexts, there are historical analogies. People used to claim that Jewish people harmed Christian children centuries ago. This “child-eating” narrative is not a new tool.

Voitovych: Our biggest problem is that Ukraine was the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal after the Soviet Union collapsed. Many argued it would not be safe for Ukraine to keep those weapons.

Ukraine was pressured into giving them up under the Budapest Memorandum in 1994. Ukrainians believed that the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia agreed to respect Ukraine’s independence and borders.

However, Russia had intentions to restore control over the former Soviet territories. If Ukraine had kept nuclear weapons, maybe Russia would not have attacked. Ukraine trusted that nuclear powers would preserve Ukraine’s integrity and help protect it.

When it came to protection, Russia later claimed the memorandum was not binding and treated it as merely a political statement. That is what happened.

I feel personal regret about this, because Ukrainians are strong, hardworking, and brave. If you look at the broader story, Ukraine as a state has not attacked others; it has defended itself.

In the 1990s, the world acted as if Ukraine could hypothetically become an aggressor. That is strange, because historically, Ukraine has not been an aggressor.

Historically, Ukraine has defended itself. However, in the 1990s, other countries treated Ukraine as if it could pose a serious threat. They thought it would be better for Ukraine to give up its nuclear weapons, and they said they would defend Ukraine from other countries.

Jacobsen: This came up in another interview recently with a Ukrainian based in the United States, so I will take a minute to lay out the logic.

During World War II, Jewish people were integrated into German society and achieved success in many areas. Then they were persecuted in Germany, and conditions became catastrophic.

Many tried to flee to different countries, but large parts of the world refused to accept them. They experienced betrayal within their own society and then betrayal as refugees trying to escape.

The contexts differ in severity, but the logic of betrayal has a parallel structure.

Ukraine had the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal. After gaining independence from the Soviet Union, Ukraine agreed to denuclearize. The United States and other powers offered assurances tied to Ukraine’s sovereignty and borders.

Then the Russian Federation annexed Crimea in 2014 and launched the full-scale invasion in 2022, violating international law. The United States did not intervene militarily to defend Ukraine, so many Ukrainians interpret that as a second betrayal layered onto the first.

So there is a “double betrayal”: aggression from a former Soviet “brother,” and the absence of the hard protection Ukrainians believed the assurances implied.

That is why, when civilians, the military, and President Zelensky say “no territorial concessions,” I understand the position. Again, not the same degree of suffering as the Holocaust, but similar logic in geopolitical and cultural terms: after repeated betrayal, conceding territory feels like rewarding the aggressor and inviting future aggression.

Voitovych: If we make territorial concessions, it will be a disaster. You cannot give the aggressor what they want. If we agree to give them our territory, they will not stop.

The biggest message from the Ukrainian side is: do not let Putin achieve any of his political objectives, because then he will pursue more.

Jacobsen: In the Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index, Ukraine ranked 106th out of 180 in 2022, while Russia ranked 155th.

That is not the whole story. Ukraine improved to 62nd in 2025, while Russia fell to 171st—a clear divergence.

For context, Moldova is 35th in 2025.

So, despite the war, Ukraine—alongside anti-corruption efforts—has improved on media freedom, while Russia’s media environment has worsened.

There are concerns in Ukraine under martial law, including restrictions and occasional interference affecting journalists, especially near the front line. On the Russian side, there are severe concerns: journalists being detained, abused, and credible reporting (including UN-linked documentation) indicating torture and systematic mistreatment of detained journalists.

What are the main concerns for journalists in Ukraine right now? How does that contrast with Russia’s treatment of journalists, particularly detention, abuse, and torture? Moreover, in the bigger picture, press freedom is worsening in Russia and improving in Ukraine. Ironically, fewer Western journalists come to Ukraine at the very moment more should, especially given the improved rankings. 

Jacobsen: What is the Journalistic Solidarity Center?

Voitovych: It started in 2022, when the full-scale invasion led to mass displacement. Journalists from occupied or heavily attacked areas began fleeing, and Lviv became a hub. A community of journalists formed there to coordinate help. One of the first groups to assist us was a similar journalistic community in Greece.

In March 2022, they brought supplies—food, laptops, phones, cameras—because many journalists had fled without equipment.

We distributed aid, helped journalists find places to live, and supported them so they could continue working. Some stayed in Lviv; others moved onward.

In the summer of 2022, journalists in Kyiv decided it was necessary to create multiple hubs where they could come for help. We had hubs in Lviv, Chernivtsi, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Kyiv.

UNESCO began providing support—funding, bulletproof vests, helmets, and medical supplies—so journalists could have protective equipment.

We worked in that format through 2023. In 2023, we reorganized, and now we have hubs in Zaporizhzhia, Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Kyiv, with Ivano-Frankivsk, Chernivtsi, and Lviv grouped. In total, there are six hubs where journalists can come, borrow protective gear, and then go to the front with better safety.

Russia is attacking Ukraine’s energy system. For example, Lviv can experience blackouts. When there is no electricity or internet at home, journalists can come to the hub to work. It also serves as a workspace.

Once or twice a month, depending on circumstances, we run trainings and workshops on fact-checking, information warfare and propaganda, and journalistic ethics—especially how to report on war responsibly.

We also provide security and medical training, so when journalists go to dangerous areas, they can protect themselves and help others, including their camera operators.

These centers are genuinely helpful. They provide mutual support and practical consultation, helping journalists work more safely and stay connected.

Many journalists entered or re-entered the country in 2022, and many came from the east after fleeing their homes with no equipment and no protective gear. The hubs helped fill that gap.

Russia targets journalists—along with medics. Many journalists were forced to flee their homes, and Lviv became a hub because so many of them were there. There are now six such hubs in Ukraine.

There was a similar hub in Greece that supplied us with equipment and other support. If journalists want to go to the front line, they can come to our hub, receive protective equipment—like a bulletproof vest—and then go to the front with better safety.

We also hold lectures a few times per month about Russian propaganda and disinformation.

Jacobsen: I have a question. What are her views, and the department head’s views, on “United Media”—bringing everything together under one centralized media platform? How did that centralization work in 2022? Was it an idea of the state, without taking journalists’ opinions into account?

The main concerns I have seen about media freedom in Ukraine have been martial law restrictions and the occasional persecution or obstruction of some journalists, primarily near the front line.

On the Russian side, it is systematic: imprisonment of journalists, torture of detained journalists, and the deliberate targeting of journalists—including people clearly marked as “press”—and killing them. We see this through the Journalistic Solidarity work.

Voitovych: We also work with journalists, bloggers, and civic leaders—especially those in Crimea. We investigate the fate of journalists whom Russia has taken and is holding in captivity.

We have supported the family of Viktor Roshchyna—no, sorry, let me be precise: please look up the story of Viktoriia Roshchyna. We track the fate of Ukrainian journalists in Crimea in particular, and we also tracked the fate of Viktoriia Roshchyna, who was killed in Russia.

Recently, there was news that Viktoriia Roshchyna asked for a psychologist and said that if she did not receive help, she would take drastic steps.

The Center for Journalism and the National Union of Journalists wrote a petition about Viktoriia and also about a broader list of journalists being held in Russia.

Russia treats journalists in a fundamentally criminal way because, for them, journalists are a target that must be eliminated. Why? Because a journalist can arrive, see what is happening, go back to the newsroom, and publish that Russia is not telling the truth.

So when we talk about the press freedom index in Russia, for me it is not just low—it is below zero.

Jacobsen: You are saying the main target—the main aim—for Russians is to kill journalists. Moreover, you are saying that, for you, Russia’s press freedom is below zero [Ed. So low that it is below any listing. It is like Afghanistan or North Korea.

Voitovych: A lot of the problems for the media in Russia started a long time ago. When Putin came to power, I am not a historian, but my understanding is that he did three major things.

First, he targeted independent journalists and moved to silence them.

Second, he consolidated power by aligning with and empowering the richest men—oligarchs—so wealth and political loyalty reinforced each other.

Third, he built a system of patriotic messaging designed to make Russians feel proud and to mobilize them around the state.

It is noteworthy that before territorial expansion and patriotic mobilization, he moved against independent journalism.

It was not about the people’s good. It was about protecting his own power.

Jacobsen: The Russian state is not the same thing as the Russian population.

Voitovych: I had a friend in Russia. In 2014, after consuming Russian propaganda, he asked me why Ukraine attacked Russia. He described it as “Ukraine is small, Russia is big.” In other words, he had inverted the roles of aggressor and victim.

Jacobsen: That connects to the territory point, which comes up repeatedly: why does Russia need more territory? It does not.

Voitovych: Russia has a large population and a vast landmass, but its economy is not as strong as its size suggests. By some measures, Russia’s overall economic output is comparable to that of large European economies. Still, because Russia has a much larger population, its per capita wealth is lower than that of many Western European countries. That is not a precise economic claim.

I have also heard sentiments from Ukrainian civilians that some Russians resented Ukraine’s quality of life. That may be true for some individuals, but it is not a strong general explanation.

The main point is that Russian state propaganda has framed Ukraine in a way that justifies domination.

Jacobsen: I can make an analogy from the American case. As a Canadian, I heard this argument often: the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan was justified in the public mind as a response to 9/11 (including NATO’s Article 5 being invoked and with UN resolutions). At the same time, the extension to Iraq was sold on weapons of mass destruction—claims that did not hold up. However, many people conflated the two conflicts in their minds into “the same war.” So, in the American public mind, Afghanistan and Iraq became conflated.

There is a history here. Americans had troops in Afghanistan for a long time. Many Americans thought the war was beneficial or necessary, regardless of what Afghanistan was experiencing. Moreover, there is an underlying slogan logic that appears in many countries: “They hate us for our freedom.”

The main problem is that Russian propaganda uses a familiar kind of slogan-logic—something like, “They hate us for our freedom,” but, as some Ukrainians expressed, they were jealous of Ukrainian prosperity. You could say that might be true for some people, but not broadly. It is not a serious explanation of what is happening.

Sometimes this is not about popular grievances at all—it can be the will of an authoritarian leader and a ruling system trying to rebuild an empire and imitate figures like Catherine the Great or Peter the Great.

Oleksandra Matviichuk said in late 2025, in a clip I saw, that humanitarian aid numbers matter, and counting the killed and the equipment destroyed matters. Still, we should not lose the human stories. Otherwise, we turn human losses into statistics rather than a narrative. That struck me.

My first trip in 2023 was mainly to get acquainted. My second trip was more about politics, activism, and human rights. My third trip was supposed to come through Odesa, but after Russia bombed bridges, routes were disrupted, and I came through Poland.

This time, I decided to do the regular work but devote much more attention to human stories—profiling young journalists, visiting art centers, and speaking with people like you and other leaders involved in Ukraine’s cultural regeneration.

So the character of this third trip is oriented around capturing human stories like yours. Are you noticing any loss of the human element in foreign media coverage? Are you noticing any loss of the human stories in foreign media?

This is from Rivne.

Voitovych: I have not noticed it much in foreign media because I do not usually consume it closely. However, I have noticed it in our media. When we show the deaths of soldiers, it often becomes statistics.

However, when we show a person’s death through their story, it is different. It is the death of a son. It is the death of a father. It is the death of a brother. It is the death of a friend. We can demonstrate someone’s death through their story.

My cousin was 25 years old. She went to the front line at the beginning of the full-scale war, when she was barely 18. She served as a medic. She said she could not stay at home because her country was invaded. She died two days before her birthday. Russia killed her. She was also a journalist.

She is a Hero of Ukraine. She will be 24 forever. Her story shows the depth of the Ukrainian nation. If you report deaths among the Hospitallers, it is sad. However, when you tell the story of a young woman who chose to go and serve, it becomes more than sadness—it becomes recognition.

If we write only that someone died, it is sad. If we write about the person they were, it becomes an honour.

Jacobsen: Death is personal, and honour never replaces the person. There are four broad categories of men in Ukraine: those who left the country, those who hid within the country, those who were coerced or forced into mobilization, and those who chose to go to the front and stayed.

The word “brave” probably belongs primarily to the last group. People may use the terms “brave” or “courageous” to describe foreign journalists like me who come to Ukraine. That is not appropriate. It may be insensitive because we choose to come here and can choose to leave. Calling us “brave” in the same way is unfair and irresponsible.

So what is your expert opinion on the context for men and women—bakers, artists, journalists—who went to the front line? What is your take on their stories: changing an ordinary life into becoming someone on the front line? What do you think about their stories?

Voitovych: We mentioned those who left, those who hid, and those who went to fight. I do not blame those who hid or those who left, because fear is human. However, I have great respect for those who, regardless of their profession—whether they are singers, artists, teachers, or journalists—went to the front to defend the country.

Moreover, I also respect those who stayed here and continue doing what they can. Sometimes it looks like indifference, but it is not. It is resilience.

Today, on my way to work, I saw a scene that really touched me: two young girls, about 18 years old, carrying a large container of gasoline and pouring it into a generator so a café—or some small place—could keep working during a blackout. That is not typically considered “girls’ work,” but they stayed, and they did what was needed. Those are small steps, but they mean a lot.

It is hard to describe. At home, we may have electricity for only about four hours a day, and then we have no light. However, we live on. We go outside between buildings, set up barrels, light a fire, and cook food. Life continues.

For me, it is all part of the same resilience. Those who are physically and mentally ready to go to the front go and fight. However, I cannot dismiss any of the four categories, because people’s circumstances and limits differ, and even small acts of endurance and mutual support matter.

Jacobsen: Some questions can feel taboo. For example, what are we to make of Russian families who want nothing to do with the war, but feel they have to take part in it—especially if, financially, it seems like the only viable option in their village? What should we make of their stories? I do not want to make the same mistake as Westerners, framing this almost theologically as a war between pure good and pure evil.

Voitovych: You mean families whose men are sent to the front, and the family feels they have no other normal option. I recommend you watch videos where Russian prisoners are filmed while speaking with their families.

In these recordings, you can hear how they talk. They often describe the war as a way to reach something—to get something. That is not normal, especially for an aggressor.

Some of them neglect their husbands or sons. It is not about love. Russian people—again, this is my opinion—close their eyes. They do not want to see. They do not want to understand. Critical thinking is when you analyze.

Most Russians do not analyze. They unquestioningly believe what they are given. Many Russian families do not want to see the full situation. They close their eyes. That is not critical thinking. Moreover, it is not a small thing.

Jacobsen: The only symmetry I have seen in credible documentation comes from the UN system—particularly the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

In one UN report, 205 prisoners were interviewed—Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war and detainees—and both groups reported torture or ill-treatment. However, there was an important distinction.

For Ukrainian prisoners of war, the torture is well documented and extensive, and it occurs systematically in detention facilities. For Russian prisoners, the allegations were not primarily about treatment inside formal detention facilities. They were more about abuse at a transfer point—an “in-transit” or “way station” stage before arriving at detention.

So the alleged abuse against Russian prisoners appears to be more concentrated in that transit phase, rather than in established detention centers. That is a nuance that rarely makes it into mainstream reporting. I would be very interested to see more coverage of what happens at those transfer points, because we already have substantial reporting on what happens to Ukrainians in detention.

In general, Russian detainees appear to be treated far better than Ukrainian detainees, even acknowledging that abuses against Russian prisoners—especially during transfers—are a serious human rights concern.

From a human rights perspective, that is one of the areas where things become more morally complex, because the question becomes: who controlled that transfer point, and what systems existed—or failed—to prevent abuse?

I also recall UN-verified cases in 2023–2024 involving the killing of Russian prisoners by Ukrainian forces, though again, the scale and systematic character differ sharply from Russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners. The story of Viktoriia Roshchyna is an eloquent example of what is at stake.

I am not standing on a pedestal here. I am well aware of Canadian failures and wider Western failures—Romeo Dallaire in Rwanda, and the context dramatized for popular audiences through films like Hotel Rwanda. During the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, propaganda—especially radio broadcasts—was used to incite mass violence. It is a brutal example of what information warfare can do.

I bring up Rwanda because I am also aware of how grating it is when people in the West make beautiful speeches and then do little, or when Western states have committed serious wrongs themselves. It is important to emphasize that in this interview.

Voitovych: I have a question. Do you have any expectations—expectations or assumptions—coming into this?

Jacobsen: I have found that having fewer expectations and fewer assumptions is important for a more accurate view of things. There is a neo-Taoist idea of the “empty cup”: when you come open and receptive, you can take in what is actually there.

It might sound abstract, but the point is practical. Fewer expectations allow you to see things more as others do, rather than forcing everything through your own prior experience and interpretations.

Voitovych: So you mean: the fewer expectations you bring, the more clearly you can perceive what is in front of you, and the less you distort it through your own past experiences and assumptions.

Jacobsen: There is also an African pre-colonial idea—often associated with Ubuntu—that people are defined through one another: “I am because you are.” That can inform journalistic narrative construction in a way that is more intersubjectively accurate and therefore more comprehensive. My only expectation is the price of an espresso.

In two provinces over, in the city of Winnipeg, they expect the temperature to drop to extreme lows. One backpacker from Canada in Lviv can feel comfortable. For me, minus 20 is cold, and minus five is mildly uncomfortable. How about you?

Voitovych: For me, plus 20 degrees is comfortable.

Jacobsen: I used to work at a horse farm. I was doing journalism on equestrianism. I found it comfortable to do ranch labour and landscaping at around 25 Celsius.

My indication from recent statements by the Prime Minister of Finland, President Zelensky, Lavrov’s recent evasiveness, and the encouraged discussions in Alaska is that Russians are losing as many—or more—than they are recruiting now. That raises another issue.

We know from reliable reporting that some Indian nationals were misled into serving in the Russian army. We also know North Korean forces have supported Russia, and that Iranian Shahed drones and related technology have been used by Russia, with foreign-sourced components—including from China—showing up in Russian drone supply chains. We also know some citizens of Western-aligned countries have volunteered in the Ukrainian forces.

I would love to see an investigative piece—from Ukrainian journalists or someone closer to this than I am—on two questions: how many other nationalities are being misled or coerced into Russian service, and how many nationalities are volunteering on the Ukrainian side? If Indians are involved and there are reports of others from very different regions, that suggests the problem is wider than what is commonly discussed.

Voitovych: It is hard for me to answer precisely because I am not a military strategist. However, yes, we know there are foreign nationals involved.

Jacobsen: I also recently completed a book project—around 110,000 words—based on conversations with experts and victim advocates regarding clergy-perpetrated abuse in the Eastern Orthodox Church.

One relevant comparison: in the United States, the Archdiocese of Los Angeles agreed in 2024 to an $880 million settlement with survivors of clergy sexual abuse—just one archdiocese, in one metro area, and one settlement among others. However, I still hear a kind of deflection from some Orthodox voices: “We do not have that,” or “If we do, we are not as bad as the Catholic Church.”

It is bad in any case. No version of this becomes a joke. We do have a database now, and you can do a four-quadrant analysis of victims: adult women, boys as primary victims, with girls and adult men as minority victims. It is controversial, but the point is that the victim profile is not limited to any one group, even though some groups appear more frequently in reported and documented cases.

What we do know across Christian denominations is that when victims—men or women—come forward, the first institutional reflex is often to defend the church rather than protect the victim.

We also know false allegations are a minority. Estimates vary, but commonly cited ranges are roughly 2% to 10%. That means when one person comes forward, the odds heavily favour a genuine claim. When multiple independent complainants come forward—three, four, five—the likelihood that the accused engaged in misconduct becomes extremely high.

I get a lot of strange emails.

Security-wise, before I came here, my latest hate mail—or “fan mail”—was: “Your writing sucks, and I hope you die soon.”

Journalists get harassed constantly now. Women are more often sexually harassed.

I did a four-part interview with a British Pakistani colleague, and she described how she gets the same “your writing sucks, I hope you die” messages, but often with sexualized threats, like “I hope you get raped to death,” or similar.

It is American chaos, European delays paired with beautiful statements, Ukraine’s increasing self-sufficiency, and Russia’s largely criminal conduct. Those four dynamics do not seem to be changing much.

Much of Africa has no direct stake in this beyond specific cases—such as some Kenyan nationals reportedly being deceived into Russian service. Some in Africa may also view this, bluntly, as a European “white people’s war,” even though the consequences, e.g., food prices, energy shocks, rule-of-law precedents, recruitment scams, travel well beyond Europe.

Since those structural dynamics are shifting slowly, the areas where I can make a small contribution are often the less-covered parts: culture, civil society, and human stories—the things that keep human beings from turning into spreadsheet cells.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Natalia. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen at the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center. Copyright Yurii Markevych.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

WalletHub’s Racial Progress Methodology: Time Windows, Weights, and What State Rankings Mean

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/02

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Chip Lupo of WalletHub about how its Racial Integration and Racial Progress rankings are built. Lupo explains that WalletHub compares the oldest data for each metric with the most recent to capture long-term change, while integration reflects Black–white equality today. Indicators are standardized to a 100-point scale, awarding full points when Black outcomes match or exceed white outcomes, then weighted across Employment & Wealth (40) and Education, Social & Civic Engagement, and Health (20 each). He cites federal datasets, flags small-population distortions, and advises journalists not to treat small gaps as equality.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What time windows are used for progress?  

Chip Lupo: WalletHub measures racial progress over decades, comparing the oldest available data for each metric with the most recent. For example, Georgia’s income gap reduction is tracked from 1979 to today, and Mississippi’s poverty gap reflects 1970 onward. This allows us to quantify the progress states have made over time, rather than just from one year to the next, providing a clear picture of long-term improvements in employment, education, civic engagement, and health outcomes. 

Jacobsen: How were the indicators standardized and weighted for this report? 

Lupo: WalletHub standardized the metrics used in this report by scoring each on a 100-point scale, with 100 representing the highest level of racial integration or progress. Racial progress was measured by comparing the oldest available data with the most recent, and states received full points for a given metric when Black residents scored equal to or better than white residents. 

The report compared the states across four key dimensions: Employment & Wealth (40 points), Education (20 points), Social & Civic Engagement (20 points), and Health (20 points). Within each dimension, individual metrics carry equal weight. For example, each of the seven Employment & Wealth metrics contribute roughly 5.71 points, while each of the Health metrics add about 2.86 points.  

The total score for each state was calculated as a weighted average across all metrics, providing a consistent and balanced measure to rank current racial integration levels and long-term racial progress. 

Jacobsen: Are you measuring improvement over time or current equality levels

Lupo: WalletHub measures both where states stand today and how far they’ve come. The Racial Integration ranking captures current equality between Black and white residents, while the Racial Progress ranking tracks improvement over decades. Together, they show not just the gaps that remain, but the strides states have made in advancing racial equity. 

Jacobsen: How do you handle states with relatively small Black populations where gaps can look small due to sample size, migration patterns, or measurement error? 

Lupo: In states with smaller Black populations, gaps can look deceptively small due to sample size or migration patterns. That’s why WalletHub looks at multiple metrics over time, so we can see true trends in racial integration and progress, not just statistical quirks. 

Jacobsen: For metrics like test scores, voter turnout, employment, and wealth proxies, are the data sources consistent across states and across decades?  

Lupo: Our analysis relies on data from established federal sources, including the U.S. Census Bureau, National Center for Education Statistics, Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.  

Metrics such as standardized-test scores, voter turnout, employment, and wealth proxies are drawn from these sources to allow consistent comparison across states.  

However, the report notes that racial progress is measured by comparing the oldest available data with the most recent, meaning that while the sources are reliable, the exact data collection methods or coverage may have changed over decades. As a result, trends over time provide a strong overall view of progress, but minor differences in methodology or reporting between decades could influence precise measurements. 

Jacobsen: What evidence supports the idea that state policy drove the observed gap-closing rather than macroeconomic shifts? 

Lupo: Our data shows that states with the most racial progress – like Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas – achieved substantial reductions in income, poverty, education, health, and civic engagement disparities over decades. For instance, Georgia has reduced the Black–white income gap by over 32 percentage points since 1979, while Mississippi has reduced the poverty gap by 27 points since 1970.  

These improvements are concentrated in specific states rather than following uniform nationwide trends, indicating that targeted state initiatives such as policies supporting education, business ownership, voter access, and health coverage played a decisive role.  

If macroeconomic forces alone were responsible, we would expect more homogeneous progress across all states, which the data clearly does not show. 

Jacobsen: How do you address that narrowing income gaps does not necessarily narrow wealth gaps? 

Lupo: WalletHub tracks income and related economic outcomes to measure progress. The rankings reflect improvements in economic opportunity and outcomes, not total parity in accumulated assets or generational wealth. 

Jacobsen: How do you recommend journalists communicate the results responsibly? 

Lupo: Journalists should highlight that WalletHub’s rankings show progress over time and current gaps. Furthermore, a small gap does not indicate complete equality.  

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Chip. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Mikey Weinstein Warns of Command Pressure, Christian Nationalism, and AI-Driven Militarization

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/01

Michael L. “Mikey” Weinstein is an undisputed leader of the national movement to restore the obliterated wall separating church and state in the most technologically lethal organization ever created by humankind: the United States armed forces. Described by Harper’s magazine as “the constitutional conscience of the U.S. military, a man determined to force accountability,” Mikey’s family has a long and distinguished U.S. military history spanning three consecutive generations of military academy graduates and over 130 years of combined active duty military service in every significant combat engagement our country has been in from World War I to the current Global War on Terror. Mikey is a 1977 Honour Graduate of the United States Air Force Academy. He left Mr. Perot’s employ in 2006 to focus his full-time attention on the nonprofit charitable foundation he founded to directly battle the far-right militant radical evangelical religious fundamentalists: the Military Religious Freedom Foundation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviewed Michael L. “Mikey” Weinstein of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF) about coercion, neutrality, and future weapons. Weinstein said service members reported superiors “strongly encouraging” attendance at politically charged documentary screenings, sometimes demanding proof, while the Pentagon denied any directive. He argued that even soft command pressure erodes constitutional nonpartisanship and can endanger careers. Turning to AI, drones, and autonomous systems, he warned that ideological capture would be “encoded” into design, amplifying supremacy at machine speed. He likened Christian nationalism in the force to a metastatic threat to democratic governance. His remedy: resist, document, and litigate.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What were the specific incidents that led the MRFF to publicly call out pressure on active service members to attend the “Melania documentary screenings?

Mikey Weinstein: As soon as the film began gaining traction, we started receiving outreach from service members—something that is common for us—asking what they should do.

We received reports from service members that their superiors were strongly encouraging attendance at screenings of Melania and, in some cases, treating it as functionally mandatory. Some service members said they were expected to show proof of attendance, such as ticket stubs or online confirmations. These accounts came from multiple installations and across different branches, not from a single unit type.

A Department of Defence official told reporters there was no directive requiring service members to watch the film.

Another journalist asked what our clients did. Many attended because they were concerned about professional consequences if they stood out or appeared noncompliant. Some attempted to avoid attendance by citing illness or family obligations, but many concluded that attending was the lower-risk option.

One service member described the screening being linked to a “Unit Activity Event”—a category of morale or cohesion event—and reported concern that skipping it could affect evaluations or standing within the unit.

Public awareness matters here. The film’s Rotten Tomatoes scores became part of the public discussion, with reporting highlighting the gap between audience scores and critic reviews, as well as questions about how attendance was being mobilized.

It is also essential for readers unfamiliar with military norms to understand that the U.S. military is expected to maintain a nonpartisan posture and command climate. That is why allegations of command pressure around a politically charged cultural product raise serious concerns. The Pentagon has denied any official requirement to attend.

Charlie Kirk was shot and killed at Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah, on September 10, 2025. In the hours following his death, reporting noted that Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth appeared with troops in a public religious context.

They bowed their heads and prayed for him. The fact is that Dwight D. Eisenhower was a five-star general, the commander of the entire U.S. military, and he had never voted for president until he voted for himself when he ran. He felt strongly that the military should be nonpartisan. When you start viewing the military as a praetorian guard meant to serve Caesar rather than the Constitution, something fundamental has gone wrong.

The oath is not taken to a particular version of Christianity. The oath of office and the enlistment oath are taken from the U.S. Constitution. Every member of the military swears to the Constitution. Every civilian who enters government service does the same. We are a constitutional republic. That is the foundation.

What we are seeing now is an effort to turn the military into a Christian nationalist force. That is the real war taking place, and they have largely succeeded. If you are not a Christian nationalist—if you are not a straight, white, Christian male—you stand out.

We had seventeen clients in the room in Quantico, Virginia, when Pete Hegseth demanded that all generals, admirals, and senior enlisted advisers attend so he could speak. Trump appeared as well. The audience sat stone-faced.

Roughly twenty percent of senior military leadership—generals and admirals—are fully committed Christian nationalist MAGA adherents. Of the remaining eighty percent, most are pretending to comply because they do not want to jeopardize their retirement or their families. They rationalize their silence. The final group—about twenty percent—remain in service because they care deeply about their subordinates. They know that if they leave, they will be replaced by full-on MAGA leadership that would torment those under their command.

This is a profession in which people are expected to give their lives for their fellow citizens. Injecting Christian nationalism into the U.S. military is, as I describe it, like injecting cancer into the corporeal form of the most technologically lethal organization ever created by Homo sapiens. This is not a small matter.

Jacobsen: What risks do you see emerging as artificial intelligence, robotics, drone systems, and autonomous weapons become more central to military operations—especially if ideological capture continues and humans remain deeply embedded in the command loop?

Weinstein: You are asking about AI and robotics—drone technology, satellite systems, and autonomous platforms. That is an important question.

If a MAGA-dominated military, rooted in the worst elements of Christian nationalism—such as the New Apostolic Reformation and the Seven Mountains Mandate—controls these systems, then the ideology will shape the technology. These systems will not be built on principles of equality, diversity, or inclusion. They will reflect dogma.

People often do not want to learn about these movements because the details are overwhelming. But you cannot separate ideology from design. A robotic offensive capability will mirror the values of those who control it.

We have seen this explored in popular culture—The Terminator, The Matrix, and other films—but you are currently in Ukraine, which is years ahead of the cutting edge in drone warfare. This is essentially a drone war. The advances made there—often by young people—are extraordinary. Drones are being developed that can recover bodies from the battlefield. I have seen this.

If the U.S. military advances technologically at this pace, incorporating drones, robotics, and AI, the outcome is straightforward: these systems will be governed by the parameters and protocols of those in power. And those individuals openly reject even acknowledging systemic prejudice, bigotry, or historical injustice.

They claim that focusing on ethnicity, culture, or religion is divisive, insisting instead on a false universality. That framing is itself another form of racism and exclusion. We have seen this before. The difference now is that we have social media, advanced automation, and unprecedented technological reach.

You are the first journalist to ask me that question, and it matters. Any AI, robotics, or military technology developed under this framework will inevitably reflect MAGA-style supremacy. That ideology is an alloy: white, straight, Christian, and male. That is the simple answer.

Jacobsen: You referenced earlier the British and Roman Empires as the two major military powers most comparable to the United States before its rise. That prompted a thought.

I was once an executive in a minor political party in British Columbia, Canada, before it dissolved honourably. During that time, we held a private meeting with several other minor parties—groups that had effectively become advocacy parties rather than electoral forces. Three hereditary elders from an Indigenous band visited us to speak.

In their tradition, younger brothers speak on behalf of elder brothers because interrupting elders is considered deeply disrespectful. I later interviewed a couple of them and gained insight into their perspectives. Some communities remain intentionally isolated—not out of animosity, but by choice. There is a sense of “you do your thing, we will do ours.”

One of the elders referred to North American white culture—Canada and the United States broadly—as “the Romans.” That framing struck me. It suggests a different chronological and civilizational perspective, one that may be more detached and therefore more diagnostic.

When outsiders view us that way, are they seeing parallels to the flaws of Roman civilization during its decline? Are some of those mistakes being repeated now?

Weinstein: Constantine was the figure who fused Christianity with the military and political power of the Roman Empire. He did so essentially under his mother, Helena’s, influence. There is an important book, Constantine’s Sword, published in the early 2000s, and a 96-minute documentary by the same name. That documentary focuses in part on my family and our early fight at the Air Force Academy, and it addresses this exact issue.

If the United States comes to be viewed as a fundamentalist Christian military power, that will play directly into the narratives promoted by Islamic extremists and other adversaries. It makes it far easier to cast us as “the other.”

For generations—certainly since World War II, and even going back to World War I—the United States was seen not as the saviour of democracy, but as a principal carrier of democratic ideals: equality before the law, political pluralism, and legitimacy regardless of race, religion, or origin. That perception has been shattered.

This is not something that a midterm election will fix. The damage is generational. I have four children and three grandchildren, and I often wonder what kind of America—if any—will exist for them.

We live in a small world now. Isolationism and nativism do not operate in a vacuum. Everything affects everyone else. The Monroe Doctrine should be a historical artifact, not a living mindset—the idea that we control an entire hemisphere. That way of thinking no longer matches reality.

It is terrifying to create this inextricable mixture—this intertwining of military power, state authority, and corporate interests. That is, by definition, fascism.

In his farewell address, President Dwight D. Eisenhower issued what was arguably the most critical warning of his career. He cautioned the nation about the military–industrial complex. Companies like General Dynamics, Boeing, and Lockheed Martin becoming embedded in the essence of the state is straight out of the fascist playbook.

What we are confronting now is a fundamentalist Christian parent–church–military–corporate–congressional proselytizing complex. It is pervasive and dangerous—not just to this country, but to the world.

By dangerous, I do not mean symbolic harm. I mean the prospect of massive, real violence. Not streams or creeks of blood, but rivers—oceans of blood. This vision aligns disturbingly well with fundamentalist Christian nationalist theology. In their eschatology, the Battle of Armageddon promises a river of blood 200 miles long and several feet deep, produced by what they see as a weaponized Jesus slaughtering unbelievers. That is an obsession and a lust.

This is why your earlier question matters. We have seen imperial collapse before. Neither the Romans nor the British Empire had artificial intelligence, robotics, or autonomous weapons. They could not encode dogma directly into killing machines. We do.

We have not seen a nuclear explosion since Nagasaki. It is increasingly complex to believe that restraint will hold indefinitely. You are in a country right now where the use of a tactical nuclear weapon is often discussed as a real risk. Air raid alarms interrupt interviews. That alone should be sobering.

The United States was founded on a clear separation between the spiritual and the temporal. That principle is embedded in the First Amendment. Church and state are separated for a reason. The founders looked at European history—at Cromwell, at the Wars of Religion, at the Salem witch trials—and recognized that enormous bloodshed occurred when political power and religious authority were fused. They explicitly rejected that model.

Yet that is precisely what is happening now. Many Americans saw it coming. Too many chose disengagement. At this point, there is no neutral ground. You either resist or you collaborate. Choosing to do nothing is a form of collaboration.

This is far from over. Each day, the situation deteriorates. You are reporting from a country that mirrors many of these dynamics. I receive emails filled with antisemitic hatred—”filthy Jew,” over and over again. It is always Jews. When I ask about Ivanka Trump or Jared Kushner, who are Jewish, the messages stop. That silence tells you everything.

We are in a perilous moment. It must be confronted. People have to stand up and act.

Jacobsen: The late Singaporean leader Lee Kuan Yew once commented on what he called the United States’ “evangelistic zeal.” He was not referring narrowly to Christianity, but to a broader mix of religion, advertising, patriotism, and ideology—what might be called the impulse to proselytize “Americanism.” Drawing on your long experience with the U.S. military and those who serve in it, when does this system function well—and when does it break down?

Weinstein: You said it earlier in this interview. The military does not function unless it is politically impartial, and it must also be religiously impartial. There is no alternative.

George Washington understood this. He was the first to authorize chaplains in the military, a controversial decision even then. The problem, as he recognized, is pluralism. Depending on how you count, there are thousands of Christian denominations—some estimates reach tens of thousands. Without neutrality, favouritism and conflict are inevitable.

The military works only when it serves the Constitution alone.

Most of them do not even like one another. Northern Ireland is an obvious example. For centuries, Catholicism was effectively the only form of Christianity in Europe until Martin Luther and the Protestant Reformation. The word Catholic itself means universal, yet Catholicism also contains many internal divisions.

When you begin equating the U.S. military with a particular, weaponized version of Christianity—promoted by figures such as former three-star General Michael Flynn, Jerry Boykin, and others—you are not entering a slippery slope. You are in free fall. That free fall always ends in violence.

Our work is not about attacking anyone’s personal faith. We do not care what an individual believes. If someone wants to worship Spider-Man or an elm tree down the street, that is their business. What we care about is time, place, and manner.

Think of it the way you think about a driver’s license. A license does not allow you to drive whenever you want, however you want. You cannot drive while intoxicated, dangerously fatigued, or impaired by medication. Rights are regulated by time, place, and manner. The same applies to religious expression under the First Amendment.

Proselytizing—whether religious or ideological—cannot be imposed in settings where it coerces others. You cannot scream fire in a crowded theatre. That principle governs everything we do.

We do not care about anyone’s version of Jesus. Eighty-four percent of our staff are Christians. Our largest endorsing organization is the California Council of Churches Impact Organization, which represents approximately 5,500 Protestant churches across 21 denominations and nearly two million Protestants. The claim that my family or this foundation is hostile to Christians is simply false.

Our mission is to support the Constitution. When leaders like Lee Kuan Yew spoke of America’s evangelistic zeal, they were not only referring to religion, but to the tendency to export ideology and identity as moral truth. That tendency becomes especially dangerous when framed as a crusade.

Many extremist groups explicitly frame conflict with the United States as a continuation of the Crusades. Historically, there were seven major crusades. Casting modern conflict as an “eighth crusade” makes recruitment easier and violence easier to justify. It becomes a straightforward narrative: we are good, they are bad, and they are the crusaders.

We have intervened repeatedly to stop U.S. military units from using Crusader iconography. We stopped a Marine fighter squadron and an Air Force squadron from displaying Crusader imagery on aircraft fuselages and vertical stabilizers. We intervened at West Point. We stopped units at the Air Force Academy that dressed in Crusader costumes at football games. Removing Crusader symbolism goes directly to your question: it denies our enemies an easy propaganda tool.

If we appear political, or if we seem to favour one religious faith over others, we do so at immense peril. That peril is real, and the price is paid in blood.

Jacobsen: As a final point, it is worth remembering that the majority of deaths resulting from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars did not occur on the battlefield.

Weinstein: That point often gets overlooked. At one point, the United States was losing approximately 22 veterans a day to suicide. PTSD is very real. The human mind is difficult to understand, but history shows that nearly every religious tradition—possibly with the partial exception of Buddhism—has, at some point, been tied to violence. Even then, Sri Lanka reminds us that Buddhism has not been immune.

People are always trying to answer the same fundamental questions: where do we come from, what are we doing here, and where are we going? Radicalized Christian nationalism offers a particularly stark answer. It says you can be as brutal as Hitler, but if, in your final breath, you accept their version of Christianity, you receive eternal heaven. Conversely, you can live the best life imaginable, but if you do not take their weaponized Christ before death, you are condemned to eternal hell. That binary—good versus evil, saved versus damned—is profoundly dangerous.

When your military commander controls nearly every aspect of your life and your family’s life, this is not like having a shift manager at McDonald’s. You do whatever is necessary to avoid conflict because your livelihood is at stake. You are supporting a family. In many cases, both spouses are working, but the pressure remains constant.

Attacks on LGBTQ people, people of colour, and those who do not conform to Christian nationalism are severe. Ironically, most of our clients are Christians. They are targeted even more harshly because they refuse to advance to what Christian nationalists consider the highest level—the “level twenty” version of Christianity, which is Christian nationalism itself.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Mikey. 

Weinstein: Stay in touch. I am glad you are doing what you are doing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Agi Bar-Sela on Jewish Budapest, Hungary’s 1944 Catastrophe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/28

Agi Bar-Sela is a Hungarian-born Holocaust survivor whose testimony appears in the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum collections. Raised in Budapest, she describes a Jewish world spanning Orthodox practice and Hungary’s Neolog tradition, then the rupture that followed Germany’s occupation of Hungary in 1944. In her account, wartime persecution, hunger, and the loss of male relatives shaped childhood and memory. She recounts joining a Zionist youth group and emigrating in 1949, travelling via Vienna and Italy before settling in Israel. A 2024 portrait project also profiles her as a survivor reflecting on aging, family, and endurance. She shares her story today. 

In conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Agi Bar-Sela. She recalls family ties to the Fejér és Dános building contractor tradition and the discipline of upper-class Orthodox life, alongside Neolog influences. The interview turns to rupture: Germany’s 1944 occupation of Hungary, the mass deportations, and the precariousness of Budapest’s “yellow-star houses.” Bar-Sela describes postwar displacement and a 1949 Zionist youth migration—walking to borders, regrouping in Allied-occupied Vienna, travelling by train to Italy, and sailing to Israel—followed by kibbutz shock, hunger memories, and hard-earned resilience, and a commitment to testimony.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, my first question is: where and when were you born?

Agi Bar-Sela: First of all, I was born a long time ago. I am not a typical Hungarian Jew. On my mother’s side of the family, my grandfather was one of the leading builders in Hungary. He bore a family name that, in Hungarian, means “white”: Fejér, an older form of fehér, “white.” His father, my great-grandfather, was also very wealthy. They started a building company, and it grew so much that my grandfather and my grandmother’s brother ran Fejér és Dános(Fejér and Dános), which became one of the largest construction firms in Hungary up to the Second World War, including during part of that period.

They built many of the country’s prominent and well-known buildings. The company, a Jewish firm called Fejér és Dános, was known throughout Hungary. My grandfather held an honorific status roughly comparable to a “sir”, not an exact English equivalent, but close in social standing. Even today, not only Jews but Hungarians in general still send me documents, photographs, and other materials related to this company, because that level of achievement has never really been repeated in Hungary.

So, on my mother’s side, I come from one of the more prominent Jewish families. The family name involved in the company was Fejér és Dános. Yes, in that social world, they were treated as sirs and ladies.

It is now remembered as one of Hungary’s largest historical construction companies. Given that I come from a very, very wealthy family, I do not know what else I can add. 

Fejér is an older form of the Hungarian word for “white,” fehér. Historically, the spelling shifted; you can think of it as dropping the h and using a j, but it preserves the same basic meaning of “white” or “light.”

They were one of the biggest firms in the country. My grandfather was treated as a kind of “sir,” my grandmother as a “lady,” and I come from a very original, distinguished family. Fortunately, we also have cousins in London. We became close with them only in the last twenty years; they are the sons and grandsons of my grandfather’s business partner.

There are many things I know that other people do not. It is striking that a very Orthodox Jewish family built one of Hungary’s largest construction companies.

Do you understand the difference between ordinary religious observance and the rigorous observance of Orthodox communities? My mother’s side belonged to the strictest form of Orthodoxy, yet they built the country’s largest construction enterprise at the time. On my father’s side, they were also in business, and my grandfather there was president of a Neolog Jewish community, the more modern, reform-oriented wing of Hungarian Jewry. So we were connected across different parts of the Jewish world, from strict Orthodoxy on one side to Neolog leadership on the other.

I saw my grandfather working closely with her father. My mother, of course, did not work; that was not expected of women in that world. That was another kind of environment I grew up in. It is difficult to fully understand how this all happened because so many of those families originally came from the Carpathian Mountains, from Galicia, and were Orthodox Jewish, arriving in Hungary and then building fortunes.

A child like me was not spoiled, because spoiling children was not the custom. The higher you rose socially, the less you spoiled your children. I find that interesting as well.

Jacobsen: What was the ethic behind that style of child-rearing?

Bar-Sela: I do not know exactly. I think wealthy Jews did not show off, which may have been part of it. And of course, I also come from a very old family. I went to the Jewish Gymnasium.

There were many things I did not see or did not receive, baruch hashem. We were Orthodox Jews at the Jewish Gymnasium. We were not ultra-Orthodox, but we were religious and well-educated. The Gymnasium, the Jewish Gymnasium of the Dohány district in Budapest, was one of the best schools in Europe.

Jacobsen: How would you characterize Hungary before the Second World War?

Bar-Sela: When I first knew it, I was a child. Coming from a very important and very wealthy family, you do not see everything, because life is different at that level. For example, we lived in a building my grandfather’s company built, six floors high, with every apartment spanning half a floor, the larger ones.

We lived in a five-room apartment, with staff working for us. My mother did not know how to cook, nor did my grandmother, not even an egg. There was a kitchen maid, a maid, and a cleaner who took care of the house. This was not the typical Jewish way of life. It was something you would find more commonly in Canada, I think, than in Israel, the lifestyle of wealthier Hungarian Jews in Budapest, the big city.

It is difficult to tell the story, because you remember only what you knew. Money always helps; that is absolutely true. When the Nazis arrived, it made no difference whether you were wealthy or poor: a Jew was a Jew. And of course, they said very little about us publicly.

Unfortunately, all the men in my family, my father, all my uncles, were killed during the war. None of them returned alive. Only the women and children survived. There was so much to learn about what the Jews in Hungary endured, and what Austrians or Poles at the time did not even know how to imagine.

Money, money, money, but when the Nazis came into Budapest in March 1944, everything changed. When the Western front collapsed and the fighting intensified, those Jews who were not in Budapest, the poorer Jews in the countryside, were taken away first. And there is nothing good to say about Hungarians in that period, nothing at all. Perhaps that is harsh, but I believe it is true.

Jacobsen: I understand. 

Bar-Sela: I do not know what kind of family you come from.

Jacobsen: Mainly Dutch and Norwegian background: broadly Northwestern European and wider European, mix of Dutch and American immigrants, Canadian nationality.

Bar-Sela: Dutch Jewish or Dutch?

Jacobsen: I am often asked whether I am Jewish because of the name Jacobsen, Israel Jacobson, and Reformed Judaism circa 1810. I do not know.

Bar-Sela: I think we cannot know everything. The fact is that in Hungary, the deportations began in 1944, and by 1945, it was over. We were the last country where Jews were killed and taken to Auschwitz and elsewhere, murdered wherever they could be found, with everything collapsing around them.

Nothing good could have happened to the Jews if it were not for the Russians entering Hungary. The best thing was that the Zionist movement began organizing, and we were able to leave Hungary. The Russians arrived, and we could get out; that was wonderful.

I met Amos’s wife in 1945, the first time the Zionists gathered children in a camp together for protection. That is where we met. We were less than four years old.

Jacobsen: What was the journey from Hungary to Israel like? How did you come to Israel?

Bar-Sela: First of all, I was in a Zionist children’s group by myself. No one else in the family was involved. My second grandfather, the only one who survived, belonged to the Neolog Jewish community rather than the Orthodox one. He was already an older man, active in business and on the stock exchange.

One day in 1949, I came home from the Zionist group and told my mother I wanted to go to Israel. My mother said, “We will ask your grandfather,” meaning my father’s father, the only one still alive, and we would see what he said. She told him that she would also speak with her Zionist friends in Hungary to hear their opinion. The next day, he called my mother and said the Zionists told him, “Not tomorrow, yesterday.” In other words, the child should leave the country immediately.

I was in a Zionist group, and so was Amos’s mother, though not in the same one. That is how we left, almost walking all the way to Vienna, via Austria. From there, we were under Zionist direction and education. We spent a few weeks in Vienna.

At that time, if you are interested in this history, Vienna was under Allied control: the Americans, the British, and the French. We were all under their administration after the Nazis fell. I am not sure whether you know that part of history. From Vienna, they took us by train to Italy, and from there we boarded a ship to Israel with many other Jewish refugees.

We were seventeen, seventeen and a half years old, which in everyday life means young women, not little girls. That was our Aliyah, our departure from Hungary, and it was almost unbelievable to experience.

We walked from a Hungarian train station to the Slovakian border, 32 kilometres. We walked under border control, guided by people who earned a great deal of money arranging these crossings. We were not transported by car. There was no rescue escort, no military convoy.

It was not an easy journey. There were dangers everywhere, and by then we were not yet in Israel, not yet in Palestine. I cannot know exactly what interests you most. I can only tell you what I remember.

Leaving Hungary was the best thing possible. Not staying there even one more day was a blessing. Hungary was a terrible place for us. Including my father, all my uncles, and all the young men in our family, none of them came back from the war. Everyone was killed, my father, my uncles, all of them.

On top of that, my great-grandmother, my great-grandfather’s mother, was also lost.

Bar-Sela: It was not an easy life in those days. We were just ordinary children. And Hungary was a terrible country for Jews once the Germans were inside. It is a wonder that we are here at all. 

Amos’s father took him to Hungary so he could see and understand what happened. They went together. It was very meaningful. His father was brilliant, and I think Amos learned a great deal about what the family went through and how we survived. Of course, survival was rare. No family in Israel could say, “We all survived.” I survived, but my father did not. My husband’s brother did not. My father-in-law did not. All the men were killed. We did not know any other kind of life.

We did not know what it meant to live an everyday life. Every day was something different, something threatening. And then the Russians entered as well.

There was one very tragic event in my family. My great-grandmother on my grandfather’s side was very old. My grandfather decided she could not stay with all of us in the Jewish house. The “Jewish house” meant we had to wear the yellow star and were all kept together under strict control. They believed she would die from the bombings and the chaos surrounding us, so they decided she should go to a care home, an Orthodox home.

Soon after she arrived, in early January 1945, Hungarian forces, not Germans, came in and killed all the Jews, all the doctors, all the nurses, and burned the hospital. The Hungarians did that. So yes, people travel there now and say it is beautiful, the food is terrific, and so on, but for us, that history is never gone.

Jacobsen: I have not been to Hungary.

Bar-Sela: Why are you interested in Hungary?

Jacobsen: I am primarily interested in Holocaust history, and Hungary is part of that wider narrative. I am also a traveller. I have been to Lithuania, Poland, France, Switzerland, Italy, Luxembourg, the United Kingdom, Ukraine, Greece, and elsewhere. One central question: What is the biggest lesson from your early life, in reflection?

Bar-Sela: First of all, I was fortunate to have a very clever mother and a grandfather who cared for me more than anything. They understood that the child, I, had to leave Hungary. The communists were arriving, the Germans were still there in influence, the Nazis were still present in spirit, and antisemitism was everywhere. So I did not face opposition within my family. I believe it was an enormous decision on my mother’s part. She was a brilliant woman. And luckily, until the communists entirely took over, we were still financially secure. We could afford the “luxury,” if you can call it that, of sending the child out of Hungary, walking or not walking.

We all came out the same way, walking from Hungary to Czechoslovakia, then to Austria, and spending many months on the road.

I cannot always speak about it; I do not know whether it is interesting.

Jacobsen: It is interesting.

Bar-Sela: Everyone experiences things differently; that is important to understand. On the other side of my life, from my husband’s family, my father-in-law was a prominent Zionist leader in Hungary, a real builder of bridges with the Russians. He received a special passport, which was extremely rare. They had arrested my father-in-law and his wife, and my husband, their other son, did not return from Auschwitz. My father-in-law owned a factory and had connections with the British and with the Russians. Suddenly, he was summoned to the ministry, and they told him to write something; they handed him a passport, which was extraordinary. There were no passports like that then.

They told him he must leave Hungary with his wife, because everything was going to be destroyed, or he himself would be taken. So he received that passport, and that is how he left.

We had an exciting life overall, but also a deeply tragic one, losing everyone and almost everybody. Talking about it is easy in one sense, yet of course, it would have been better if none of it had happened, no father, no uncles, everyone gone. For my husband’s family as well: his father and mother were both alive in Israel, which was a miracle. Almost no one still had fathers. Some of us had a mother, an aunt, or a grandmother, but not everyone.

My mother and grandmother eventually escaped from the communists because my grandfather told my mother that my grandmother must be taken out of Hungary, because of the family’s wealth, and because of what would come. So my mother and grandmother came to Israel, which was no small achievement.

Ask if I should tell you something. I do not always know what interests you. I wanted my own children to have a better childhood than I did.

Jacobsen: How would you describe your early life in Israel?

Bar-Sela: I first came to a kibbutz. On the second day, they sent me to work in the fields, and I decided it was not for me; I would not stay there. So I left. I had a different kind of life than some others. My mother had friends who already had contacts in Israel, and I was given names and addresses of people I had never met. Once I knew I did not want to remain in the kibbutz, I began visiting and calling those people.

I stayed in a home located on the same street where I live now. Then I met my husband, and our life became more normal.

You never truly forget these things. You do not speak about them constantly, not to everyone, not all the time, but they remain with you. Losing your family, your uncles, everyone. Not eating enough, there was no food. Everybody was hungry all the time. There was no basic food at all.

Even now, I cannot imagine my home without certain foods that were unavailable during the war. Beans, for example, bean soup is something I eat every day, mostly red beans. Those things stay with you.

It is not only now, but it has also come up again every few years with another kind of life. Many Hungarian Jews from Budapest went to Canada, mainly to Toronto.

Jews should live in Israel. It is not always the best solution, and today it could be better, of course, but it is tough here. Politically, it is tough at the moment, and antisemitism is rising all over the world, which is astonishing.

I just had a cousin visiting from France yesterday. She said there is antisemitism in Paris; she had never heard her parents say that before. It came from within our own family. Things are not simple anywhere anymore. But I wish you a better life than we had.

You did not have to live under the Nazis. It honestly should have been another kind of life. I completely agree with everyone who says so. I cannot understand why people keep putting themselves in danger. Of course, we did our best for our children and grandchildren, but I still think staying far away from Hungarians is best for you. We did not need them, and they did not need us. They should live without us, and we without them.

Otherwise, let us hope things improve. Let us see what President Trump will do with us, how he will act. At the moment, our president is meeting him in the United States. It is a significant story. I am reading about it. But life is not easy right now.

You can ask me anything, anytime, it’s no problem. Whenever you have a question, I will find an answer. I am glad to speak with you.

Have a good life.

Jacobsen: Thank you.

Bar-Sela: Ciao. Bye-bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

This Gay Week 15: Reports From Ukraine on War, LGBTQ Rights, and Global Backsliding

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/27

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

From Ukraine, Scott Douglas Jacobsen tells Karel Bouley that war strips life to essentials and exposes how many LGBTQ restrictions are arbitrary. They contrast frontline reality—bombardments, power outages, displaced animals, and daily resilience—with culture-war absurdities and political cruelty. The conversation ranges from Hungary’s Pride crackdown and possible facial-recognition targeting, to trans violence in Pakistan, to Italy’s religious conservatism shaping policy. Bouley argues hypocrisy is accelerating as leaders normalize obscenity while institutions appease power. They close on a hopeful note: queer celebration in Scotland under Alan Cumming, proving community can still thrive.

Karel Bouley: We are here on a very special This Gay Week because Scott Jacobsen is not in his homeland of Canada. He is in Ukraine. I could spend 30 minutes talking to him about what is going on there, whom he is meeting, what he is seeing, and whether he is terrified. However, I guess we’re going to talk gay shit. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: That stuff is here, too, if you didn’t know!

Bouley: Yes, I’m very interested in that. Like, already a subculture and now at war, the great equalizer. I imagine they don’t care if you’re gay out there in the trenches so long as you’re helping them fight the Russians. So, yeah, I can’t even imagine being there. There’s too much going on. I would be too involved. But good for you for being there and covering it. Certainly not dying would be good. Would stay alive. That’s right. So it’s going to be hard. Let me ask you. You already know what we’re going to talk about.

Hard to talk about what we are about to talk about—these gay issues—when you’re in the middle of a war zone, and you know what’s really important in life. You’re seeing well beyond the little bickerings of this, that, or DEI that, and you’re seeing actual fighting for your country, life, and death. Does it make what we talk about on this gay week seem almost ridiculous?

Jacobsen: The fabric of commentary around anything LGBT internationally has to do with restrictions. And the restrictions are, as far as I can tell from our lengthy conversations, 95 to 100% of the time, arbitrary. So war brings people back to basics.

Given it’s a long war at this point, right, since 2014, if you count them, or since 2022, if you count them, in any case, it’s a significant amount of time. People get on with life, and then air raid alarms go off, bombs hit. Last night we had a pretty significant bombardment, even in Western Ukraine. The electrical grids were hit. 

Bouley: So did we. Donald Trump posted pictures of the Obamas as apes. 

Jacobsen: I saw that. I didn’t see them; I didn’t want to.

Bouley: But I did see the people. And I was like, why? He already showed you who he is. 

Jacobsen: He’s a cultural and moral maelstrom in domestic and now international politics. 

Karel: You were going to mention that the head of UCLA DEI was fired for posting about Charlie Kirk, which I find amusing. He did it on his own time, first of all, on his own account. But second of all, the right-wing response to both Rob Reiner’s death.

They pulled no punches from the moment he died, including the president. And there are a lot of people calling out their hypocrisy, saying, “Hey, is this you going off on the left about Charlie Kirk?” And meanwhile, right after Rob Reiner died, you’re saying this. Second of all, their lack of moral outrage over the president, who yesterday doubled down and said he would not apologize for the images of the Obamas as apes and Harry Sisson on a flamingo and all this other stuff.

So it’s amazing that they went ahead and did this and fired this guy right now, because even since Charlie Kirk’s death, the bar has been moving. You know, what’s over the line? The line’s always moving, mainly because the president and the right keep getting more and more obscene. And, you know, as we have half the nation upset that tomorrow Bad Bunny is going to perform at the Super Bowl because he ain’t American, when he is, because Puerto Rico is part of America.

We’re going to fire the head of DEI for some pretty tame comments. I said worse. But I don’t work for UCLA. So, pretty tame comments about Charlie Kirk after he passed. He said, “I am always happy when bigots die.” He said something like along those lines, or “it always gives me joy when bigots die,” or something like that, but certainly, given the new normal is changing every day. It seems pale. So I think UCLA did this because they don’t want to incur the president’s ire. He’s going after Harvard for a billion dollars. He’s going after, you know, other universities. They’re trying to stay off his radar. And so that he already hates DEI anyway. So if he sees that UCLA fired their head of DEI, he won’t know the particulars because he’s a fucking moron, but it’ll make him happy. It’ll appease him.

They did this as an offering to the orange gods or because it was the right thing to do. It, of course, raises a lot of issues about freedom of speech, freedom of speech on college campuses, what you do in your own time, et cetera. And this guy will probably get another job, but it’s a sad move by academia and by UCLA. We’re going to talk about other LGBTQ issues with Scott Jacobsen, who’s in Ukraine as we speak, sitting right there in my apartment for Ukraine. No windows blown out or anything, you know, it’s like a nice paint job. But we’ll be right back with This Gay Week with Scott Jacobsen and me, him being in Ukraine to talk more issues, including the Winter Olympics have started and should gays go. We’ll talk about

So the UCLA thing is sad for academia, not unexpected because people are trying to curry favour with the king. But culturally, we’ve got the Super Bowl tomorrow with Bad Bunny, and he’s very pro-gay. He said he might even wear a dress to support trans people, which is great. But we also have the Winter Olympics.

And a lot of gays are flocking to Italy to see the figure skaters. And as you know or may not know, Italy is not that great for LGBTQ rights, which is shocking given that it’s part of the EU. So we have that going on. And if you’d like to elucidate on the story, feel free. I’ll have a little cocoa.

Jacobsen: Sure. Part of it has to do with the context we’ve looked at, where dominant religions shape culture. Italy has Rome.

And it’s important to note that this current Pope, he’s…

Bouley: Don’t make me spit out my cocoa! They have a guy in robes. That’s right. He is a canon guy. So he does not expect much of a budget on LGBT issues. You know he’s guarded by men who have to be under 30 and unmarried? 

Jacobsen: No. Are they called castrados? 

Bouley: No, no, no. The Swiss Guard. The Swiss Guard, which guards the Pope, requires that you be under 30 and unmarried to be in the Swiss Guard. I’m not making that up. You can look it up. Very interesting. And in the words of the church lady, “How convenient.” I always call that a buffet. He may call it the guards. I call it dinner, whatever. So, LGBTQ rights in Italy are oppressive.

Because, as you said, basically, history, Italy has a very religious, very conservative—hello, Mussolini, hello—very conservative history, and as open and loving and caring as so many Italians are. I know many gay people from Italian families, and their families adore them, you know, but as a country, it has not caught up with the current.

Wait, we’re going backwards. So anyway, as a country, it hasn’t really evolved on LGBTQ issues as much as the rest of Europe has. 

Jacobsen: The temporary, ideally regressive trend in the United States is indicative of the fact that there is no golden hand guiding us along. This is just people working hard for equality, which is why there is any progress at all. 

Bouley: Yes, that is very true. And there is no… How do I say this? Permanent fix. Other than Ireland, which once they decide something, that’s it. It’s decided. They don’t revisit it. They have abortion, they have gay rights, they have gay marriage, and they have trans rights, and they’re never going to go back and repeal those. That’s not how that country works. But in most countries, it changes with the whim of the regime. And you were mentioning the pope. The church’s attitude towards gays also changes with the pope.

So one pope might be more pro-gay than the last one. He was pro-gay. He wasn’t anti-gay, let’s just put it that way. He wasn’t a canon guy, so you put it in encyclicals and similar documents. They didn’t sound well, but they didn’t have more force. You know, he’s from America. He’s more of a turn-or-burn thing. And so, while he is not as regressive as some of the other popes, he’s certainly not as progressive as some of the other popes, and that does dictate which countries pay attention to what he has to say.

Like Italy, you know. But oppression—and it’s ironic—Heated Rivalry, the largest gay show to come from Canada that no one saw coming, is an international phenomenon. No one saw it coming. It made two big stars out of Hudson Williams and Connor Story, and Patrick Onnod, who I think is dating Connor Story—just big speculation—but it’s gaining Russian fans through word of mouth.

And the problem with that is it lands some of them in jail, because it is a criminal offence in Russia to watch Heated Rivalry. And so here we have a show about a hockey player, and they’re watching it in Russia and talking about it via word of mouth. But if they talk about it on social media or something like that, and people find out they’ve watched it, they’re going to be put in jail. 

And that was one of the stories that we were going to address, which is that gay Russians are watching, but fandom could lead you to prison, which is just amazing in 2026. 

Jacobsen: Larger subtext, too, if I may: you can outlaw gay as much as you want. They’re always there. 

Bouley: Well, who are you telling? That’s right. It’s just story after story. As well, you cannot lie about me, but people are still going to do it straight or gay. I mean, in this country, we finally lost until 2011, but obviously, people were still committing sodomy, both straight and gay. So yeah, you can try, but you know what we’re talking about, and what we talk about every week. It affects the psyche of LGBTQ people, whether we like to admit it or not. And to that end, a recent survey in Wales, U.K.

Is it that gays and lesbians tend to live one year less than their straight counterparts? And they attribute that to three things: drugs, alcohol, and suicide, being the top three. Do you know the number one cause of death for gays and lesbians is heart disease? You know what the number two cause of death for gays and lesbians is? 

Jacobsen: Suicide. 

Bouley: That’s horrible. That’s like here in America, the number one cause of death if you’re under 18 is gun violence.

Those are two very hard-to-find statistics. The fact that the number two cause of death for gay people across the globe is suicide, and it comes from all this stuff that we talk about—media, you and I—and I am the biggest Teflon gay there is. You take your best shot, it flies right off, slides right. I do not do that. I don’t. But not only that, that’s a lot of people I didn’t care about, and it does hurt me.

And I do—at the park, I got called a pedophile three days ago because this woman, MAGA. I told my friends, “Bye, I’m going to see Melania. I want some alone time.” And this lady said, “Oh, I saw it, it’s wonderful, she’s so classy.” And I just turned around, and I go, “She’s a whore, because she does things for money and power. That’s the biblical definition of whore.” And then she started getting into it with me, and then she thought, well, “You’re a pedophile.” And I’m like, “That’s your code word for gay.”

And I’d like to think that that didn’t bother me at all. But since that’s an old—just like what Trump posted with the monkeys is an old racist trope—calling a gay person a pedophile is an old gay trope. They used to assume that if you were gay, you were also a pedophile. They didn’t understand that those are two different things. They didn’t understand that Donald Trump is more of a pedophile than I am because he likes to screw 15-year-old girls, which is not really pedophilia, allegedly. They don’t even know.

Other than the definition of that word. Pedophilia means you like prepubescent people, so like 10, 11, 12, but they don’t bother with facts. So in my lifetime, have I cried at night to myself because of being gay and being different? Of course, of course. When Andrew died, and I was told by a court, by a judge that I didn’t matter,

That I had no standing to sue, even though the guy slept next to me every night for almost 12 years, we were never apart, but I didn’t have any standing. You know, did that hurt? Yes. That’s why I had to do the lawsuit. I had to overturn that law because it hurt. I’m like, I mattered. I count, you know? So, if you don’t know, ‘weak’ is the wrong word. If you have this inability

To realize that it doesn’t get better, but that you get more resilient. Some people can’t see that far ahead. They can’t see that being gay is not always going to be that hard, that it will get easier. Or at least it’ll get easier because they will start turning off their I-care switch and suddenly not care. But when you have countries or states or cities

That are outlawing you, saying it’s okay to fire you, saying it’s—here we have another law, I think I sent the story, I think it’s Colorado or Utah—they’re trying to pass it where it could even be illegal, or it could be legal to discriminate against gays coming to your hotel, that sort of thing. And that law is actually, looks like it’s going to pass. When you have society constantly telling you you’re wrong and you don’t fit, that’s how you get a statistic that the second cause of death is suicide.

Jacobsen: And also the category of the harassment of the community heroes, the people who have made a name for themselves, and either by their own will or against their will, they become spokespersons, in essence, for the community. And then the public harassment of them, jailings and so on. 

Bouley: Well, who are you telling? I get death threats constantly and have since KFI and KGO.

I had a guy send a letter to my house that had a photo of my house and said he was going to bag my dogs in plastic and make me watch them suffocate, then burn me to a chair in the middle of my home. And he sent photos of my house and photos of my dogs. You know, we had—when we were on KFI—some guys said, “I can’t get to LA to kill you, so I’m going to have the lesbian couple next door, who are going to have to wonder what happened to their adopted daughter.”

We turned that over to Seattle police, and they literally arrested this guy who was going to harm the daughter of the lesbian couple next door because the gay guys were on the radio. I’ve been beaten. I’ve been shot at. I’ve been held over the head of the six LAPD police officers as they took me out of a situation. I’ve been in a bar where Molotov cocktails have been thrown in. I’ve been—I mean, yeah, being out front and being first is dangerous. And your own community turns on you, you know,

What we never address as gay people is that we don’t support each other enough. We are quick to turn on each other. My friend David just said this to me this morning. He said, “Why you’re having financial troubles or why you’re not more famous anymore is ridiculous to me. All that you’ve done for the gay community, and yet they don’t prop you up.” And I said, “Name one gay icon that’s gay that they prop up indefinitely, that they don’t turn on.” We both had trouble thinking about a gay person.

That they haven’t turned on, that the gay community itself hasn’t turned on. And part of that is internalized homophobia. Part of that is just that internalized phobia.

Jacobsen: What are the patterns outside of the psychological, social, and socio-psychological diagnosis? What is the pattern of an individual coming to prominence, being betrayed by a community, and losing prominence?

Bouley: Then there’s always the rebound, by the way. Everyone loves to come back. It’s so strange how that works. You get torn down. Had Michael Jackson lived, he’d have had his most successful tour ever because everybody loves the comeback story. It’s so sad how we tear them down, then bring them back up, and then give ourselves credit for it. It’s like, well, you’re the one who tore them down. That’s how it is—American Hollywood secular Christianity. I’ve spoken with many prominent LGBTQ people. Look, look how we turned on Ellen.

Are the gays supporting Ellen? She broke barriers. So did Rosie O’Donnell. Broke barriers, broke down walls in television, was suddenly beamed into the living rooms of millions and became the number one fucking show, as popular as Oprah. That did a lot for the lesbian community. Are they standing by her? Oh, no, “She’s mean. She’s this, she’s that.” You know what? So she’s fucking mean. So what? How many men are in her job?

In television, they behave the same way and don’t get the shit that she got. I’ve been around these men, trust me. Johnny Carson was an asshole to most people. He didn’t even like Barbra Streisand, which is amazing to me. So I do think that as a community, we could do more to stand by each other. I think right now, gay men and women, lesbians, are sadly letting down the trans community.

We are not fighting as hard as we should be for them because they are under vicious attack, and we’re not really putting ourselves on the line as much as we should be for the trans community. So, that leads to what this other story said about us living a year less. One of the other things we do is substance abuse, and we do it really well. And that comes from medicating all of that noise. Meth decimated my community. I lost many friends to it. And it’s because of all that noise.

You want to deafen the noise. And some of the noises from your own… Look, my friend said this morning, to be famous in the gay community and continue to be accepted, you have to look like Jonathan Bailey or RuPaul. If you’re me or Alex Mapa or some other LGBTQ person, or if you’re a lesbian and you’re not this beautiful lesbian, then they don’t amplify you.

You know, as much as we’d like to think that we’re accepting of all body types and of all. I’ve had gay people tell me that they don’t like me because I sound too gay. And this is from a gay person. We’ll talk more about other stories that are in the news from this person who sounds really gay, including Budapest, which is how you say it. The mayor has been charged. We’ll tell you for what. We’ll talk about violence in Pakistan. Something fun is going on in the hills of Scotland, as we have our dear friend Scott in Ukraine and me here in Las Vegas, equally as dangerous but in different ways.

Scott, you kick it off. You spin the wheel of gay story roulette and see what pops up. 

Jacobsen: Well, I’m in Europe, so Budapest, Hungary, would be really good because Orban’s been an interesting character. Apparently, the Budapest mayor of the church where the defiance of Hungary’s pride ban occurred. He’s actually in this. 

Bouley: This is some retroactive punishment. Here is what’s happening. So there was a pride ban. And the mayor said, “Defy it. Go out, march, protest, be queer, be here, whether they’re used to it or not.”

Jacobsen: Protests are a right. That actually is what Stonewall was all about. So basically, what he was telling them to do is do what they did at Stonewall, which, remember, the first gay pride was a riot.

The powers that be didn’t like him encouraging the gays. And so now they’ve charged him for doing so. And, you know, there’s a joke in the movie Grease, if you can’t be an athlete, be an athletic supporter, which is supposed to be a—you got the joke. That’s a great one. God bless the lady.

You remember what they say, if you can’t be an athlete, be an athletic supporter. And then she’s all, did I say that? So he’s not gay. He’s an athlete, you know, he was a gay supporter, and he’s getting punished for that. But I mean, to quote Johnny Mathis and Denise Williams, it’s kind of too much, too little, too late because they had their protest and they went and they did their, they went and did their thing. They would have done it with or without his encouragement.

But he has now been charged in Budapest for encouraging gays. And we don’t know whether he’ll go to prison, be fined, or what will happen to him. But he has been charged. So we will see how that story unfolds. 

Jacobsen: Right at the end of the story, they mentioned that people could face up to a year in jail, and they are considering using facial recognition software to find the gays.

Bouley: I wish all these people would realize that being gay is not that fucking interesting. It’s really just not. I want to get laid, first of all. But it’s just not that interesting or detrimental. What have we done throughout history except give them beautiful art, fashion, and hair? What is our big crime? Giving them art?

Disco? What is the big crime? 

Jacobsen: The real answer for many folks is that it defies what they see as God’s law. 

Bouley: But that’s untrue. Christ, if he existed, which he never did, but if he existed, he would have loved gay people. In fact, Christ, in the story, went out back behind the church after he threw all the good pious people out.

He went back behind the church and talked to the outcast, which back then meant the women, the gays, the this and that. If Christ existed, he’d be at my clubs. He wouldn’t be at theirs. You know, so there’s that. Of course, outside of Pakistan, we have rising trans violence. Now, look, I read this story, and I was like, well, no, you’re in fucking Pakistan. But they’re being shot at. Trans women are being shot at in public. And in the story, one friend nearly got shot.

And the violence in Pakistan is rising now. In a normal world, with a normal set of world leaders, they would condemn this. They would put pressure on Pakistan to stop it, and they would get a hold of this. Unfortunately, Trump and other world leaders are not going to do it. Starmer is so busy he’s going to probably lose his job, because he hired some of the Epstein files. At least they’re doing something about it over there.

By the way, who wasn’t in the Epstein files? Queers. That’s who wasn’t in the Epstein files. Gay people. Not in the Epstein files. Okay? Not one queer is in the Epstein files. Okay? So I’m putting that out there. Trump’s name appears more than Christ’s name in the Bible. I brought that up last week, and now it’s all over. I really did. I made a meme about it. I said it on my show. Two days later, Harry Sisson is saying it. Everyone else is saying it. But it’s true.

Christ’s name is in the Bible 1,170 times. Donald Trump’s in the Epstein files over 50,000. So, yeah, 50,000. But he said, “Hell, but there are millions of documents.” Oh, that makes it better, right? And that’s what really boggles the mind of gay people. Here you have this scandal where rich, white, straight men are trafficking in young girls, and that is less controversial and getting less punishment and less legislation than being trans or gay.

And it’s like, what? Are you worried about drag queens reading books to your kids? And meanwhile, the president’s, you know, at Mar-a-Lago, selling girls? It’s like, so I told the lady in the park when she said—because after I apologized to this MAGA lady who called me a pedophile the next day, she accepted my apology, but then said, “Could you keep your voice down while you’re at the park? And I looked at her like, what the fuck? And she said, “You make these sexual jokes, and nobody likes them.” And I go, OK, I already know how you feel about queers.

So if you don’t like my voice or what I’m saying, you know, go someplace else. And she goes, well, you’re vulgar. And I said, but you voted for a guy that said, grab him by the pussy. So you’re telling me I’m too sexual, but you know. 

Jacobsen: Also, the frame of no one finding your jokes funny is a similar cop-out to God not finding your joke funny. Own your own, “I don’t find it funny.”

Bouley: In closing, a happy story: McKellen, who did the best Shakespeare monologue on Stephen Colbert about immigrants and uprising. It was powerful. If you haven’t seen it, watch it. But Ian McKellen, Alan Cumming, and others—Alan Cumming has taken over the directorship of a theatre and a theatre festival in Scotland. And he did a big gay festival, and he had Ian McKellen come over, and he had all these other big gay celebrities come over.

And they had the best time in the hills of Scotland being as queer as possible. And they just thought it was so great that here we are in the middle of fucking Scotland having this big old gay festival for a week where they did plays. They did music, and they did everything, all at the behest of Alan Cumming under his new title as the director of a theatre there. And so it’s a good story. It was right in the middle of Scotland. It was a new festival. It included McKellen. He did a monologue.

The queer Celtic people killed to be able to—and it was all under Alan Cumming’s direction—and it was received so well by the people in Scotland. They did not protest. They did not picket. In fact, they went and enjoyed it. So it’s nice to end on a good story where Alan Cumming is bringing his success from The Traitors—I’ve loved him, I’ve interviewed him several times—to the middle of Scotland with a big gay festival that everybody adored.

That’s probably from our home in Ukraine. So, have you run into any queers in Ukraine? Have you run into any gays? 

Jacobsen: No, I’ve been to three art galleries and written some quick stories about them. I haven’t come up yet, but the art is very austere, a lot of it. 

Bouley: You think? I wonder if that will change after the war, if art will get more flowery and pretty. 

Jacobsen: It’s a very good question.

Bouley: What are you even eating?

Jacobsen: A lot of breaded meats. 

Bouley: I’m a vegan. Will I die there?

Jacobsen: They have a little triangle bread, but it has like dried spinach in it. That’s really quite tasty. 

Bouley: I hate to belabour this, but I don’t know anyone in Ukraine. Do they have any restaurants open where you can go? 

Jacobsen: McDonald’s reopened. 

Bouley: Oh dear Lord. Well, of course they did, you know. No bombing is going to stop that Ronald McDonald. 

Jacobsen: It did when I was first here in 2023. In 2025–6, it reopened. No, they have a lot of it.

Bouley: Is the war less visible in bigger cities? Like Kyiv, have you been to Kyiv? Are you in Kyiv? 

Jacobsen: I’ve been there for two other trips. And I’ve also been to frontline cities for those two other trips. I will be in Kyiv on our next call. And there, they’re bombing significantly. 

Bouley: Are the cities outside getting supplies? Is the supply chain working? There, like deliveries of food and electricity and all of that? 

Jacobsen: There are deliveries of food. You have two factors that cause electricity issues. One, you have power shortages. Based on the grid not having that much power. So they have to put it on a spigot. Then, secondary, our bombardments hit the power out. So this morning, when we had a huge bombardment, I woke up, and the lights wouldn’t turn on, the heating was off, everything.

Bouley: Do you feel in danger? Is the danger palpable? Do you feel in danger?

Jacobsen: No, I only felt danger on day two. I was in a very great hostel. I’d gotten sick. The power was out. It was minus 19 Celsius, and there was no heat. Yes, just being sick, being in the new place, readjusting again. And there was the time zone switch, the jet lag. And hypothermia.

Bouley: Let’s throw that in. And then, but now the place is good for now. What about pets? I’m a dog lover. Are there many displaced animals? 

Jacobsen: Tons, tons. 

Bouley: Many organizations deal with displaced pets, such as Paws of War. I donate to them every month. It’s called Paws of War. Its primary focus right now is Ukraine because of the animals there. 

Jacobsen: There’s one site I visited in 2023 or 2024, and just through the rubble, then it looked like a Looney Tune, like a flattened, dead cat. 

Bouley: I’m really interested in just everyday life there. Because you know, it’s in the news every day on the BBC and not in America, but every day on the BBC, we know that Russia has actually stepped up their aggression and not throttled it down. Kyiv is getting bombed at a record high. We know that Putin shows no signs of really giving in. And while Europe is its biggest benefactor right now, the U.S. is fucking him.

So I imagine the people there are tired. I would imagine they’re tired. 

Jacobsen: Since it’s been a slow burn, we’re resilient. But as I’ve been repeatedly told, either in private or in interviews, we’re still just human beings. We get tired. 

Bouley: If I were there, I’d be hosting big gay parties. Or trying. I’d probably—no. I don’t know. I don’t know what.

I have such empathy. I don’t know what I would be doing if I were there except crying a lot.

Jacobsen: One colleague is vegan, to the earlier point. He’s been here for five, six times as long as I have. And so he can survive as a vegan, as a journalist. 

Bouley: But he’s thin, right? 

Jacobsen: He’s of a healthy weight. 

Bouley: All right, we’ll talk to you next week. You’d better stay safe and OK until next week. And you’ll be in Kyiv next week. So who knows if there’ll be power. But hopefully you’ll be OK until then. And we’ll do another This Gay Week, although I will say what I said at the beginning.

With what you’re seeing daily, all of these issues, to me, just become ridiculous because there’s a bigger picture of what we need to be concentrating on: peace and unity and stopping dictators. 

Jacobsen: And all the other stuff is secondary, lower tier. It’s a clarifier. I like how ridiculous and not useful restrictions on equal rights are. Thank you, Karel. 

Bouley: Stay safe.

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Curtis Shuck, Well Done Foundation: Student Sustainability Habits That Cut Emissions

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/26

Curtis Shuck is Founder and Chairman of the Board at the Well Done Foundation, a nonprofit that plugs and remediates orphaned and abandoned oil and gas wells to reduce methane emissions and protect water and public health. He brings more than 30 years of experience across public service and the private sector in energy-related transportation project development, capital project delivery, and business development in the Pacific Northwest and the Mid-Continent. In 2015, he joined Red River Oilfield Services, Inc. in Williston, North Dakota, as Vice President of Business Development, focused on strategically diversifying transportation and logistics assets supporting the Bakken Oilfield responsibly.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Curtis Schuck about making sustainability practical for students. Schuck argues sustainability is best understood as daily responsibility: reuse before buying, reduce single-use plastics, conserve energy, and track lifecycle impacts. He explains how small repeated actions across campuses produce measurable results—less waste, lower energy demand, fewer emissions—and why measurement motivates participation. Schuck challenges misconceptions that oil-and-gas pollution is distant or obvious, emphasizing “invisible” harms and the need for monitoring and accountability. He highlights community-level wins like orphaned-well closure efforts and commuter offsets, and urges students to scrutinize sustainability claims with clear questions and data.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When you strip sustainability down to “daily behavior,” what are high-impact habits for students?

Curtis Schuck: I think sustainability gets overcomplicated sometimes. At its core, it’s about paying attention to the choices you make every day and being willing to take responsibility for them. For students, that starts with simple habits: using what you already have instead of buying something new, cutting down on single-use plastics, being mindful about energy use, and thinking about where things come from and where they end up. Those habits may feel small, but they shape how you see the world. Once you start making intentional choices in daily life, sustainability stops being an abstract concept and becomes a personal practice.

Jacobsen: How do you explain the link between small choices and measurable outcomes?

Schuck: I like to tell people that small choices are how big outcomes actually happen. No single action changes the world on its own, but repeated choices across a campus or a community add up fast. When a group of students reduces waste, shifts how events are catered, or cuts down on unnecessary energy use, those changes show up in real numbers such as less trash hauled away, lower energy demand, fewer emissions. Measurement matters because it closes the loop. It shows people that what they’re doing actually counts, and that’s incredibly motivating.

Jacobsen: What are common misconceptions students have about oil and gas pollution?

Schuck: One of the biggest misconceptions is that oil and gas pollution is distant — something that happens far away, handled by someone else, and disconnected from everyday life. In reality, it’s tied into the systems we all rely on, from energy and transportation to the products we use every day. Another misconception is that pollution is always obvious. A lot of the damage happens quietly, over time, out of sight. Once students understand that connection, they start to see why accountability and responsible cleanup matter, not just in theory but in their own communities.

Jacobsen: What does effective community-level action look like, e.g., campus policy?

Schuck: At the community level, effective action happens when values are backed up by structure and follow-through. On a campus, that can mean policies that prioritize responsible purchasing, transparency around energy and waste, and giving students a real role in shaping sustainability decisions. But it’s just as important that students feel empowered to act beyond policy.

One of my favorite examples is the Allderice Well Done Club, where a group of high school students didn’t just talk about environmental responsibility, they identified an orphaned oil well in their own community, raised funding locally, and helped support its permanent closure. That’s what effective action looks like to me. It’s practical, local, and rooted in the belief that regular people, working together, can solve real problems.

Another example is the University of Montana carbon neutral commuter program, where staff and students added an optional $18 along to their parking permit and offset 40 metric tons equivalent of CO2 last year.

Jacobsen: What are “low-friction” steps students can take to reduce their personal emissions immediately?

Schuck: Low-friction steps are the ones that don’t require you to overhaul your life. Walking or biking when you can, sharing rides, eating more plant-forward meals, and using campus recycling and compost systems the right way all make a difference. These kinds of steps matter because they’re sustainable in the human sense and people actually stick with them. Once students see that they don’t have to be perfect to be effective, participation goes way up.

Jacobsen: What does invisible pollution teach students about why monitoring, maintenance, and accountability matter?

Schuck: Invisible pollution is one of the hardest lessons, but also one of the most important. Just because you can’t see something doesn’t mean it isn’t affecting people and ecosystems. Last year we responded to a serious methane release problem near Raytown High School in Missouri that affected the start of the school year. Through advanced monitoring, we were able to identify and fix the specific leaks in geothermal wells in the area, allowing students to get back to school.

That’s why monitoring and maintenance matter so much. If you don’t measure problems, you can’t manage them, and if no one is accountable, they tend to get ignored. This applies whether you’re talking about air quality, water contamination, or infrastructure that’s been neglected for decades. Accountability isn’t about blame, it’s about responsibility.

Jacobsen: How can students evaluate sustainability claims?

Schuck: The best thing students can do is ask simple, honest questions. What exactly is being claimed? Is there real data behind it? Are the outcomes measurable and transparent? Sustainability shouldn’t rely on vague promises or feel-good language. If a claim is real, it should be explainable in plain terms. Teaching students to think critically about these claims builds trust and helps them become informed consumers and leaders.

Jacobsen: What roles beyond scientist or activist directly move the needle?

Schuck: A lot of real progress comes from people who don’t carry titles like scientist or activist at all. Students can move the needle as communicators, organizers, planners, and connectors. They can also take on very practical roles, like helping to adopt an orphaned oil well or becoming a Well Done Foundation QMS (Qualified Measurement Specialist) through programs like Paycheck With a Purpose. Those roles may not sound flashy, but they directly lead to real-world outcomes. Sustainability needs builders and doers as much as it needs thinkers, and when students step into those roles, change stops being theoretical and starts becoming tangible.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Curtis. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Zan Times: Measuring Impact, Protecting Sources, and Scaling Investigations Through Global Partnerships

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/25

 The Zan Times is an Afghan women-led investigative newsroom working in exile, founded in August 2022 by journalist Zahra Nader to report human-rights violations in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. Its team and reporting network span Afghanistan and the diaspora, publishing for audiences in Farsi, Pashto, Uzbek, and English. Zan Times focuses on women’s lived realities under gender apartheid, documenting abuses, survival, and resistance while prioritizing source and reporter safety. Through international co-publications, it amplifies Afghan women’s voices globally, builds readership via its newsletter, and secures resources that help keep journalists working on the ground. It welcomes republication with credit and newsletter links.

In this interview, Zan Times Team explains how international co-publications turn investigations into measurable impact. Working with outlets such as The Guardian, they track reach by translations, citations, Afghan media pickup, and newsletter growth—while co-publication fees help sustain an exile newsroom. They outline non-negotiable operational security: pseudonyms, stripping traceable details, minimizing digital footprints, restricting internal access, and delaying publication when risk spikes. Decision-making follows one rule: pursue a story only if people can be protected. They note Sana Atef’s IWMF Courage award widened support networks, including a Forbes invite, and describe a 10-month fellowship training ten women journalists inside Afghanistan. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When a Zan Times investigation is co-published internationally, how do you measure real-world impact? 

The Zan Times: International partnership is immensely important to work, because they expand both the reach and the impact of our reporting. When a Zan Times investigation is co-published with a major outlet, it immediately reaches audiences far beyond what we could access on our own. We see the effect almost instantly: stories published with platforms like The Guardian are often translated into many other languages, sometimes cited by over a dozen other media, and even spark debate within Afghan media outlets that then pick up and report on the same findings.

For us, these partnerships are not just about visibility, they are a way to measure real impact. We look closely at how widely a report travels: how many languages it appears in, how many international newsrooms reference it, and how much conversation it generates. We also track how many new newsletter subscribers a co-publication brings in, because an engaged and growing audience is central to our long-term sustainability.

Financially, these collaborations are crucial. As a small newsroom operating in exile, the remuneration from co-publications helps sustain our work and supports our reporters on the ground in Afghanistan.

When we develop a major report and recognize that it may resonate internationally, we proactively reach out and pitch it to global media partners. While we hope to publish as many stories as possible through such partnerships, not every report finds a partner. Still, our goal this year is for at least 60 percent of our reporting to be co-published with international outlets.

At the same time, we warmly welcome other media to reproduce our work with proper credit. Many already translate our articles or essays into their own languages. Our only request is that they include a link inviting readers to subscribe to our newsletter, which is vital for us for building a sustainable audience.

We do not impose strict criteria for partnerships or republication. Our priority is simple: ensuring that the voices and lived experiences of Afghan women reach as many people, in as many places, and in as many languages as possible.

Jacobsen: In stories like the protest crackdown report, what operational security practices become non-negotiable based on experience? 

The Zan Times: Given the situation in Afghanistan, for almost all our investigations operational security is absolutely non-negotiable. Any reporting that could expose our journalists or our sources to retaliation triggers our strictest safety protocols. If a reporter is inside Afghanistan, we take every possible measure to protect their identity: they never use their real names, and we remove any traceable details that could reveal their location, background, or movements.

The same applies to the people we interview. We remove any identifying information, such as age, neighborhood, profession, education level, or family details, that could be used by the Taliban to trace them. We only use some details, if we believe it would not compromise the identity of the interviewee or our reporter.

Operational security also means designing our reporting workflow around risk. We avoid digital footprints, and ask our reporters to never store sensitive information in shared or searchable platforms. Reporters inside the country decide when and how to move, whether to conduct interviews in person or remotely, and when it is no longer safe to continue a line of inquiry.

We have also adopted additional safeguards based on experience: We delay publication when immediate release could endanger a source or reporter. When a story seems risky for journalists on the ground, we ask our editors outside Afghanistan to handle and contact sources and for verification of facts and stories. We even restrict access to information within our team, so only essential editors and fact-checkers see the raw material that could compromise a source. We always continuously do risk assessment. We reassess every interview and detail before publication.

Above all, our priority is clear: the safety of our journalists and the protection of our sources come before every story. No report, no matter how important, is worth putting a life at risk.

Jacobsen: How did you decide in 2025 which investigations are worth additional risk? 

The Zan Times: In today’s Afghanistan, every piece of reporting carries some level of risk. There is no such thing as a “safe” investigation. Because of that, we approach all our work with the same vigilance: we protect identities, remove any detail that could expose a reporter or a source, and design our workflow around security from the very first interview to the moment of publication.

Our newsroom has developed internal criteria over time. We always look, can we gather and verify information without putting reporters or sources in immediate danger? Can editorial work, verification, writing, fact-checking, be shifted outside the country to reduce risk? Do we have the capacity to publish the story in a way that protects everyone involved?

If the answer to these questions is yes, then we move forward. Ultimately, our philosophy is simple: the story is only worth pursuing if we can protect the people who make it possible. Safety is non-negotiable, even for the most important investigations.

Jacobsen: Sana Atef’s IWMF Courage in Journalism Award spotlights your team’s work. How has that recognition changed your safety posture and international support network? 

The Zan Times: Sana Atef’s International Women’s Media Foundation courage award has been both an honour and a responsibility for us. Her Courage in Journalism Award brought visibility to the kind of reporting Afghan women journalists are forced to carry out under severe repression. But it also increased the risks she faces inside Afghanistan. To protect her safety, we placed her on leave; she is not working on reports at the moment, and in the future we will evaluate the situation and only reintegrate her when conditions allow.

Internationally, this recognition has expanded our network in meaningful ways. It amplified Zan Times’ profile and opened doors to conversations and opportunities we had not accessed before. For example, Forbes invited our editor-in-chief to speak at one of their events this March, an invitation that came, in part, because of Sana’s award and the global attention it generated.

Jacobsen: You announced a 10-month paid fellowship for 10 Afghan women journalists inside Afghanistan. What skills and beats are prioritized? 

The Zan Times: For the Zan Times fellowship, we will be selecting 10 Afghan women journalists who currently live and work inside Afghanistan. Our priority is to reach provinces where there are no longer any active women journalists, places that have been completely silenced since the Taliban takeover. Bringing women back into journalism in those areas is central to the fellowship’s purpose.

We are also looking for applicants who already have some foundational reporting experience so that the training can meaningfully build on their existing skills. Journalists who have shown a commitment to documenting women’s lives and understand the sensitivity of reporting under gender apartheid will be strongly prioritized.

In terms of skills and beats, we will focus on investigative reporting on women’s rights, women’s health, education, and everyday survival under Taliban rule.

Above all, we aim to support women journalists who are determined to keep telling the stories of Afghan women, despite the risks, the silencing, and the complete erasure of women from public life.

Jacobsen: For the fellowship, how will you recruit and select fellows safely?

The Zan Times: We have designed the recruitment and selection process with safety at its core. First, we will carefully review each application form, paying close attention to the applicant’s answers, motivations, and understanding of the risks of working inside Afghanistan. We will then examine their previous work and verify the references they provide to confirm both credibility and safety.

Short-listed applicants will go through another test and a confidential interview, where we cross-check their answers and assess their ability to work securely under current conditions. This three-step process, application review, work verification, special test and interviews, helps us ensure that the fellowship is awarded to genuine journalists while keeping both the applicants and our team safe.

Once selected, all fellows will be assigned pen names to protect their identities throughout the program. We will also provide them with comprehensive digital-security and operational-security training, equipping them with the skills they need to minimize risk while participating in the fellowship and reporting.

Our goal is to select fellows safely, protect them throughout the fellowship, and ensure they can continue working without exposing themselves or their communities to harm.

Jacobsen: You’ve described building emergency capacity for journalists at risk. How are you structuring decision-making? 

The Zan Times: The Emergency Fund is designed as a safety net for journalists working with Zan Times who face sudden threats or crises. Decision-making is intentionally flexible, because every risk scenario in Afghanistan is different and often unfolds quickly. We rely on a case-by-case assessment, grounded in timely information and direct communication with our reporters.

Over the past four years, we have repeatedly had to place journalists on leave or help them relocate temporarily because of immediate security concerns. Those experiences shaped our approach. When a journalist’s safety becomes compromised, whether due to a particular report, changes in Taliban scrutiny, or threats in their local community, we evaluate the situation immediately and discreetly.

The Fund can be used in several scenarios:
• when a journalist must stop working or go into hiding due to a security incident;
• when they face sudden financial strain caused by emergency relocation or loss of income;
• when health needs arise as a result of stress, trauma, or security-related displacement.

Our editors are in continuous contact with staff inside the country, monitoring security situations and individual risk levels. This real-time awareness allows us to make informed decisions quickly and responsibly.

Jacobsen: You’ve positioned women’s journalism as central to democracy and human rights. What were significant stories indicative of this in 2025?

The Zan Times: In 2025, our newsroom produced a number of investigations that showed why women’s journalism is indispensable to documenting human-rights violations and holding power to account. Much of this work shed light on realities that would have remained invisible without women reporters who understand the depth of gender apartheid in Afghanistan.

One important series of reports focused on how girls and their families are quietly resisting the Taliban’s ban on education. Our reporting highlighted the networks of secret classrooms and radio-based learning that have emerged across the country, stories that demonstrated both the creativity and the courage of Afghan girls who refuse to disappear.

We also produced several investigations on refugees and deported women. These reports exposed how single women returned from Iran struggle to find housing, face discrimination from landlords, and are left without protection or social support. By documenting their daily obstacles, we showed how gender and displacement compound each other under Taliban rule.

Another key area of reporting examined the Taliban’s mahram restrictions, which have become one of the most suffocating policies for Afghan women. Our stories detailed how women unable to travel without a male guardian are being denied healthcare, blocked from work, and cut off from essential services, including lifesaving medical care. These investigations brought into focus the devastating, often life-threatening consequences of these policies.

The reporting our team produced in 2025 tried to ensure that women’s suffering under Taliban’s gender apartheid and women’s resistance to it is documented and highlighted.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Zan Times Team.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 35: Trump, Elections, Arms Control, and Sudan

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/24

 Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen questions the US-imposed June deadline for Ukraine–Russia negotiations, noting shifting promises and unclear consequences if talks fail. Irina Tsukerman argues the timeline is arbitrary and politically performative, with election pressure on Kyiv constrained by martial law and security realities. They explore “strategy by spectacle,” in which media attention substitutes for coherent policy, and examine claims about the Epstein files as a cultural-political accelerant. The conversation expands to nuclear arms control, warning that treaties fail without automatic enforcement and credible monitoring, especially with Russia’s record and China’s opacity. Finally, they address Sudan: funding pledges matter, but access, ceasefires, and protection for targeted communities are decisive.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The United States has given Ukraine and Russia a June deadline to reach an agreement to end the war. As a brief footnote, President Trump had claimed—before taking office—that he would end the war within 24 hours. Since then, the timelines and targets discussed publicly have shifted. What is your assessment of this June deadline?

Irina Tsukerman: It is notable because, in a separate context, US officials have also floated an ambitious timeline pointing to March for a deal, alongside pressure on Kyiv to consider holding a referendum and national elections afterward—ideas that face major legal and security obstacles under Ukraine’s current martial-law framework.

The most recent US-brokered talks in Abu Dhabi did not produce a breakthrough, even as fighting continued. Around the same period, Russia carried out significant strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, contributing to severe disruptions.

On elections in Ukraine, it is not clear why Washington is making the timing a priority. Whatever one thinks of the policy merits, elections and referendums are prohibited under martial law, and Ukrainian officials have argued that any credible vote would require both secure conditions and significant lead time.

The fixation on elections also appears selective globally. By comparison, Syria’s de facto leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has publicly stated that national elections could take 4 to 5 years, citing the need for groundwork in constitutional and administrative matters.

As for why June was chosen, there is at least one concrete coincidence: Trump’s birthday falls in mid-June. In 2025, a major US Army 250th-anniversary parade took place on June 14, which coincided with both Flag Day and Trump’s birthday.

The core practical question remains unresolved: what happens if the deadline is not met? Recent reporting suggests that, if no agreement is reached by June, the Trump administration may increase pressure on both sides, but the specific consequences have not been clearly defined.

Jacobsen: What happens then? I genuinely hope someone has asked that question, because I do not see the media pushing back on these deadlines. I argue, in rhetorical terms, that the point can be made succinctly: the so-called US grand strategy, as it is framed in this administration or this particular phase, is that there is no grand strategy.

The maelstrom that followed the second administration likely reflects the underlying chaos created by a lack of coherent decisions and consistent policy. That chaos generates attention and media interest, but it does not amount to a strategy. This dynamic is reflected in Trump’s background as a reality television host, where conflict and spectacle were central to driving ratings. 

One illustrative anecdote comes from the COVID period, when Anthony Fauci later recounted entering a room to find Trump watching multiple television screens and commenting on how well a public confrontation had performed in terms of ratings. Whether taken literally or symbolically, the episode captures an attention-first mindset.

Tsukerman: That suggests the absence of grand strategy is replaced by disruption followed by media amplification. Where the media logic fits is complicated, especially given that Trump’s approval ratings declined substantially after taking office, dropping into the high-30-percent range. That is not strong by conventional political measures. 

Jacobsen: Still, attention operates differently from approval. In the old Barnum sense, both positive and negative coverage generate visibility.

Tsukerman: It is worth noting that Trump initially articulated something resembling a grand strategy. It focused on the Indo-Pacific, with an emphasis on weakening the Russia–China partnership and replacing it with a Russia–India–US alignment. This was not necessarily a sound strategy, but it was at least coherent and articulate. Early steps included outreach to India and public support for expanding the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor, or IMEC, an initiative developed under the Biden administration but never fully implemented due to security and logistical constraints. Trump claimed he intended to operationalize it and even floated involving Italy. Parts of this agenda overlapped with existing US policy and had some geopolitical logic, even if the Russia component was deeply problematic.

That framework unravelled quickly. The breakdown began with tensions involving India and then cascaded outward. The core question is whether this strategy was ever intended as a serious, long-term plan, or whether it functioned primarily as an opening narrative to generate momentum during the first hundred days in office, before giving way to a different approach dominated by tariffs, volatility, and short-term economic or political calculation.

For these reasons, the June deadline does not appear particularly meaningful. It is difficult to identify a clear plan for what follows if it fails, which, given current conditions, seems likely. I hope someone presses the administration on what the contingency plan actually is.

Jacobsen: Another issue here is geopolitically consequential, primarily because of its moral and cultural implications. I will briefly draw on a previous case. During an early public fallout between Trump and Elon Musk, Musk claimed in a social media post that the Epstein files had not been released because Trump appeared in them. Whatever one thinks of Musk’s motives or credibility, the allegation circulated widely and was then dropped.

More recently, Trump reposted a racially charged video involving Michelle and Barack Obama, which was later removed. That removal does not necessarily indicate remorse; instead, it suggests that the content was noticed and generated backlash. The question is how episodes like these are interpreted, normalized, or absorbed by the media ecosystem and by the broader political culture.

Tsukerman: Domestically and internationally, when something appears this overt and this troubling on a basic level of judgment and sensibility, it has consequences. The Epstein files alone had already divided the MAGA movement between those demanding their release—often drifting deeper into conspiracy thinking—and those who opposed their release because of unwavering loyalty to Trump and a belief that disclosure could only be damaging.

Now that at least part of the material has been released, it is clear that this was not a trivial matter. There were legitimate reasons for concern—legally, politically, from a security perspective, and from humanitarian and human-rights standpoints. The fact that Trump appears to be shielding himself quite openly, yet has not generated significant outrage from either supporters or critics, is notable. Critics are primarily accustomed to Trump avoiding accountability, while supporters have strong incentives to minimize his role and redirect attention away from the issue altogether. Even silence functions as a form of deflection.

Some have taken the discussion in a conspiratorial direction, while others focus on broader narratives, such as whether Epstein was connected to foreign intelligence services. Trump appears to evade serious consequences essentially because there is no definitive, publicly available evidence that he committed a specific criminal act, only allegations, despite his central position within that social and political ecosystem.

The unresolved question is whether he directly committed acts such as sexual assault, harassment, or knowingly benefited from sex trafficking, or whether he functioned as an unethical bystander and enabler—someone who did not intervene, normalized the environment, and benefited socially or politically without directly participating in criminal acts. The absence of a clear “smoking gun” allows him to sidestep accountability, even though his role as an enabler is difficult to dispute.

We have discussed elsewhere the distinctions between bystanders, enablers, facilitators, and active participants. Many people accept that Trump is ethically compromised in general, which is not new. The remaining question is whether there is evidence of conduct so egregious that it clearly crosses a line beyond his established pattern of behaviour, independent of this broader context.

At present, that level of hard evidence has not emerged publicly. Whether it may appear in future releases, through corroborating testimony, or via material that was previously withheld or selectively framed remains uncertain. It is also possible that the whole picture will never be known, given that key figures are deceased or have incentives not to cooperate, and that some individuals who were widely believed to be involved were never charged. Ghislaine Maxwell herself raised this issue, questioning why numerous other alleged participants or facilitators were never brought to trial.

There may be additional testimony or evidence suggesting Trump engaged in illegal acts or derived more direct benefit from criminal activity than is currently established. For now, however, that case has not been demonstrated publicly. The manner in which these files are being released appears designed to maximize shock value and rumour circulation, while diverting attention away from a systematic legal analysis of Trump’s own conduct and potential liability.

Jacobsen: More broadly, the United States is now calling for renewed arms-control efforts and wants China brought into the process as well. One of the remaining strategic arms-control agreements expired recently, underscoring the fragility of the current nonproliferation framework. From what I have gathered through our ongoing discussions, there is much to criticize about this administration. Still, the call for a renewed treaty and the inclusion of China are, in principle, positive steps. Nuclear weapons remain an existential risk even when only one actor behaves irresponsibly. New treaties are therefore desirable. At the same time, as you noted before, there have been longstanding concerns about whether China has fully complied with testing and transparency norms. What is your assessment, and what additional considerations matter here?

Tsukerman: Treaties are only as effective as their enforcement mechanisms and the willingness of signatories to comply. In the past, including in agreements involving the United States and Russia, and in other contexts such as US–Iran arrangements, the United States has often remained bound by its obligations while other parties ignored or violated theirs, sometimes openly and sometimes covertly. That asymmetry disadvantages US security.

If actors such as Russia or China disregard their legal commitments and there are no credible enforcement mechanisms—either by the United States or by the international community—then such treaties can do more harm than good. If one side abides by constraints while others do not, the compliant party weakens its own defensive position. This is not an argument against international law as such, but against selective enforcement. Selective enforcement incentivizes rogue behaviour by both state and non-state actors, placing them in an advantageous position, which should not be acceptable in practice.

For this reason, I am skeptical that any new treaty proposed under Trump would be meaningfully enforceable, particularly given Russia’s long record of violating international law and breaching both multilateral and bilateral agreements over decades, not just in recent years or under specific administrations. It is unclear what would make a new agreement different unless enforcement were automatic and credible. Violations would need to trigger predefined consequences without prolonged political deliberation. Independent monitoring mechanisms would also be required, insulated from partisan interference, including interference by the US executive.

The same logic applies to China. Reports suggesting covert nuclear testing are deeply concerning. Unlike Russia, which has demonstrated significant deficiencies in the maintenance and performance of its conventional and strategic capabilities during the war in Ukraine, China appears more competent in sustaining its nuclear forces, despite serious corruption issues within its system. While many Chinese officials’ claims deserve skepticism, the operational viability of its nuclear arsenal is not among them. If China is testing, it may indicate preparation for a strategic confrontation rather than mere deterrence maintenance. That should raise serious concerns about Beijing’s near-term trajectory.

There is much to unpack here. During the Cold War, the arms-control framework was largely bilateral because the United States and the Soviet Union possessed more than 90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons. The problem they faced was fundamentally bilateral. As those treaties were implemented, overall stockpiles declined, even though they remain in the thousands today. The current environment is far more complex, with additional nuclear powers and weaker enforcement norms, making replication of that earlier model far more difficult.

Jacobsen: More than 90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are still held by Russia and the United States. At the same time, as you noted, the contemporary period is marked by open disregard for international law by certain actors. Russia, in particular, has withdrawn from multiple conventions and treaties related to nuclear arms and humanitarian law. In that sense, withdrawal becomes almost symbolic, since the obligations were already being ignored in practice.

The current risk environment is far more multilateral. Beyond Russia and the United States, nuclear-armed states include China, France, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, and Israel, with Iran potentially joining that group in the future. This makes the challenge neither bilateral nor trilateral, but genuinely multilateral. The question then becomes how to bring everyone on board. The assumption is that if the United States, Russia, and China were aligned, others might follow. Yet this still leaves the problem of thousands of weapons, many of them embedded in aging or potentially degraded systems.

Another issue is the moral authority of those proposing new agreements. If a Trump administration puts forward a treaty, it is unclear whether it would carry sufficient credibility or gravitas to command respect. During so-called peace negotiations, we have simultaneously seen sustained attacks on civilian infrastructure. When comparing data from 2024 to 2025, reported bombardments increased dramatically nationwide by several hundred percent. That pattern reinforces the perception that commitments may be ignored.

Tsukerman: There is another dimension that concerns me deeply, which is the consolidation of power within the Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping. Compared with earlier periods when authority was more distributed through the Politburo, power is now far more centralized. When excessive authority accumulates in the hands of a single leader, particularly one showing increasingly rigid or paranoid tendencies, the risk of catastrophic decision-making rises sharply.

I was never comfortable with China possessing nuclear weapons, but I previously assumed that Beijing would behave in a rational, self-interested manner. I no longer find that assumption reliable. Xi’s geopolitical strategy, his adversarial stance toward international companies that underpin China’s economy, and his pattern of abrupt decision-making suggest a shift toward the kind of paranoia we have seen under Putin. That trajectory has accelerated, and internal checks appear to have been weakened through purges within the military and party structures.

Many discussions focus on Taiwan—whether an invasion might occur and how quickly, and whether military actors would comply with orders involving nuclear escalation. The same logic applies more broadly. Nuclear weapons are not deployed with the push of a single button. The process requires multiple actors, and institutional friction can slow or halt implementation if dissent exists. When power is diffused, skeptical officials can intervene, delay, or persuade leadership to reconsider.

When authority is fully consolidated and dissent suppressed, the space between a direct order and actual deployment narrows dramatically. That is what makes China’s current trajectory so concerning. Recent structural changes appear to remove internal obstacles to executing a nuclear strike or other hazardous operations, posing a direct threat to US and international security.

Jacobsen: There is also a parallel humanitarian dimension unfolding alongside these security risks. Recent reporting has highlighted severe crises in al-Fashir and parts of the Darfur region, as well as findings from food security investigations indicating famine-level malnutrition in multiple towns. These developments suggest that humanitarian emergencies are spreading even as armed conflicts persist. How do you assess the compounding effect of humanitarian collapse alongside ongoing geopolitical and military crises?

Tsukerman: The situation has been dire for some time. The only positive development is that the United States and the United Nations are now working on a joint fund that would allocate approximately $700 million to Sudan for humanitarian assistance. While this would not fully replace suspended USAID funding, it at least reflects the US’s acknowledgment that the crisis is severe and that humanitarian aid is not a waste of taxpayer money.

The central challenge, as with most conflicts of this kind, is implementation: how to deploy aid effectively and ensure it reaches civilians. The leaders of the warring factions are often determined to prevent assistance from reaching populations aligned with their opponents. In addition, conditions on the ground are deplorable from a logistical standpoint, making consistent and equitable distribution very difficult. Allocating funds to address what is currently considered the world’s most severe artificial famine is straightforward. Implementing that decision in practice is far more complicated.

Some form of humanitarian ceasefire is likely necessary to facilitate aid distribution. There would need to be an internationally enforced agreement, not only to pause hostilities but also to provide a mechanism for neutral, even-handed delivery of supplies to civilians across conflict lines. This is especially urgent because there appears to be a systematic, ethnically targeted campaign of violence affecting particular non-Arab Black communities in the region.

This is not new. It echoes patterns seen during the earlier Darfur genocide, when the Janjaweed militias were responsible for mass atrocities. Those forces have since evolved into the Rapid Support Forces, which are more organized, heavily armed, and now operate as a de facto parallel authority. Although the parallel government is not internationally recognized, it functions in practice. The current situation is more entrenched and more dangerous than before because it is embedded within a nationwide civil war, making atrocities part of a broader, deadly mosaic.

At a minimum, greater international focus should be placed on reaching these particularly vulnerable regions and protecting civilian populations from targeted violence. It remains unclear whether the Sudanese Armed Forces have the capacity, political will, or credibility to do so effectively, or whether they would permit genuine international access afterward. Independent humanitarian access—free from control by the warring parties and their regional backers in Africa and the Middle East—should be the minimum condition for addressing the crisis. That alone would not be sufficient in the long term, but it would be a necessary starting point.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ukrainian Student Media Leader Borzhena Bortnovska on Journalism, Influencers, and Independent Media

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/23

 Borzhena Bortnovska is a Ukrainian journalism student at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Faculty of Journalism, and serves as Head of the Student Council. Her work in student government emphasizes protecting students’ rights, improving educational quality, and maintaining open communication with faculty and administrators. Bortnovska has tracked how journalism students increasingly gravitate toward blogging and influencer culture, while arguing that professional standards should remain platform-independent. She has participated in mentorship and training initiatives through the Media Development Foundation, including mentorship with Daria Hirna of Faces of Independence, which has reinforced her focus on rigorous, public-interest journalism.

In a wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Borzhena Bortnovska, a journalism student and student-government leader at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. Bortnovska describes student council work as rights-based service, not privilege, and explains why many first-year students aim for blogging and influencer careers: profitability, flexibility, and easier monetization. She argues that funding shifts do not alone drive this trend; platform popularity does. Bortnovska highlights mentorship as professional formation, citing the Media Development Foundation and mentor Daria Hirna (Faces of Independence). She hopes Ukraine’s independent media grows more analytical, investigative, and resilient.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, what university are you studying at, and what leadership roles do you currently hold or have you held in the past?

Borzhena Bortnovska: I am studying at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, in the Faculty of Journalism. I currently serve as the Head of the Student Council of my faculty. The most essential principle is that we are here to protect students’ rights and to work for the students, not for ourselves or for privilege. We want students to receive a better education and for the educational process to be more comfortable and practical for them.

Jacobsen: What do you notice about first-year journalism students compared with fourth-year students or recent graduates?

Bortnovska: It is funny, but many first-year students want to become bloggers. More and more people want to become influencers. Journalism is experiencing a shift, and the contrast between traditional journalism and social media practices is now greater. I do not speak with graduates often, but later-year students seem more aware of Ukrainian culture, current issues, and politics than they were in their first year. That is what I have noticed.

Jacobsen: What is it in the training and culture that makes people want to use their journalistic education to become bloggers and influencers?

Bortnovska: It is more profitable. That is the simplest explanation. It is also more flexible—you work for yourself. Traditional journalism, if I may put it that way, seems to be losing popularity among young people because alternative platforms are easier to monetize. Again, you have more freedom when you work for yourself on those platforms.

Jacobsen: When U.S. support—such as USAID-linked funding—was reduced or paused, how did that impact the media landscape in Ukraine?

Bortnovska: From what I observed, many media outlets received a lot of support from society. There were more donations, and people became more aware that you have to pay for good reporting and strong investigations. Many platforms began using donation services and membership tools. People’s understanding of journalism shifted: they began to see that supporting high-quality journalism often means paying for it.

Jacobsen: Do you think that reduced income stability in journalism has pushed some younger people—especially those in training—toward becoming bloggers and influencers? In other words, have the effects of external funding changes shaped how young journalists see their professional future?

Bortnovska: That is a difficult question. No single change in U.S. support alone determines young journalists’ decisions. It is more about modern society: social platforms are more popular, easier to use, and easier to monetize. It does not depend on whether external funding was reduced.

Jacobsen: Do you want to add anything further on that point?

Bortnovska: It is a tricky question; social media platforms are more popular than ever. They are easier to use and easier to grow on. This shift is not really dependent on whether U.S. funding was reduced.

That said, we are still taught that high-quality journalism matters. That is something emphasized at our university. Even if someone wants to become an influencer or move to platforms like YouTube, they are still encouraged to remain a professional journalist, regardless of which platform they use.

Jacobsen: How have your interactions been with faculty members, deans, and administrators when you try to raise these issues and work toward viable solutions?

Bortnovska: At the very least, they listen to us, and we have a dialogue. That is already very important. It depends on the faculty, but in our case, communication is quite direct. Sometimes solutions are slowed by administrative or bureaucratic hurdles, but we continue to raise our concerns and work to speed up the process. The more we communicate, the more problems we can solve.

Jacobsen: Reporters Without Borders, in its World Press Freedom Index, has noted that during the period Russia refers to as the so-called “special military operation”—in reality, the full-scale invasion—Russia dropped to near the bottom of the rankings, while Ukraine rose significantly, from around the middle of the index to roughly the low-60s. In other words, there has been severe repression on the Russian side and relative improvement on the Ukrainian side. Could this improvement in press freedom attract more young journalists to work in Ukraine, especially given the unique and intense wartime reporting experience?

Bortnovska: Yes, the media’s independence attracts young journalists 100%. The fact that you can gain this kind of once-in-a-lifetime experience also makes you value the faculty and profession you have chosen. For example, when we do our assignments and analyze ideas, we often look at and value the work of journalists from independent media. When young journalists think about their future careers, they are usually drawn to independent press because that is how we are taught. If we have the opportunity to work for independent outlets, that is already a very meaningful outcome.

Jacobsen: You were mentored by someone with a huge YouTube following. Who was that? How did you connect? Moreover, why is mentorship important?

Bortnovska: We were connected through a mentorship program. There is an organization called the Media Development Foundation, which runs different programs, including mentorships and training for young and investigative journalists.

The Media Development Foundation runs many programs, including mentorship and training for young and investigative journalists. I participated in one of these mentorship programs and was connected with Daria Hirna, the founder of the YouTube channel Faces of Independence. The channel focuses on the crimes of the Soviet Union and how they continue to affect the world and Ukrainian society today.

For young journalists, this kind of mentorship is essential. It gives us a strong example of high-quality journalism, and these programs help us understand what professional standards really look like. That is why mentorship is so important for us.

Jacobsen: Could you see yourself giving something like that back in the future?

Bortnovska: Yes, definitely. Thanks to that mentorship program, I understand that I could try to do something similar in the future—to support and guide younger journalists in the same way.

Jacobsen: Where do you think the future of media in Ukraine lies?

Bortnovska: If we are talking about independent media, I hope there will be no pressure on them anymore. I also hope Ukraine will continue to improve its position in the press freedom rankings you mentioned earlier. We will see what 2026 brings, but I am hopeful.

I would like to see more analytical and niche journalism for Ukrainian audiences. Our media sphere has improved significantly since the beginning of the twenty-first century, and our current reality demands greater professionalism. I hope the future lies in stronger journalism—better materials that cover more sophisticated topics, not just reporting events, but offering deeper analysis and stronger investigative work.

Jacobsen: Leadership is not for everyone. Some people become leaders by accident, others pursue leadership deliberately, and some take on those roles only temporarily. There is no right or wrong temperament. What drew you personally to leadership, and what advice would you give to students who are considering getting involved in student government?

Bortnovska: Thank you for the question. My first experience with leadership was in high school. I founded an organization related to studying abroad. We invited Ukrainian students who had studied abroad to share their experiences with other Ukrainians who wanted to study overseas.

We eventually closed the organization after the full-scale invasion, because I realized there were many more important things we could be doing for Ukraine. That is when I became involved in student activism. There is a saying that student years are the best years of our lives, and I wanted to make the most of them. I joined because I like being part of society and working with people who want to make changes.

My advice is to take responsibility and be more active. If there is a problem in your educational system, it will not be solved on its own. Someone has to step forward and make a difference. Students are usually the first to see problems in educational institutions, and if we use our voices, change can start with us. That is why I joined.

Jacobsen: Looking back, if you could make different decisions during your time in leadership or education, would you choose anything differently? Do you see alternative paths you could have taken—or still could take?

Bortnovska: I would not change anything regarding leadership. However, when it comes to choosing my faculty, I might have made a different decision. I would probably have chosen something more specific, such as politics, international relations, or history, and then pursued a master’s degree in media studies.

That approach might be better, because right now we study a small quantity of everything, but nothing in real depth. That is one of the problems in our faculty. It also makes me want to pursue a second, more specialized degree. As I said earlier, I do not want to be just a reporter. I want to write more sophisticated material, and for that, you need much more profound knowledge.

Jacobsen: Let us say Ukraine’s press freedom ranking is currently around sixty-two. Where do you think Ukrainian media is doing well, and where could it improve?

Bortnovska: When it comes to the development of independent media, we chose the right path. There is a big difference compared with the past. There are many strong media outlets now across different fields—history, politics, music, culture, literature, and more. That diversity is a real strength, and it shows that the media is developing across many categories.

At the same time, it could be better. Some materials—not from all outlets, but from many—lack professionalism. Sometimes, there is fundamental, purely logical reporting, without deeper insight for readers. Again, this does not apply to all media, but professionalism still needs improvement in some coverage.

Jacobsen: When it comes to reporting on Ukraine, what do foreign media get right, what do they get wrong, and what do they miss entirely?

Bortnovska: That is a challenging and huge question. What they get right is that they understand you cannot report from the perspective of the invader. Even though journalists are expected to avoid bias, foreign journalists generally understand that reporting from the aggressor’s point of view is unacceptable. That gives me hope.

As for what they might miss, the only example that comes to mind is during the controversy around attempts to limit the independence of anti-corruption institutions. There was criticism from outside observers, but I think the foreign media covered Ukrainian society and the protests very professionally. They did not just report what happened; they showed the state of society—what people thought and what mattered to them.

Even when the government makes mistakes, that does not mean society is doomed. People still have a voice during difficult times, and foreign media did a good job of showing that. I cannot say that they failed Ukraine in their coverage. I also do not consume propagandistic press, so I cannot comment on that type of reporting.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite part about Lviv?

Bortnovska: Especially during winter, when koliada—traditional carol singing—takes place. I like that more and more people are returning to authentic Ukrainian traditions rather than the superficial culture promoted during the Soviet period.

We are starting to return to our roots and to explore something more profound than just food, dances, or outward symbols. People are analyzing our history and literature more seriously. That process feels like a catalyst, and that is what I really love about Lviv.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Borzhena.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Martine Cerf on Laïcité, Equality, and Article 17: Defending Freedom of Conscience in Europe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/22

 Martine Cerf is Vice-President of EGALE (Égalité Laïcité Europe), a Paris-based association advancing freedom of conscience, equality, and secularism across France and the European sphere. She previously directed communication and training firms in France and Belgium, then helped build EGALE in the early 2000s. Cerf co-directed the Dictionnaire de la laïcité with Marc Horwitz; it won the Prix de l’initiative laïque in 2012. She has participated in high-level dialogues with nonconfessional leaders since 2012. Her work links laïcité to human rights, gender equality, and democracy, emphasizing the separation between religious organizations and the state, neutral public institutions, and respectful pluralism in a political climate.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Martine Cerf, Vice-President of EGALE (Égalité Laïcité Europe), about laïcité as a daily safeguard for freedom of thought, conscience, and religion—including the right to have none. Cerf argues that neutrality is the state’s equal-treatment engine, and warns that religious lobbying still distorts policy, citing France’s stalled assisted-dying debate. Across the EU, she highlights anomalies: selective subsidies, church labour-law exemptions, and established churches. She critiques Article 17 dialogue for institutionalizing lobbying, urges stronger nonconfessional representation, and emphasizes education and training to defend pluralism without stigmatizing non-believers.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does “laïcité” protect in everyday life?

Martine Cerf: Secularism protects everyone’s freedom of conscience, i.e., the freedom to choose one’s beliefs or non-beliefs, one’s religion, and to change them. It also protects everyone’s freedom to practice their religion, in accordance with public order. Religions are free to organize themselves as they wish.

It also protects equality among individuals, as the neutral state treats everyone equally regardless of religion or philosophical beliefs.

Jacobsen: EGALE frames secularism as inseparable from equality. Where do you see the sharpest policy gaps in France and in the EU? 

Cerf: In France, politicians still tend to follow the recommendations of religious groups on critical social issues, which is inconsistent with the principle of secularism. We can see the consequences of this today in the difficulty we are having in passing a law that would allow anyone to receive assistance in dying at the end of their life if they request it, because religious leaders are opposed to it, even though the vast majority of citizens want this new freedom.

In the European Union, member states have committed to respecting citizens’ freedom of conscience and generally do so quite well. But there are anomalies, such as subsidies allocated to specific religions and not to others, as in Spain. In Germany, where churches are very involved in social services such as hospitals, they have obtained exemptions from labour law: they can require their employees to live in accordance with their morals, which is a clear interference in people’s private lives. In Denmark, Lutheranism is the state religion, which automatically creates a status that is not entirely equal between citizens who profess it and others.

Jacobsen: What strategies for defending institutional neutrality at the European level do so without stigmatizing believers?

Cerf: We have our work cut out for us to avoid stigmatizing non-believers!

European institutions are neutral and proud of it. But they too often claim that they only have to defend “religious freedom,” which means that the freedoms of those who have no religion are regularly overlooked. We must constantly remind them that they must protect “freedom of thought, conscience, and religion” for all, as stated in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

Jacobsen: You have attended high-level meetings throughout the 2020s. What struck you about this philosophical and nonconfessional high-level meeting centred on Article 17? 

Cerf: What struck me at first was the contempt that some politicians showed for our associations, while they were full of deference for religious leaders. We have made positive progress on this point. But this is not a foregone conclusion, and we must remain vigilant.

What strikes me today is the quality of the relationships we have built and the willingness to listen we encounter, which has led to the adoption of some of our recommendations.

Jacobsen: How do high-level meetings like these lead to change in governance regarding gender equality, and so on, in concrete outcomes? There can be contexts in which some philosophies and nonconfessional statuses can be interpreted to restrict the rights of women, while in other interpretations this never happens.

Cerf: This is not a criticism that can be levelled at European institutions today. They are very concerned about gender equality. It is at the level of citizens’ attitudes and Member States’ governance that action is needed on these issues. We can draw our interlocutors’ attention to a serious shortcoming we have observed in a Member State, for example.

Jacobsen: Do nonconfessional participants enter Article 17 dialogues on equal footing with religious representatives? 

Cerf: Not always. We have to be very vigilant to ensure we are represented, and, in any case, there are fewer of us than there are representatives of religious groups. Senior leaders tend to be less involved with non-religious people and often send representatives to meetings, while they always attend meetings with spiritual leaders.

Parliament has made commendable efforts to ensure that non-religious people are always represented at round tables and that Article 17 meetings are joint meetings.

Jacobsen: If you could reform the Article 17 process, what would you change?

Cerf: I would remove it. This institutional dialogue perpetuates a fundamental error of analysis, which is to think that churches represent the believers or that we speak for those who have no religion. In reality, each partner is only authorized to speak on behalf of its own organization, not on behalf of thousands or millions of believers or non-believing citizens.

This dialogue institutionalizes lobbying, in which many partners oppose the freedoms won by citizens (in particular, abortion, same-sex marriage, end-of-life care, etc.) and take advantage of it to make their voices heard and demand more European subsidies.

Jacobsen: What are EGALE’s top priorities for the next 12–24 months, either internal strategy or external partnership building?

Cerf: Our priorities focus on training in secularism. The challenge is to counter the harmful actions of fanatical groups seeking to divide society.

We work in high schools in the Île-de-France region, which includes Paris, to help students understand what caricatures are and how they relate to freedom of expression and democracy. This is particularly important in a context where teachers are being murdered or attacked for trying to teach this.

We organize training courses for adults, conferences, symposiums, and secular cafés where citizens discuss the values of our society, which are European values. In the current geopolitical context, it seems essential to understand these values and bring them to life concretely.

We work with politicians to ensure that they respect secularism, as they set an example.

We aim to expand the European Secular Network, founded in 2024, which also participates in the Article 17 dialogue.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Martine.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Beri Foundation in Ukraine: Alisa Rostovtseva on Emergency Aid, Community, and Jewish Mutual Support

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/21

 Alisa Rostovtseva is a Jewish Ukrainian community organizer and humanitarian volunteer who assisted evacuation efforts after the 2022 full-scale invasion, drawing on networks formed in Mariupol and across frontline regions. She helps coordinate the Beri Foundation’s support for displaced and isolated Jewish families, especially mothers with children living outside major centers of Jewish communal life. Her work blends emergency relief—such as rapid fundraising for medical needs and winter equipment—with community rebuilding through holiday packages, camps, and online “Circle of Support” psychological programming. Marik emphasizes mutual aid, dignity, and belonging as core principles.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Alisa Marik describes the Beri Foundation’s origins in wartime evacuation work and its guiding idea: no separation between helpers and helped. She outlines rapid winter relief during blackouts, including portable gas stoves and essential supplies. She explains how small donations and partner networks enable fast responses to urgent needs, from wheelchairs to hearing aids. Beyond material assistance, Marik highlights community camps, Jewish educational programming, and psychologist-led group and individual support via Zoom. Holiday packages and local meetups sustain connection for families living far from Jewish communal centers.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: My understanding is that this is a new charity foundation. What was the inspiration for founding it? Following from that, what is its scope of operation?

Alisa Rostovtseva: Before the full-scale invasion, I assisted a rabbi in Mariupol. When the full-scale war began in 2022, I spent much of the first year helping with evacuations from Mariupol, eastern Ukraine, and frontline areas. I built an extensive contact list of people who fled their homes. My involvement with the foundation began when the team called me and said they wanted to help these people. I did not ask whether it was paid work or volunteering. I said yes immediately. I already had a base of contacts, I understood the needs, and I knew I had to find people who could help. 

My inspiration comes from my experience. I am in the same situation as many of the people we help. One difference between our foundation and others is that we do not separate “us” and “them.” We see ourselves as one community. When I ask people about their needs, I tell them we are one team. Our shared purpose is to help our children. Sometimes people ask me whether I have children. I say yes—in a sense, I have 250 children, and even more. That is my inspiration: they are in a situation similar to mine. 

Once, when I came from Mariupol to Vinnytsia, I visited a large organization focused on aliyah, Jewish immigration to Israel. For example, the Jewish Agency for Israel, often called Sokhnut, supports aliyah. I believe that aliyah can help Jewish people find safety and community, and that this can be a force for good. They asked when I would go to Israel as part of the Jewish nation. I said that as long as there are Jewish people in Ukraine whom I can help, I will stay. As long as I can help, I will be here.

Jacobsen: Why focus on gas stoves for the winter? Is that primarily due to electrical instability and heating instability caused by electricity problems?

Rostovtseva: Yes.

Jacobsen: Beyond gas stoves, were there other urgent winter-related needs affecting very young or older adults that you identified?

Rostovtseva: This project developed very quickly. It felt like a minor miracle. When the blackouts began, we realized they would not last one or two days. Many families lived in buildings that depended on electricity. Without electricity, they had no heating, no hot water, no way to warm themselves, and no way to cook food. 

We reached out to our community—our Beria community—especially those living in such buildings who could not leave cities like Kyiv for villages and had no way to relocate. We compiled a list of families. The list was not very large, but it was manageable. The situation was urgent because it was very cold. Temperatures dropped to minus 22 degrees Celsius in buildings without heating or hot water. We immediately began calling our friends.

The team called their  friends in Israel and asked whether they could help. It was not a large amount, but it was enough. We collected the funds, ordered the gas stoves, and distributed them to families very quickly. These were portable gas stoves, commonly used for travel or camping, and they were easy to operate. Families later sent us videos showing how simple they were to use. With a small gas canister, people could boil water, make tea, and warm themselves slightly during freezing conditions, including temperatures around minus 22 degrees Celsius, when there was no heating. The project moved very quickly, and the pace felt like a minor miracle.

I think I did not always answer this clearly, so I would love to add this to the text. We try to closely follow the situation and help with everything we realistically can. In addition to gas stoves, we have provided blankets and pillows for displaced families and for those who stayed in their homes, flashlights, and USB-powered lamps. The USB lamps were especially important, because they are bright, hold a charge for a long time, and use very little power from a power bank, which allows children to do their homework even during blackouts.

I also want to emphasize that we try to take on as much as we can to support our people. We reach out to many organizations, and at the same time we are still a small foundation. We are flexible and fast, but we do not yet have the capacity to regularly and fully cover all needs. There are many requests, many urgent situations, and unfortunately we cannot help everyone at the scale we wish we could. But whenever we understand that something is truly urgent, we absolutely do everything possible to help.

Jacobsen: What about psychological support and social support as well?

Rostovtseva: Yes, we work in more than one way. In addition to humanitarian aid, we focus on community support. We organize camps several times a year. These are not only traditional Jewish camps with educators, culture, history, and learning about practices such as Shabbat, although that is an important part. Many participants arrive without much knowledge of Jewish traditions or roots, so this educational component matters. Another equally important part of the camps is psychological support. 

A team of psychologists joins the camp, and every family—typically mothers with children—can receive a short individual consultation. After that initial conversation, participants can decide whether they want ongoing support. We also run regular online meetings called the Circle of Support. These take place over Zoom with participants from across Ukraine. Psychologists lead discussions, guided practices, and structured activities, and participants can request individual psychological support if needed. 

There are two parallel forms of support: one focused on mental health and the other on community and tradition. We also hold informal community gatherings, sometimes called Kava V’Shala, which focus on conversation, tradition, and connection. Although these are not held on Shabbat itself, people spend time together in a spirit of communal sharing. We have plans to expand this model, including small exchanges among participants, such as sending challah or small gifts within the community. 

Throughout the year, the team travelled to different cities in Ukraine to meet participants in person. For example, we held a gathering in Bila Tserkva, where participants came from Kyiv, Zolotonosha, and surrounding areas. People came because they wanted to see each other, spend time together, participate in psychological practices, and take part in workshops, such as making challah together. These meetings strengthen both emotional support and community bonds.

Jacobsen: Because you have workshops, community programs, psychological support, and material aid, such as the gas stoves. What are the supports there?

Rostovtseva: Psychological support works in two main ways. One is group support, where many people meet together, and the other is individual support, where someone can request a one-on-one conversation with a psychologist. This also includes support for children. We maintain a list of children who need specialized help, such as psychological support, speech therapy, or educational assistance, like math or writing. 

If a family makes a request and we determine the need is real, we can help cover the cost of a specialist, such as a speech therapist. We also provide immediate support when necessary. Every family knows that if something urgent happens, they can contact us. For example, if someone needs a wheelchair, or in one case, a mother contacted us because her young son, around eight years old, had lost his hearing. 

We raised funds and purchased a hearing aid for him. We collected donations by posting on social media with a fundraising link. Many people responded, including our regular supporters, partners, and sponsors. We are grateful for their help with camps and meetings. Sometimes urgent needs cannot wait. Large foundations often require lengthy application processes, forms, and grants, but some children need help immediately. 

In those cases, we have a rapid-response support system. When families write to us needing funds for medical tests, treatment, or operations, we ask people to contribute small donations so help can be provided quickly.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead to 2026—spring, summer, and following winter—what do you see as the likely needs for Jewish communities in Ukraine?

Rostovtseva: We do have plans and ongoing projects, including our camp program, Camberry, and regular meetings with participants. At the same time, we continuously monitor current needs and requests, because circumstances change. For example, this winter brought widespread blackouts, while the previous year did not, and we could not have predicted the need for gas stoves in advance. In general, our plans include camps, celebrating Jewish holidays, and sending small gifts to participants. These are not large humanitarian shipments, but instead small gestures of support.

When we have the possibility, we send something useful, but even a small gift matters. It is a way of saying, “We remember you.” Many of these families do not live in large cities or in centers of Jewish life. Often, they are refugees who came to Kyiv, realized it was too expensive, and then moved to nearby small towns or villages. As a result, they are not surrounded by Jewish community life, and their connection to Jewish traditions weakens over time. This is not because they want it to weaken, but because of their circumstances. 

For example, if you live forty kilometres from Vinnytsia, you cannot attend communal activities every Shabbat. Gradually, the connection becomes weaker. Our audience is these participants—people living in places like Zolotonosha, Lutsk, and small villages. We try to maintain a connection and presence during holidays. For three to five holidays each year, such as Purim, Rosh Hashanah, and Hanukkah, we send small holiday packages. 

These might include a card and sweets. This is not humanitarian aid; it is spiritual and communal support. It is about connection and reminding people that they are not forgotten and that they belong. When possible, we also include practical items. For example, recently we included flashlights for use during power outages.

Jacobsen: We can conclude with values. I have heard from different rabbis—Orthodox and others—about perspectives on tzedakah and charity. When you think about the Beri Foundation, which core Jewish ethical values come together in your work?

Rostovtseva: First of all, the people involved are very diverse. We are participants together, but many people only realized they were Jewish or had Jewish roots after the full-scale war began. There is a difference between my understanding of Jewish identity and a rabbinical definition, and that difference matters here.

Many families discovered their Jewish identity only when the war began, and they found themselves in crisis, not knowing where to turn. Suddenly, they realized they had Jewish roots and that there was a Jewish community they could reach out to. Our approach is based on equality. Everyone stands in a circle. It does not matter whether someone has been part of Jewish life for many years or is just beginning to reconnect. The foundation is built on mutual support. For me, one of the most essential values in Jewish culture and ethics is the commandment to love your neighbour as yourself.

Jacobsen: What I am hearing is that when you reach people in need, they also develop a stronger awareness of their Jewish identity. It is not only the individual, but something experienced through an extended community that comes to support them. That creates a very different emotional landscape. When people receive help, what kinds of words do they use to describe their experience?

Rostovtseva: First of all, it is about community and mutual help. We emphasize that people can support those around them. This is a core principle of Jewish community life: you find someone nearby and help them. It spreads outward like circles on water. Support becomes something shared by everyone. For me, it is essential to see how people help each other directly. We have a large Telegram group with different channels. 

One focuses on psychological support, another on sharing challah and food, and another specifically for requests for help. People can write that they need assistance. For example, someone might say they are coming to Kyiv with children and do not know how to get to a particular place. Families in Kyiv from our community will respond and offer to pick them up. These are people who have never met in person. They often know each other only through Zoom, but they step in to help. This is how community is built.

We also gather online for shared moments. During the summer, when there was a serious escalation of the war in Israel, we organized a large Zoom gathering for prayer. A rabbi from Jerusalem joined us, and participants came together from across Ukraine. Other organizations also joined, including representatives from the Jewish Agency. 

Prayer became a way to be together across distance. In our main chat, we also organize collective prayer through reading Tehillim. We send participants Tehillim books in Ukrainian. When someone is afraid—for example, during nighttime rocket attacks or while sheltering with children—they can write in the chat. Someone else may respond at three in the morning, saying they are reading specific chapters. Others join in, each taking a section. Together, we read the entire book through the night, sometimes more than once, during especially frightening nights. 

Because we cannot gather physically in synagogues or community centers—we are spread across villages, small towns, and large cities—this shared reading allows us to be together. The same happens when someone is facing medical treatment or surgery. Participants ask others to read specific chapters for someone in need. This is our way of staying connected, supporting each other, and being present as a community for the participants of the Beri Foundation.

This is how our community stays together and supports one another.

Jacobsen: A broader message I hear is that many people did not realize they had a community until this moment. This is something I have encountered in other interviews with Jewish people in the context of the war. Ukraine became independent in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union and gave up what was then the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal in exchange for security assurances. 

Those assurances were later violated when Russia attacked and occupied Ukrainian territory, and Western guarantees did not prevent that outcome. Many Ukrainians may experience this as a form of betrayal. This war is the most significant conflict in Europe since World War II and carries substantial emotional weight. For me, there are historical echoes with Jewish experiences in Europe in the twentieth century, where Jewish communities were integrated into societies, later betrayed, forced to flee, and often turned away. 

Many eventually went to Israel after experiencing repeated abandonment. The situations are different, but the emotional pattern of betrayal feels similar. I think this helps explain Ukraine’s strong stance, including its refusal to concede territory. Ukrainians today may be experiencing a different and less extreme version of what Jewish communities endured decades ago. I do not know what this means in the long term, but it is instructive. 

For Jewish Ukrainians, this historical situation may not feel entirely new. It feels painful, but not unfamiliar to those with historical awareness.

Rostovtseva: I have felt this strongly since the beginning of the war. I am Jewish, and I am Ukrainian, and I cannot separate these identities. Many people think the same way, including soldiers. My father lives in Dnipro and is part of the Jewish community there. Many members of the Jewish community there joined the Ukrainian army. Some of them went to Israel when fighting escalated there and later returned to Ukraine. It is tough when war comes to your own country. In that sense, it feels like a double war.

What you are doing is essential, and it matters when people speak about Ukrainians. I am currently without electricity as well, which explains the interruptions. Information support is crucial. Many people do not realize how important it is to have people speaking about Ukraine, especially non-Ukrainians. Ukrainian voices are not as loud now as they were at the beginning of the war, so this kind of support matters.

Jacobsen: There are likely fewer journalists in Ukraine now than in earlier phases of the war. I do not know how many are in this city, but I am here. I am not the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, B’Tselem, or Amnesty International, and so on. I do not have a large budget. I am one person with limited funding, telling stories. It is a small contribution.

Rostovtseva: Like our foundation, we also work with many small and large partners and friends, but we have many participants. Often, participants support each other directly. When we share donation links in our main community chat, people contribute what they can—sometimes small amounts, such as 100 or 200 hryvnias. 

For example, this is how we helped raise funds for a wheelchair for a child who could not walk. When I look at the donor lists, I often see the names of our own participants. These small contributions add up. Your work is essential because a single voice is hard to hear, but many voices together become loud. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time. I hope your electricity comes back soon. We will stay in touch.

Rostovtseva: Thank you very much. What you are doing is truly important, and I sincerely appreciate your attention to what is happening in our country and with the participants of our projects. A significant part of our work is individual support for Jewish families in Ukraine who are living in extremely difficult circumstances because of the war. At the moment, we support around 250 Jewish families who are in urgent need of assistance and social supervision. Unfortunately, this is also the most challenging area when it comes to finding funding. We would very much like to try to raise $50,000 specifically to provide support to these families.

For donations, please see data below:

CO CF «Beri»Beneficiary  name:
Ukraine,KyivCity and Country:
kyiv, Leonid Kadenyuk Ave, 13a., Aprt. 18zip code 02094Beneficiary’s address
JSC CB “PRIVATBANK”Bank name:
1D HRUSHEVSKOHO STR., KYIV, 01001, UKRAINEBank address (include city):
PBANUA2XSwift code:
UA593052990000026001021032491IBAN number:
$Currency for payment:

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Wartime Journalism Training in Ukraine: Adaptability, Erasmus+, and Media Blind Spots

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/20

 Daryna Sheremeta is a Ukrainian journalism student at the Faculty of Journalism at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. She describes adaptability as the key wartime reporting skill: plans shift, access changes, and the tempo of news accelerates while accuracy and responsibility remain essential. She participated in Erasmus+, the European Union programme supporting education, training, youth, and sport, including study periods and traineeships abroad. In the conversation, she also notes differing approaches across Ukrainian journalism programmes and says she chose an international media track beginning in her third year. She argues foreign coverage should center on people’s stories and asymmetry.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Daryna Sheremeta,  a journalism student at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. She says wartime journalism demands adaptivity: meetings can collapse, timelines shift, and speed intensifies without relaxing verification. She explains Erasmus+ as the EU programme supporting education, training, youth, and sport, and credits exchanges with revealing how little many outsiders understand Ukraine. They discuss Ukraine’s fixed-curriculum cohort system, and security limits on reporting sensitive military details. Sheremeta argues Western coverage often overweights politics and numbers, underplaying lived experience and asymmetry.

Scott Dougls Jacobsen: Where are you training in journalism? How long have you been in training, and what would you describe as the most significant lesson from your schooling?

Sheremeta: I am currently in my last year of studies at the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Faculty of Journalism. The biggest lesson I have learned is adaptability. Journalists are taught to be flexible in many places, but during wartime, it becomes essential. You have to adapt constantly to changing situations, especially when working near the front line. Meetings can be cancelled at the last minute, schedules change unpredictably, and conditions shift quickly. 

You must remain flexible in timing, language, and expectations. Adaptability also applies to the pace of reporting. Wartime journalism moves extremely fast—faster than the already accelerated pace of modern information consumption and production. Journalists have to keep up that pace while maintaining accuracy and accountability.

Jacobsen: You took part in an Erasmus program. What is the Erasmus program, and where did it take you?

Sheremeta: Erasmus+ is the European Union’s programme that supports education, training, youth, and sport. It funds opportunities such as study periods and traineeships abroad, as well as youth exchanges and other projects run through participating organizations. For me, it was meaningful because it pushed me out of my social bubble and exposed me to different cultures. It also mattered because it gave me a chance to talk with people abroad about Ukraine. In my experience, many people outside Ukraine have limited awareness of what is happening on the ground. I wrote a paper analyzing how Ukraine’s war is covered in a French media outlet and found that the coverage I examined often emphasized numbers and high-level political actors, leaving audiences with a distorted impression of lived reality. These exchanges allowed me to speak directly with people and explain what is happening beyond headlines and statistics. If I changed even one person’s understanding of Ukraine, that would be worthwhile.

Jacobsen: Why did you choose journalism, of all professions, for your training?

Sheremeta: I will probably not give a firm answer to this question. We were asked many times during our first year at university. Professors often expect some big explanation about choosing journalism, but for me, it was simpler. It was curiosity. I like writing, talking to people I do not know, and creating things. That was the main reason. It was not about having a grand idea of changing the world or saving lives through journalism—just genuine curiosity.

Jacobsen: There is a lot of discussion around algorithms and so-called artificial intelligence, huge language models. They are often described as AI, though some argue they are closer to statistical engines. Is this discussed in your journalism education, especially regarding the ethical use of tools such as ChatGPT or Google Gemini?

Sheremeta: Yes, it is discussed, but not very profoundly. AI entered our lives very rapidly, and academia was not ready for it. At least in our educational system, things move quite slowly. We talk about AI and ethical use, but not extensively. A more structured discussion will come in a few years.

Jacobsen: What do you mean when you say the educational system is slow?

Sheremeta: I have had the chance to study in different countries to compare educational systems. When I compare the topics covered at universities abroad with those in Ukraine, as well as the teaching methods, I see differences. Improvements are needed, especially in updating methods and introducing topics that reflect what we are experiencing now. Some textbooks and subjects can feel outdated. That is what I mean by the system being slow. Universities are actively introducing some new teaching methods, interesting courses, and so on.

Jacobsen: How large is your cohort? How many journalism students are there?

Sheremeta: The number is increasing every year. At my year of studying faculty, we have about 150 students. There are way more students at the faculty in general. Friends of mine in their second year have more than 200 students in a single cohort. In Ukraine, the system works differently from places like the Netherlands. When you enter university, you are placed into a group of about 20 people with a fixed curriculum. You can choose your courses, but the biggest part of your curriculum is prearranged for you. (You can check it before entering the university.) You study with the same group. You stay in a group of 20 people and this group studies the same subjects.  We have department division, so in the second year of your studies you can choose a field you are interested in: TV, radio, foreign/Ukrainian media, new media, and so on. You attend all classes together, as in school, where you stay with the same class every day.

Jacobsen: How do you see journalism differing when you study or observe it in places like the Netherlands or Turkey compared to Western Ukraine? How do journalistic styles differ? How would you describe journalism in Ukraine now, especially compared with media abroad?

Sheremeta: Journalism in Ukraine is now primarily focused on the war and war-related issues. This is a context you cannot escape. Even when reporting on topics not directly related to the war, it remains in the background, which is natural under the circumstances.

I feel that the media abroad often try to be more “objective” when covering Ukraine by presenting both sides—Ukrainian and Russian. This approach gives a platform to those who are killing us, committing war crimes, and committing genocide. In that sense, this idea of fairness or objectivity is debatable. In Ukraine, we prioritize credible sources and try to filter out voices of Russian propagandists that are spreading disinformation about the war. There is no meaningful value in giving russian propagandists a platform to speak because they will never openly admit to committing war crimes, and we cannot give them space to justify or distort what is happening.

Jacobsen: How long is the journalism program?

Sheremeta: Four years.

Jacobsen: How many journalism schools are there in Ukraine?

Sheremeta: Almost every university has something related to journalism. It might be journalism, communications, media studies, or social sciences related to media. Most universities have some form of this.

Jacobsen: Who would you consider leading media voices in Ukraine during the war—journalists or media figures whose reporting people really listen to?

Sheremeta: It really depends on your social bubble. Young people follow their own opinion leaders, older people follow different ones, and parents follow others. I cannot name specific individuals, because people in Ukraine tend to follow media outlets rather than individual journalists.

For example, people may watch a channel like 1+1, but they do not necessarily focus on a specific anchor. It depends on the audience, and I cannot speak for everyone. When I want to consume news, I look for trustworthy media outlets rather than individual bloggers or journalists.

This is similar to North America. People might rely on Reuters or AP for international news, and then turn to domestic outlets with clearer political orientations. In some countries, people also develop attachments to individual anchors because of their voices, appearances, or styles. That is natural—people like feeling a personal connection. When you read an article, you may ignore who wrote it, but when an independent journalist speaks directly to you, it feels different. Still, in Ukraine, media outlets matter more than individual personalities.

Jacobsen: Do journalism students all receive the same coursework, or can they specialize—for example, in investigative journalism, war journalism, or fashion journalism?

Sheremeta: At my university, specialization begins in the third year. We choose departments depending on our interests. You can focus more on television and radio, or on new media, such as online journalism. I chose international press because I am curious about that field.

Jacobsen: Are there other universities in Ukraine that approach journalism differently, for example, with a focus on war reporting?

Sheremeta: Yes. I know that in Kyiv there is a university with a department dedicated to military journalism. They prepare students to work as frontline reporters and offer corresponding courses, including training that is closer to military-style preparation, though not actual military service. The focus there is on efficiency and on reporting from active conflict zones.

Jacobsen: How much independence would you say the media has in Ukraine during wartime? Are there areas where reporting is more restricted?

Sheremeta: Of course, during the war, some things cannot be reported freely, such as the locations of military bases or sensitive operational details. That is common sense, and journalists understand the need for caution. There are limits motivated by safety rather than censorship.

At the same time, people generally have the freedom to discuss issues, criticize, propose solutions, raise problems, and initiate dialogue. If the question is whether journalists are actively silenced or shut down for expressing critical views, the answer is no. It is more about prudence and responsibility than repression.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead, what do you think the future of journalism in Ukraine looks like?

Sheremeta: We do not yet fully realize it, because we are living in the middle of a significant transformation. We are rethinking our values in real time. Before the war, wealthy individuals owned many of the primary television channels, and their content often reflected their interests. Now, I see a shift toward greater media awareness.

The government has introduced initiatives such as an annual media literacy and media awareness day, where institutions organize campaigns to help people better understand propaganda, manipulation, and how to detect fake news. I like this tendency. People are becoming more media literate and more critical of outlets that are clearly sponsored or controlled by specific interests. More people are seeking quality, independent journalism.

I am hopeful about the future of journalism in Ukraine. I see a growing demand for substance and credibility rather than emotion or manipulation. People will increasingly look for quality journalism.

Jacobsen: What do non-Ukrainians tend not to see or understand immediately about journalism and media in Ukraine during the war? What do non-Ukrainians tend to miss when they report on the war in Ukraine?

Sheremeta: What is often missed is the lived reality of war. Many foreign journalists do not live inside it, so even when they report accurately, they miss essential aspects. War does not pause everyday life. You can be standing in a café, paying a bill, arguing about whether to pay in cash or by card, and then suddenly remembering that a bombing happened nearby earlier. Life continues alongside danger, interruptions, and uncertainty. That constant overlap is difficult to capture from the outside.

What is most often missing in reporting is people’s stories. Coverage abroad is frequently impersonal and framed in terms of numbers—casualties, costs, timelines—but war is never just numbers. It is people’s lives, relationships, routines, fears, and losses. Without those stories, audiences abroad struggle to feel empathy or truly understand what it means to live through war.

I also feel that some Western media present the war in Ukraine as a “conflict,” as if it were a disagreement between two equal sides. That framing is misleading. This is not a balanced dispute or a mutual argument. It is an asymmetrical war, with one side acting as an aggressor and the other defending itself. Treating it as a neutral conflict obscures responsibility and weakens moral clarity.

That is what is most often missed.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time and the opportunity, Daryna

Sheremeta: Thank you, Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Ukrainian Women Sustain Society Under War: Elena Sabry on Resilience, Work, and Dignity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/19

Elena Sabry is a Ukrainian-American executive career coach at Career Academy, based in Las Vegas. With family in Kyiv and constant contact with friends and colleagues in Ukraine, she follows the war’s daily realities through Ukrainian news, social media, and direct conversations. Sabry previously worked in Kyiv’s hospitality industry, including at the InterContinental Kyiv, and has lived abroad in the United Arab Emirates, sharpening her perspective on language, culture, and migration. Shaped by early economic hardship after her father died in 1992, she now helps clients build resilient careers and supports Ukrainian communities through advocacy, practical guidance, and storytelling during prolonged crises.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Elena Sabry, a Ukrainian-American executive career coach in Las Vegas with close family ties to Kyiv, about how the war is reshaping Ukrainian society. Sabry describes how women sustain daily life and the wartime economy through paid work, volunteering, and extensive unpaid care. She argues that Russia’s strikes were aimed at exhausting morale and forcing displacement, intensifying uncertainty and long-term psychological strain. Across generations—teen girls to “babushkas”—grief, fear, and accelerated aging coexist with stubborn resilience. Sabry rejects “fatigue” narratives, framing Ukraine’s defence as a human-rights and European security imperative.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Where small villages are being drained, this reiterates what was mentioned in the first interview.

There are several contexts here. There are a few categories of men based on their behaviour in response to the war, either immediately or over time. One group has left the country. A second has remained within the country but acted surreptitiously. A third has been sent to the front line against their will. A fourth consists of those who volunteer for the front line. Among those at the front line, some are injured, some are killed, and some continue fighting.

These are the main categories of men in general terms. There are interesting sources on this, particularly regarding gender. Another important story for this interview is the absence or significant reduction of men and how that alters the way Ukrainian society was structured before the war—how it affects employment in certain areas and changes social dynamics.

What has been the changing role of women since the start of the war in 2014 and then the full-scale invasion in 2022? Has the scale of the invasion changed the extent to which women’s overall roles have shifted within Ukrainian society?

Elena Sabry: Many women serve, and many women work. As we discussed before, they are doing these jobs and will continue to work. Many do not leave the country for various reasons, and they stay.

I sent you material about Gurulyov, a deputy of the Russian State Duma, who publicly discussed strikes on Ukrainian infrastructure around October 2022, including on propagandist programs such as Evening with Solovyov and on his official Telegram channel.

Russia began large-scale strikes targeting Ukraine’s energy infrastructure in October 2022, and these attacks have been widely documented. From my perspective, this appears planned and aimed at psychological and emotional impact—breaking Ukrainians’ will and pushing people to flee. This is my assessment.

Jacobsen: Are women responding to this brutality differently than men in general?

Sabry: It depends. Women respond differently depending on their circumstances. If a husband is killed and there are children, the grief is immense. A family has been destroyed.

Women are mothers. We take care of households and families. We give birth. Women do not start wars; men start wars. Wives and widows do not want this. We want peace. We want the war to stop.

But at what price is that peace demanded? Submission. The surrender of our territories—the land, houses, and graves where our grandparents were born, where our parents live, and where our friends live. Where would these people go?

People in occupied territories, including Crimea, are Ukrainians. Many have been pressured to take Russian passports and are waiting for the Ukrainian army to liberate them. They have not given up. They believe this land will not belong to Russian occupiers.

In general, women speak more clearly and forcefully. They are more active on social media. But everyone in Ukraine wants peace—at a just price. Future generations will ask: What did you do during the war? Where were you? What was your position?

This is a very complex issue, but at the very least, we want a ceasefire and for people to be left with dignity—to have fresh water and electricity. Without these basics, people cannot even charge a phone.

Women are working now. They either continue living in Ukraine or work extensively as volunteers. There are millions of volunteers. Almost everyone supports volunteer efforts. Many people become volunteers themselves, work to stop the war, work in foundations with international donors, help directly, or donate every day.

What we do not want is for Ukraine to be used as a bargaining chip among major powers. Ukraine deserves to live in peace. It is a human right to live in the home where you were born and raised. That is often the only thing people truly have. No one can replace it, and no amount of money can buy your land, your motherland, your homeland.

People do not want to be immigrants. They do not want to be refugees. Many left and then returned. They came back to continue working, to support their husbands and families, and to contribute.

You will speak with many women in Kyiv who are involved in relief efforts. You will hear from people across different generations and with other political views. But in general, the mood among Ukrainians is one of resilience. My relatives show me this strength. They tell me, “We do not want you to lose sleep. Continue doing what you are doing. I appreciate your support. We are holding on.”

Jacobsen: What is the most challenging experience for women during the war?

Sabry: The hardest part is not knowing what the future holds. When people have no sense of what comes next, everything changes. Remember the COVID period, when people around the world were confined to their homes. I was in California at the time. People were shocked that they could not leave their homes. I stayed there for several years. It was tough. Even my mother came to stay with me for a time.

Eventually, we moved to Las Vegas, but it was still hard. A new reality sets in, and you do not know what your life will look like. Even while attending college, I found myself questioning the value of the courses I was taking—your value system changes.

There is a clear divide in Ukrainian life: before the war and after. It does not matter where Ukrainians live. Even if someone left Ukraine decades ago and now lives in Canada or the United States, if their family is still there, the pain remains.

Every day I think about what I can do for my family and how I can support them. I ask myself how I can encourage Ukrainians, because they do not deserve to live through freezing nights, darkness, and cold without electricity. People begin to lose hope.

There is a tendency to say that Ukrainians are brave and strong, and they are, but they are also human. They are not inexhaustible. If Ukraine were to fall and Putin’s army moved further west, what would happen to Europe? What would happen to the world?

This uncertainty makes life impossible to plan. I travel. I have my husband. I have family. I visited my sister and niece in Toronto. But I could not see my mother for a year. I cannot go to Kyiv as I used to.

When I visited in 2022 and 2023, and even last year, missile and drone attacks were not as intense as they are now. Today, when I speak with my mother, I hear the sounds of drones and air-defence systems. This kind of warfare—supersonic, constant, mechanical—is unbearable. Neither humans nor animals can endure it.

It is an enormous psychological and emotional burden.

It is tough. Nearly every Ukrainian I know on Facebook—and I have seven, eight, maybe nine thousand followers there, and a similar number on LinkedIn—needs a therapist or psychologist. Mental health care is expensive and is not covered by insurance. People pay out of pocket.

They need to earn and save money while still donating. They need to support their families, bring water home, and invest in costly batteries. These are additional expenses. They need clothes, food, and on top of that, they face serious health issues. Some people have died from panic attacks.

My mother experienced this directly. When she came to California, any loud sound or helicopter triggered panic. She would hide, terrified. I witnessed it. These are the conditions people are living under.

I am not even talking about people on the front line. I do not know how they endure it. Perhaps some become numb to the fear, but for civilians—people who work, who try to live everyday lives—it is tough to withstand.

I wrote a book and planned to do presentations, attend book fairs, and build projects. I found work and began coaching people one-on-one. I started doing training because I was overwhelmed. I was constantly watching Telegram, YouTube, and the news—every day, following social media to see what was happening on the front line, who was saying what, and what political leaders were saying.

After a year, I decided I needed stability. I took a full-time job and worked for two years. I continued coaching. I accepted low-paying work to remain in my industry. I put my business on hold—postponed launching another book and paused my projects.

Planning becomes short-term. Memory and focus shrink. Friends invite you into projects, and you jump in, often returning to things you did years ago. You lose consistency and strategic planning. Americans are different in this respect. They believe that with the right plan, leadership, and funding, success is achievable and that a positive outcome is likely.

In Ukraine, it is different. We grew up with instability. I remember the 1998 financial default. I am part of Generation X—the sandwich generation—with aging parents and ongoing work responsibilities, and sometimes children as well.

Jacobsen: The main idea is that it is tough to plan, easy to become distracted, and emotionally complex—especially because you cannot visit Kyiv.

Sabry: I see Kyiv in my dreams. Even though I have lived in the United States for more than eight years, have a family here, own a house, and am an American citizen, my heart is with those people—standing in the snow.

I speak with my mother and sister every day. Sometimes my mother jokes that she talks to me more than to my sister. I keep asking myself what more I can do.

I write to senators. I support volunteers. But it does not feel like enough. It is not enough, given Ukraine’s size and the number of people affected. These are human beings. They are dying. They cannot fight forever.

I do not understand the rhetoric that asks why Ukraine should be supported. The source of this problem is Putin. The world has intelligence services and resources. I do not understand why this continues.

They do not know how to stop him. Why is it acceptable to treat the world as if “today we take over Ukraine, tomorrow we take Greenland, someone else moves on Taiwan”? What is happening? This is not right.

I do not want Ukraine to be forgotten. I do not like it when people say, “We are tired.” We need to identify the source and confront what I see as the core of the problem—an imperial system that built a military-industrial complex over decades.

When my parents lived in the Soviet Union, Ukraine was part of it. My father was a Red Army officer and a doctor. We served in different parts of the Soviet space. My mother worked in a military factory. I saw how extensive the military manufacturing system was—factories everywhere.

Western powers have weapons and intelligence capabilities. They have the capacity to address the source of this aggression more decisively.

I understand that Western countries carry their own burdens. They also need to invest in roads and schools. But enough is not being done to punish Russia.

There is a Russian State Duma deputy—Gurulyov—who, in 2022, spoke multiple times on Russian television about striking Ukrainian infrastructure. Russian propaganda amplifies these messages, shapes public opinion, and normalizes the idea of cutting Ukrainians off from electricity and heat—especially in winter. Ukrainians are still surviving, but I do not think Western leaders are doing enough.

This is not “Biden’s war.” It is not “Zelenskyy’s war.” The war began with Russia’s seizure of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine.

I have two friends—executives—who fled. One is from Donetsk and one from Stakhanov. They brought their families to Kyiv and bought apartments. In 2022, they fled abroad again. They lost property. The world should not have accepted earlier territorial seizures as usual, with people applauding strongman leadership.

You cannot give anyone the power to annex territories—especially when the people of that country made their choice. In the 1991 referendum, Ukrainians voted to leave the Soviet Union. We did not want to remain in that system.

What I respect about Ukrainians is their unity on this: they do not want to submit, lay down arms, or “give up half of Ukraine” for a ceasefire.

I watched the buildup closely from October 2021. In 2022, I saw coverage on Fox News and followed developments. I called my sister and asked whether she wanted to send my nephew away. At the time, many people believed there would not be a war. Now Ukrainians have learned that they can rely only on themselves. We are grateful to everyone who supports us and to everyone who speaks up, but we learned the hard way that we need a strong army and a functioning economy. We need to work. We do not wait for anyone.

At the same time, there are limits to what we can do alone—intelligence, advanced missiles, air defences. I do not understand why some operations elsewhere are described as being resolved in hours, while Ukraine has faced years of war. I cannot accept that it cannot be stopped.

I do not want to believe that the combined power of the United States and other Western nations—with their weapons and influence—cannot bring this to an end. In my view, the solution has to go deeper than humanitarian aid or generators. It has to target the source—Putin and the Russian state’s capacity to wage this war.

If they bomb our power stations, my view is that Ukraine should be allowed to respond effectively, including with long-range capabilities. People keep warning about nuclear escalation. I do not believe Russia’s atomic threats should paralyze policy. Western powers also have nuclear deterrence, and they know how to communicate with Putin. Putin is the problem.

Do not point the finger at Ukraine. In any war, blaming the victim is wrong. I say this as a historian as well. My first degree was in history, and I have a master’s degree in history from Ukraine.

I remember my grandparents telling me about the Second World War. Both of my grandfathers were wounded and later died relatively young, around sixty. One was injured in Budapest and was shot in the lung. Another was a prisoner of war. They told me how larger nations made decisions while smaller nations suffered the consequences.

Ukraine is a small country. Unfortunately, it could not be neutral like Switzerland. With a neighbour like Russia, neutrality is not possible. You need weapons. You need alliances. Ukraine should be part of NATO and the European Union. Ukraine is Europe.

I have brought foreign friends to visit Ukraine, and they say the same thing. The Carpathian Mountains resemble Switzerland. The landscape, the culture—it is Europe, even if people do not always speak English.

We need to be stronger and speak clearly. This war must be stopped. The aggression must end, and the aggressor must be punished. That is all. I am talking too much.

Jacobsen: What about the very young and the very old—girls and babushkas? How are they coping with the loss of male loved ones and the circumstances that force girls to mature faster, while older women see people they raised or mentored die before them?

Sabry: All generations of women are aging differently under this pressure. I look at my mother. When she was in California, we went to a stylist who coloured her hair. In Ukraine, women often do not do that. They are proud of their gray or silver hair.

I know families whose sons have died. For them, the grief is overwhelming. This generation—those born after the Second World War—remember the Stalin years. They remember the fear. My grandmother used to talk about it.

She was taken as a forced labourer to Austria during the German occupation. When the Germans occupied Ukraine for several years, they took teenagers from factories and farms. Fifteen-year-olds were transported by train, together with animals, on journeys that lasted weeks. She tried to escape. She was caught and warned that if she tried again, she would be sent to a concentration camp.

The camps were not only for Jews. Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians, and others who resisted or were accused of opposition were also imprisoned.

I spent my summers with my grandmother in the 1990s, after school, at her small farm about seventy or eighty kilometres from Kyiv. There was no running water. We carried water and heated it to wash clothes. Life there was not as modern as in the city.

Every night, she told us stories about her experiences during the war. My grandmother, my mother—who is now seventy-seven—and her friends in their seventies still remember these stories vividly. They live with those memories, and now they are watching history repeat itself.

This is a postwar generation shaped by the Soviet period, which cultivated a cult around the Second World War—something Putin now exploits in propaganda, framing Russia as a defender against imagined threats from the West. People remember these stories deeply. My grandmother remembered stories from her own grandparents, who were farmers before the Soviet system arrived.

When Stalin and the Soviet authorities imposed collectivization, farmers who resisted were labelled enemies and sent to Siberia or the Far East. Later, when my family served in the Russian army in the Far East, my mother was shocked by how many people there spoke Ukrainian. This was the result of forced relocations, including Crimean ethnic groups and Ukrainians.

This generation carries that memory. My grandmother often said—and my father was only two or three years old during the Second World War—that war is the hardest thing a human being can endure. I remember family dinners where the first toast was always the same: you can survive almost anything in life, but war is the hardest.

That memory is alive now. When people lose loved ones—sons, husbands, family members—you see it immediately. I visit relatives on Facebook or FaceTime, and sometimes I barely recognize them. Their hair has turned gray. They are aging rapidly because they are living under constant stress and fear.

Imagine waking up every day to news alerts: rocket attacks on Odesa, civilians killed, children among them. You ask yourself a simple question: Am I next? You go to bed with that thought. My sister tells me about nights filled with explosions. She hugs her husband and thinks, “Not here. Not now.” That is daily life.

This is especially hard for the middle-aged generation—the so-called sandwich generation—who support both elderly parents and younger children. There are no senior homes in Ukraine as they exist elsewhere. Families take care of their parents themselves, or they pay privately for help. There is no broad state-supported system like in California.

These people work, support aging parents, and have children in their twenties who are studying or starting careers. They live in constant uncertainty.

For the younger generation, childhood was taken away. Teenagers—fourteen, fifteen, sixteen years old—were forced to grow up overnight when the full-scale war began in 2022. I see this through my nephew. He graduated from the Economic University in Kyiv and now works at a five-star hotel. Within a few years, he became a department supervisor.

He started working while still a student. He dates; his friends travel, sometimes to Odesa, and we remind them to be careful about curfews, checkpoints, and mobilization rules. Draft notices are in effect, and people must carry documents. He is still below the primary mobilization age, but the awareness is always there.

Despite this, life continues. He writes to me on his birthday and says, “Life goes on.” People get married. Children are born. My sister sometimes looks at a newborn and thinks about how to bathe a baby during blackouts or air-raid alarms—questions no parent should have to ask.

Imagine trying to bathe a baby, change diapers, or wash clothes without water or electricity. Imagine ice, snow, and still needing to take a child to the doctor to be weighed. This is daily life for many families.

Ukraine was also hit very hard by COVID. People remember that period clearly. I do not know how it was in Canada, but in California, it was tough. People stayed under shelter-in-place orders. At first, there was real fear. We used gloves and masks. People died in hospitals. In the United States, especially among seniors, the impact was severe. Ukraine also has a large elderly population, similar to Italy. My mother was afraid to go outside. It lasted for almost two years. People were exhausted. They hoped that by 2022, life would finally resume.

People also remember the period just before the invasion. During the Olympic Games, world leaders were present. There were reports that diplomatic appeals were made to delay military action during the Olympics, in line with the Games’ long-standing tradition. Whether symbolic or not, people later felt that everything had been planned.

Before the war, Ukrainians travelled frequently. Many took vacations to Turkey or Egypt. Flights were short and affordable. Travel packages were standard. My husband often asked why my sister did not visit us in the United States. The reason was simple: transatlantic flights were far more expensive.

People had stable lives. Many Ukrainians had mortgages, cars, summer houses, and businesses. Those working for international companies often travel. This was a functioning middle-class society.

When Ukrainians relocated, mainly to Poland, they contributed significantly to the economy. A large share of this contribution came from women. Poland, Germany, and other countries implemented integration programs that helped people work and rebuild their lives. Distance made this more difficult in the United States, where it can be harder to explain what Ukraine is and why it matters.

That is why your work, Scott, matters—helping North Americans understand why Ukraine needs support. Even young professionals in the Bay Area, including those working at major technology firms, sometimes ask why Ukraine should be helped. Ukraine’s problem was that while people were busy resisting aggression, they did not have the space to explain its broader importance.

If Ukraine falls, the following targets are the Baltic states and Poland. That is why those countries opened their homes and hearts. The scale of this response has been extraordinary.

Who is sustaining the economy now? Women. Around sixty percent of the workforce in key sectors consists of women. Women increasingly hold senior government positions and leadership roles in NGOs and volunteer organizations. Volunteers are overwhelmingly women.

Stereotypes are changing. Outdated images do not define Ukraine. It is a strong economic partner. After the war ends, with support from countries such as Japan and others already helping, there is potential for joint ventures and reconstruction. Ukraine has a workforce, a significant diaspora, and entrepreneurial experience.

Ukraine can be rebuilt—stronger than before. Ukrainians are deeply committed to work. As a career coach, I work with people from their teens to their sixties who keep working. They help. They stay active.

Ukrainian women also carry a second, unpaid job at home—cleaning, cooking, raising children. This labour is constant and essential. It is women who have this burden.

Jacobsen: Many conventions and frameworks are coming out of the United Nations that address unpaid or undervalued labour. Across countries, even those that score relatively high on gender-equality indices, women still perform the majority of this necessary labour.

Sabry: Yes. Women often face career gaps when they stay home with children. At the same time, there is now a trend toward hiring people over fifty, because they tend to be loyal and less likely to leave an employer for a slightly higher salary. In Ukraine, these workers are hired.

There is no shortage of jobs. You walk down the street and see signs looking for cashiers or staff. Every day on Facebook, I see posts asking for workers. I am part of many Facebook groups, and Ukrainians work. Ukrainian women work.

This is part of our culture. In some cultures where I have lived, including parts of the Middle East, many women stay at home after marriage and focus on raising children. In Ukraine, women work. My sister earns more than her husband. She works, then comes home, cleans, cooks, raises a child, and takes care of elderly parents.

Women carry responsibilities similar to men, and this has long been the case. During the First World War, fighting took place on Ukrainian territory. My great-grandfather served in the Russian Empire and was drafted. During the Second World War, both of my grandparents lived under the Soviet Union. Ukrainians, Georgians, Belarusians, and many others fought and suffered. The war was not fought only by Russians or Americans.

As historians now know from open archives, Ukraine suffered enormous losses. Millions of Ukrainians were killed. Stalin was unprepared for the scale of the war. My grandfather was sent to the front with equipment from different sources, was surrounded near Kyiv, and quickly became a prisoner of war. My grandmother was taken as a forced labourer to work in Austria.

Everyone worked. Ukrainians are hard workers.

I reject the idea that this is only about humanitarian aid. Ukraine is defending Europe from an aggressive imperial system. If Ukraine had been part of NATO or the European Union, this war would likely not have happened. Appeasing aggressors does not work.

If someone breaks into your home and attacks you, you do not negotiate. You defend yourself. This is what I want people in Washington to understand.

I am far away. I am one person, a career coach living in Las Vegas, with family in Kyiv. But you have a voice. You can tell these stories. Many stories need to be told. I hope there will be more books and films about Ukraine—not only about past tragedies, but about the heroism of women, men, and young people who work and endure every day.

Ukraine is operating with roughly half of its economy under wartime conditions. The people who remain, who do not flee, are heroes. Many executives and managers could work in Poland, the Middle East, the United States, or Canada. Instead, they stayed or returned. They say, “If not us, then who?”

Otherwise, Russian tanks would enter Kyiv, seize homes, displace families, and force people to live under occupation. That is unacceptable.

Leadership must not come from a single country. Europe and a broader coalition may need to act decisively together. I listen to global leaders and hear claims about what satellites can see, and I ask why the movement of Russian forces and leadership is treated as unknowable.

I wish I could do more. I wanted to work in government service, even in intelligence, but age limits apply. I am now a citizen and want to contribute. I speak Russian. I understand how Russian propaganda works and how people are influenced by it. Ukrainians can do more than volunteer alone. We have voices. We have stories.

You will meet my sister, my mother, and ordinary people. And you will meet many more like them.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Elena. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Scotland–Ukraine Partnership 2025–26: Consul Andrii Madzianovskyi on Reconstruction, Trade, and Academic Cooperation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/18

Andrii Madzianovskyi is the Consul of Ukraine in Scotland, heading the Edinburgh mission at 8 Windsor Street and representing Kyiv’s interests across Scotland. In February 2025, he gave evidence to the Scottish Parliament on support for Ukrainians in Scotland, sanctions, and diplomacy. In May 2025, he signed a Scotland–Ukraine memorandum of understanding to deepen trade and investment ties, coinciding with the “Rebirth of Ukraine” UK trade mission that held events in Edinburgh. His portfolio spans consular services, reconstruction partnerships, and community engagement; he has publicly highlighted the work of Dnipro Kids relocating and supporting Ukrainian children in Scotland, and engages Scottish firms contributing to rebuilding, such as Cairnhill Structures’ bridge projects near Kyiv.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Madzianovskyi discussed Ukraine’s deepening partnership with Scotland under the 2025–26 Memorandum of Understanding. He detailed joint reconstruction priorities including bridges, roads, renewable energy, and housing, highlighting the roles of Scottish SMEs and firms like Cairnhill Structures. Madzianovskyi outlined educational exchanges between universities, investment in green infrastructure, and measures supporting Ukrainians in Scotland. He also addressed sanctions evasion risks, private-sector accountability, and humanitarian efforts like Dnipro Kids. Throughout, he emphasized that cooperation between governments, academia, and industry transforms solidarity into tangible reconstruction and long-term economic resilience for Ukraine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: From the Scotland–Ukraine MoU for 2025–26, what deliverables will flow?

Andrii Madzianovskyi: The Scotland–Ukraine Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for 2025–26 sets out a number of specific tasks and deliverables that are already being implemented or will soon be implemented:

A joint roadmap for infrastructure reconstruction will be developed, focusing on bridges, roads and housing in affected regions of Ukraine — in particular, projects such as bridges in the Kyiv region, which are already supported by Scottish firms such as Cairnhill Structures.

Support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) from Scotland that are involved in reconstruction projects: power supply, energy conservation, modular housing, water supply systems. This may include technology transfer, equipment supply and training of the local workforce.

Educational and academic exchanges: universities in Scotland and Ukraine will cooperate in research and training engineers, energy specialists and green transformation specialists.

Attracting investment in climate infrastructure restoration, in particular projects related to flood protection, renewable energy, solar and wind power stations.

Strengthening consular services and support for the Ukrainian community in Scotland — improving services, organising the resettlement of children, providing humanitarian aid, etc.

I will say even more: a similar agreement is planned to be signed on 23 October this year in Belfast with the authorities and businesses of Northern Ireland. So all of the above will also apply to our Northern Irish friends and partners.

As the old saying goes, “Actions speak louder than words.” So, the deliverables from the MoU are not just signed papers, but specific projects, working groups, investments, and, importantly, monitoring of implementation.

Jacobsen: Re: “Rebirth of Ukraine,” which infrastructure projects are “investable” for Scottish partners?

Madzianovskyi: There are several key areas where Scottish companies can invest in Ukraine’s infrastructure, and it’s not just big business — often medium or micro-format projects that can deliver both profit and real results:

– Bridges and road infrastructure: after the destruction caused by the war, many bridges, roads and access roads to towns and villages need to be rebuilt. This is where the experience of Scottish engineers comes in handy.

–    Modular housing and temporary accommodation: projects that can use quick prefabricated structures — Scottish technology, materials and design can be applied here.

– Energy and renewable energy: solar farms, wind turbines, energy storage systems — Scotland has a strong position here, and this sector is ‘green’ and attractive.

– Water supply and sewage systems in regions that have been affected by shelling or have destroyed infrastructure — these areas require modernisation, cleaning and connection to networks.

– Digital infrastructure: internet, communications, telecommunications, connecting educational institutions — projects that can be implemented quickly and with relatively little risk.

For example, there are companies in Scotland that make quick prefabricated containers for modular housing; they could adapt this technology to the climate in Ukraine. And also — the practice of public-private partnerships: Scottish investors + Ukrainian authorities + international donors.

Jacobsen: What are the clearest bid pathways for Scottish SMEs into Ukraine’s reconstruction pipeline?

Madzianovskyi: Scottish SMEs have several ways to participate in Ukraine’s reconstruction. Here is what I see as the most realistic:

– Participation in tenders announced by state or municipal structures in Ukraine: the Ukrainian government and local councils publish tenders for the reconstruction of roads, bridges and residential buildings. SMEs must register on the state anti-corruption online platform Prozorro or other official portals and submit their proposals.

–    Partnerships with Ukrainian companies: instead of running a project on their own, Scottish SMEs can become part of a consortium with a Ukrainian partner — this reduces risk and lowers language and regulatory barriers.

– Cooperation with international donors and funds that finance reconstruction (e.g. the EU, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, international humanitarian funds). Scottish SMEs can participate as suppliers or contractors in grant projects.

– Initiatives for intergovernmental agreements and MoUs, such as the one signed, which provides certain preferences and structures for businesses on both sides. This could be a reason to create special fairs, forums, and business missions where SMEs can find contacts and familiarise themselves with standards.

– Involvement in renewable energy and green infrastructure projects, as such projects often have international funding and are open to cooperation with existing technology companies

Jacobsen: You gave committee evidence on 27 February 2025. What rights have advanced for the ~30,000 Ukrainians in Scotland?

Madzianovskyi: When I gave evidence, one of the key topics was protecting the rights of Ukrainians in Scotland. Here is what has been achieved and where there is still work to be done:

  • Improved access to consular services: waiting times have been reduced, online services have been introduced for some requests, and mobile consular days have been organised in the regions.
  • Support for displaced children: Scottish and Northern Irish schools and nurseries accept Ukrainian children, and language adaptation and psychological support programmes have been funded.
  •   Social rights: Ukrainians have gained better access to quality medical services and social services, and volunteer organisations that help with housing and employment are supported.
  •   Right to work: those with the appropriate visas or status are able to work legally, and the Scottish and Northern Irish authorities in many cases assist with the recognition of qualifications or finding work.
  • Improvements in status/visa permits: those affected by the war may be eligible for permit extensions, humanitarian visas or other forms of protection, although this often depends on their individual status.

Let’s talk about the proverb: ‘Time is precious,’ as in law — those who do not act quickly in extraordinary circumstances may lose opportunities. Unfortunately, not everything is perfect; the economic situation in Scotland is more stable than in Ukraine at the moment, but there are challenges — inflation, housing prices, energy. In Ukraine, the war is destroying infrastructure, but strength of spirit and international support give hope.

Jacobsen: You praised Dnipro Kids at Holyrood. What best-practice lessons should Scotland scale for youth integration?

Madzianovskyi: The story of Dnipro Kids is truly inspiring. Steven Carr and his like-minded colleagues have once again proven with their shining example that even in this cruel world, there is always room for good deeds. I always remember the wisdom from Steven Spielberg’s famous masterpiece Schindler’s List, where the key phrase was: ‘By saving one human life, you save the whole world.’ Sixty-four Ukrainian orphans were saved thanks to the heroism of Dnipro Kids and their love for their neighbours. We work closely not only with them, but also with similar charities in Scotland and Northern Ireland. There are many of them, and we are incredibly grateful to all of them for their kindness. Among our main common goals and achievements in this area, I would highlight the following:

  • Providing a safe environment for children — housing, support for parents or guardians, psychological support. Children who have experienced war, trauma and instability need not only a roof over their heads, but also emotional security.
  •   Language and cultural programmes: schools and courses where children can learn English but also preserve their Ukrainian language and culture. It’s like ‘two rivers running in one valley’ — two cultures can coexist like two sources in one valley.
  • Mentoring and volunteer support: older Ukrainians or Scots with a good understanding who can be mentors, friends, and help them navigate Scottish life.
  • Integration through sport and art: clubs, music, sport, volleyball, football — children easily bond through play; it breaks down barriers.
  •   Partnerships with local communities and schools so that integration is not ‘top-down’ but through cooperation — both children and parents feel part of the community.

Jacobsen: Where are the current UK/Scotland sanctions-evasion pressure points?

Madzianovskyi: Unfortunately, over the years of war, Russia, the aggressor country, has adapted to countering the civilised world in the economic sphere. This primarily concerns actions taken to circumvent the economic sanctions imposed on the aggressor. We see that there are risks of goods transiting through third countries, re-registering companies, using ‘grey imports’ and illegal chains, where sanctioned goods arrive through countries that do not exercise strict control. We observe financial flows: the use of cryptocurrencies, offshore accounts and shell companies can allow circumvention of banking sanctions or financial blocking.

The infamous so-called ‘Russian shadow merchant fleet’, maritime transport: shipping via sea routes or changing ports of destination to avoid sanctions regimes.

Russia and its allies, authoritarian and dictatorial regimes, mutually supply technologies or components that have military applications or dual uses — some companies may have been forced to change routes or use partners in countries with weak controls.

  •   In the UK, attention is now focused on customs checks, high-tech product controls and compliance with export rules. There are cases where sanctions have been formal, but in practice controls are insufficient.
  •   In the UK, attention is now focused on customs inspections, high-tech product controls, and export compliance. There are cases where sanctions were formal, but in practice, controls were insufficient.

Jacobsen: Which Scotland–Ukraine university/energy/advanced-manufacturing tie-ups best demonstrate technology transfer?

Madzianovskyi: It is my firm belief that the academic community of universities around the world has always been, is, and will continue to be the future of any nation. After all, it is in universities that knowledge, experience, and ideas are born. This is where the future of states and nations, the future of humanity, is produced. Therefore, establishing international cooperation between the academic communities of our countries is one of the most important issues of our cooperation. Exchange of students and teaching staff, holding conferences, symposiums, joint scientific research. And this applies not only to the humanities or technical applied sciences. This year and next, as a representative of Ukraine, I have identified university cooperation as a priority. We will try to focus on the following:

  • Cooperation between universities – for example, Scottish technical universities or universities with strong STEM programmes can transfer knowledge on energy efficiency and renewable energy sources. This could include teacher exchanges, joint courses, and laboratories.
  • Advanced manufacturing: for example, companies working with metal structures, bridges, 3D printing, and high-precision robots can help in the production of components for the restoration of destroyed objects, reducing dependence on imports.
  • Energy: joint projects on solar and wind energy production, energy storage systems, smart grids.
  • Examples: Cairnhill Structures, which is already working on a bridge; universities that could help with the design of sustainable buildings. This is not only technology transfer, but also ‘on-the-job training’ for local engineers.

Jacobsen: What is the objective assessment of the private-sector impact on Ukraine’s reconstruction KPIs?

Madzianovskyi: The private sector has already made a significant contribution: from construction companies, manufacturers of materials and technologies, to logistics services. Without them, reconstruction would not be moving forward. The KPIs are important: the speed of road reconstruction, the number of bridges, the number of houses rebuilt, public-private cooperation, and investment volumes — the private sector is a key player in achieving these indicators.

However, there is a gap: there is often a lack of transparency, funds are blocked due to corruption risks or bureaucracy, and private companies face logistical and security challenges.

In Scotland and Northern Ireland, many businesses have the potential to participate, especially if stable conditions are created: legal protection, insurance, guarantees, clear contracts.

And of course, to paraphrase the proverb, ‘No man is an island’ — private companies cannot work alone; in parallel with state and international partners, they create chains that produce results. Therefore, we will focus on mutual support.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Andrii.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ahmad Nader Nadery on Afghanistan: Human Rights, Elections, and Transitional Justice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/17

 Ahmad Nader Nadery is an Afghan human rights and rule-of-law specialist focused on accountability and transitional justice. He founded and later chaired the Free and Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan (FEFA), an election-observation group. He served as a commissioner of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, overseeing investigations into abuses and civilian-casualty cases. Nadery later chaired Afghanistan’s Independent Administrative Reform and Civil Service Commission and advised the president on strategic and human-rights affairs. In 2020, he joined Afghanistan’s government negotiating team for the Doha peace talks. He has since worked with international policy institutes as a senior fellow and commentator.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Ahmad Nader Nadery about how coups, the Soviet invasion, and militia violence forged his commitment to rights and transitional justice. Nadery recalls his father burying books, his school burning, and rocket attacks that made accountability urgent. He explains founding FEFA to protect electoral legitimacy through observation, volunteers, and reporting, including challenging fraud in 2009. As an AIHRC commissioner, he outlines complaint-driven cases, investigations of civilian casualties under international humanitarian law, and a conflict-mapping project on past atrocities. He critiques Soviet and U.S. errors and warns that Taliban rule now enforces repression, especially against women and girls.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: As a quick preface, how did your early experiences of conflict shape your commitment to universal human rights and transitional justice?

Ahmad Nader Nadery: They played an essential role in the way I approached the question of conflict and justice. The early years of my life, as far back as I remember, included the coup and the Soviet invasion: planes in the sky, my father nervous, hurriedly putting his books into plastic bags and digging a hole in the yard to bury them. That memory raised questions for me: why the fear, why bury the books? Because under the new system of government after the Soviet invasion, anyone who thought differently could be persecuted. My father, being an elder respected in the community and a thinker, feared he would be targeted for his books.

Later, my school was set on fire by the mujahideen, who were fighting the Soviets and supported by the United States and Western allies. There was only a wall between our school and our house, and I saw the flames while I was in grade three. A few years later, rockets hit our streets. I was in grade seven, helping get injured children into a taxi converted into an ambulance to take them to the hospital.

All of this — the injustices and atrocities committed by warring factions — influenced how I thought about stability and the importance of accountability and transitional justice as the foundation for long-term stability, so those crimes would not recur.

Jacobsen: The unavoidability of issues around justice becomes a personal narrative of fate or destiny in a way. What motivated you to found the Free and Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan, and what were some of its most significant achievements as well?

Nadery: As an activist during my time at university — for which the Taliban imprisoned me — I believed, along with a group of young students, that long-term stability could only come if power in the country were considered legitimate. We saw that the former king ruled through traditional means of legitimacy, and for an extended period, there was stability. After that came coup after coup, and the legitimacy of governments was constantly questioned.

As an activist, I advocated for the role and representation of the people in decision-making processes. I believed firmly in the value system of rule by the people and accountability to the people by power holders. When the opportunity came after 2001 — during the interim government and the introduction of elections — the main issue became how elections could confer legitimacy on power and make power holders more accountable to the population.

One way to improve legitimacy was to ensure that elections were credible, clean, and impartially conducted. Elections are needed to confer the legitimacy required for power to be considered credible and lawful, and to make power holders recognize that they came to power through the vote of the people and are accountable to them. A free and fair election was essential for future stability.

A group of us came together and asked how we could improve that process. The only way was to add layers of monitoring, observation, and public oversight. That is how we decided to form the Free and Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan. In 2005, when I was leading it during the parliamentary elections, it was remarkable to witness the sense of euphoria. We had 10,000 volunteers across the country monitoring the polls and reporting in real time. I gave media briefings twice on election day, both holding the Independent Election Commission accountable and informing the public.

From that point on, the organization became a consistent voice for democratic and electoral reforms. In 2009, we monitored the presidential election that became highly contested. We were the first to say there were irregularities. Some international organizations initially claimed it was free and mostly fair, or at least acceptable. I disagreed and released our report the day after the election, stating clearly that there was fraud and that it needed to be addressed, and that standards should not be lowered. It became a significant issue. Others later joined in, and an electoral crisis ensued because the sitting president refused to acknowledge the fraud. I became one of the palace’s primary critics for speaking openly about it.

By the time I left in 2015, the organization had become a full-fledged force, stronger even after my departure. I served as its volunteer chairman and, during elections, shielded the team when necessary. As a commissioner of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, I had more protection than many of our volunteers and staff. The organization continued strengthening democratic accountability by monitoring parliamentary work and other electoral processes, and by expanding civic education and youth participation.

Tragically, after I left, the Taliban assassinated the executive director who succeeded me and became the public face of the organization. He was a strong democratic voice, and losing him was another painful day in a long list of sacrifices for a democratic Afghanistan — a legacy that was tragically cut short in 2021.

Jacobsen: During your tenure with the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, how did you approach investigations into wartime abuses? I assume most do not take these positions lightly — investigating wartime abuses is not work for the weak of spirit or will.

Nadery: We handled several types of human rights abuses. First, there were day-to-day violations that people brought to us through complaints. We had a complaints, monitoring, and investigation department that examined general human rights abuses ranging from torture and violations of due process to infringements on freedom of expression, abuses by local power holders, domestic violence, and violence against women. Our monitors and investigators carried out that work.

The second type involved conflict-related violations — breaches of international humanitarian law, the laws of war. These included actions by the Taliban, Afghan government forces, and, particularly in the early years after 2001, by international forces — the United States and NATO coalition forces. We investigated civilian casualties by sending trained investigators into the field where incidents occurred. They corroborated accounts, interviewed witnesses and victims, facts and evidence, examined the direction of fire, traced bullet and missile trajectories, determined responsibility for civilian casualties, and verified every fact through cross-examination and analysis. We compiled reports, usually published publicly, and also engaged in advocacy, briefing international and Afghan forces to press for changes in conduct or rules of engagement when those rules contributed to civilian harm — including rapid air support in situations where ground forces had limited retreat options.

The third category was the investigation of past crimes connected to transitional justice. One of the significant projects I led was known as the Conflict Mapping Report — a roughly one-thousand-page historical investigation into atrocities committed over 23 years of conflict by multiple warring actors, including Soviet-backed forces, the communist regime, the Mujahideen, the Taliban, and, in the early post-9/11 period, international forces. Our teams spent weeks and months in provinces and villages documenting and reconstructing events, building evidence that, in many cases, reached a prima facie standard sufficient for judicial consideration.

We trained our investigators extensively. I brought in international investigators with experience from Yugoslavia, Sierra Leone, and South Africa to provide specialized training before our teams returned to the field. We took great care to verify and cross-examine each fact. The result was a roughly one-thousand-page report, though only a redacted version exists internally, and it was never published due to political pressures and the changing dynamics of the conflict.

Jacobsen: From your vantage point, what did the Soviets get right and wrong? What did the Americans get right and wrong? What did NATO and international forces get right and wrong? What did Afghan actors — the Taliban, the Mujahideen, and human rights defenders — get right and wrong? I am thinking here both in terms of explicit aims and actions, and also what parties neglected or failed to take responsibility for.

Nadery: This could be a few days of conversation. Recently, I drew some parallels between the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Russian invasion of Ukraine — specifically in the behaviour of Soviet forces then and Russian troops now. There are many parallels: similar patterns of conduct, similar organizational culture, and similar doctrines of war that seem to have persisted.

Jacobsen: One difference is the absence of North Korean troops this time.

Nadery: In Afghanistan, during the Soviet period, there were troops from Eastern Europe and Vietnam. There may have been North Koreans as well, though I did not document that directly — but that is a separate issue. What matters for your question is the conduct and doctrine of the war.

The Soviets fundamentally miscalculated by attempting to impose an entirely different governance structure — a centralized, secular, tightly controlled political system — onto a population whose religious identity at the time was largely pacifist and Sufi in character. In 1978, Afghanistan was not an Islamist society in the way it later became under the Mujahideen and then the Taliban. It was a Muslim society shaped by Sufi traditions, in which faith was personal and devotional rather than politicized. People prayed, did good, and saw their relationship to God as individual rather than imposed. The Soviets even attempted to restrict that religious practice, which was deeply counterproductive.

Militarily, the Soviets also relied on massive bombardment of villages. If there were a small pocket of resistance, they would sometimes destroy an entire town. Their advisers pressured Afghan communist officials to respond collectively and brutally to local resistance. In one district in eastern Afghanistan, for example, approximately 1,200 civilians were rounded up and executed, then buried in a mass grave. These actions fueled even larger uprisings and drove more people into the resistance.

What the Soviets did get right included expanding educational opportunities, women’s rights, and national infrastructure, such as electrification, although the scale of violence and repression completely overshadowed these gains.

As for the Americans, they also committed grave mistakes. At times, they responded to Taliban attacks with rapid and overwhelming airstrikes that caused civilian harm. This, in a different technological era, mirrored the same structural problem: responding to localized resistance with disproportionate force.

Those actions created even more enemies. Beyond the bombings, there was a large wave of arrests and detentions — not entirely arbitrary, but often based on very thin intelligence. Some detainees were sent to Guantánamo Bay; many more were held in Bagram and other facilities without sufficient evidence.

The United States and its allies neglected the fact that Afghan society had already endured nearly a decade and a half of war during and after the Soviet invasion, including deep trauma and distrust among communities. When forces acted on unverified reports from one community against another — conducting raids, arrests, and humiliations at the local level — people who had no connection to the Taliban suddenly became targets. Detainees were sometimes held without trial in remote military outposts — the so-called firebases — and some were transferred to Guantánamo, while others were held for long periods without due process. These practices significantly contributed to Taliban recruitment. Many people did not support the Taliban initially; they were simply villagers caught in the middle and pushed toward the insurgency by these actions.

Another major mistake was failing to act decisively against abusive warlords and power brokers — the “bad actors within the gang,” as I call them. In many areas, the United States behaved like an empire while simultaneously denying it. When decisive action on accountability, justice, or oversight of resource use was required, the response was often, “It is a sovereign issue — you deal with it,” even while intervening forcefully on less consequential matters.

In terms of development, there were serious missteps. Enormous amounts of funding were dispersed across countless small projects — thousands of training programs — instead of prioritizing major national infrastructure, such as dams, a unified electricity grid, or water systems, that could have supported a domestic economy. The result was a highly dependent economy rather than a sustainable one.

A further strategic error was building an Afghan security force in the image of the United States — technologically sophisticated, extremely expensive, and ultimately unsustainable for a country as poor as Afghanistan. More pragmatic regional models from South or Central Asia could have been adapted, with earlier and more consistent investment in sustainability.

There is a long list of such mistakes. But there were also many things the United States and its partners did right. They created space for Afghan society to practice and enjoy freedoms. Afghans are a freedom-loving nation, and that space allowed freedoms to flourish and be reclaimed. A new generation became highly educated. Civil society grew — although it is now severely restricted under the Taliban. Free media expanded dramatically. Poverty declined for a period, and the economy grew many times over. The health sector also improved significantly. These achievements deserve recognition alongside the failures.

Afghan women have been completely erased from public life. They have no rights. More than eighty decrees, edicts, and regulations have been adopted to restrict, control, and eliminate nearly every aspect of their lives. It is gender apartheid. While there is no binding international legal definition of “gender apartheid,” I clearly see the three essential elements of the crime of apartheid being applied by the Taliban against Afghan women — and, increasingly, against the rest of society.

Afghans do not have freedom of religion. Religious minorities cannot freely practice their faith. There is no freedom of assembly; you cannot legally register or operate a social or political organization. There is no freedom of speech and no free media. Demonstrations cannot be organized, slogans cannot be raised, and demands cannot be expressed without punishment.

Cultural rights are also denied, though they receive less attention. Artists are forbidden from painting living beings; painting a human or an animal can result in punishment. Cinema has been entirely banned. Musical concerts do not exist, musical instruments are destroyed when found, and anyone possessing them can be punished.

The right to education — a core cultural and social right guaranteed under international conventions — is fundamentally restricted. Women and girls are banned beyond grade six, and even for boys and men, the content and conditions of education violate state obligations under international human rights law. The state is failing its responsibilities under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

I could continue. To sum it up: this is the darkest time for a people, and Afghanistan is the darkest terrain for human rights and freedoms in modern history.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time and the opportunity, Nader.

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Taras Kuzio on Western Academic Orientalism, Ukraine’s Identity, and Canada’s Fading Influence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/16

Dr. Taras Kuzio is a Toronto-based political scientist and leading international expert on Ukraine and post-Soviet politics. He holds a BA in Economics from the University of Sussex, an MA in Soviet and Eastern European Studies from the University of London, and a PhD in Political Science from the University of Birmingham, complemented by a post-doctoral fellowship at Yale University. Kuzio has held appointments at leading institutions including the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, the Center for Transatlantic Relations at Johns Hopkins, and the NATO Information and Documentation Centre in Kyiv. He is the author and editor of numerous books on Ukrainian nationalism, corruption, and the Russian-Ukrainian war—most recently Russia’s War on Ukraine. The Four Roots of Russia’s Invasion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2025), and Russia and Modern Fascism. New Perspectives on the Kremlin’s War Against Ukraine (Columbia: University Press, 2025).

In this in-depth interview, Kuzio speaks with Scott Douglas Jacobsen about the enduring flaws in Western scholarship on Eastern Europe, particularly the legacy of academic Orientalism and Moscow-centric analysis. Kuzio critiques the West’s overestimation of Russia, its underestimation of Ukraine, and its failure to recognize systemic corruption within Russia’s military and state institutions. He explores the evolution of Ukrainian national identity, the myth of a powerful Ukrainian lobby in Canada, and the geopolitical caution that hinders Western strategy. The discussion also examines Israel’s and Canada’s limited support for Ukraine amid an ongoing struggle for autonomy and recognition.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I wanted to focus today with you—and thank you very much for joining—on presentations and assessments of Western scholarship on the Eastern parts of Europe, primarily within the concept of academic Orientalism. Regarding Western scholarship on the Russian-Ukrainian war, for example, what do they tend to get right, and what do they tend to get wrong? 

Taras Kuzio: Throughout this full-scale war since 2022, I think there has been an overestimation of Russia and an underestimation of Ukraine.

This is a legacy from the past. It stems from many factors. It is partly due to bias but also to the legacy of who occupies positions in policymaking, think tanks, academia, and journalism. Many factors are involved.

Linked to this underestimation of Ukraine and overestimation of Russia is a certain Western arrogance. For example, there is a continuous claim that Russia is afraid of starting a war with NATO because NATO would defeat Russia. I disagree—this view rests on assumptions about a twentieth-century NATO or a pre-Donald Trump NATO rather than present political realities.

A NATO without the United States coming to its rescue is unlikely (in my view) to be a NATO capable of winning a war with Russia. Recent events underscore the concern: on the night of 9–10 September 2025, roughly 19–23 Russian drones breached Polish airspace, prompting a NATO quick-reaction response and several shoot-downs. Poland subsequently convened NATO consultations under Article 4.

The political messaging around that incident also signaled hesitation: former U.S. President Donald Trump publicly suggested the drones might have been a mistake; Polish leaders rejected that interpretation as false and called the incursion deliberate.

There is a failure to recognize that we are living in a different world today. If I were working in national security for Estonia, Finland, or Poland, I would have to plan scenarios in which my country and perhaps some allies would be fighting Russia without U.S. support.

On the issue of overestimation and underestimation—it is no secret that much of the post-communist studies ecosystem, along with many academic and think-tank centers, has long been dominated by “Russianist” perspectives. Most of the people who dealt with the Soviet Union became Russianists after 1991, and many have continued to view the region through Russian eyes.

Many remain intellectually complacent despite today’s ease of access to information. You can be anywhere in the world and access Russian or Ukrainian media. You no longer need to buy physical copies. If you are in Washington or Toronto, you can access a Russian-language publication from Kyiv just as easily as one from Moscow.

You can also use browser translation to read Ukrainian-language sources. There is no excuse for the fact that many so-called experts—think-tank analysts, policymakers, academics, journalists—still rely primarily on material published inside Russia as their main sources and references.

I have seen that repeatedly in books I have reviewed, where you look at the footnotes around 90 percent of the sources are from Russia. I even reviewed a book about a year ago where the author had clearly added a final chapter on the full-scale invasion at the last minute, likely written in early 2022. That entire chapter on the invasion and war did not include a single reference from Ukraine. Every source came from Russia.

That problem of academic Orientalism—viewing Ukraine through Moscow and Russian eyes—persists. It is made worse by the fact that many, or practically most, Western media outlets still have their correspondents based in Moscow, as they did during the Soviet period. They continue to cover the entire post-Soviet region from Moscow. If there is an election in Ukraine, for example, they simply send someone there temporarily. They are not based in Kyiv, Tbilisi, Riga, or Tallinn. This practice reinforces a Moscow-centric perspective on the region.

At the beginning of the full-scale invasion, nearly all Western experts, academics, and policymakers got everything wrong—an astonishing failure. They overestimated the Russian army and underestimated Ukraine.

Regarding Russia, how did they not realize that Russia is a mafia state? The first time this was explicitly stated was in a 2010 U.S. diplomatic cable, one of many leaked through WikiLeaks, where Russia was described as a “virtual mafia state.” By the time of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, that characterization had been public knowledge for more than a decade.

If Russia is a mafia state, that means corruption permeates everything—not just small-scale graft but systemic rot. Why did analysts fail to understand that the so-called reform of the Russian army was a complete illusion? Most of the money was stolen. Why did they assume that this corruption applied only to politics and economics and not to the military and security services?

One of the reasons Ukraine has been so successful in this war against Russia is precisely because of that corruption and mafia structure in Russia. So much is stolen, and what actually reaches the troops is often of inferior quality. That, combined with poor training and incompetent officers, has undermined Russia’s military effectiveness.

Some of the persistent overestimation of Russia also stems from a lingering Soviet complex—the idea that Russia is still the Soviet Union, a superpower. You see this in political figures like Donald Trump as well. But that view is absurd. The Soviet Union lost the war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, and today’s Russia has an economy smaller than that of Italy or California.

As for Ukraine, the underestimation comes from how many analysts have written about the country over the last thirty years. The main focus has been on regional and linguistic differences—portraying Ukraine as divided. That framing encouraged a Russocentric perception that Russian speakers in eastern and southern Ukraine would be disloyal to Kyiv.

The irony is that, in early 2022, Western experts, policymakers, and academics shared the same mistaken belief as the Kremlin: that Russian troops would be greeted as liberators. Both sides were wrong. They failed to grasp that speaking Russian does not make someone pro-Russian or pro-Putin.

It is like claiming most of Ireland wants to return to British rule because they speak English, or that most Canadians agree with Donald Trump and want to become part of the United States because they speak English. The idea that sharing a language automatically implies political loyalty or disloyalty is absurd—it simply does not reflect reality.

Austrians speak German, but they are Austrians. They do not want to be part of Germany. That was the same flawed perception in much of the West about Ukraine. It translated into serious consequences for Ukraine because, in early 2022, President Biden and several Western European governments did not want to supply Ukraine with heavy weaponry.

They only provided Javelins, Stingers, and NLAWs, believing Ukraine would be quickly defeated and would need only small arms for guerrilla warfare. It was only after the Kyiv region was liberated in late March and early April 2022, and the Russian army withdrew, that heavier Western weapons began to arrive. Ukrainians had demonstrated that both Western and Russian assumptions were wrong.

Much of this problem can be traced back to how Western historians and academics have written about Ukraine, and how Western policymakers have linked Ukraine and Russia right up to nearly the present day. It has been difficult for them to view Ukraine and Russia as distinct entities. That might sound strange now, during a war, but they only truly began to distinguish between the two after the Orange Revolution in 2004, and again after the Euromaidan Revolution of Dignity in 2014.

Let us remember: it took the European Union three decades to invite Ukraine to begin accession talks. Until 2022, Ukraine was not considered fully European. The EU repeatedly rejected Ukraine’s membership aspirations, viewing it as peripheral—“Christian Turkey on Europe’s eastern fringes,” as some put it. Ukraine was often seen as “kind of Russian.”

All of this contributed to the academic Orientalism and the persistent inability to see Ukraine and Russia as two different countries. These misconceptions remain influential, even within Donald Trump’s political circle. For example, Trump has reportedly placed informal pressure against Ukraine joining NATO, ostensibly to avoid offending Russia.

We have a strange situation today where countries like Poland and the 3 Baltic states are asking Ukrainians to train them in anti-drone warfare, yet Ukraine is still not allowed to join NATO. Ukraine is treated as the “ugly duckling” in the room—indispensable but excluded.

It is an absurd situation. Ukraine is the only country in Europe with direct military experience fighting Russia. It now has one of the most innovative and effective defense sectors in the world (https://jamestown.org/program/russias-war-transforms-ukraine-into-a-world-leading-military-producer/). And yet, NATO still denies it membership—while simultaneously relying on Ukrainian expertise and training, as Poland is doing now.

It is deeply frustrating. And with Trump’s unpredictability—he changes his mind more often than I change my socks—it becomes even more confusing. If Ukraine were inside NATO, as a formal ally of the West, Russia would be unable to defeat NATO. Ukraine has learned how to fight Russia effectively and has inflicted heavy losses of over one million casualties despite being a far smaller country.

Jacobsen: How do Ukrainians see themselves on their own terms now? How did they see themselves twenty-five years ago?

Kuzio: National identity is always a fluid process—we must remember that. Identity constantly evolves; it is contested and renegotiated over time. The identity Ukraine inherited from the Soviet Union was a mixed one. There was a territorial allegiance to the borders of Soviet Ukraine, but the country was far from unified.

Some parts of the population felt nostalgia for the Soviet Union; some spoke Russian and disliked the Ukrainian language. All of these tensions had to be addressed. The best way to understand this is to see it as a competition between two forms of identity: one pro-Ukrainian, and the other “pan-Russian” (i.e., Ukraine as part of Eastern Slavic unity)

Ukraine was long viewed as part of an Eastern Slavic world—alongside Russia and Belarus. That competition between two identity groups within Ukraine—one favoring a distinct Ukrainian identity and the other aligning with a pan-Russian, Eastern Slavic identity—continued up until the Euromaidan Revolution.

Russia supported pan-Russian identity, while the West offered only weak support for Ukrainian national identity. Then, with the Euromaidan Revolution, the killing of over one hundred protesters, and Russia’s first invasion of Ukraine, the pan-Russian or Eastern Slavic identity became marginalized. The Ukrainian identity, in contrast, became far more dominant and hegemonic.

This development alarmed Russia. The major political forces that had promoted the pan-Russian worldview inside Ukraine were the Party of Regions and its ally, the Communist Party. After 2014, the Communist Party was banned, and the Party of Regions disintegrated. In their absence, the Ukrainian identity—rooted in European integration and opposition to the “Russian world” (Russkiy Mir) and Eurasianism—grew stronger, leading to greater national unity.

Russian media and literature became increasingly marginalized, as did Russian-language media originating from Russia. The Orthodox Church of Ukraine received autocephaly—independence—from the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople in 2019. This was an earthquake for Russia, since the Russian Orthodox Church considers Ukraine part of its canonical territory, and nearly half of its parishes were located in Ukraine.

All these developments showed that the long-standing identity struggle from 1991 to 2013 culminated decisively in 2014 with the triumph of a hegemonic Ukrainian identity. Putin tried to circumvent this new reality by pushing Ukraine into accepting a subservient arrangement in the Donbas region through the Minsk Accords negotiated in 2014-2015. Both President Petro Poroshenko and later President Volodymyr Zelensky refused to accept Russia’s understanding of the Minsk Accords that would have transformed Ukraine into a Russian puppet state.

This rejection led Russia to abandon the Minsk Accords and from early 2021 to prepare for a full-scale invasion, which began in February 2022. Russia’s strategic goal was regime change—to turn Ukraine into a state resembling Alexander Lukashenko’s Belarus, essentially a Russian puppet state.

Of course, that plan failed. Most Russian policymakers—perhaps 90 percent—along with Russian academics and think-tank “experts,” fundamentally misunderstood Ukraine. Those few who truly understood the country are now in exile or part of the diaspora. Russian leaders genuinely believed their relatively small invasion force of 170,000 troops would be greeted as liberators.

When that fantasy collapsed and Russia began suffering defeats in the fall of 2022—first in Kharkiv, then in Kherson, after already being pushed from Kyiv—Putin panicked and launched a mass mobilization inside Russia to increase troop numbers. To put this in perspective: 170,000 troops are negligible for a country the size of Ukraine and its armed forces.

For comparison, in 1968, when the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact invaded Czechoslovakia—a country of only 10 million people—they used a quarter of a million troops. The 2022 invasion of Ukraine, therefore, was massively under-resourced and based on false assumptions of “Little Russians” welcoming the Russian army.

That invasion, ironically, only deepened Ukrainian identity and accelerated the nation’s separation from Russia. It led to the widespread dismantling of Soviet and Russian monuments, the renaming of streets associated with Russian historical figures, the marginalization of the Russian Orthodox Church within Ukraine, and a growing insistence on Ukrainian language and culture in public life.

There are still problems and complications of many kinds. I think the Ukrainian perspective today has shifted—from euphoria in 2022 and 2023, when people believed Ukraine could win the war, to a more despondent outlook. The reason is simple: the West has always provided just enough weapons for Ukraine not to be defeated, but never enough for Ukraine to win.

You will rarely hear Western leaders—except perhaps the British or the Polish—declare that their goal is Russia’s military defeat. The Americans, Germans, and French avoid saying this outright. So, what is the Western strategy? What is the goal? Frankly, there isn’t one. It increasingly feels as though the policy is to “fight Russia to the last Ukrainian.”

That perception breeds despondency and anger in Ukraine, especially because there seems to be little serious effort to end the war quickly. For Ukraine, time is not an ally—the longer this drags on, the more soldiers and civilians die, the more cities are destroyed, refugees stay abroad, and children are traumatized. Yet Western governments show no urgency in helping Ukraine achieve a swift victory. They refuse to send long-range missiles such as U.S. Tomahawks or Germany’s Taurus system. This leads to understandable frustration.

Of course, there are positive developments as well. Several countries—Britain, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Poland, and the Baltic states—have been consistently and robustly supportive. They are working with Ukraine on joint military production, while Ukraine’s domestic defense industry has expanded dramatically. This has made Ukraine’s defense sector one of the most innovative in the world (https://jamestown.org/program/russias-war-transforms-ukraine-into-a-world-leading-military-producer/).

For example, Ukraine’s domestically produced “Flamingo” missile, now being used against targets inside Russia, reportedly outperforms the U.S. Tomahawk. Some of its components and fuel are made in Denmark. This cooperation highlights a growing ecosystem of Ukrainian-led defense innovation.

However, Ukraine has been disappointed with two countries in particular: Canada and Israel.

In Canada’s case, dissatisfaction stems from what was seen as weak leadership under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. There was a long-standing belief in Ukraine that Canada—because of its large Ukrainian diaspora—was the country’s strongest ally. In practice, that was not true during Trudeau’s tenure.

Some argue that Canada simply underinvested in its own military and therefore had little to give Ukraine. That explanation is nonsense. Canada could have purchased weapons for Ukraine or invested in Ukraine’s defense industry. Instead, Trudeau made several questionable decisions, such as allowing the return of a Nord Stream turbine to Germany for repair in 2022, undermining sanctions pressure on Russia.

Thankfully, this appears to be changing under the new government and Prime Minister Mark Carney’s leadership.

Israel is another story. Ukraine has a Jewish president, Volodymyr Zelensky, whose family members were murdered in the Holocaust. One would think Israel would stand firmly with Ukraine, especially given the remarkable Jewish cultural revival underway there. In fact, Ukraine has seen the largest Jewish revival in Europe since 1991, particularly in Dnipro (formerly Dnipropetrovsk), where I have done field research.

Yet Israel has refused to provide Ukraine with meaningful assistance—not even defensive systems like the Iron Dome. The official explanation I was given for this was, frankly, absurd: that Israel wanted to not offend Russia, which was allied to the Assad regime in Syria, who it was supporting militarily at the time. I always thought that was nonsense, and it has since been proven to be nonsense. Bashar al-Assad’s regime was overthrown in December of last year, yet Israeli policy toward Ukraine has not changed.

I think the real reasons are different. Prime Minister Netanyahu has a long-standing personal relationship with Putin. During Israel’s last election, there were billboards showing Netanyahu and Putin shaking hands and embracing. Netanyahu receives significant electoral support from Jewish immigrants from Russia, many of whom are staunchly pro-Putin and consume Russian television daily.

Russian Jews in Israel tend to vote for far-right Israeli parties, and that political base influences policy. So, I believe that is the more realistic explanation for Israel’s reluctance to support Ukraine.

There may also be a historical element—what I would call residual “Ukrainophobia.” Many forget that in the late 1970s and 1980s, there was a high-profile case involving a Ukrainian American named John Demjanjuk, who was accused of being a Nazi concentration camp guard at Sobibor. He was extradited to Israel and tried there but ultimately acquitted. That case, heavily exploited by Soviet propaganda and the KGB, contributed to anti-Ukrainian sentiment that still lingers in some Israeli circles.

You also have figures like Mr. Witkoff—Donald Trump’s informal emissary—who comes from the same Russian Jewish milieu, one that is culturally pro-Putin. Similar communities exist in Brighton Beach and “Little Odessa” in New York. It’s the same network of people, shaped by the same pro-Russian worldview.

So, I would say Israel and Canada remain the two countries with which Ukraine is least satisfied in terms of support.

The bigger question, though, is why the West as a whole lacks a coherent strategy. Why is the West so afraid of Russia’s defeat? This mindset reminds me of President George H. W. Bush’s administration in 1990–91, when Washington feared the Soviet Union’s collapse.

That same fear persists today—the fear that a Russian defeat would lead to the disintegration of Russia itself. In 1991, that anxiety led to Bush’s infamous “Chicken Kiev” speech on August 1st, when he addressed Ukraine’s parliament and warned them against pursuing independence.

We’re seeing a modern version of that same timidity. The West’s reluctance to ensure Russia’s defeat—and its refusal to provide Ukraine with sufficient weaponry—will prolong the war and cause far greater suffering for Ukraine.

Ukrainian leaders, however, will not allow the conflict to drag on indefinitely. They are determined to end it as quickly as possible. You can expect to see more Ukrainian strikes inside Russia, targeting energy infrastructure, military facilities, and logistics hubs. The key advantage is that these are Ukrainian-made weapons, meaning Kyiv does not need Western approval to use them.

Jacobsen: How has Canada done?

Kuzio: Yes, that’s right. At the beginning of the full-scale war, Germany sent helmets, and President Zelensky quipped, “We can’t win a war with helmets.” Canada’s response was similar.

I lived in Toronto for about fifteen years—from 2001 until 2015—and when I first arrived, I too believed in the myth of a powerful Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. I quickly realized that wasn’t true.

People forget that the influence of ethnic lobbies changes over time. The Ukrainian diaspora in Canada was indeed influential during the Cold War—no question about that. Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, for instance, was very pro-Ukrainian, as were others in that era. But after 1991, Canada changed.

New immigrant communities—South Asian, Chinese, and others—invested heavily in political engagement and lobbying. They became more influential. So, I wasn’t surprised by Canada’s weak response to Russia’s 2022 invasion. I had already concluded that the so-called “Ukrainian lobby” was largely a myth by that point.

One thing I noticed while living in Canada is that much of the Ukrainian diaspora remains fixated on the past. It celebrates historical and cultural preservation but pays little attention to contemporary political realities. As a political scientist, I received no financial or institutional support from Canadian Ukrainian organizations. I had to work in the United States instead. The diaspora’s priorities tend to be language, culture, and heritage—not modern Ukrainian politics or defense.

They focus mainly on historical issues like the 1933 Ukrainian famine, the Holodomor. They don’t really engage with contemporary Ukraine. There’s some activity in Ottawa, but not much. When you look at academic publishing on contemporary Ukraine, Canada doesn’t stand out. The Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, for example, does almost nothing on modern Ukraine.

That’s one factor. Another is personality and leadership. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, in my view, has been a weak leader—much like Barack Obama was. Trudeau tried to follow in his father’s footsteps, but that was impossible. His father, Pierre Trudeau, was a political giant in Canada. Justin simply doesn’t have his father’s intellectual or moral presence, though he certainly tried.

The real surprise, I think, was Chrystia Freeland. She’s highly capable, intellectually sharp, and influential within the Ukrainian-Canadian community, yet she remained remarkably quiet after 2022. I understand that, as part of the government, she couldn’t speak freely—but still, she was very reserved.

Another major misconception concerns military aid. There’s a myth that Canada’s financial support is sufficient. Denmark, for example, launched a program me to help Ukraine build up its domestic defense industry. Canada could have done the same. As a result of Denmark’s approach, replicated by other countries like Britain, about half of Ukraine’s current military equipment is now produced inside Ukraine. That provides jobs for Ukrainians and reduces the need to transport military equipment from the West. The Trudeau government could have pursued a similar strategy but instead remained passive and detached.

The final issue is that Canada has lost its sense of direction in foreign and defense policy. All Canadian governments—Liberal and Conservative alike—have underinvested in defense for more than three decades. Among NATO members, Canada ranks near the bottom in military spending. Of course, Canada never felt the same pressure as European nations—it shares a border with the United States, and the last time the U.S. tried to invade Canada in 1812, it failed.

All of these factors together explain why the idea of a powerful Ukrainian lobby in Canada has become more myth than reality.

Jacobsen: Taras, thank you for the opportunity and your time.

Kuzio: Thanks very much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Gender Apartheid in Afghanistan: Zahra Joya on Codifying a New International Crime and Enforcing Taliban Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/15

Zahra Joya is an Afghan journalist and editor whose work centers on human rights, accountability, and women’s lived realities under Taliban rule. She leads Rukhshana Media, a women-centered newsroom that documents abuses, publishes first-person narratives, and collaborates with international outlets. Joya emphasizes trauma-aware reporting, rigorous verification, and source protection for in-country contributors who face surveillance, arrest, torture, and death. She argues that the Taliban’s structural exclusion of women and girls from education, work, movement, and public life demands precise legal naming and sustained international pressure. From exile, she treats journalism as evidence, turning testimony into records for advocates and historians.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Zahra Joya argues that “gender apartheid” best captures the Taliban’s systematic erasure of Afghan women and should be codified as an independent international crime. She contends that current ICC efforts are too narrow, noting that warrants for a few leaders change little without broader investigations and enforceable arrests. Joya explains how Rukhshana Media operates through strict physical and digital security, anonymous in-country reporting, and rigorous corroboration. She describes journalism as both storytelling and documentation, using women’s first-person narratives and investigations into torture, poverty, and healthcare collapse to reshape legal framing, advocacy, and sports sanctions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You use the term “gender apartheid.”  Where should this be codified in international and humanitarian law?

Zahra Joya: Apartheid means segregation, and the term originates from South Africa. It was used during the era of racial apartheid in South Africa and was eventually recognized by the United Nations as a distinct crime, which contributed to the end of racial apartheid there. In Afghanistan, this term is used because it has a historical precedent that led to success.

Afghan women activists used this term during the first Taliban regime in the 1990s, when the Taliban’s misogynistic policies completely excluded half of Afghanistan’s population—women—from human society.

After the September 11 attacks and the presence of the West in Afghanistan, the situation changed and women re-entered public life, so the use of this term was no longer strongly felt. However, after the Taliban’s return to power, women have once again been effectively erased from society. Therefore, Afghan women are using this term again.

What the Taliban are doing to Afghan women goes beyond terms such as crimes against humanity. The depth of the Taliban’s crimes against women is profound. These policies need a specific name, and that name is gender apartheid. This must be recognized as an independent crime under international humanitarian law. Afghanistan is the only country in the world where women and girls are systematically and structurally deprived of their fundamental human rights. If this crime is recognized, no regime anywhere in the world will succeed in suppressing women in this way again.

Jacobsen: After the ICC prosecutor’s moves on Taliban leaders, what does real accountability look like now?

Joya: At the International Criminal Court, there is currently only one case against the Taliban under crimes against humanity. So far, arrest warrants have been issued for only two individuals: the Taliban leader and the head of the group’s Supreme Court. Unfortunately, this is currently ineffective, because these Taliban members do not travel outside Afghanistan. Key figures and prominent leaders of the Taliban must be investigated and subjected to arrest warrants.

At present, this case is not practical, and even after the issuance of arrest warrants, there has been no change in the Taliban’s behaviour, policies, or approach toward Afghan women.

Jacobsen: Rukhshana depends on women reporting from inside Afghanistan, often anonymously. What are the most important security practices?  

Joya: We are a group of journalists, mostly women, working under extremely difficult conditions. Independent journalism under Taliban rule is like playing with the blade of a sword. At any moment, journalists can be identified, arrested, tortured, or even killed. For this reason, Rukhshana’s security protocols are extremely strict. For example, the identities of our colleagues are hidden. We must consider various methods to protect their identity and safety. Their physical and digital security is critically important to us.

Jacobsen: When women are criminalized for visibility and speech, how do you corroborate stories and protect sources?  

Joya: At Rukhshana, we do not only practice journalism; we also document human rights violations. We give Afghan women a voice so they can resist the Taliban’s system of erasure. We also fight for our own rights as independent journalists and as women journalists. Although the space is extremely limited, people—especially women—deeply resent the Taliban. Whatever happens to them, they share it with our colleagues, and the public plays a major role in the process of information-sharing.

We always try to adhere to professional journalistic principles. For example, many times journalists outside Afghanistan contact the Taliban and try to hold them accountable. However, they consistently refuse to respond to our inquiries. The Taliban are not accountable to the people of Afghanistan.

Jacobsen: What kinds of stories most reliably move the needle internationally, e.g., in legal framing,  diaspora advocacy, or proof of institutional policy intent?

Joya: We publish a wide range of stories. Over the past four years, we have collaborated with at least 7 major international media outlets. Reports by my colleagues have been published in reputable outlets such as TIME Magazine, The Guardian, and media organizations in Spain and Italy. These stories range from accounts of Taliban torture and abuse to poverty, lack of security, and shortages in healthcare services.

At Rukhshana, we have a dedicated section called Women’s Narratives, where women write directly and without intermediaries about their lived experiences in a patriarchal society—about Taliban violence outside the home and domestic violence inside the home—and share these experiences with our audience. We have created a space for dialogue for these women so they can speak about their problems and so that solutions can be sought.

Jacobsen: On cricket and “sportswashing”: what would a meaningful response from bodies like the ICC/boards/sponsors look like?  

Joya: The Taliban, as an authoritarian group, are actively seeking international recognition. They use every opportunity to present a more favourable image of themselves to the world. Afghanistan is currently a country without a destiny. Its people are without identity, because we do not have a constitution that guarantees our individual and social identity. The people of Afghanistan are, in effect, a people without a state.

In this context, the Taliban frequently exploit sports teams—such as the national cricket team—for their own benefit. If the Taliban are recognized as a regime that has established gender apartheid, then all sports teams representing Afghanistan under Taliban rule should be sanctioned and boycotted.

Jacobsen: Exile journalism is safer than Kabul. What are the biggest operational threats you face outside Afghanistan?  

Joya: Our team is both safe and at risk. Most of our colleagues are inside Afghanistan and work in hiding, and we never know what might happen today or tomorrow. Therefore, we do not feel secure as a team. As individuals, some of us—including myself—who are outside Afghanistan have relative physical safety. We are physically safe, but mentally wounded. Our souls are injured. We are full of pain and suffering.

With such conditions, perhaps people can never truly be happy. When you are psychologically and emotionally wounded, that in itself becomes the greatest challenge. Intellectual and journalistic work requires a free and joyful spirit, which we do not have. At the same time, given the workload and the difficulty of this field, we have very limited access to resources. We never have sufficient funding to expand our work. We are always dependent on external support. When there is no funding, the constant concern is how we can continue our work.

Jacobsen: For people who want to help: what are the top three actions that are high-impact?

Joya: With your support, an Afghan journalist can work safely, independently, and with dignity.

Your support = stories that are seen and heard. Afghan women are living through the most critical phase of their lives. They need their voices to be heard and their pain to be seen.

Your support = independence from politics and power. Rukhshana is a fully independent media outlet founded on the values of human rights and democracy. This media organization is not affiliated with any political party or powerful institution. We need independent institutions that can operate freely and support a socially oppressed group without interference.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Zahra.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ukraine 2025: War Crimes Documentation, Drone Strikes, and the Fight for Democracy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/13

Oleksandra Romantsova is a Ukrainian human rights defender and Executive Director of the Center for Civil Liberties, a Kyiv-based NGO that documents war crimes and advocates for accountability. With the Center since 2014 and executive director since 2017, she has helped coordinate monitoring of violations linked to Russia’s aggression and supports victims, detainees, and occupied communities. She engages policymakers and courts. The Center for Civil Liberties was a co-recipient of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize.

Remus Cernea is a Romanian humanist, environmental and civil-rights advocate, and former member of Romania’s Chamber of Deputies (2012–2016). He founded the Solidarity for Freedom of Conscience Association and has campaigned for church–state separation and equal rights. In parliament, he promoted reforms on discrimination, civil liberties, and animal welfare, including efforts to ban the use of wild animals in circuses. Since 2022, he has reported from Ukraine as a war correspondent, writing for Newsweek Romania and other outlets.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asked about abuses in 2025 and justice gains. Oleksandra Romantsova described infrastructure strikes, information operations, prisoner exchanges, and evidence of torture in custody, emphasizing protection for detainees, children, and civilians under occupation. Remus Cernea cited reduced U.S. support, Ukraine’s resistance, and Romania’s elections, where pro-European forces won as extremists surged. He recounted Shahed drone hits, filmed civilian strikes, and observed Patriot interceptions. They warned that impunity would weaken international rules and invite future wars.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We are now more than two years into this series of interviews because Russian aggression continues at the behest of Mr. Putin and the Kremlin. Looking back at 2025, what do you consider the most egregious rights violations, and what do you think are some of the wins for justice in general?

Oleksandra Romantsova: I am trying to remember what happened at the beginning of the year — what exactly concerned us then. Mostly, the question was whether we had any weapons, because Trump was becoming a significant game-changer.

That is what we were worried about: did we have any real instruments to defend ourselves? On top of that, there was destruction. It was the second winter in which they tried to destroy our electricity system. Now they are concentrating many attacks on the Odesa region and other parts of the country.

At the beginning of the year, the focus of the fighting and the strikes was very much on the east and south of Ukraine — areas such as Zaporizhzhia and Donetsk — and they were trying to “add oil to the fire,” so to speak. The blackouts did not always happen directly because of the missile launches, but also because of decisions around how electricity was managed and sold inside and outside the country.

I think this year they demonstrated a high level of attack not only through strikes with various weapons, but also through large-scale information and psychological operations. They tried to insert certain narratives and destabilize us that way.

In the summer, the so-called negotiations began, and that is why there was only one clear positive development: we received prisoners of war back, though under very different conditions. We also finally found out what happened to Viktoriia Roshchyna — the Ukrainian journalist who had died in Russian captivity and whose body was returned to Ukraine in early 2025, bearing clear signs of torture and mutilation.

Remus Cernea: She was tortured.

Romantsova: Yes, she was tortured. That was the subject of a major international investigation. Journalists and media organizations came together to carry it out. Torture, kidnapping, targeting journalists, targeting medical workers, targeting humanitarian aid, all of this continues. Has it become larger in scale? Yes, maybe. We know that many journalists and media workers have already been killed, injured, disappeared, or imprisoned as a result of Russian aggression, and that the Ukrainian Institute of Mass Information has documented hundreds of crimes against the media and, by now, many dozens of dead and missing journalists. It is exciting, in a terrible way, to see how this year has developed. It looks different from previous years. For us, it still follows the same patterns, but now they are pushing those patterns harder.

Cernea: From my perspective, in 2025, we had this Trump factor. It is a significant change because Trump was elected, and that changed everything regarding the United States’ policy.

When you look at the United States now from a European perspective, the U.S. is almost an adversary,  not a partner, not a reliable ally. Unfortunately, U.S. assistance to Ukraine became severely reduced or stalled, not only military aid but also non-military and humanitarian support, due to decisions taken by the Trump administration and congressional deadlock.

This Trump factor changed not only the situation in Ukraine but also global security. As NATO countries, we cannot be sure the U.S. would support or defend us in the event of a Russian attack on the Baltic states, Poland, or even Romania. So this factor changed everything. However, let me also say that Ukraine has succeeded in resisting.

Ukraine stopped the major Russian offensives on the front lines. Ukraine also carried out some spectacular missions, widely referred to as “Spider Web” in Ukrainian media, soon after Trump told President Zelensky that he had no cards. We can see Ukraine still has cards to play.

Ukraine continues to resist, even with reduced American support. Moreover, the horrific cases that Sasha spoke about must remind all friends of democracy and freedom to continue standing with Ukraine.

People must understand that Russia is a threat, of course, to Ukraine, but not only to Ukraine. It is a threat to all democratic countries. Moreover, unfortunately, the United States appears to be the first country to step back in the face of Russian aggression when we look at what happened over the past year.

Jacobsen: What about neighbouring countries, such as Romania, regarding elections and the regional right-wing shift? Are there concerns not only about military and financial support for Ukraine but also about morale? Does that pose a threat as well?

Cernea: In the last year, we had several elections in Romania: parliamentary and presidential elections, and just a few weeks ago, the Bucharest mayoral election. In all of these elections, the primary fight was between pro-democratic, pro-European, pro-Ukrainian forces versus populists, extremists, and pro-Kremlin forces.

The pro-European side won all of these elections. Now we have a pro-European government, a pro-European president, and a pro-European mayor of Bucharest.

However, in each election, the extremists came in second place. In parliament, they hold around thirty percent, which is a considerable share. The second-place candidate in the presidential elections was an extremist. The second-place candidate in the Bucharest mayoral elections was also an extremist. So it is a major political struggle in Romania.

Many people who lived peacefully a year ago are now on the front line of this political battle. Their lives have changed because of it. It was a hard battle — we were not sure we would win before the elections. Now we have gained some time. The next parliamentary elections will be in 2028. We will see whether, in four years, we can consolidate our pro-European, pro-democratic, and pro-Ukrainian political approach.

We saw a lot of propaganda and manipulation, especially on TikTok and other social networks. We are fully aware that this fight will continue for a long time.

Romantsova: For us, the results in Eastern European partner countries are significant: Romania, Poland, the Czech Republic, the Baltic countries, and so on. For us, the question of what political situation exists in these countries can be the most important news of the week or even the month.

Hungary, of course, we are waiting for the day when Viktor Orbán is no longer prime minister. In Ukraine in 2025, there were heated debates over whether it was possible to hold elections during the war. The simple answer is no.

The more complicated answer is still no, but we need to start preparing, because Ukraine is a vast country. We need to be ready for presidential, parliamentary, and local elections once conditions allow. All of these processes must be prepared in advance, and we are not ready right now.

We do not have an updated database of the electorate. The people who need to be registered to vote. We are not yet sure how many people are displaced, how many are abroad, or how many are unable to participate. We do not know how to organize elections safely or determine which regions elections could realistically be held in. There are many questions.

At the same time, society is consistent on one point: we will not have elections now, because the military must have the opportunity to both elect and be elected. There is also the situation of millions of people abroad. People are tired of the old parliament, because in Ukraine, the presidency is not as structurally central as the parliament. Our system is primarily parliamentary–presidential. The parliament is the biggest concern: how can we form a new parliament legally without creating new fractures in Ukrainian society?

Now we have, for example, OPORA, the largest and most respected expert network in Ukraine on elections. They have prepared a white paper outlining what needs to be done to prepare for the first elections after the war, as well as the legal and administrative framework we will require.

The good news is that we finally have a functioning Constitutional Court. One of the major obstacles was that the Constitution provides only two types of elections, regular and early, neither of which accounts for wartime conditions. Now we have a full bench at the Constitutional Court, and our organization has submitted a complaint there. We are waiting for a decision.

This panel may offer a solution to the election issue. For example, one major obstacle is the requirement for continuous residency in Ukraine to run for parliament or the presidency. However, many people were evacuated, and most of them were women. That creates a serious gender inequality issue if residency is interpreted strictly.

Jacobsen: What has been the most stark moment during the war when you were on the ground reporting this year?

Cernea: On January 1, 2025, I saw four Shahed drones hit central Kyiv. It was a stark moment because there was no air defence response. Usually, when drones fly over Kyiv, you hear air defence attempting to intercept them. This time, all four drones struck their targets directly, and nothing tried to stop them. It was the only time that year that I witnessed drones hitting Ukrainian cities without hearing air defence.

A few days later, some reports suggested that these drones contained Chinese components or modifications that made them harder to intercept. However, seeing that in real time was very strange. Another difficult moment this year was when I filmed a missile strike on a residential building. When I arrived, people had been killed, and I recorded their deaths. That brings many complex thoughts and emotions.

Perhaps another striking moment was filming Patriot systems defending Kyiv and intercepting Russian ballistic missiles overhead. It was spectacular and dramatic, like something out of Star Wars, with rockets trying to kill civilians and other missiles trying to stop them.

Jacobsen: Was there anything this year on the scale of when Alex Craiu, you, and I witnessed the mass-casualty strike in Poltava?

Cernea: Fortunately, most missiles were intercepted by air defence, so the civilian death toll was not as high. There were residential buildings struck — nine people killed in one attack, seven in another — but nothing approaching the fifty-five killed in Poltava. Still, many civilians were killed in their own homes.

In Poltava, when we were there, the missile strike was catastrophic. This year, I filmed the battles themselves, not only the aftermath, including the drones that struck central Kyiv. I recorded all four impacts. I also filmed Patriot systems intercepting ballistic missiles.

That was essentially the end of my thought: at least three dramatic moments this year — missile attacks over Kyiv, strikes that killed civilians in residential buildings, and Patriot systems intercepting missiles overhead.

Jacobsen: Oleksandra, let me pivot. The UN Commission on Ukraine is operating with reduced funding and, therefore, reduced capacity, which limits the amount of human rights and legal documentation it can produce. Still, after the commission’s work this year, one significant finding was a roughly 300-kilometre stretch along the left bank of the Dnipro River, where they confirmed the systematic use of short-range drones to target civilians, classified as a war crime. 

Survivors from previously occupied areas are returning with documented sexual violence and trauma. There is confirmed and systematic abuse of the rights of Ukrainians, by both civilian authorities under occupation and by Russian military forces. With that in mind, what stands out to you regarding the Center for Civil Liberties and its documentation, whether of children, prisoners of war, or ordinary people trying to survive the war?

Romantsova: Everything stands out, because these are not abstract categories. They are people. Asking which group matters most is like asking whom you love more, your father or your mother. It is not a meaningful question.

Right now, we have emerging ideas about funding, recovery, and future programs in Ukraine, who should receive support and what forms recovery might take, but none of that can happen fully until the war ends. You can design policies, strategies, and visions that are healthy and necessary, but it all depends on stopping the shooting.

Millions of people in occupied territories cannot speak freely, cannot advocate for themselves, and cannot be reached safely. That is not a small number. It is millions. The first challenge is how to protect them — how to create pathways to safety, documentation, representation, and eventual return while the war continues.

The best protection, of course, is de-occupation, restoring Ukrainian control over occupied territories. However, if de-occupation is not immediately possible, the next question is: what options do we have to protect people?

Look at Lukashenko. Our colleague, himself a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, was finally released after years in a Belarusian prison. However, tomorrow, Lukashenko could arrest another hundred thousand people and turn them into political prisoners. That is the scale of the problem. So we ask: how do we protect people from the continued threat of Russian and Belarusian aggression?

Only after that can we fully address recovery, stabilization programs, rehabilitation, rebuilding Ukrainian institutions, andrestoring systems. At the moment, we are in a contradictory situation. On one hand, we are planning for the post-war future. On the other hand, we cannot be certain we will survive to reach that point.

We need to ensure the protection of people who are most at risk: prisoners of war, illegally detained civilians, children taken or held under occupation, and all civilians living under Russian control who could be arrested, deported, or disappear at any moment. These people have become our primary target group as human rights defenders, because they are still alive, and we can still help them.

So that is why we are here. I do not know whether this directly answers your question, but it is the essential message.

Jacobsen: Remus, do you have any additions to that?

Cernea: It is a profound tragedy for the people of Ukraine. The most important thing is the immense and irreducible suffering they are enduring.

This war has lasted a long time. In less than two months, we will enter the fifth year of the full-scale invasion, and it will soon be twelve years since Russia first began its aggression in 2014.

However, it is not only about Ukraine. It concerns all of us — the entire world. This war has global implications. The atrocities we are seeing were considered unimaginable in Europe in the 21st century. However, they are happening, and the future of humanity depends on what takes place in Ukraine. It depends not only on the horrors already committed, which must be documented and acknowledged, but on how this war will ultimately end.

If it ends in a way that favours Russia, the future of Europe and humanity may become bloodier than at any time since the Second World War. Major wars could break out in Europe in the coming years and decades. Moreover, it would not be limited to Europe. If Russia emerges intact or rewarded, others will conclude that military aggression pays. States with weaker neighbours may attempt territorial seizures, and conflicts may erupt worldwide.

In such a scenario, international rules would collapse. We would have no functioning international law. Right now, we can already see that the United Nations is effectively paralyzed. It has taken no meaningful action to stop the war in Ukraine, despite its founding purpose being the prevention of and response to war. The UN system is blocked and largely inactive.

This means we lack effective international institutions. The UN Charter is routinely ignored. Only some Europeans and others who believe in a rules-based future still defend it, but Russia does not care about the UN Charter. Donald Trump does not care about it. Even China does not consistently respect it. If this continues, the future may be grim and violent for all of humanity.

Unless these atrocities stop soon, and unless those responsible are held to account, peace will be temporary and unstable. Any peace without justice will serve as the foundation for new atrocities, new wars, and future catastrophes.

Romantsova: I am thinking about what happens when we reach a situation with no rules, when we can no longer rely on law, when we cannot be sure that institutions work. It would not be the first time humanity has taken a step backward. The Middle Ages and other periods, including in Scandinavia, show how cruelty can return.

The question is whether we can prevent that return. Civilized societies, societies of rules, trust, and openness, can be destroyed or displaced. They can reappear elsewhere: in Africa, in Latin America, after decades of work. We often imagine democracy as natural to Europe or North America, but history shows that people repeatedly revert to brutality.

I fully agree with Remus: the struggle will be difficult. We are entering another fight over things we consider normal, even though they are not natural; previous generations fought hard to create them. We are returning to that fight because we have forgotten that democracy is not automatic.

Democracy is not gravity. It exists only if we work for it every day, think about it, participate in it, and support it. If we stop doing that, democracy weakens. So yes, the struggle ahead will be significant. It may feel small now, which sounds strange when millions of people are under attack, but the challenges ahead may be even greater.

Jacobsen: What have been the most significant losses on the Russian side? Secondarily, what has been most costly for Putin personally? Some say casualties matter less to him than financial strain; that economic pressure may hurt more than the loss of soldiers. Do you have thoughts on that framing, on understanding what is in Putin’s mind?

Romantsova: We do not know what is in Putin’s mind, ultimately. 

Cernea: I think Putin cares only about maintaining his regime. He wants to keep power. He does not care about Russian soldiers or ordinary Russian citizens. Everything he does is directed toward staying in control.

This is why it is hard to imagine peace through negotiation with Putin. What Donald Trump appears to seek — a peace achieved simply by talking — is either a dead end or a trap for Ukraine because Putin may need this war to stay in power.

If he ends the war, he faces more than a million soldiers returning home to low civilian wages, economic instability, and frustration.

He would face enormous economic, demographic, and social pressures. To avoid that, he may feel compelled to continue the war — perhaps even expand it. Many officials, including intelligence chiefs and the Secretary General of NATO, warn that there is a significant risk of conflict between Russia and Europe in the coming years.

Why? It is irrational for Putin to start another war. It would require significant resources to attack Europe, including the Baltic states, Poland, Romania, and others. However, dictatorships do not always behave rationally. History shows that even in moments of collapse, authoritarian regimes have launched or continued wars.

The risk is real. We cannot predict the future precisely, but we must recognize this possibility and prepare for it. If we are caught unprepared, the cost to our societies will be far higher.

Jacobsen: Are there differences in how the war is viewed among Ukrainian military officers, political figures, human rights activists, and media? Or is there broad agreement within Ukraine?

Cernea: There are differences between soldiers, journalists, and civilians. Many Ukrainian soldiers are committed to fighting and are unwilling to surrender territory without resistance. They want to live and return home to their families, of course, but many hold a strong sense of honour — the belief that one does not capitulate while there is still a chance to fight bravely, to win battles, and potentially to win the war itself.

There is a path for Ukraine to win this war. It may not involve retaking all occupied territories; instead, sustained military losses could eventually destabilize the regime in Moscow. That scenario is not impossible. Remember Wagner and Prigozhin’s march toward Moscow — the regime came close to crisis in 2023. Moreover, remember 1917: both Russian revolutions were catalyzed in part by soldiers. Losses at the front have triggered upheaval in Russia before and could do so again.

So victory does not necessarily mean territorial restoration alone; it could mean political change in Moscow driven by the consequences of military defeat. That possibility remains.

For journalists, the perspective is different. Their responsibility is to show the world what is happening, to document and convey reality as accurately as possible. This often means striving for objectivity, describing events as they are, not as one hopes they will be.

A journalist observes. A soldier fights. A reporter is not facing death each day on the front line. A soldier is — and knows any moment could be his last. Soldiers risk their lives, families, and futures for principles: national survival, freedom, and Ukraine’s future. That creates a different moral and emotional perspective than that of someone documenting events.

Ordinary civilians have yet another viewpoint. However, even many civilians understand the war directly because Russia has turned numerous Ukrainian cities into war zones. The front has come to them, reshaping everyday life and blurring the lines between civilian and combatant experience.

There is overlap between these perspectives, but they are not identical:

The soldier confronts death,

The journalist witnesses and records,

Moreover, civilians experience the war’s impact in their homes and streets.

Civilians in Ukraine experience bombardments, drone strikes, and missile attacks, so many of them understand the reality of war, at least partially. Life on the front lines is worse than in most cities, but civilians still have a sense of the hell soldiers face. However, civilians cannot respond directly to Russian aggression. Soldiers at least have the means to fight back; civilians do not. This creates different perspectives and different emotional frameworks.

However, despite these differences, the majority of Ukrainians — soldiers, civilians, journalists — still believe that Ukraine will prevail. Nobody knows precisely how, but there remains a collective belief that freedom and statehood will survive.

Jacobsen: What about sanctions, including the use of frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine?

Cernea: International sanctions have affected the Russian economy, but Ukrainians have also taken matters into their own hands. Ukraine has carried out what I would describe as “Ukrainian sanctions,” destroying Russian oil refineries, striking the so-called phantom fleet vessels used to transport sanctioned oil, and targeting factories that support Russia’s war effort. In my view, these Ukrainian actions have been more effective than formal international sanctions.

Ukraine has developed its own drones and missiles, which are the main instruments of these Ukrainian sanctions. Today, Ukraine is the global leader in the military use of drones within the democratic world. NATO armies now study Ukrainian tactics. At the beginning of the full-scale invasion, many Ukrainian soldiers were sent to Western countries to learn how to fight; now the situation has reversed — Western militaries come to Ukraine to learn how to fight a drone-based war.

Ukraine currently has one of the most capable armies in Europe, perhaps even globally, in terms of drone warfare. Russia also has drone capabilities, but Ukrainian creativity and innovation in this field remain superior.

Regarding frozen assets, the European Union has provided Ukraine with €90 billion in support, which will help the country endure for at least the next two years. There is ongoing discussion about using frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine further. Whether that becomes legally feasible remains to be seen, but many hope a mechanism will be found in the future to use those assets to help Ukraine resist and eventually recover from Russian aggression.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Remus and Oleksandra.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Wazhma Frogh on Afghan Women’s Peacebuilding Under Taliban Surveillance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/14

Wazhma Frogh is an Afghan human-rights lawyer and women’s rights advocate focused on inclusive peace and security. She served on Afghanistan’s High Peace Council and has briefed the UN Security Council on Afghanistan. In 2009, the U.S. Department of State honored her with the International Women of Courage Award.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Frogh about women-led peacebuilding beyond Kabul, the limits of symbolic inclusion, and how Afghan women adapt under surveillance—through home classrooms, discreet clinics, and mutual-aid networks. Frogh’s guiding principle is simple: “Drop by drop, the river forms.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You helped build a human rights organization during a difficult political era. What are some assumptions that you had about how change happens in the past, and how has experience changed or corrected your framework of how you see change happening?

Wazhma Frogh: I co-founded it in 2011 to ensure women’s voices were included in peace and security processes. Even when I speak publicly, despite my efforts, sometimes people still link the organization to me.

That puts the organization in jeopardy, and that is why they were questioned. My colleagues became worried. They called me and explained what was being asked. We said no, we have no connection with her. We do not know her.

It is risky for them, so please do not use the organization’s name. It is a local women’s civil society group. My story of change goes beyond my organization. It goes back to when we were refugees in Pakistan in the 1990s, when I was a recent high school graduate.

I began working with Afghan refugees and later organized community-based empowerment programs for women while living in Peshawar. I returned to Afghanistan in 2001 after the fall of the Taliban and continued my work with Afghan women’s rights and peacebuilding.

I have worked with women’s networks in Afghanistan and served as a member of the Afghanistan High Peace Council, appointed by the President. My advocacy over two decades has included pushing for women’s meaningful participation in security sector reform, such as the recruitment and retention of women in the police, and ensuring their inclusion in peace negotiations.

In 2009, the U.S. Department of State awarded me the International Women of Courage Award for my work advancing women’s rights.

Over time, I realized that peace cannot be achieved solely through military force. Peace requires including women and communities in decision-making because they hold perspectives essential to sustainable peace and security.

I am 43 now, and my whole life has been shaped by war, unrest, and civil conflict in Afghanistan. In 2009, I began focusing more on building local peace from a women’s perspective—women coming together to identify security threats, address the root causes of conflict in their communities, and push the government to respond. That became my central focus.

I co-founded the organization in 2011, focusing on women, peace, and security. I went beyond Kabul because visiting the provinces and rural areas was essential to me. Much of my worldview about Afghanistan has been shaped by what I saw in villages outside the capital. Kabul was relatively stable, but in the provinces, governance failures were a major driver of extremism, and corruption was another major factor.

We kept pushing for women to enter provincial leadership. For example, by 2020–2021, shortly before the Taliban takeover, our work helped appoint 21 women as deputy governors in provinces such as Herat. I am still in contact with many of these women.

After the Taliban takeover in 2021, I changed my strategy because not all these women were able to leave the country. Many do not speak English, but they are community leaders. We reconvened in September 2021 and asked ourselves: do we close like everyone else, or do we continue? The women said they needed support and wanted to continue. Since then, I have been fundraising for them, providing training, and organizing mobilization and support.

The organization continues to operate in Kabul with around 75 staff members, and more than 1,000 women are involved in different projects across various provinces. A great deal of work is still happening inside the country.

Jacobsen: There are two ways we can talk about women’s inclusion: symbolic or meaningful. How do we avoid symbolic inclusion and ensure that participation is meaningful in civil society, professional life, and beyond?

Frogh: We initially began with symbolic inclusion, primarily through legal quotas and pressure from the international community. But after 2021, when the Taliban took over, if women’s participation had only been symbolic, the resistance and organizing by women inside Afghanistan would have disappeared overnight. Women have been removed from government positions and from many areas of public life, but they have not stopped doing the work they were doing before.

Women are educating girls at home. I work with women who have turned their living rooms into classrooms, and with women running home-based self-help groups for victims of violence. We have nurses who run home-based clinics for domestic violence survivors because the Taliban do not allow many women to access public hospitals.

Women are doing a tremendous amount, but the painful part is that I cannot publicly talk about their work because Taliban surveillance is intense. They uncover connections quickly. If I speak at a conference and mention an organization or activity, they can trace the link.

Their surveillance capabilities are extensive. We are highly cautious about what we share because two of my colleagues have been detained in the past four years. One case was harrowing. We are constantly aware that lives are at risk.

Jacobsen: Are the Taliban receiving assistance in expanding their surveillance apparatus?

Frogh: Yes.

Jacobsen: From whom?

Frogh: By China and Pakistan. For example, when my colleagues report to the Ministry of Economy or the Ministry of Finance, they see Pakistani technical experts working there who match bank accounts with project records. Many of the projects we run are focused on women’s rights and human rights, so we do not formally register them. When colleagues present four official projects for the year, officials pull up bank records and say, for example, that $400,000 was received and ask where the rest went. The level of information they have is shocking. My colleagues often tell me how surprised they are by the detail the authorities possess. Pakistanis are heavily involved in the Ministry of Finance. In telecommunications, the Chinese are deeply engaged, providing software and systems that help the Taliban crack encrypted platforms.

Jacobsen: Hardware and physical systems—such as cameras—are those being expanded as well?

Frogh: Last year, in neighbourhoods where there is strong anti-Taliban sentiment and non-Pashtun communities, especially in northern Kabul, where many Tajiks live, they installed roughly 9,000 surveillance cameras in an area with a population of about 15,000 people.

Jacobsen: Almost one camera for every one-and-a-half to two people.

Frogh: Exactly.

Jacobsen: Afghanistan’s women have faced some of the most challenging conditions of any group in recent history. What forms of resistance work, and which have proven ineffective through experience?

Frogh: I come from a pacifist background, and throughout my career, I have believed in finding common ground. But in the past four years, conventional forms of resistance have not worked. Under the former republic, civil society, women’s groups, and journalists used tactics that pressured a government that was relatively democratic and responsive to public voices. The Taliban are different. They operate as a traditional insurgent movement with a guerrilla mindset. Some states and organizations have found ways to work with them—China, Japan, Qatar, Pakistan, and now India—because they avoid sensationalizing issues and do not push matters into the media.

Many NGOs led by Afghan women, including those run by women who returned as expatriates, still operate in Kabul. The Taliban tell them they can work as long as they do not publicly challenge the Emirate. If they are seen as a threat, they are shut down, but if they support communities quietly, they are allowed to continue. Some women feel they can work freely; others cannot work at all due to surveillance. Those who participated in protests or whose social media activity raises suspicion are monitored closely.

I have censored myself on social media for the past four years because I have family and colleagues on the ground, and their safety depends on what I say publicly.

Frogh: There are different ways to resist, but there is no one-size-fits-all approach under the current regime. The Taliban have strengthened their position over the past four years. They have substantial regional support: China is with them, Russia supports them, Pakistan has supported them for decades, and India is now engaging with them as well. Some Central Asian republics—Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, among them—also engage with the Taliban. These are the relationships the Taliban want. They are less interested in countries like Norway or Sweden, though the United States remains essential to them. They have grounded themselves, and in the meantime, we have lost four years. Our girls have lost four years. Female doctors cannot work.

We are helping Richard Bennett, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, connect with health practitioners on the ground. These meetings are painful. Many of the women we speak with are in their fourth year of medical education and have been unable to complete their studies, yet their resilience is extraordinary. They are volunteering in hospitals, taking internships in clinics, and continuing to work in any way they can. They dream of a day when they will finish their studies and receive their qualifications.

Jacobsen: They want to live their lives. I heard a story about a girl who intentionally failed her exams so she could repeat the year and continue her education, because stopping was worse than repeating. This leads to a key question you have hinted at: how do you balance diaspora advocacy with the responsibility not to increase the risk to women in Afghanistan?

Frogh: It is a highly challenging balance. I speak with colleagues on the ground every morning—today at four o’clock, for example. I listen to them, understand the issues they raise, and convey those concerns in my interactions with international organizations and institutions.

At the same time, I am critical of how the Afghan diaspora has often failed to elevate the voices of women and girls inside the country. There have been internal battles within diaspora networks that have distracted from the needs on the ground. I try to stay away from these diaspora dramas because they have, at times, caused harm rather than support.

For example, some diaspora groups have advocated for a total ban on aid to Afghanistan. But the people harmed by that are ordinary Afghans, not the Taliban. The Taliban do not provide funding to local organizations. They tell us openly that if we close, they do not care. Our only funding sources are international foundations and organizations. When support is cut, it is the population—not the Taliban—who suffer.

Another problem is the narrative that Afghanistan is the Taliban. That is not true. The Taliban may have around 100,000 to 120,000 armed men, but nearly 40 million people are living in Afghanistan who are experiencing multiple crises. And these crises were not created solely by Afghans. NATO countries fought in Afghanistan for twenty years and contributed to the conflict and destruction. Canada, the United States, and all NATO countries share responsibility for the current situation, including resource depletion and instability.

We often forget this responsibility. The needs on the ground are far larger than the political debates happening outside the country. Afghanistan faces ongoing humanitarian crises, and people cannot withstand them. When your child is sick, and you do not have food, you do not think about democracy.

Jacobsen: The old saying is that morals are much easier with a full stomach.

Frogh: Exactly. Right now, people are struggling through a cold winter and a humanitarian crisis. Many have nothing to feed their children. The health sector is collapsing because UN agencies that previously supported it have had their funding cut. All of this has deeply affected people on the ground, yet we rarely hear about it.

Jacobsen: Are there any Afghan aphorisms that capture your mentality about moving forward and continuing your work?

Frogh: My motto is Katra, Katra darya mesha — drop by drop, the river forms. I do one small thing each day to help and to make something happen. For example, today we helped one of our members join online English classes. Many girls are eager to learn English and access the internet. We rely on low-cost smartphones and volunteer teachers. We found two volunteers — one based in Vancouver and one who teaches at a university. She agreed to spend 1 hour a week preparing. Small steps like that matter. I believe that each drop a day makes the river, and that is the principle guiding my work in Afghanistan now.

Jacobsen: I love it.

Frogh: I have always worked that way.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. It was a pleasure speaking with you.

Frogh: Thank you so much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 34: Gaza Ceasefire Doubts, Iran’s Strategy, and Balochistan Instability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/12

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Irina Tsukerman examine whether Gaza’s ceasefire claims mask ongoing strategic conflict, noting reports of deadly airstrikes and the difficulty of enforcing disarmament without credible mechanisms. Tsukerman argues Hamas retains incentives to regroup and politicize pauses in fighting, making “cessation” rhetoric performative without enforcement. They broaden to Balochistan, where Tsukerman describes long-running insurgency dynamics, cross-border instability, and Pakistan’s securitized approach absent political solutions. The conversation also critiques Indonesia’s weak disaster governance and analyzes Iran’s internal decay, sanctions gaps, and the regime’s long-term ideological agenda amid regional rivalries.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We do not usually touch this topic because, given the nature of the question, it tends to dominate the discussion. This critique is relevant. It raises the issue of other ongoing conflicts, such as Iran, which receives far less attention when people are very loud about Gaza and Palestine.

It is strange to speak about a group in this way, but I will say it directly: children are among the victims when airstrikes hit densely populated areas. It is challenging to speak sensitively about the situation because Gaza has a very young population, and casualty reporting often includes many children. That does not make the moral or humanitarian questions go away.

In late January 2026, Palestinian health officials and civil defence officials reported that Israeli airstrikes across Gaza killed more than 30 people, including three young girls from the same family, and that strikes hit homes, tents, and a police station.

Israel described the attacks as a response to what it called a breach of the ceasefire the previous day, saying its forces identified eight armed individuals emerging from a tunnel in the Rafah area and that it targeted militants and infrastructure connected to Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including commanders and weapons-related sites.

So the dispute becomes this: was this a ceasefire breach that justified strikes, or a ceasefire violation in itself? What are your thoughts on this ongoing saga?

Irina Tsukerman: I never thought it would be an unbreakable ceasefire, because Hamas has consolidated its power since Israel withdrew from Gaza. It was only a matter of time before incidents resumed once Hamas regrouped. It is also clear that not all commanders were killed or forced to stop operating. When a commander is killed, another can be appointed, and recruitment can continue.

Until Hamas is dismantled as an organized entity, this will continue. I do not see anything in the frameworks being discussed that provides a precise enforcement mechanism to prevent armed groups from operating. There are publicly discussed proposals—such as weapons buyback concepts and amnesty or reintegration ideas—but there is no guarantee these measures would work.

If people refuse to go along with a disarmament plan, the only remaining options are coercive: detention and systematic weapons removal. That becomes a large-scale security and governance project, not simply a diplomatic one.

At the end of World War II, Germany and Japan surrendered unconditionally. That did not happen here. What we are seeing is not the end of the war, but a pause in fighting—a truce without a decisive political settlement.

Because Hamas has not admitted defeat, it has little incentive to disarm. It can continue attaching conditions and attempting to shape the post-war political outcome. In that environment, it is rational for all sides to posture and test limits, which is why the process increasingly resembles a charade.

I do not really see this as a genuine cessation of hostilities. What I see instead is an attempt to find a legal way to assert political control. We have seen what happened the last time Hamas was allowed to become part of a governing structure. As soon as they were able to do so, they began killing the political opposition, namely Fatah, in 2007.

They then assumed full political power. From the very beginning, Hamas regarded itself as both a political organization and a military one. I do not understand the logic of the argument being made now. They are already a political party. They are already a political movement. At this point, this entire process is a farce.

I do not see anything changing in the long term until Israel is given a free hand to do what it believes needs to be done. Now that the hostages are out of Gaza, there is no longer the same constraint on military action. There is, of course, a discussion about civilians—children and people who are not fighters. Israel has opened corridors, including through Rafah, to allow those who are willing and able to leave to do so.

But at the end of the day, war is still war, and it is not going to be pretty. If there is any serious intention to reform society and to hold people who were part of a violent and hateful movement accountable for their actions, that process will not be easy or attractive—and it should not necessarily be.

There will not be a durable peace until Gaza goes through something comparable to what Germany and Japan went through after World War II. There is currently no incentive structure for peace, and no social framework that sustains it. And just because Hamas has become unpopular in Gaza for various reasons does not mean that Gazan society as a whole is ready to live side by side with Israel. Philosophically, nothing fundamental has changed.

What we are seeing is backlash against Hamas’s mistreatment of Gazans, not a profound shift in attitudes toward Israel itself. I do not see an affirmatively pro-peace mass movement. Unfortunately, this situation is likely to continue until Trump and others understand that when a society has been indoctrinated for decades, physical reconstruction alone is not enough. What is required is a profound change in mindset.

Jacobsen: Another critical issue is Pakistan. Since the killing of ninety-two militants following attacks in Balochistan, Balochistan is a region with long-standing instability. The Balochistan Liberation Army claimed responsibility for the attacks that took place on Saturday, January 31. The Pakistani military’s media wing issued a statement attributing the attack in Noshki to what it described as Indian-sponsored militants, claiming that the attackers had direct external support. The situation in Noshki became critical after militants abducted senior local officials, prompting a large-scale security operation. What are your thoughts on this?

Tsukerman: Balochistan has been a restive region for a very long time. It is divided between Pakistan and Iran, and instability there has deep historical, political, and ethnic roots.

Balochistan has a distinct ethnic group and a long-standing reputation for smuggling and other criminal activity, but it has also been semi-autonomous and has maintained a vibrant independence movement. It has been systematically marginalized and discriminated against by both Iran and Pakistan because of its distinct culture, language, and ethnic identity.

As a result, terrorist cells have been actively targeting government institutions in both Iran and Pakistan. At times, the two countries have coordinated responses, and at other times, they have pursued militants across borders independently. Some of these movements are more radical than others. Certain groups target not only military and government institutions but also religious and civilian targets.

This time, the level of activity has been higher than usual. Some of this escalation appears to be opportunistic, taking advantage of instability in Iran on the one hand and political turmoil in Pakistan on the other, including pressure from the Taliban and internal political struggles. Military activity has increased significantly in recent weeks, and the government appears to have decided to send a stronger message in an attempt to suppress the violence.

This will not end the activity. Disrupting militant cells can actually reinvigorate civilian recruitment. There has been no political solution to this problem, nor have I seen serious efforts to pursue one. The Pakistani government has relied almost entirely on a counterterrorism and counter-extremism framework, rather than a whole-of-society approach.

There has been little focus on addressing humanitarian concerns, political grievances, dialogue with local groups, or engagement with civil society. The approach has been almost entirely securitized and tactical. The government lacks a viable way to establish a long-term presence in the region without provoking severe backlash. Instead, it appears to have accepted short-term tactical operations—arresting, killing, or dismantling militant groups—without a broader plan to resolve the insurgency. That is the situation there.

Jacobsen: Shifting briefly, nature has a way of forcing geopolitical attention. Indonesia recently experienced a deadly landslide. The death toll is at least forty-nine as of yesterday morning in West Java province. It is a strange contrast—one of the few cases where nature, rather than people, is the primary cause of suffering. According to Indonesia’s central rescue agency, BASARNAS, forty-nine people were confirmed dead. Authorities warned that the number could rise, as this followed cyclone-induced floods and landslides that hit Sumatra late last year, which killed more than a hundred people. Indonesia has been experiencing a series of environmentally driven disasters. Any thoughts on this week’s environmental disaster?

Tsukerman: It reminds me somewhat of what happened in California not long ago, in terms of how authorities handled it. Obviously, the nature of the events is very different, but the response showed abysmal timing and, in some respects, serious incompetence. Authorities had been warned about the risk of landslides in that specific area.

Nevertheless, not only were appropriate precautions not taken, but funding that could have addressed these risks was cut. As a result, when the disaster struck, there was no adequate preparation, and the response was slow. That delay likely led to more people being killed or going missing than would have occurred if larger teams and proper resources had been in place.

This is basic government incompetence. If a government cannot guarantee search-and-rescue services or prepare citizens for natural disasters, then its legitimacy should be questioned. There should be political consequences for this kind of failure.

You cannot necessarily prevent a natural disaster, but you can evacuate people in advance. You can reinforce buildings. You can invest in search-and-rescue capacity to ensure that, after the event, there are sufficient teams to evacuate survivors, locate the missing, and distribute basic resources. If people are living in an area known to be prone to a specific type of natural hazard, and there is no realistic way to relocate them, then at the very least, the government should invest in making the aftermath as humane and efficient as possible. That is simply common sense.

Jacobsen: Now to the Middle East. More seriously, there should be far more reporting on what is happening in Iran. Let me group several developments. There was a gas-related explosion in Iran’s port city of Bandar Abbas, according to Iranian media. Qatar’s prime minister met with Ali Larijani in Tehran to discuss easing regional tensions. Iran’s president claimed that Netanyahu, Trump, Europe, and other countries stirred unrest—an externalization of blame. The United States imposed sanctions on Iran’s interior minister and a businessman, Eskandar Momeni, alleging that they were involved in financial activities benefiting Tehran.

Iran has also threatened to label European armed forces as terrorists in response to EU states blocklisting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, according to statements by senior Iranian security officials. There are also related developments involving Yemen and the UAE, which we can cover if time permits.

Tsukerman: Regarding the Bandar Abbas incident, that appears to have been a gas explosion. These kinds of incidents occur in Iran because of poorly maintained infrastructure. Fuel and other explosive materials are often transported or stored in inappropriate locations, without proper maintenance or adherence to basic safety procedures.

As a result, many explosions are neither criminal nor suspicious. They are simply the outcome of the incompetent handling of hazardous materials. That said, there have also been other explosions across the country that may be linked to militant activity, particularly involving Balochi groups taking advantage of broader instability.

During periods of internet blackouts and heightened tensions with the United States, some attacks on infrastructure may indeed be the work of militant groups. But many incidents should not be over-interpreted. Iran’s internal decay and mismanagement alone are sufficient to explain a significant portion of these events.

When it comes to the interior minister, sanctioning him is the right move. Frankly, I am surprised he was not already on the sanctions list. Much of the Iranian government has been subject to sanctions for decades. These individuals have not contributed positively in any meaningful way.

Jacobsen: Is it possible that, when a government is not functioning coherently, gaps like this emerge? 

Tsukerman: Yes. Positions in Iran are frequently reshuffled, and from the U.S. perspective, it is easy to lose track of who holds which role at any given time. But sanctions should follow individuals, not just their political titles. If someone is already known for contributing to illicit activity, that behaviour does not stop simply because they change positions. Sanctions should move with the person.

Otherwise, all Iran—or any other country—needs to do is constantly reshuffle posts, giving the same people new jobs. In the United States, adding someone to a sanctions list can take a year or more. That gives individuals ample time to serve in a role before designation even becomes likely. That is not an effective sanctions regime.

This individual only came to prominence during the current administration, especially given the chaos of the past several administrations and a general reluctance to expand sanctions lists. Still, Iran’s Interior Ministry is not analogous to the U.S. Department of the Interior, which oversees parks and land management. In the Middle East, interior ministries are typically responsible for internal security. That makes this a very significant position and one that warrants scrutiny.

As for his broader contributions to security problems inside and outside Iran, those should have been evident. At the same time, U.S. intelligence agencies have undergone significant funding reductions. That may have affected their ability to maintain comprehensive tracking and analysis.

That said, the sanctions designation process does not primarily run through intelligence agencies. It goes through the State Department, the Treasury Department, and Congress. Human rights organizations and members of Congress typically submit recommendations, which the State Department then evaluates in coordination with the Treasury. Enforcement of sanctions does require support from security agencies, and staffing shortfalls certainly do not help.

Tracking individuals becomes even more difficult when there are fewer personnel and long-standing concerns—rumoured in some Iran-focused desks—about compromised staff. That obviously does not improve matters. However, in this particular case, Washington’s political desks could have identified it without intelligence involvement. The position is prominent. That is why I find it surprising that action was taken only now.

In addition to the interior minister, one businessman was also sanctioned. I was surprised that only one was named. When at least tens of thousands of people have been killed, it strains credibility to suggest that only a couple of individuals were responsible for contributing to such a massive human rights catastrophe. Many more people should be added to the sanctions lists immediately.

There was also the case of Ali Larijani’s daughter, who reportedly lost her job in the United States and was forced to leave the country. That, at least, suggests some belated recognition of the broader network involved.

She was reportedly researching at one of the major universities here. The obvious question is: why was she there in the first place? This highlights a broader problem in the West. We do not take security as seriously as our counterparts abroad.

In France, for example, there have long been reports of the children of Russian elites vacationing or residing at ski resorts. Why are they there? What are they contributing? It is not as though they have become dissidents against their parents or possess valuable information. They are enjoying the fruits of a poisoned tree—wealth accumulated through corruption, theft, and support for an illegal war. There is no compelling reason for them to enjoy the privileges of life in France. They should be back in their home country.

The same logic applies to the children of Iranian elites. Even if they are not personally involved in crimes, they are beneficiaries of illegal actions. As long as they are not actively opposing the regime, there is no reason they should be granted the privilege of living in the West or occupying positions that equally qualified people—without those connections—could hold.

This is not only about Americans. Immigrants and citizens alike who are equally qualified would be better suited for those roles than individuals tied to an authoritarian regime, who may also pose security risks, including the potential for information gathering on behalf of that regime. That alone makes their presence suspect.

Many of the reactions we are now seeing are extremely belated. Despite repeated promises to take decisive action, Trump continues to pursue negotiations. In doing so, he is effectively giving the regime time to prepare for potential attacks, to move sensitive materials and personnel out of harm’s way, and to ensure that any eventual action results in only superficial or cosmetic damage. That, in turn, may even serve the regime’s internal propaganda.

Even if, as rumours suggest, any future U.S. action were to involve a sustained military operation, the regime has already gained what it needed most: time. We may not fully know how that time has been used or why it was so critical, but it is clear that this is a deliberate strategy. They are not serious about disarmament. They are not serious about ending the nuclear program.

They do not care that satellite imagery is monitoring their nuclear activities. They openly admit to mass killings involving tens of thousands of people and are increasingly brazen about it. They are no longer even trying to conceal their actions. In effect, they are betting that this administration will not be willing to do what the situation actually requires.

The Trump administration needs to understand that what the regime is doing now is a direct challenge to U.S. credibility on the international stage. If the United States wants to be seen as anything more than a declining power clinging to its interests in the Western Hemisphere, it must make its red lines clear, enforceable, and consistent. It cannot continue playing along with every dictator’s game or allowing significantly weaker states to set the tempo.

People often ask what the dictator’s game really is. Is it power alone? No. It is legitimacy—specifically, the legitimacy of a doctrinal position. The regime is not only about self-preservation, despite what some analysts claim. Of course, self-preservation is part of any regime’s agenda; no one wants to lose power or cease to exist. But in Iran’s case, it goes beyond that.

The regime is committed to preserving its theocratic tradition and ensuring continuity so that it can continue pursuing its broader ideological goals. They have not given up. Just because they are weaker now, or because another actor—Turkey, in this case—appears ascendant, does not mean the balance cannot shift again under different circumstances.

They do not think the way Western policymakers often assume. They do not believe so: “Iran lost power, so it is finished and will not return.” Instead, they think in generational terms: who will take up the struggle next? How can ideology, messaging, and political structures be exported and preserved during periods of upheaval? How can they be embedded in ways that allow for a future resurgence?

That is why we should focus on their long-term agenda. That agenda is destabilization of the Middle East—using instability to gain leverage, recruit followers, and ultimately claim religious legitimacy across the region. This is not easy, but it becomes possible if enough divisions can be created.

We are already seeing that process at work. The rifts between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, and the efforts by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar to isolate Israel, all contribute to the kind of regional fragmentation that advances Iran’s objectives. Even if the current regime is losing internal political legitimacy, its doctrine is very much alive.

Jacobsen: There is an argument circulating on social media that is factually grounded but rhetorically crude. You see it frequently. It is grammatically sound and internally coherent, but the tone is abrasive. The argument usually goes something like this: people were extremely vocal about earlier attacks in a specific city, especially when children were killed, leading to widespread protests across Western society, including on university campuses.

When I visited Harvard University, for example, I could not avoid seeing that moment in contemporary left-wing activism, sometimes uncomfortably aligning with far-right Islamist rhetoric. Now, when looking at the Iranian state’s actions—where death tolls are in the tens of thousands—people are noticeably quieter. The argument then proceeds by naming and shaming Western feminists and left-wing activists.

What I notice is that this argument is less about demanding consistent opposition to state-sanctioned violence and more about using the situation as a cudgel against groups the speaker already dislikes. I am sure you have seen this type of argument. How would you recommend parsing it to foster more unified and effective protest movements?

Tsukerman: The answer is actually quite simple. The key question is: what are you trying to accomplish? Anyone engaged in meaningful civil disobedience should be able to answer that clearly. If the goal is to draw attention to a specific injustice to produce change, then the protest has a purpose.

That is what happened during the civil rights movement. It was effective precisely because it was tied to concrete outcomes—legislation, court decisions, and policy changes. We know it worked because we can point to those results.

But if the answer is, “I want to protest for the sake of protesting,” or “I want to demonstrate how terrible other people are,” then that is not a strategy. That is chaos for its own sake.

Many contemporary activists have internalized lessons from the Arab Spring, and we know how that turned out. The Arab Spring initially had coherent goals centred on political reform and liberalization, but undemocratic and anti-democratic movements quickly hijacked it. Those groups seized power, governed poorly, and ultimately worsened conditions.

Unless activists today can articulate a clear plan for improving lives—what concrete change they seek and what political action should result from their efforts—it becomes apparent that they are not interested in solving problems. They are interested in power.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the conversation. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Cults as Attention Markets: Racketeering, Actorless Threats, and Identity Polarization

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/11

Amos N. Guiora is an Israeli-American law professor at the University of Utah’s S.J. Quinney College of Law. A scholar of national security, human rights, and institutional complicity, he examines bystanders, enablers, and accountability in abuse and modern conflict, and is the author of influential books on complicity and ethics. 

Matthew Pearce is a sociologist and researcher studying globalization, higher education, organizations, and the social informatics of the internet. With quantitative and machine-learning interests, he analyzes how information ecosystems shape behaviour and power. His work bridges academic research and practical systems thinking, including models of attention, identity, and network dynamics. 

Neal Rauhauser is a veteran network engineer and OSINT researcher who tracks online influence, netwar dynamics, and emerging “actorless” network threats. He writes the Netwar Irregulars Bulletin and analyzes how automation, social media, and identity markets shape movements and manipulation, combining technical infrastructure experience with investigative, data-driven, ongoing global commentary. 

Irina Tsukerman is a New York–based human rights and national security lawyer, geopolitical analyst, and president of Scarab Rising. She writes on strategy, MENA security, disinformation, energy politics, and emerging threats, bringing rigorous legal expertise to policy analysis and media commentary, with work published widely across domestic and international outlets.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen convenes Matthew Pearce, Irina Tsukerman, Neal Rauhauser, and Amos N. Guiora to update “cult” analysis beyond NXIVM. Pearce proposes an economic model: attention, polarization, operating costs, and identity clarity explain why cult-like behavior now permeates politics, crypto, and media. He treats members as victims of distorted incentive markets, while leaders function as racketeering enterprises. Tsukerman links cult practice to intelligence, geopolitics, and prevention needs, while Rauhauser adds OSINT experience with automation, actorless threats, and network movements like Anonymous and QAnon. Guiora presses on motive, leaders, and falsifiable criteria.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is a continuation of conversations on cults. We focused extensively on NXIVM and the figure Keith Raniere (Vanguard) last time, given some of Lindsay’s expertise. A documentary series called The Vow concentrates on that particular cult and premiered on HBO (and HBO Max). There are many of them. Matt, when you think of a cult, to bring you into this flow, what comes to mind, e.g., people, personalities, or organizations?

Matthew Pearce: From my observations, it is a closed group with a fixed identity and minimal outside communication. The first one that comes to mind is Lyndon LaRouche, mainly because he was the first one I came across. What they are now is that I have started developing an economic theory that explains how they work and why they arise.

How they work, and how to get people out of them. It is an interesting set of equations. I have managed to whittle down a cult to a couple of equations.

I have them on the whiteboard because I was talking to someone from the UK government about it as well. You probably cannot see it. It is based on attention, operating costs, polarization, and identity.

When I say identity, I mean clarity of identity. How clear is the identity of the cult? The more clarity you get, the more cult-like it becomes.

I have noticed that they started to scale in the mid-20th century in the USA, alongside mass media and then television, and you can trace their historical development from the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s through to the 1990s. Then the internet kicks in.

It is like someone lit rocket fuel underneath cult-like behaviour. Now it is hard to distinguish between cults as we understood them and normal social media. That is where my framework works.

It takes the emotion out of it, and you can see the mechanics. There are no cults anymore. Political parties now adopt cult-like behaviour, as do football teams and soccer teams.

It is the way that social media has reduced friction between groups, and monetization has become important as well. You will see the cult leaders now. We can name them.

We can say Donald Trump. We can say Vladimir Putin. We can say Nigel Farage. We can say RFK Jr., all these people are running what I would now call cults.

It is a closed identity market. That is how I see it now: they are competing for money from the internet for attention.

Before, people like Lyndon LaRouche and David Icke faced a massive cost of entry into that market. PayPal, donations, and Twitter have reduced that friction. They are becoming indistinguishable from everyday life.

When I think of it in that way, everything clicks. From a historical perspective, you can trace the evolution of these dynamics through broadcasting and journalism.

You can see how each new technology has made it easier to transmit strange or distinct identities that become cults.

That is the work I have been involved in for about five years now. I have a lot of evidence, including financial records and leaked data, that supports the theory.

It is crossing the line between a criminal racketeer and an enterprise. Lyndon LaRouche was convicted in 1988 and sentenced in 1989 to 15 years in federal prison, though he was released on parole after serving about five years. These figures are on that line now. It is interesting.

If you want to talk about it as a journalist, please do. I have fascinating information.

Irina Tsukerman: I wanted to ask: at what point would you say scale takes a cult, in our traditional understanding, from a cult to a larger racketeering enterprise that uses cult-like practices primarily for financial gain?

Pearce: Lyndon LaRouche and David Icke represent the last period of what we would recognize as traditional cult-like behaviour. People copy them now because it reduces operating costs. There is no need to invent new cults.

In the 1960s and 1970s, people encountered strange cults, including extreme religious movements, often in places like India. Now there is no need, because so much competition in the identity market means people reuse existing ideas. David Icke is still active, although “strong” is probably the wrong word.

If you look at it in terms of market value—the only way I can look at it now—these people are making money on the internet. 

Jacobsen: If there is no need to reinvent the organizational wheel for these newer so-called cults, there is also no reason to invent new enemies. When we see upticks in certain types of hatred, bigotry, or prejudice, that correlates with the amplificatory effects of these systems. 

Pearce: It absolutely does. Many of the cults—or cult-like meme systems—are antisemitic in nature. They reuse themes derived from The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Lyndon LaRouche and David Icke do this for the same reason: they did not want to invent anything new. They just changed the language—calling people lizards or similar terms—but the structure remains the same. But it is a copy. It refers to a shadowy group of people, specifically Jewish people. That is what it means. That framing originates in early antisemitic conspiracy theories.

When people complain about “globalists,” “bankers,” shadowy cabals, the WEF, or Davos, this rhetoric often maps onto the same antisemitic narrative of a hidden group controlling the world. It is a recycled model used to make money.

I have evidence suggesting that this is intentional. In private chat groups, participants discuss cryptocurrency and explicitly state that targeting particular groups with specific messaging will generate revenue. That is what they say in private. 

Jacobsen: Is there any moral concern or hesitation?

Pearce: When asked whether there is any hesitation or moral concern expressed internally, the answer is none.

Within one such chat group, there is a high-level individual based in the UK who is linked to a high-profile charity in the United States. He treats this purely as a method for extracting money from young conservative men.

They openly admit that this is the purpose. The structure involves two groups: a governing “council” that oversees the crypto scheme, and a broader community that functions in a cult-like way.

The community has a conservative, anti-woke cult aesthetic. Young men are encouraged toward aggression, hostility, and the promotion of racist and sexist views. The messages are extreme and disturbing.

In the council, they discuss the monetary side of things. They openly talk about investing around half a million dollars and then discuss how they will pump it up to seven million.

These crypto meme coins are essentially the new cults. What they are doing is taking money from young men—young men who think they can get rich through crypto. That is the audience they see. They see these identities online, and the reason they exist is to allow others to extract money from them.

Jacobsen: How much money is in that specific ecosystem? 

Pearce: In that specific branch, they were talking about taking half a million dollars up to seven million dollars simply by targeting young men. That was a small one. There are many larger ones that I know of.

I have some wallet addresses that work at scale. You are talking about amounts reaching into the billions. It is poisoning a large section of society, and it tends to grow around religious charities, particularly in the United States, and around conservative communities.

From an economic point of view, it is quite interesting. 

Dr. Amos Guiora: Matt, I am curious—two things, if I may. Charles Manson and Tucker Carlson. What was Charles Manson?

Pearce: He was a cult leader, but without a financial motive.

Guiora: What about sex?

Pearce: He was still extracting value rather than money. Value—however you define it. The idea is to extract value, in whatever form it takes. Nowadays, that value appears to be power and money, although some cults still genuinely believe in their own ideology. 

Guiora: What about Tucker Carlson?

Pearce: I have developed a theory around what I call “retailers.” These are vendors—retail politicians and retail journalists—who do not act as journalists or politicians in the traditional sense. They exist to sell an idea, the identity of a group or cult, or the means itself.

Pearce: By themselves?

Jacobsen: Yes, for their own value. If the ideas of that particular cult align with their interests, that is a bonus. If they are conservative and can extract value while polarizing conservative groups, they will take that path.

I also know of people who run cult-like groups who were once left-wing and have since moved into a horseshoe position.

Guiora: One quick follow-up on Carlson, and then I will turn it over to René. Tucker Carlson comes from significant wealth and has substantial resources of his own. Is he driven by money, according to your theory? Does antisemitism drive him? Is he drawn into this relationship with Nick (Fuentes), or is this a merge and meld?

Pearce: I have taken an economic view of it. I deliberately remove intent and belief from the analysis. My model does not address why they do it.

What I observe is that they assign value to the work they are doing and then extract that value. To extract more value, they increase polarization and intensify identity formation.

Why they are doing it becomes irrelevant. You look at outcomes. The outcomes are increased polarization and stronger identities. Once you make that analytical shift and stop making moral judgments, you see that most people are operating inside distorted incentive markets.

Most cult members are victims. The people at the top are criminals. From that perspective, a RICO-style framework makes more sense. Racketeering is the more accurate lens.

Everyone else is probably a victim. Punishing members of these groups is like punishing a victim of credit card fraud. We need to stop judging people in these groups.

Judge the people who are running it. Judge the people who are extracting value. But the others should be seen as victims. They are not acting deliberately; they are operating within a distorted worldview driven by perverse incentives.

This affects everyone to some degree, though some more than others. It is a valuable framework if you want to avoid imposing moral judgments or assumptions about intent, and instead explain behaviour and outcomes without that layer of judgment.

Tsukerman: A couple of points. First, we are seeing a convergence of cult-like sex and power dynamics used as a cover, or as an addendum, to racketeering and geopolitical convergence. The Epstein network is one example.

Much of the focus has been on sex trafficking, and the women who were exploited or manipulated, but less attention has been paid to the fact that many of the same individuals were also engaged together in activities unrelated to sex—activities tied to power, intelligence networks, business interests, and influence.

The second point is that understanding motivation still matters. While governments can disrupt these networks using financial evidence alone, prevention and preemption require understanding both the neo-cult leaders and their victims—how people are drawn in and how operators pursue their agendas.

Pearce: I have been writing a short piece on the UK’s PREVENT framework. I modelled it using my framework, and it appears to worsen radicalization, make it harder to leave, and produce no positive outcomes.

What it does is formalize the punishment of the victims rather than targeting the people doing the radicalizing. If you treat this as an economic crime—and at the top level, that is what it is—the reason these structures exist is to allow people at the top to extract money or other forms of value.

Once you reach a certain point, the cost of leaving a cult becomes enormous. In that context, PREVENT-style interventions can ruin lives by increasing exit costs rather than lowering them.

What is actually needed is support that helps people leave by replacing the extracted value with alternative, socially beneficial value in lower-attention environments. That includes supporting families of those affected.

This applies to QAnon. It applies to MAGA, which is another value-extraction movement. By allowing people to exchange those identities for more constructive forms of value, you make it easier for them to leave.

If you only offer workshops or counselling, you often make things worse by implicitly telling people they are wrong. Once you frame belief as intent, radicalization intensifies. You can see this in the UK, where PREVENT has at times functioned in ways that further radicalize young Muslim men.

It is counterintuitive, but when you look at the models—the graphs and equations—that is what happens. It makes things worse.

You need to support victims at the lower levels and punish those extracting value at the top through racketeering and economic sanctions. That is the only effective way to address modern forms of these systems.

I would also impose levies on social media and on sports sponsorships, because they drive polarization. You see this in Formula One and football, where ethically problematic states sponsor culturally significant teams or stadiums.

The reason is to capture attention and legitimize polarizing views.

Guiora: Matt, are you a sports fan? I am a sports junkie. Let me pause on what you just noted. If you follow professional golf—or even if you do not—you know about Saudi Arabia’s large-scale investment in it. You see similar patterns with Qatar, the UAE, and others sponsoring major football clubs, the World Cup, the NBA, and more. I had not thought about it in quite that way before. Do you view that in the same context?

Pearce: Yes, I do. It is about driving attention and extracting value from it for unethical purposes—reshaping or polarizing views about particular countries, identities, or political narratives.

It relies on Western cultural institutions that are deeply embedded in everyday life. If you have supported Newcastle your entire life and then Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund acquires the club, you immediately—whether you want to or not—become part of that identity structure.

You see it constantly. You see it every weekend. You see it when you watch Newcastle content online. It becomes ambient.

The same goes for Formula One. You see cars racing—Ferraris, brands associated with prestige, technology, and aspiration—circulating in countries with deeply troubling human rights records. I struggle with that.

We banned sports teams from advertising cigarettes, yet sports sponsorships now prominently feature state-linked brands and airlines. 

Guiora: I watched the NBA recently, and Emirates branding appeared repeatedly during play.

Pearce: Anything that polarizes core identity should be regulated. You see people—farmers, truckers—becoming angry about disparate issues: vaccines, which relate to health; food systems; claims that institutions like the WEF or Davos will force people to eat insects; immigration framed as people “taking your house”; domestic security; refugees framed as foreign threats.

All of these target the core of personal identity. Transgender issues are also used this way. Many of the most extreme narratives around gender are politically constructed and amplified through transnational ideological networks. Some of these narratives can be traced to Russian and Iranian information operations and associated media ecosystems operating in Western countries.

Anything that targets core identity can be used to polarize. Once polarized, value can be extracted. It does not matter whether the framing is right-wing, left-wing, pro, anti, yes, or no. Value is extracted from identity through polarization. That is how it works in economic terms.

Intent is irrelevant to me. The structure looks the same. The outcomes are the same. You end up with victims and extremely wealthy individuals at the top.

That represents a misallocation of resources in that market. The way to address it is to increase penalties and increase costs, preventing people from entering markets that cause social harm. It is analogous to smoking, gambling, or alcohol. You tax them until they become unprofitable.

That is what I told the UK government earlier today.

Jacobsen: One thing I think is important is how we expand our definition of violence. In policy and law, violence has expanded from physical and sexual harm to include emotional and financial damage. What this framework potentially adds—depending on how rigorously it is institutionalized and validated—is another lens for analyzing cult emergence and behaviour within an economic framework.

What I am hearing is that when you charge racketeering, a single charismatic figure may head it, but not necessarily. It could be a group of people behind a crypto coin targeting right-wing young men.

Pearce: Yes, exactly. You should not view it as an individual. You should view it as a criminal enterprise. This should be treated like organized crime in the United States in the 1920s and 1930s.

Tsukerman: Very quickly, from a law-enforcement perspective, RICO statutes are well-suited to this kind of activity because they address racketeering as a system. In the United States, they have proven to be an effective prosecutorial tool when appropriately applied.

Pearce: Yes. Imposing levies on sports sponsorships and social media, and extending racketeering frameworks to attention-based extraction models, are the directions this needs to take.

Jacobsen: Neil, did you want to add anything, perhaps a different angle on Matt’s economic framework for understanding cults?

Rauhauser: For Matt’s economic theory, I find it very interesting. I started participating in social movements around 2009, spending time with the Coffee Party, Occupy, Anonymous, and Black Lives Matter. Over that period, I have watched human influence increasingly get swamped by automation.

What Matt is saying about what rises and what sinks intuitively fits my experience over the past decade and a half. I also have extensive personal experience with what could reasonably be described as cult-like activity.

Jacobsen: One point that stands out is that Matt noted a rise in cult-like structures beginning in the mid-20th century with the spread of mass media.

Traditionally, thinkers like Steven Hassan define cults as having a central charismatic leader. Matt reframes this economically, suggesting that responsibility lies with those at the top—whether or not there is a single charismatic figure—and that they should be treated as racketeering enterprises.

That is a different analytical frame. He is arguing that there are more cults than ever, but under a broader definition. Interestingly, people working within traditional cult studies also say that cult prevalence has increased.

Given your involvement in movements like Black Lives Matter and Occupy, and your observation of automation shaping influence, do you see social movements sometimes shifting toward cult-like behaviour that could be analyzed within Matt’s framework?

Rauhauser: The term you are looking for is “actorless threats.” This is a concept increasingly discussed in foreign policy and security studies. The idea is that there is no single actor you can target or remove to disrupt the threat.

Related to that, you see notions like leaderless resistance in right-wing extremist movements, including the Phineas Priesthood ideology. These movements may have promoters or ideologues, but not centralized leaders in the traditional sense.

With Anonymous, you see something similar. That culture actively resists charismatic leadership. Attempts at leadership tend to be attacked and dismantled by the group itself. That dynamic worked for a time and later fed into decentralized movements like QAnon.

A lot is going on there. It is complex, but analytically fascinating.

Pearce: That is helpful, because this was one of my corner cases. In my paper—which I am happy to share—I describe what I call a “devotionist.” This is someone for whom attention itself becomes the primary source of value. In those cases, the equation collapses to attention minus any legal penalties. There are no meaningful operating costs. There is no concern for sustainability. The only thing that matters is the value extracted from attention itself.

What I am saying—and what Neil is pointing out—is that you do not need a leader for this to function. You can have groups of people organized around an identity, whatever that identity happens to be. It can be QAnon. You then have sets of people extracting value from that identity.

That fits my framework exactly. I treat this as a pure case where polarization is so extreme that there is no leader, and everyone involved is focused solely on extracting value from the identity itself.

From Neil’s experience, you do not get a single leader because the polarization is so intense and the identity so rigid. Any deviation from perceived purity is punished. Those individuals either splinter off and form something new or are pushed out. A leaderless structure is the extreme case of this model.

Rauhauser: Another term from foreign policy and counterinsurgency is “network threat.” These entities function as network threats.

If you look at Anonymous and how it formed, you see this dynamic clearly, beginning with early shock-content communities of the 2000s. We can return to that if helpful.

Jacobsen: That would be useful. Matt, there is one thing I want to ask, since you are proposing a model. What would disconfirm this model? What would falsify it?

Jacobsen: A falsification would be a successful post-2016 leader who reduces polarization and does not optimize for attention.

Rauhauser: That is one alternative. You are asking how to disprove the model by counterexample. I need time to think about that. I am not sure you can fully falsify it. There may be alternatives, as the one Matt described, but I need more time to assess how to invalidate the underlying concepts.

Jacobsen: From a scientific standpoint, proposing a falsification criterion is essential.

Tsukerman: There is a great deal to unpack here. It would be invaluable for Matt to circulate his paper to everyone. With that background, we could have a more detailed follow-up discussion and delve deeper into the specifics.

Pearce: Irina directed me toward sports sponsorship, which I had not previously considered in my framework. The more I think about it, the more it seems a socially harmful and dangerous direction. It fits squarely within identity monetization, and I had not treated it as a case before. That is an important addition.

Rauhauser: What I can contribute is qualitative insight from lived experience—examples of how these dynamics unfold over time.

Jacobsen: Many of these movements get hijacked.

Rauhauser: Exactly. I am currently dealing with a civil rights case in Michigan in which a leaderless movement was hijacked and drawn into QAnon.

Tsukerman: That would be an excellent topic to explore in more depth in a follow-up conversation.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, everyone.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

COMALACE’s Gisèle Detaille on Polarization, Misinformation, and Critical Thinking in Europe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/10

Gisèle Detaille is President of COMALACE (Contribution des Obédiences Maçonniques Adogmatiques et Libérales à la Construction Européenne), a European network of liberal and adogmatic Masonic obediences that engages European institutions through Article 17 dialogue on civic and societal issues. She previously worked for 14 years at the Financial Sector Surveillance Commission in Luxembourg, with responsibilities including planning and coordination, contributing to inspection reports, and drafting recommendations. Since becoming COMALACE President in 2024, she has emphasized dignity at work, the societal implications of artificial intelligence, and “cultural Europe,” alongside civic education and critical thinking.

In an Article 17–context conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks how COMALACE understands its role amid European polarization. Gisèle Detaille describes COMALACE as a network of liberal, non-dogmatic Masonic obediences that contribute to reflection and dialogue on civic issues. She argues that low media literacy makes online misinformation persuasive, especially for youth, and that education—at home, in schools, and through broader community frameworks—remains the most durable defence. She doubts age bans can work reliably, urging stronger platform accountability and smarter moderation incentives. Detail frames Freemasonic practice as a “laboratory of ideas” cultivating critical thinking, curiosity, respect, and freedom.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: From the perspective of COMALACE, how do liberal and adogmatic Masonic obediences understand their role in responding to growing social polarization in Europe, particularly in relation to new technologies, misinformation, and civic education?

Gisèle Detaille: My name is Gisèle Detaille, and I am representing a group called COMALACE, which stands for the Contribution des Obédiences Maçonniques Adogmatiques et Libérales à la Construction Européenne. COMALACE is a European network of liberal and adogmatic Masonic obediences, bringing together Freemasons from different obediences to contribute to reflection and dialogue on European civic and societal issues.

We were invited to give our opinion on the polarization of our society, especially on the impact of new technology, particularly its adverse effects, and the way it may influence opinions within societies.

We think this technology can impact society, especially where critical media literacy is limited, because on online networks—such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), or TikTok—people, especially young people, may take information at face value, without questioning it, and without considering that it might be false or misleading information. We believe this is dangerous for individuals and for society as a whole.

In recent years, there have been clear examples across different countries of misinformation and disinformation circulating online that have influenced public debate and, in some cases, electoral processes.

We have a role to play here, especially in educating young people. Parents are the first actors who can help educate their children to think critically, to exercise judgment, and not to treat information found on TikTok, Facebook, X, or other social networks as automatically accurate.

It is essential to take a step back, consider what we see, consult other sources, and not treat online content as the truth by default. We also know that some influencers are paid to promote messages in ways that are comparable to advertising.

It is similar to advertising: it is not because someone says that a product is the best that it is true; sometimes it is because that person is paid to say so.

The first tool to combat societal polarization is education, especially children’s education. Parents play a role, but schools and other groups also play a role, as do all kinds of groups where people—from very young children to adults—participate in social activities.

This can include cultural activities, sports, or other social groups. There is a framework around people in these settings, and this framework should also be supported so that it helps individuals learn to think for themselves, rather than passively absorbing information.

At present, many people spend a great deal of time in front of screens. They absorb information and can become passive. In my experience, fewer people read and write regularly than before, and it is increasingly uncommon to see people writing by hand.

They are doing this less. Personally, I teach courses, and when participants are required to handwrite an exam, it is difficult for them, first because they are not used to writing by hand, and for me, because it can be challenging to read what they have written.

Sometimes it is not even reading; it is more like a hieroglyph that I need to decrypt.

During that meeting—which was very interesting—it was useful to hear what others were thinking. Some politicians and certain countries suggested that young people should be forbidden from accessing social networks until a certain age.

We all know that this would not work because people would find ways around the rule by declaring another age. We know this because it is already possible to open accounts with false information. As long as that is possible, a 14-year-old will say that they are 18.

We know that age-based access restrictions have been discussed or introduced in some countries, including recent policy developments in Australia. Early feedback already suggests that users can find ways to circumvent these rules, which limits their effectiveness.

For these reasons, age bans alone will not work.

Education is one crucial element, but the most critical issue is the regulation of platforms themselves. It is at the platform level that rules need to be applied, not primarily at the individual-user level.

We know that platforms can moderate certain types of content. Some forms of content, including sexual content, can be removed. If platforms can do this, they are also technically capable of addressing political manipulation, aggressive content, and other harmful material.

However, social networks are free for users, which means platforms are remunerated through advertising and promoted content. They generate significant revenue this way. The more users they have, the more money they make. For this reason, they do not want to reduce user numbers or engagement.

That is why platforms often resist regulation. Nevertheless, it is more appropriate to regulate platforms and their owners than to place responsibility primarily on users, especially young users.

These were the main trends and messages we wanted to convey during that meeting. It was a valuable opportunity to present these ideas and to discuss them with Commissioner Brunner and with Mr. DePayne. We were very grateful for that opportunity.

Jacobsen: What brought the Masonic obediences to take an interest in Article 17 of the EU treaties, particularly in relation to media use by young people? In the context of Article 17 dialogue, what motivated the Masonic obediences to engage with questions about influence campaigns on social media, especially those targeting voters and future voters, including very young people?

Detaille: It is tough to say. I don’t know in detail how these influence campaigns operate. It is difficult to know precisely how they work.

Jacobsen: From COMALACE’s perspective, and in relation to the educational efforts you mentioned, what would be the most reasonable first steps, and which steps are likely to be very difficult or potentially impossible, given realistic constraints?

Details: There are differences, and it is tough to implement an effective education programme regarding the use of social media.

One realistic step would be to introduce courses on how to use social networks properly and critically. When I was young, we had lessons on how to use a dictionary. We learned how to use it. In the same way, one practical approach today would be to teach how to use social networks.

At school, people who understand these tools could show students how to use them, rather than simply saying they cannot use them during classes.

The most challenging part is finding people who can teach this to children and do so across different age groups. Children now receive mobile phones at very early ages. I have seen children with mobile phones at the age of 5. That is very early, and they do not truly need them.

It is easy and convenient for parents because children are occupied, allowing them to do other things. In any case, that is not the main point.

The most challenging issue is that teachers themselves are often not sufficiently trained to pass on these messages. The technology evolves rapidly, making it difficult for educators to keep up.

Teachers would first need education and training themselves before they can pass this knowledge on to students. Another option would be to bring in external experts or consultants to teach short sessions, perhaps one or two hours at a time. However, this would involve additional costs.

Education systems in many countries already face financial and budgetary constraints, so this is another challenge.

Another critical issue is that education must be tailored to the audience’s age. You do not speak to a six-year-old in the same way as to a teenager of seventeen or eighteen.

It could also be helpful to educate adults. Many adults are vulnerable to online manipulation, including scams in which people believe they are communicating with a well-known person, who is actually generated or imitated using artificial intelligence, and they send money as a result.

Brad Pitt. People then find these things and do not realize that they are fake. It is false information. It can be a fake video. People are not educated to recognize this, and the technology developed very quickly.

It is the same with money: fake investments, scams, and similar schemes. This makes the issue very difficult.

Education can take place in schools, but it can also take place through television or public media, where programs can convey messages or demonstrate how misinformation works. We are beginning to see more programs showing how false information circulates through networks and social media.

That is why misinformation and the misuse of social media affect the entire population, at every age. This is what makes the problem difficult. Education, therefore, needs to take place at all stages of life.

This is another difficulty, because it is easy to say that something must be done. It is easy to give instructions. What is harder is determining what is feasible, what is not, what impact measures will have, and how to implement them realistically.

That is why this is everyone’s responsibility. People are responsible for their children, their parents, and themselves, and they are responsible for passing on this message: think about it. Ask questions before accepting information. Do not take anything for granted. Ask whether it is true and whether it is reliable information.

Traditionally, when information appeared in newspapers, journalists were expected to check sources and verify facts before publication. A professional journalist is usually trained to do this.

When we consume information ourselves, it is much more difficult because we do not have the same tools. That is why everyone must develop judgment and a critical spirit.

At any stage of life, we can educate people to exercise critical thinking and judgment. This is something we can all do if we are encouraged to.

As Freemasons, we practice this because it is central to our philosophy. It is the way we work. We work on all topics in this way. It is the way we think and the way we work within the lodges where we meet.

Our philosophy is based on the ability to discuss everything with respect for shared values. The values we respect include respect itself and freedom.

We consider our lodge as a kind of laboratory for ideas, a space for reflection. We take ideas, think about them, develop them, and continually examine them with a critical spirit.

This philosophy must be developed more broadly across the population because, in my view, this is one of the best ways to reduce the influence of misinformation. That also relates to your previous question. This is one of the best ways to reduce the manipulation of opinions and, in some cases, electoral choices.

There are examples of social media being used to influence public opinion, particularly in certain countries at the moment. This influence often targets vulnerable people. It is easier to influence people when their economic and social conditions are challenging.

It is easy to push where people feel pain. When someone does not have work, for example, it becomes easy to blame a particular group of the population.

On social media, a space has been created where anyone can speak about anything, without verification, with no limits, and often without respect for others. There is minimal framework.

When I say content can be monitored, I mean that aggression is often inadequately addressed. People say almost anything about anyone without checking facts or limits. They criticize individuals, countries, attitudes, and actions without restraint.

This is deeply troubling.

Before social media, this kind of behaviour was mostly limited to informal spaces, such as conversations in cafés or bars. In French, this was sometimes called the Café du Commerce—a place where people would gather after work, have a drink, and talk about politics, the weather, or anything else.

As people drank more, the tone grew louder, and the quality of the discussion declined. Social media sometimes reproduces something similar, but on a much larger scale.

That is also dangerous.

Jacobsen: It becomes the lowest common denominator of conversation—gossip rather than deliberation. The so-called town square turns into a gossip square. How does COMALACE work with EU institutions to make its educational efforts effective?

Detaille: Again, this is very difficult, because the European Union has limited ability to influence education directly in Member States. Each EU country has its own education system and programs.

What could be possible if the appropriate tools exist is an ad hoc program financed by the EU. Such a program could involve experts visiting schools at different ages—perhaps not from nursery level, but from primary school onward, through secondary school and into universities.

At the university level, experts could give lectures, while for younger children—such as those aged six to twelve—teaching would need to be adapted to their age and level of understanding.

The EU could finance this kind of program and offer a shared educational framework across countries while still accounting for national differences. Europe must take into account the specific characteristics of each Member State. For example, there are differences between countries such as France and Poland, and these cultural and social contexts matter.

This may be the most realistic approach, as the EU lacks the power and tools to shape national education curricula directly.

Jacobsen: What Masonic values do you think matter most here, particularly about education and the prevention of falling for misinformation and disinformation?

Details: Judgment, critical thinking, and intellectual curiosity are central. Another essential value is respect—respect for others’ freedom. In education, the vital spirit is fundamental.

Critical thinking means not taking what is said for granted. It means stepping back and asking: Is this logical? What is being claimed here? It means reading carefully, consulting different sources, and thinking things through.

It also means talking with others, rather than just on the phone. Exchanging ideas matters. When I see young people together, they are often physically in groups, but each person is in front of a screen. They are not really talking to each other, except sometimes to show something on a screen and say, “Have you seen this?”—and then it stops.

What is missing is real exchange. The value is exchange itself: exchanging ideas, creating a laboratory of ideas. That is essential to avoid misinformation and the escalation of aggression.

Respect for others is crucial. At any age, people should try to keep learning. A day that passes without learning something is a lost day. That is the message we try to pass on.

Jacobsen: What about recommendations for those looking to integrate into EU processes to combat this?

Details: I do not know the EU processes in detail or exactly how the bureaucratic procedures work.

However, if cooperation were possible, the most effective approach would be to set up a working group to develop a concrete project proposal. That is the best way to proceed, as we do in other sectors, including business.

You set up a project with a steering structure and a working group that develops proposals. You begin by making an inventory or a gap analysis: identifying needs, defining objectives, and determining what can realistically be done. From there, you assess which tools could be used and propose.

For all of these tools, an initial analysis is needed to evaluate the realism of the setup and implementation. The working group would then submit proposals to the European Commission. Once the Commission agrees on a proposal, it must follow the appropriate institutional process, which may involve further approval at the EU level and acceptance by Member States.

The most effective approach is to have a working group representative of EU Member States to take national specificities into account. Education systems differ significantly across countries.

I am Belgian, and even within Belgium—a small country—the education system differs between the north and the south. If it is already different within one country, it is clearly different across Europe.

For this reason, it is essential to consider the realities and specificities of each country. If a project is designed in an office by people who have never worked directly with children or within national education systems, it will not work.

That is why the project group must include representatives from different countries who can develop proposals for the Commission. This group would also need to assess costs, available budgets, financing feasibility, and the time required for implementation.

Timing is critical. If a project starts now but is only implemented three years later, it risks being obsolete by the time it is launched. Developments move too quickly for that.

To work quickly, resources are needed. That includes funding, because experts involved in such a project must be compensated for their time. They have both professional and personal responsibilities and need to be able to sustain themselves while contributing.

All of these factors must be considered. To ensure adoption by all countries, the only viable approach is to involve people from each country from the very beginning. This ensures that all countries feel represented and invested in the project.

The best way to have an idea adopted is to bring people on board from the start. What approach would I propose? It would be this one.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Gisèle.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Gayathri Narayanan on Buddhist Practice: Mindfulness, Tantra, and the Direct Path

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/09

Gayathri Narayanan is the founder and meditation teacher at Myndtree, where she integrates mindfulness, compassion, and wisdom teachings into modern life. Since 1995, she has explored contemplative traditions including Advaita Vedanta, Theravada, Zen, and Dzogchen Buddhism, grounding her work in both disciplined practice and everyday application. Formerly a leader in healthcare technology, she transitioned from corporate life to full-time teaching and service. Trained in mindfulness meditation with Jack Kornfield and Tara Brach, and in nonviolent parenting through Echo Parenting & Education, Gayathri brings a secular, inclusive approach to mindfulness, parenting, and well-being for individuals, families, and organizations.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Gayathri Narayanan, founder of Myndtree, about Buddhism’s origins, major schools, and lived practice. Narayanan clarifies Buddhism’s roots in the Indian subcontinent and outlines the Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana streams, emphasizing their shared foundations despite differing methods. She explains mindfulness of breath and body as the universal entry point, contrasts monastic renunciation with tantric inclusion, and reflects on her evolving daily practice across Advaita, Theravada, and Vajrayana traditions. Throughout, Narayanan frames awakening not as attainment, but as subtraction—letting go of false identities so compassion, clarity, and openness naturally emerge.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: About Buddhism, just to set the groundwork, what areas do you feel the most comfortable in and have expertise in, and how many schools of thought are there? Also, where did Buddhism start, to dispel the myth that it began in China?

Gayathri Narayanan: I will answer the last part first. Buddhism began in the Indian subcontinent. The Buddha was born in Lumbini (in present-day Nepal) and taught primarily across northern India, including the Gangetic plain (now Bihar and Uttar Pradesh). From there, the earliest Buddhist traditions developed in India and then spread early to Sri Lanka. That stream of Buddhism is what is called Theravada Buddhism, which preserves an early canon and early forms of practice. Over the centuries, Buddhism spread widely across Asia. Another primary stream is Mahayana Buddhism, which developed in India and later spread through Central and East Asia. In China, it developed distinctive forms, including Chan (known as Zen in Japan), and it spread onward to Korea and Japan. Another stream, Vajrayana (often understood as a later development within the Mahayana family), developed in India and spread strongly into Tibet and the Himalayan regions. There are these different streams and lineages of Buddhism. When one speaks of Mahayana Buddhism, it includes traditions such as Chan/Zen, and Vajrayana is commonly considered a further development within Mahayana. These traditions differ in emphasis and philosophical style, but all draw on the teachings attributed to the Buddha. That answers the question.

Jacobsen: What are the introductory practices that everyone has to go through to begin practicing Buddhism, not only as a set of beliefs, but as a life practice of well-being?

Narayanan: This is where the early Buddhist teachings are at their most straightforward and most precise. If you look at the text known as the Foundations for Mindfulness, called the Satipatthana Sutta, it lays out an obvious path. The Buddha called it the direct path to liberation. He outlines four foundations of mindfulness, beginning with the first: mindfulness of the body and the breath. Whenever someone is guiding a meditation, the first thing they do is ask people to take a few deep breaths and bring their awareness to breathing. That becomes the anchor for the practice. Mindfulness of breathing and mindfulness of the body, in terms of what is called interoception—the sensations that move through the body, such as tingling, warmth, and coolness—are brought into awareness. This is present-moment awareness of lived experience in the body, with the breath moving and sensations arising. That is the starting point and the foundational practice. From there, one moves to the second foundation of mindfulness: mindfulness of feeling tones, then mindfulness of the mind, and finally mindfulness of dhamma. There are four foundations laid out. The starting place is the body and the breath. That is where practice begins. 

Jacobsen: Given Buddhism’s long history of intellectual thought and its strange mix of precision and introspection, what are some of the offbeat paths it has taken since its founding? You mentioned that the Buddha referenced a direct path to enlightenment. Let us say some thinkers took that direct path and decided to go off-road—snaking along it, perhaps even veering far into the hills.

Narayanan: One example that comes to mind is Vajrayana Buddhism. I would classify it as fitting that description. It is often described as tantric Buddhism and represents a very different model of awakening. Vajrayana Buddhists will say this is a more direct path than the long, gradual road outlined in texts like the Satipatthana Sutta. They argue that it is even more direct.

When you look at Vajrayana Buddhism, it is very colourful. It includes deities, mantras, chanting, ritual practices, and elaborate visualizations. Some practices involve symbolic offerings of the body to deities. It is a highly esoteric tradition—very ornate, symbolically rich, and experiential—especially when contrasted with Theravada Buddhism, which emphasizes seated meditation, mindfulness, and sustained attention to the present moment. Vajrayana practices can be described as off the beaten track in terms of method, but practitioners also regard them as very powerful.

Jacobsen: Everyone should understand what tantra means. On one side, you have people who take vows of celibacy or chastity and proceed in their tradition through meditation and mindfulness. On another path, people are, to quote Will Smith, “Getting jiggy with it.” How do those taking vows of celibacy or chastity make the case for enlightenment through that path, while tantric practitioners argue that their approach is more direct? People are clearly making a marketing case for their camp, but what is that case?

Narayanan: When you read the Satipatthana Sutta, the Buddha is primarily addressing bhikkhus—monastics. The term bhikkhu refers to someone who lives by alms, meaning a monk who lives an austere life without possessions and relies on the community for food. In that sense, many early teachings are framed for monastic audiences.

At the same time, those teachings are understood to apply to everyone. When you read the Satipatthana Sutta, it addresses not only monks but also laypeople—those living with spouses, families, and ordinary social responsibilities. The practices are meant to be universal, even if the early emphasis was on monastic discipline, including celibacy.

It is also important to clarify that tantra is often misunderstood as being primarily about sex. While some tantric traditions do incorporate sexual symbolism or ritualized practices, tantra more broadly refers to methods that work with desire, embodiment, symbolism, and intense experiential states as part of the path. The distinction is not simply between celibacy and sexuality, but between different strategies for transforming human experience into a means of awakening.

Tantra is much more than that. It is one avenue of exploration, but what tantra really emphasizes is the affirmation of everything that is. It does not deny anything. It says, “yes—this, and this, and this.” All of it is sacred. All of it is an expression and manifestation of a single reality. There is nothing to be denied, nothing to run away from, nothing that is impure. The body, in all its forms, is perfect and beautiful, including sexuality. There is nothing outside of the sacred. Tantra is fundamentally affirming.

By contrast, monastic traditions tend to emphasize renunciation. They say, “not this,” because certain things are seen as distractions. The logic is that by removing distractions—such as sex and sensuality—one can arrive at the truth more directly. Both approaches are understood to lead to awakening, but they differ significantly in their methods and underlying premises.

There is room for both approaches. Even within Vajrayana traditions, there are monasteries and monks. Likewise, Theravada has long-standing monastic traditions. The difference lies primarily in emphasis: tantra emphasizes inclusion, while monastic renunciation emphasizes restraint.

Jacobsen: Are there practitioners or thinkers who practiced one path and then switched to the other, and later reflected on both?

Narayanan: I am not sure. I have only recently begun engaging with the Vajrayana tradition. Most of my practice and exposure have been within the Theravada tradition. I am thinking of Theravada teachers who later became Vajrayana teachers, but I cannot recall a name immediately.

One example of crossover in another direction is my teacher, Gil Fronsdal. He currently teaches primarily within the Theravada tradition, but he began in Zen. He trained in a Zen monastery, was ordained there, and received Dharma transmission in Zen before later focusing on Theravada teaching. So there has clearly been crossover, though I cannot immediately think of someone who moved specifically from Theravada to Vajrayana. I am sure such examples exist.

Jacobsen: So they exist. What do you find yourself needing to practice daily—a centring practice, a foundation—to live this as more than philosophy, as a life stance and a life practice?

Narayanan: I have a daily practice. My personal practice has evolved because my roots are in Advaita, in the Advaita tradition. I began with meditations taught by my guru and with chanting. There is also a tantric lineage within Indian spiritual traditions, so I practiced some of that as well. Later, I moved into mindfulness practices, and now I am engaging with Vajrayana, particularly Tibetan Buddhist practices. My practice has changed over time.

For me, as you said, it is a lived practice. Through quieting down, going inward, and investigating the causes of my suffering, I begin to look deeply into the nature of the mind. Questions such as “What is the mind?” “Who am I?” “What is my relationship with the world?” and “What is my relationship with my inner life?” become part of the practice itself.

As you become quiet, you start to see the details of your experience more clearly. That clarity informs the way you live, because you begin to see the causes of your suffering. You recognize, for example, that if you act in specific ways—such as yelling at your children—you will experience suffering later. You see the patterns of action and reaction more clearly because you are paying attention to your experience as you move through life.

At that point, practice is no longer limited to the cushion. It becomes a lived experiment. You begin to see how suffering leads to contraction—more fear, anxiety, and stress—and how love, compassion, and equanimity lead to expansion. There is a sense of openness and expansiveness that arises internally and then translates into how you interact with the world.

You start to observe both contraction and expansion, and you increasingly choose the more expansive states. Practice becomes applied and embodied. You grow in compassion and love.

I was telling my husband recently that when I speak with people now—even friends—and say goodbye, I often feel a natural impulse to say “I love you.” This was not something I used to experience. Of course, it is not always appropriate to say aloud, but the impulse itself is there. It feels like the heart is opening. That opening has been my experience of practice.

This is also why I feel a sense of urgency about sharing these teachings. They are deeply needed in the world right now. They are a kind of medicine—more people with open hearts, more capacity to include difference, dialogue, and disagreement without hatred or violence. There is a way to live with disagreement without harming one another, and practice offers a path toward that.

Because of that, I feel an intense urgency to share these teachings and to help people come to know and practice them.

Jacobsen: This one is a bit trickier, and it is critical—not of you or me—but of early practitioners. People often come to the philosophy of the Advaita tradition by reading about it before practicing. They absorb some of the philosophy, engage in some early practices, and believe they are reaching the tradition’s aim. Yet they are not. They think they are doing things correctly, but in reality, they may simply be breathing calmly. This becomes a mistaken self-identity of achievement.

It is like someone saying that one should have no attachments, while their attachment becomes the achievement itself. They think they have attained something, but that “attainment” is itself an attachment. It is a contradiction. What are some early signs of false consciousness in this process, where people believe there is a symmetry between the aim of the tradition and what they are doing, but they fundamentally misunderstand it?

Narayanan: This is a prevalent trap among spiritual seekers. What you are describing arises from the idea that there is a person who is seeking enlightenment or liberation. It is assumed to be a path, a destination, and someone who walks the path and reaches the destination. That entire structure is illusory.

You do not truly see that illusion until there is an experience of the dissolution of the separate self. In Advaita, much like in Christianity, there is an account of a fundamental error. In Christianity, this is expressed as original sin—Adam and Eve seeing themselves as separate from God. That experience of separation is the root problem. In Advaita, this is called avidya, or ignorance: the belief that one is individual. The delusion is the belief in a separate self.

All the practices and teachings are intended to reveal that there is no separation—that you are not separate from reality, but are inseparable from it. Once this is seen, it becomes clear that the path, the goal, and the seeker were all constructs. They were part of the illusion from the beginning. You were already complete and whole before you ever began the path.

From this perspective, no one becomes enlightened, because the one imagined to be separate never truly existed. In that sense, the entire structure is a myth. But you do not reach that understanding until you do. Until then, there is striving. You need to read more, practice more deeply, and sit in longer retreats. That striving itself becomes a hindrance.

As practice deepens, you begin to let go of all of that. You even let go of the idea that you are a seeker or a meditator. Those identities must also be released before there can be insight into what is sometimes called Buddha-nature or the emptiness of the self. The process is not one of accumulation, but of letting go.

I recently wrote about this using Michelangelo’s metaphor of the angel in the marble. He said he saw the angel in the stone before he began carving. The work was not about adding anything, but about removing what did not belong. In the same way, the spiritual path is a process of subtraction. Through that subtraction, wholeness, completeness, and perfection are revealed. That, ultimately, is the journey.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Gayathri.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Worlds Behind Words 8: Patagonia v. Pattie Gonia, Pride-Era Violence, and NHL Symbolic Allyship

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/08

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Will Dempsey—a Boston-based LICSW and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate—about three flashpoints in contemporary public life. First, Dempsey situates Patagonia’s lawsuit against drag performer Pattie Gonia (Wyn Wiley) in drag’s long tradition of pun-based naming, asking whether “consumer confusion” is the real issue or a proxy for politics and corporate self-interest. Second, he addresses Norway’s Pride attack rulings, emphasizing accountability amid the treatment limits of antisocial personality disorder. Finally, he weighs Alexander Ovechkin’s refusal of rainbow-tape symbolism, stressing youth impact alongside ongoing cultural progress.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So Patagonia has sued the drag queen and environmental activist Pattie Gonia for trademark infringement. It’s the outdoor apparel company; it filed the lawsuit on Wednesday in California federal court. The performer’s given name is Wyn Wiley, and Pattie Gonia is the stage name.

Patagonia’s claim is that Pattie Gonia’s branding and related activity could create consumer confusion. Patagonia said Pattie Gonia provides motivational speaking services in support of environmental sustainability and organizes, arranges, and connects trail and hiking events. Patagonia stated that it wants Pattie Gonia to have a long and successful career and to make progress on issues that matter—but in a way that respects Patagonia’s intellectual property and its ability to use its brand to sell products and advocate for the environment.

I’m not sure what to think of this case. What’s your take on this trademark infringement claim, and on the caveat in Patagonia’s statement that they want her to succeed but also want to protect their intellectual property?

Will Dempsey: Puns have been at the forefront of drag culture since the 1930s. This is nothing new. What we’re seeing—and we saw this with Jan Sport—is familiar. She went on Drag Race and they made her go by Jan. Brita Filter is another example. There are a lot of performers who have become notable with brandable names, or who use brand names as their stage names.

Thanks to Drag Race, now that drag is in the limelight, there’s a lot of pushback involving corporations and their association with the queer community. We talk about this ad nauseam with financial support for Pride and corporations pulling out of marches and Pride parades depending on the political pulse at any given time. Patagonia specifically has also built part of its public identity around environmental advocacy and has faced political backlash for it.

So it begs the question: how much of this is genuinely about likely consumer confusion and brand protection versus broader politics and corporate self-interest?

Jacobsen: Sure. In Norway, in 2022, a gay venue during Pride celebrations was attacked by Zaniar Matapour. Two people were killed and eight were injured. Matapour was later convicted and sentenced to 30 years.

Recently, a Norwegian court sentenced Arfan Bhatti, age 48, to 30 years for orchestrating the attack, even though he was in Pakistan at the time. The court convicted him of complicity in aggravated terrorism.

On Friday, Bhatti said he would appeal. An independent investigation concluded police could have prevented the attack if they had acted on information from a foreign intelligence service. Court-appointed forensic psychiatric experts found Bhatti had a severe dissocial or antisocial personality disorder with psychopathic traits, but that he was legally responsible.

What are your thoughts on this ruling, and on the consequences of this kind of hate-driven violence?

Dempsey: This is always a complex question, especially when we’re talking about antisocial personality disorder. As you stated, you can go to therapy for it, but there is no FDA-approved medication. There is really not much you can do.

Oftentimes there is a genetic component, as is true for most mental-health diagnoses, and a lot of it is also tied to significant childhood trauma. Not that people who experience significant childhood trauma are necessarily diagnosed with antisocial personality disorder, but to be diagnosed with it, there is usually an indication of significant childhood trauma.

It’s difficult having someone in society who, by definition of the diagnosis, lacks remorse for harming other people and shows complete apathy toward that harm. And the question becomes: what do you do? We are no longer—at least in the United States—using asylums, and for good reason. So how do you manage someone in society when there is no cure?

At the end of the day, there are people with this diagnosis who do not act on a lack of remorse and do not cause harm. Just like with anyone—diagnosis or not—there needs to be accountability. In this case, I think the outcome is justified.

On the point about police potentially preventing the attack, if I remember correctly, this occurred around a Pride event. That brings us back to a recurring question, at least in the United States: do we have police presence at Pride to offer protection from these kinds of attacks, or do we stick to historical roots and avoid police involvement altogether? I do not think there is a clear answer.

Jacobsen: My story for today is this. People in Western countries tend to be more free, particularly when it comes to symbolic activism. If someone chooses not to attend an event and explicitly states the reason, the chain of reasoning and action is usually clear, and I take that seriously.

The Washington Capitals hockey club’s Alexander Ovechkin declined to take part in an action supporting LGBT people during an NHL regular-season game against Florida on January 18. The Panthers won the game 5–2. As part of the initiative, Washington players used rainbow-colored tape on their sticks while otherwise using standard equipment. Ovechkin chose not to participate.

He is 40 years old and has played for Washington since 2005. He is effectively a lifer with the team and has longstanding social ties within it. Based on the known facts and circumstances, it is reasonable to infer that this was a conscious decision made with full awareness well in advance.

Given that this was a known event and a deliberate choice not to participate—small gestures sometimes matter—how should we frame this in the case of a 20-year veteran of a major hockey team? He cannot be untalented and last that long, and it is entirely his right not to participate. I am not criticizing him for exercising that freedom. But in terms of interpretation and impact, what are your thoughts?

Dempsey: I agree that it is his right. In terms of impact, I always think about queer youth who may look up to him—particularly in hockey, which has historically not been very welcoming to queer people. Seeing a veteran take that stance can be discouraging.

On the other hand, as you know, in the United States there has been significant attention and discussion around these issues, and at least one hockey player has come out publicly as a result of that visibility. So in contrast to veterans like him, there are other leaders showing that it is okay to be open.

The impact is real, but there is also enough countervailing change happening that it brings me back to the initial point you made as well: let him hold his opinion. There is enough substantive progress occurring that any negativity arising from his action is outweighed by broader change.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Will.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm & Arnaud Kurze: Can Hashtags Help Prevent Mass Atrocities?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/07

Arnaud Kurze is an Associate Professor of Justice Studies at Montclair State University whose research examines mass atrocity prevention, conflict, and the politics of digital public infrastructures. He studies how online participation shapes visibility, evidence, and accountability in crises. He also contributes to applied projects, including work connected to United Nations initiatives.

Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm is a Professor of Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention at Binghamton University and affiliated with the Institute for Genocide and Mass Atrocity Prevention (I-GMAP). His scholarship explores prevention policy, transitional justice, and how institutions respond to warning signs. He studies digital and political dynamics shaping atrocity-risk environments.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asked how hashtags move from online visibility to real-world protection in atrocity prevention. Arnaud Kurze argued hashtags can reduce participation costs, amplify local voices, and leave digital traces that complicate later denial, while warning that awareness alone does not solve crises. Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm emphasized hashtags complement, not replace, on-the-ground activism. The scholars described mention analyzing over 5,000 posts across Canada and Syria, noting data cleaning, shifting platform access rules, anonymization requirements, and limits on reproducibility. They rejected direct causality claims, highlighting context, attention fatigue, and the risk that “attention” can be misdirected.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A central issue with social media is that we live in a social media age. Social media drives popular discourse, even if it does not always drive professional discourse. In that context, what can a hashtag actually do in atrocity prevention? What is the chain of causation or correlation from posts to protection? How does this function in your modeling and evidence?

Arnaud Kurze: Hashtags are often dismissed as symbolic gestures, but they can have practical effects. They can help make violence more visible, lower the cost of participation, and create digital traces that may complicate later denial. Awareness alone is not sufficient, but it can shape subsequent media coverage and broader international attention, which may affect diplomatic and policy responses over time.

Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm: To follow up, hashtags are not a substitute for on-the-ground activism, but they can complement it. 

Jacosben: In your research, you analyzed more than 5,000 social media posts tied to hashtag campaigns in Syria and Canada, including #SafeSyria and #TruthAndReconciliation. How did you sample the posts, and how did you validate the interpretations? That seems critical, since the loudest voices do not always prevail.

Kurze: Although “more than 5,000” is substantial, it came from a larger initial pool, and the dataset required cleaning before analysis. The study uses the two cases, Canada and Syria, to compare how hashtag campaigns functioned in different crisis contexts, including the problem of attention fatigue over time.

Wiebelhaus-Brahm: Another issue is that platforms’ rules for data access and research change over time. In this project, you used Twitter, now X, as a key source, but comparisons across platforms are difficult when access policies shift. That complicates data cleaning, reproducibility, and confidence in findings.

Kurze: Certainly. There are two key aspects. First, researchers must use anonymized data. Second, as you noted, Scott, some of the loudest voices on these platforms can create feedback loops that amplify particular trends, either within the same platform or across platforms. We were careful in how we framed our results, including when conducting correlation analysis to examine whether online activity preceded or followed specific events, such as bombings or commemorations. 

We were explicit in avoiding claims of direct causality—for example, that a specific post led directly to a specific policy outcome. This returns to what Eric emphasized earlier: social media tools are not a panacea and should not replace engagement on the ground. Offline activity remains crucial. From a policy perspective, this means that stakeholders—lawmakers, policymakers, and foreign officials working in atrocity prevention—need to understand that digital activism is not merely informal or accidental. 

It functions as an infrastructure. At the same time, these digital infrastructures can serve as repositories of evidence. In cases such as war crimes, this becomes especially relevant. I am currently working on a United Nations project examining these digital public infrastructures, particularly in relation to victims and what it means to create trustworthy systems that affected populations feel safe using. In many regions, political transitions or regime change can alter laws governing platform use and data access. As a result, the digital ecosystem must remain aligned with conditions on the ground. That alignment is one of our key takeaways. Tools alone are insufficient; they must be paired with thoughtful design and genuine willingness among stakeholders to look beyond individual posts.

Jacobsen: Why have contemporary platforms, by which I mean their current forms and leadership, largely abandoned monitoring? 

Wiebelhaus-Brahm: I see two related reasons. First, effective monitoring is difficult. Content appears in many languages, and moderation at scale is technically and organizationally demanding.  Second, political pressure on companies to engage in such monitoring, particularly in the United States and some other countries, has declined. When monitoring is costly, time-consuming, and prone to error, companies face criticism whenever they fail. If external pressure diminishes, the incentives to maintain robust monitoring systems also decline.

Kurze: Without drawing direct historical parallels, one interesting point that warrants further analysis is that eighteenth- and nineteenth-century America had a media landscape dominated by partisan outlets, particularly print media controlled by powerful stakeholders. Those platforms were often openly biased. 

In some respects, we are seeing a return to similar dynamics, with influential stakeholders in politics and the technology sector shaping contemporary platforms in comparable ways. That trend is concerning. At the same time, viewed more optimistically, there is also potential for greater democratization of the media landscape, including the development of platforms that are more accessible and inclusive for a broader range of users. Still, these parallel trends require close monitoring.

Jacobsen: What are the major failure points of hashtag activism in atrocity contexts?

Kurze:  The most significant failure is the assumption that spikes in awareness automatically translate into the capacity to solve the problem. Awareness-building is essential, but it only contributes to alleviating harm when the surrounding context and on-the-ground conditions allow for action. Our comparative case study of Canada and Syria illustrates this clearly. Canada operated within a post-conflict context, while Syria remained in the midst of active conflict. As a result, it was more realistic to observe progress related to collective memory and accountability in Canada, even if imperfect. In Syria, activism fatigue emerged more strongly, and on-the-ground action was far more constrained by the severity and persistence of the conflict.

Wiebelhaus-Brahm: I would add that attention itself should not be equated with positive attention. This point also emerged in earlier work I published with colleagues on social media engagement around atrocities in Syria. During certain periods, public discussion focused less on the atrocities themselves and more on secondary effects of the conflict, particularly concerns affecting Europe and other wealthy regions. The attention was present, but it was not necessarily directed toward prevention or accountability. 

Jacobsen: Thank you both for your time and expertise.

Kurze: Thank you, Scott. Stay safe, and safe travels.

Jacobsen: Thank you. I appreciate it.

Wiebelhaus-Brahm: Thank you. Goodbye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dating Intelligently 8: How to End Dates Gracefully

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/06

Christopher Louis is a Los Angeles–based international dating and relationship coach and the founder of Dating Intelligence. As host of the Dating Intelligence Podcast, Louis draws on intuition and lived experience to guide clients toward authentic selves and meaningful romantic connections.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Christopher Louis explains why early dating often fades and how to exit with clarity and respect. Drawing on client experiences, Louis outlines how chemistry forms through messaging and video dates, when intentional questions should replace casual rapport, and why honesty matters more than timing. He distinguishes between brief, early disengagement and “banking,” a slow emotional withdrawal that creates confusion and self-blame. Louis emphasizes emotional intelligence, clear communication, and practicing difficult conversations to avoid ghosting and preserve dignity—arguing that respectful endings support personal growth and healthier future relationships.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What should we make of when individuals first meet someone for a date and aren’t feeling it, while in other cases the situation isn’t quite a relationship but has lost its lustre, and then there’s a need to leave?

Christopher Louis: I was speaking with a client the other day, and he was asking me, “I’ve been talking to a lot of girls on dating apps, but I find that once I’ve talked to them a few times, I might meet a few of them, and then things start to fizzle out.” In other words, this was something good to talk about today. I told him that, in many cases, when you start talking to someone—whether you meet them in a public space or through a dating app—the interaction often begins through messaging.

Once you get through the messaging portion and you both feel comfortable, you may decide to talk on video, on the phone, or through whatever form of communication you prefer. If it’s video, it becomes more face-to-face. Early on, you might feel some chemistry, and that can be enough to set another time to talk—a second date, a video date, whatever you want to call it.

What I asked him was: how are these video dates going? How is that first date, whether you’re sitting in front of the person or whether it’s on video? How are you interacting with this person? How are you receiving their energy and responding? Ideally, there’s a back-and-forth—like volleyball or tennis—where you ask a question, they reciprocate, you both laugh, and you exchange points of view on what each of you is looking for at this time. At the same time, it can help to keep it casual early on, because you’re still feeling it out.

The best way to do this, as I told him, is to keep it lighthearted. Keep the date fun. Keep the video conference fun. Ask questions, laugh, and find out about this person. Let the person learn a little bit more about you, too. But after the second or third interaction, it can get a little tricky.

At that point, especially if there’s some distance involved, the question becomes: how do you get to the next level with this person? That’s where I think you start asking more intentional questions—asking where they see themselves in the situation. You might say, “We’ve been talking a few times. I really like your energy. I really like you.” That’s where flirting can come in a bit more, and you can see whether it’s reciprocated.

If the person reciprocates and flirts back, then you can go a little deeper with more intentional questions about what you’re looking for in a partner. From your past partners, what would you do differently? How do you want to progress moving forward with something new?

Those are parts of the conversation where things may need to align more clearly. Early on—date one or date two—alignment might not be fully clear yet. You may still be looking to see whether the chemistry is a match, whether the person makes you laugh, and whether the conversation flows. By the third date, many people are looking for a clearer sense that the chemistry and direction are there.

Physical pacing also varies. Some people do not kiss on a first date; others do. By later dates, some people will want to see whether there is romantic or sexual chemistry, while others will not prioritize that as early.

By the third date, you’re asking the question of how some of these situations fizzle out and how you bow out gracefully. If you feel like the person is attractive but not really your type, or if the communication and conversation are not going where you want them to go, you may simply not be aligning in what you want. In that case, there’s nothing wrong with letting someone know. Before ghosting, it is generally more respectful to be honest and upfront. You can say, “I thought this was great, but I don’t feel like our intentions are lining up.”

That’s the approach I think most people should take. One thing many dating coaches report seeing is that some people are becoming more intentional about dating. They may be looking for more emotional intelligence in a connection, and they may be more specific about how they want to move forward.

It becomes a lot more about questions—about whether people are coming forward with what they’re really looking for, rather than just going with the flow or whatever it may be. If you want to ask questions off of that, we can go from there. There are two forms of ghosting that have come up in interviews with other dating professionals.

One is standard ghosting, where it’s basically one and done—you never hear from the person again. The other is what they call “banking.” Have you heard of this? Yes, I have. It’s like those characters in Back to the Future who slowly fade out of the photograph, signifying a gradual disappearance. It happens in stages—a slow decoupling, like a piece of a space station drifting away.

Jacobsen: So the question becomes: how do those experiences make people feel when you talk to your clients? And how do you let them know that how someone else acts does not necessarily say anything about them? It’s a choice in how the other person behaves. It reflects how that person is in the world, not your fundamental worth. Then there’s the pivot: if you were in that situation, here’s what you could do constructively. You give them practical advice, while also helping them not carry unnecessary guilt.

Louis: Let’s start from the beginning. The first form of ghosting is familiar. Someone talks to another person and feels entitled to disappear. I don’t completely disagree with that in certain cases. If you’ve only spoken with someone once on the phone and realize you’re not interested, there’s nothing wrong with letting it end there. We see that happen a lot. If someone isn’t interested, they may simply not text back, and eventually you realize that’s the end of it.

The other type of ghosting—the slow fade, or “banking”—is different. This is when you’ve been talking to someone three, four, or five times, or over several weeks. You’re getting along, and then suddenly one person starts emotionally withdrawing. That usually happens because they’re not being honest.

In that case, it’s not really about the other person at all. At the same time, I do think the person on the receiving end should start picking up on the signs, rather than allowing the other person to lead the interaction indefinitely. Many of my clients who feel ghosted in that situation ask, “Did I do something wrong?” And I tell them, it’s not that you did something wrong. It’s that the other person wasn’t mature enough—or emotionally intelligent enough—to say, “This isn’t working out. I think we should let it go and move on while we still have our dignity.”

Most people are afraid to share those feelings, so it feels easier to walk away and hurt the other person in the process.

For the person on the receiving end, there’s often self-blame: “Maybe I didn’t do enough. Maybe I should have done this better.” And yes, you could always imagine doing things better. But at the same time, you also need to be confident and self-directed enough to read the situation. If the other person is emotionally checked out, not communicating, or disengaging, those are signals.

If you’re the one reaching out and the other person keeps responding without actually engaging, that usually means they’re too immature or uncomfortable to end things directly. Those are things you have to learn to recognize as well. It’s a tough situation, and I see it from both sides with my clients—the people who experience it and the people who do it.

That’s why I always tell my clients: if you’re truly ready to stop scrolling and move on, you need to let the other person know. It’s not just about showing respect to them; it’s also about helping yourself in the future. No matter what happens, learning how to communicate clearly—being upfront, honest, and truthful—will help you in the long run.

Jacobsen: Where do you feel people experience the most emotional hesitation when it comes to standing up for their future selves and their best interests in those moments—when they know something isn’t going to work out?

Louis: It’s something that’s genuinely hard to do. People should ideally do it in the moment, emotionally, but there’s a block. They hesitate. The question is: what emotions are really driving them to pump the brakes? Typically, the first thing that comes to mind is that no one wants to hurt another person’s feelings.

We’ve all seen people—sometimes as children—who just say things exactly as they are. They’re not afraid to speak their mind, whether it hurts someone’s feelings or not. You’ve seen the kid who says, “I don’t like you,” or the person who says, “You’re bothering me, leave me alone.” It takes a very strong—and often blunt—kind of awareness to do that without considering how it affects others. Most people do consider others’ feelings. We all have empathy, or at least we hope we do, and because of that, no one wants to hurt someone else.

Even when people go into a situation with the best intentions—thinking, “I want to be honest,” or “I need to tell this person this isn’t working”—once they’re actually in front of the other person, it becomes very hard to do. Some people freeze and do nothing. Others start to say something and then pull back—“I want to say this, but…”—and then they stop. It’s not easy. It’s a muscle you have to work over and over again through practice, and you have to practice doing it in the nicest, lightest way possible.

I was telling one of my clients yesterday that even though it’s hard, you still have to ask for what you want. They said, “I want you, but I’m scared.” And I told them, “I get that it’s scary.” But when you do it the right way—by asking the right question or saying the right thing—you’d be surprised how often the answer isn’t as bad as you expect.

Once you get used to doing that more consistently, it does get easier. I won’t lie to you, though—it’s never really easy. You can do it a thousand times, and it’s still hard. It’s like firing someone from a job. That’s a skill. The first time you have to fire someone, it’s almost the same as telling someone you want to break up. There’s no real difference. It’s very hard to do.

Jacobsen: Do you have any other points that are important to make about parting ways with both dignity and tact?

Louis: Parting ways with dignity and tact really comes down to communication. I was talking about this earlier on a breakup show—about keeping your dignity when ending something. Someone is going to get hurt. In most cases, at least one person, and often both people, will feel hurt. But there’s a way to do it respectfully.

In a situation like this, instead of putting someone down, you can let them go lightly. You can say, “I really enjoyed speaking with you, but I don’t know if this is the right fit for me.” Then you invite them into the conversation by asking, “What’s your take on this? Are you seeing the same thing I’m seeing?” That allows the other person to be part of the process.

Even if the other person gets upset, once you’ve had that conversation and allowed them to express their feelings, that’s when both people can walk away with their dignity intact. You leave the situation understanding each other a bit better. You can say, “Okay, I hear you. I understand.” And you move on knowing that you communicated honestly, while also giving the other person space to share how they feel. That mutual understanding helps clarify why it didn’t work out.

Jacobsen: Chris, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Louis: Thank you, Scott. Thank you. It’s really not easy. I’ll be honest—we’re all human. We all struggle with this.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

U.S. Exit From UNESCO: Soft Power, Science Cooperation, and Cultural Heritage Risks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/06

 Nic Adams is the co-founder and CEO of 0rcus, a U.S.-based cybersecurity company focused on offensive security, automated testing, and AI-aware defense. Drawing on black-hat roots and non-attributable operational experience, he builds adversary-modeled programs that probe real-world attack paths, software supply-chain risk, and emerging machine-learning attack surfaces. Adams advises national security stakeholders and private-sector leaders on exploitation methods, incident response, and pentesting strategy. He is regularly quoted by major business and tech outlets, including Forbes and Dow Jones MarketWatch, and writes commentary for SC Magazine.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Nic Adams, co-founder and CEO of 0rcus, to assess the likely consequences of a U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO in 2026. Adams argues the move would weaken American soft power by reducing the country’s ability to shape global norms in education, science, and culture. He warns of disrupted research networks, reduced access to collaborative funding and data-sharing, and diminished leadership on climate-related scientific programs. Adams also highlights risks to cultural heritage diplomacy in conflict zones, and notes past withdrawal cycles created influence vacuums competitors—especially China—moved to fill.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the likely implications of a U.S. exit from UNESCO for American soft power and global influence?

Nic Adams: The impending United States withdrawal from UNESCO in 2026 carries significant implications for American soft power and global influence. Historically, engagement with multilateral organizations like UNESCO provides a critical platform for projecting cultural values, scientific leadership, and educational norms. Disengagement curtails the U.S.’s capacity to shape international discourse on critical issues, ceding ground in arenas where ideational influence, rather than kinetic force, is paramount. This voluntary abdication diminishes the perception of the United States as a reliable and constructive partner in global initiatives, thereby eroding its diplomatic leverage and creating a vacuum that geopolitical competitors will inevitably seek to fill, potentially shaping international standards in ways antithetical to U.S. strategic interests.

Jacobsen: How could the withdrawal disrupt international collaboration in education, scientific research, and cultural exchange?

Adams: The withdrawal fundamentally disrupts established mechanisms for international collaboration in education, scientific research, and cultural exchange. UNESCO serves as a critical convener, facilitating cross-border research partnerships, standardizing educational methodologies, and fostering academic mobility. U.S. disengagement severs formal ties to these networks, limiting American researchers, educators, and cultural professionals’ access to multilateral funding, data sharing protocols, and collaborative projects addressing global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and digital literacy. This isolation hampers knowledge dissemination and innovation, ultimately hindering collective progress on issues demanding transnational solutions.

Jacobsen: What impact might this have on global cultural heritage diplomacy, particularly in conflict zones or endangered sites?

Adams: The impact on global cultural heritage diplomacy, especially in conflict zones or at endangered sites, will be profound. UNESCO’s World Heritage program and its initiatives for cultural safeguarding in times of crisis rely heavily on international consensus, expertise, and funding. The U.S., historically a significant financial contributor and a source of expert personnel, plays a crucial role in these endeavors. Its withdrawal diminishes the collective resources available for emergency safeguarding, illicit trafficking prevention, and post-conflict cultural reconstruction. This reduced engagement weakens the diplomatic leverage necessary to protect vulnerable heritage, potentially exacerbating cultural destruction and undermining efforts to leverage heritage for peacebuilding in fragile states.

Jacobsen: How does U.S. participation in UNESCO support broader climate and sustainability goals, and what could be lost with its departure?

Adams: U.S. participation in UNESCO indirectly but significantly supports broader climate and sustainability goals through its scientific programs, particularly those related to oceanography, hydrology, and biosphere reserves. UNESCO provides a framework for international scientific cooperation on climate research, data collection, and the development of sustainable development educational curricula. With the U.S. departure, the potential loss encompasses scientific leadership in these critical domains, reduced funding for vital research initiatives, and a diminished capacity to influence global sustainability policy from within a key multilateral forum. This exit could fragment collective efforts to address complex environmental challenges that transcend national borders.

Jacobsen: Are there historical precedents for U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO, and what lessons can be drawn from past re-engagement or disengagement?

Adams: There are indeed historical precedents for U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO. The United States first withdrew in 1984 under the Reagan administration, citing concerns over politicization and mismanagement. It rejoined in 2003 under George W. Bush, only to withdraw again in 2017 under the Trump administration. The Biden administration reversed that decision in 2023. Lessons from these cycles of disengagement and re-engagement indicate that withdrawal often leads to a diminished U.S. voice in shaping UNESCO’s agenda and a vacuum that other nations, particularly China, actively seek to fill. Re-engagement typically requires significant diplomatic effort and financial outlays to clear arrears, highlighting the persistent cost of intermittent engagement. The recurring pattern suggests a fundamental tension between U.S. domestic political priorities and consistent multilateral engagement.

Jacobsen: Which countries or institutions might step in to fill the leadership and funding gap left by the U.S.?

Adams: The leadership and funding vacuum created by the U.S. withdrawal will likely be filled by an increasingly assertive China, which has consistently expanded its influence within multilateral institutions. Other nations with robust cultural diplomacy objectives, such as France and Germany, or emerging economies with growing geopolitical ambitions, may also increase their contributions and leadership roles. Furthermore, non-state actors, including philanthropic foundations, private sector entities, and international NGOs, may intensify their efforts to support UNESCO’s programs, though their collective capacity may not fully offset the financial and ideational contributions of a major state actor.

Jacobsen: How might this decision affect public perception of the U.S. as a partner in global development and cultural preservation?

Adams: The decision will likely negatively affect public perception of the United States as a reliable partner in global development and cultural preservation. Withdrawal from an organization dedicated to education, science, and culture can be interpreted by the international community as a signal of disinterest in global cooperation and a retreat from the shared values of cultural understanding and scientific advancement. This perception undermines goodwill, potentially impacting bilateral relationships and fostering skepticism regarding U.S. commitment to collective humanitarian and developmental endeavors. It reinforces a narrative of isolationism, potentially diminishing America’s moral authority on the global stage.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Nic.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 33: Ryan Wedding, Gaza Reconstruction, and Davos Realpolitik

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/05

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman, a New York– and Connecticut–based human rights and national security attorney and Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider. They discuss the arrest of former Olympic snowboarder Ryan Wedding and what his case reveals about crime, fame, and political narrative-making. The conversation then widens to Gaza: Kushner-style “Riviera” redevelopment pitches, Hamas’s lack of demilitarization, and the absence of credible security guarantees or funding plans. Tsukerman warns reconstruction money could vanish into contractors without accountability. They close on Davos, Zelensky’s impatience with European drift, and U.S. messaging miscues. Throughout, both emphasize consequences over slogans and spectacle.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Ryan Wedding, a former Canadian Olympic snowboarder who was on the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list and faces charges tied to a multinational drug-trafficking enterprise and an alleged witness-related killing, has been arrested in Mexico, according to top Justice Department officials. He is 44 years old. Officials allege he ran a drug-trafficking operation and was linked to multiple killings. U.S. authorities had offered up to $15 million for information leading to his arrest and/or prosecution. U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi confirmed the arrest on social media.

Irina Tsukerman: I can almost see Trump saying, “They’re sending us their worst people,” referring to Canada, and using this as an excuse to claim that Canada is helping Maduro and the former Maduro regime run a massive drug-trafficking empire targeting the United States. This will become the face of that campaign.

Jacobsen: They captured a criminal, but the story itself is remarkable. He is only 44 and has already lived three lives.

Tsukerman: I do not understand why, instead of capitalizing on his acclaim as an Olympic athlete and his sporting achievements, he chose a life of crime. People in drug trafficking usually end up either arrested with long prison sentences or dead due to internal fighting and inter-cartel rivalry. What made him think he could evade that fate is beyond comprehension, especially given the harm caused by narcotics trafficking.

Jacobsen: I worked with Olympians, and they are not typical people. There is an intensity and precision in everything they do, and it extends beyond sport into how they approach life. That mindset may lead them to believe they can get away with something like this. It is psychological, but it goes beyond achieving a single primary goal and stopping there. For many, it is never enough. Eventually, the body can no longer perform at that level, and they are forced to stop. In this case, federal force was needed to stop him.

Tsukerman: It is disturbing. There has to be a better way to channel former Olympians’ talents than allowing them to drift into lives of crime and chaos that end in long federal sentences in the United States or elsewhere. He could have pursued teaching, entertainment, or media as a sports commentator or served as a bridge between sports, media, and entertainment. He could have become an investor, building on his reputation and personal brand. Many paths could have harnessed his intensity and appetite for adrenaline without dealing drugs—unless evading authorities was the only thing that replicated the rush of high-adrenaline snowboarding. Even then, there were better options. Competitive shows, for example, could offer something comparable. He could have gone on Dancing with the Stars.

Jacobsen: This week has been full of strange stories, genuinely bizarre ones. Jared Kushner is, by most accounts, unqualified for the task he has taken on. The “question of Palestine,” as the United Nations typically phrases it, is the longest-standing issue on the UN agenda and one that provokes intense emotions. Kushner is not the person equipped to handle it with the necessary care or expertise.

Turning to the specifics, the proposal envisions modern cities with sleek high-rises, a pristine coastline, and tourism infrastructure. According to reporting by the Associated Press, including coverage by Julian Frankel, the plan involves a city projecting into the Mediterranean. This idea was outlined in a brief presentation Kushner gave at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

Kushner said, “In the Middle East, they built cities like this in three years, so projects like this are very doable if we make it happen.” However, the United Nations Office for Project Services has estimated that Gaza contains more than 60 million tons of rubble—enough to fill roughly 3,000 container ships—and that clearing it would take approximately seven years. Kushner has also claimed that relevant parties have worked with Israel on “de-escalation,” with the goal of Hamas’s demilitarization. Other reporting indicates that Hamas has shown no meaningful intention to demilitarize, either broadly or with respect to conventional weapons central to its guerrilla tactics.

Tsukerman: It is important to note that messaging from both Hamas and the Trump administration has been inconsistent, particularly regarding Hamas’s disarmament and Gaza reconstruction. Hamas has repeatedly stated that it does not intend to disarm or dissolve. J.D. Vance, the U.S. Vice President, has said that the United States currently lacks the means to disarm Hamas by force.

At other moments, Hamas has suggested it might consider disarmament if incorporated into a formal political structure governing Gaza. That proposal raises obvious problems, particularly when compared to Hezbollah’s role in Lebanon and Hamas’s continued self-identification as both a political movement and a governing authority. Notably, Hamas has not indicated any willingness to abandon its foundational charter, which contains genocidal language toward Israel and draws heavily on Muslim Brotherhood doctrine.

Jacobsen: Some Hamas officials have also been explicit on another point: it does not support a two-state solution in any meaningful sense.

Tsukerman: That is correct. Hamas has made clear at various points that a two-state solution is not acceptable to it. The only issue it has been willing to discuss is its role in governing Gaza. Acceptance of Israel has never been part of the discussion.

As for the Trump administration, the messaging has been equally contradictory. J.D. Vance stated that the United States lacks the capacity to disarm Hamas physically. Benjamin Netanyahu has insisted that Israel will not accept any outcome in which Hamas remains armed. Donald Trump, shortly before Davos, said he would pressure Hamas to disarm through political and other means. Yet at Davos, he described Hamas as a “small issue” and claimed it was already disarmed—a statement that does not align with observable reality.

No one has claimed that Hamas has been disarmed. Across a wide range of sources, from both left and right, it has become clear that Hamas has effectively reconsolidated its power since the end of formal hostilities. It has regrouped and re-established control in areas from which the Israel Defence Forces had previously pushed it out. Hamas is not going anywhere. It has made that clear and has successfully weakened or eliminated internal opposition.

Various clans that conflicted with Hamas only months ago appear to have suffered significant losses and no longer pose a serious challenge, at least for now. We are no longer hearing about sustained internal conflict between Hamas and rival groups. That raises the question of what is actually being discussed when policymakers talk about disarmament or transition.

That is the first issue: Hamas disarmament, where Netanyahu and Trump appear to be taking conflicting positions. The broader issue is reconstruction—who will pay for it, how long it will take, and how it will realistically occur. At various points, Trump suggested that reconstruction would be limited to southern Gaza, which is under Israeli control.

Israel has reportedly committed to reopening the Rafah crossing, which could introduce significant new complications. Hamas remains present. The final body of an abducted hostage has not yet been returned, although Trump has claimed that its location is known. No credible security guarantees have been offered. None of the states approached by the United States has agreed to participate in stabilizing Gaza or guaranteeing that Hamas will not resume hostilities.

None of these core issues has been resolved. In practical terms, only areas under Israeli control could currently be reconstructed, but even that is uncertain. Israel cannot realistically maintain power for the estimated seven years required to clear rubble. The war has imposed substantial economic costs, and Israel cannot afford an extended occupation of that duration.

The funding issue is equally unresolved. Trump has claimed that Israel would contribute between one and two billion dollars toward clearing Gaza’s rubble, and that Netanyahu had agreed. There is little evidence of such a commitment, and it is widely doubted that Israel has the financial capacity to absorb that cost. Israel has already incurred heavy wartime expenses, including asset sales and expanded social obligations. The Knesset has authorized long-term mental health assistance for survivors of terrorism, particularly following October 7, after several suicides prompted internal concern. All of this carries high financial costs.

Israel is therefore unlikely to finance Gaza’s reconstruction. Kushner and Trump have both stated at different times that the United States would not pay for reconstruction, presenting the proposal as attractive to Americans precisely because U.S. taxpayers would not bear the cost. Instead, they suggested private investment and foreign donors would fund the effort.

Saudi Arabia has made clear it will not contribute financially while Hamas remains in power, viewing any such investment as futile. Without security guarantees, reconstruction risks being undone if Hamas resumes hostilities.

At other points, Kushner proposed that the United States would cover roughly half the cost—approximately $60 billion of a $128 billion plan—with unspecified parties covering the remainder. That would still require tens of billions of dollars from U.S. taxpayers, without congressional approval, security guarantees, or a mechanism to prevent the cycle from repeating. It is unlikely that most Americans would support such spending under those conditions.

What will happen to any money allocated for reconstruction? It would simply disappear. I do not believe Trump has any genuine intention of reconstructing anything. Kushner and Trump understand that such a project is impracticable and impossible to implement without first clearing Gaza.

There are numerous unresolved practical questions: who would approve such a project; whether so-called Gaza technocrats—who are unelected—would be accepted by the population as legitimate decision-makers; whether anyone on the ground would follow their directives; and whether ordinary civilians, not necessarily Hamas fighters, would refrain from sabotaging the projects.

The likely outcome is that the money would be absorbed into an endless process that goes nowhere. Costs would be distributed among various companies, and the project would quietly slip out of public scrutiny. We have already seen similar patterns. Kushner previously announced a $2 billion fund supposedly earmarked for Jewish schools in Israel, yet there is no public evidence that such funds were meaningfully disbursed. Comparable dynamics have appeared in Saudi Arabia’s NEOM project, where costs ballooned far beyond initial projections and only a fraction of the planned development has materialized.

In such cases, large sums are often raised, projects expand beyond feasibility, and failure is later justified as unavoidable. By that point, accountability has vanished. I suspect Gaza faces a similar trajectory. In plain terms, this resembles a classic confidence scheme. Grand plans are continually expanded to explain why earlier, smaller commitments were never fulfilled. Increasingly ambitious proposals mask the lack of intent or capacity, until those funding the effort realize—too late—that they have been misled. In this scenario, the people being misled are everyone outside the small group responsible for managing the funds.

Jacobsen: That framing echoes other warnings we have heard at Davos. We previously referenced repeated cautions delivered to European governments about the broader security consequences of ongoing conflicts. Garry Kasparov expressed a similar point more bluntly, arguing that the reason people in Paris can enjoy an everyday life is that Ukrainian soldiers are fighting and dying on the front lines. In diplomatic language, this amounts to a critique of European allies for failing to speak frankly or act decisively.

Some unusually candid remarks did emerge, including statements from Mark Carney and from Finnish officials. Against that backdrop, the United States has completed its withdrawal from the World Health Organization, following executive orders to exit or defund dozens of international and regional institutions, including parts of the UN system.

At the same time, senior U.S. figures have made several high-profile misstatements. Trump publicly criticized the Nobel Committee and appeared to conflate Norway, Greenland, and Denmark, even though Greenland is part of the Kingdom of Denmark, not Norway. He also repeatedly misspoke about geography, at one point referring to Greenland as Iceland. Elon Musk attempted a wordplay joke involving Venezuela and “peace,” which fell flat and drew little reaction.

Taken together, there is an excellent deal unfolding—particularly around Davos speeches—where leaders are speaking, sometimes bluntly, about issues within their spheres of concern, while U.S. messaging has often appeared confused or internally inconsistent. What is your assessment of these broader contexts, and of the pattern of American missteps we are seeing?

Tsukerman: The most significant takeaway for me was President Zelensky’s speech. He directly confronted European leaders and made the point that, four years into the war, Europe is still mainly in the same position as at the beginning. He noted that he stood in the same place last year, making essentially the same appeals. At that time, European leaders did not want him openly discussing long-range weapons such as Tomahawks to avoid political discomfort. We are now back in that same situation.

Trump has not delivered Tomahawk missiles to Ukraine over the past year, citing various justifications. Meanwhile, Kyiv, Kharkiv, and other cities have experienced widespread power outages during one of the coldest winters in recent memory due to Russian bombardment. Several countries have supplied generators, but the scale and type of military assistance required to weaken Russia’s defences decisively have not materialized.

Russia’s defences are not as formidable as often portrayed. Had Ukraine received that level of support earlier, Russian losses—particularly economic and industrial—would likely have been far more severe. While Russia has sustained high casualties and has a larger population to absorb them, the war has imposed significant economic strain, including the destruction of factories and manufacturing capacity. In my view, this industrial vulnerability is one of Ukraine’s most important strategic advantages, and European leaders have failed to grasp it fully.

Instead, Europe remains bogged down in debates over the legal handling of frozen Russian assets. This kind of legalistic fixation may be appropriate in peacetime, but not when Europe as a whole—not just Ukraine—is facing an existential security threat. Trump’s ability to attack Europe stems from perceived weakness and division. He sees people he can manipulate. Had Europe presented a genuinely united front and taken decisive action on Ukraine and its own security, Trump would not have been able to push these distractions very far.

Much of the time wasted on debates about Greenland illustrates this dynamic. The entire episode has been a farce. Trump’s remarks to the Norwegian prime minister made it clear that the issue was not about resources, Arctic security, Russian drilling, or long-term U.S. strategic interests. It was about ego, provocation, and testing NATO. For a long time, many actors played directly into that strategy.

When European leaders eventually engaged using Trump’s own language, they effectively handed him the appearance of a victory. In reality, what was presented as a concession was little more than a restatement of provisions already contained in the 1951 joint defence agreement. Trump himself had not read the agreement. Had he done so, he would have known that what was framed as a negotiation outcome was already within existing U.S. rights.

Europe was not conceding anything that the United States could not already do unilaterally. Trump perceived it as a significant win largely because he did not understand the underlying framework, and neither did much of the public. Many people were suddenly discovering Greenland without previously knowing it existed. Trump himself appeared to confuse Greenland with Iceland, despite Greenland being part of the Kingdom of Denmark and Iceland being a separate state.

Almost overnight, commentators declared themselves experts on U.S. security interests in the Arctic. Yet for years, no serious security officials—not even Arctic specialists—had argued that Greenland was the central solution to Europe’s or America’s security challenges.

When it comes to the sudden concern over the Arctic, I have difficulty taking it seriously. If something is genuinely a major national security priority, you do not begin treating it as such only after Trump decides he wants it. Anyone who did not consistently write about this issue for years or argue for its importance to policymakers before Trump raised it is not exceptionally qualified to speak on it now.

This is not how civil society is supposed to function. Think tanks and experts are meant to inform and advise administrations, not retroactively justify presidential claims after they are made. Many of the so-called experts who suddenly aligned themselves with this position have exposed themselves as intellectually unserious. Their opinions should carry little weight in future security debates.

All of this suggests that the Greenland episode functioned mainly as a diversion—from the Epstein files and from more substantive security threats, such as Iran. Trump made explicit promises regarding Iran and failed to deliver. While the circumstances differed, there were opportunities where decisive action might have prevented large-scale loss of life or significantly constrained Iran’s strategic ambitions.

That brings me back to why Zelensky’s speech resonated so strongly. He cut through the noise of debates among figures such as Mark Carney, the Finnish prime minister, and Trump over a so-called new world order versus the post–World War II international system. He dismissed those discussions as irrelevant. What matters is not how one labels the system, but whether leaders are willing to act—to secure borders and to prevent violent hegemonic powers from continuing to destabilize others.

Whether Carney is correct in arguing that international law is failing and power politics dominate is ultimately beside the point. The outcome is the same. No one stood up and said, clearly and unequivocally, that Ukraine would receive everything it needs to liberate its territory as quickly as possible, regardless of Trump’s position. No one made that commitment.

Zelensky was right to call this out. Davos has increasingly become another debating society. No one truly cares how the current situation is labelled, or whether international law technically applies. What matters is what leaders actually do in response to the concrete realities on the ground.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Do People Form Attachment Bonds With AI Chatbots? Ashley Peña on Loneliness, Bias, and Safeguards

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/04

Ashley Peña is Vice President of Outpatient Operations and National Executive Director for Mission Connection, the outpatient extension of AMFM Healthcare. A licensed clinician and Licensed Clinical Social Worker in California, she oversees intensive outpatient programs delivered in person and via telehealth, leading multidisciplinary teams to maintain evidence-based quality of care. Her strength-based approach integrates Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, Dialectical Behavior Therapy, and Solution-Focused Therapy, emphasizing compassion, trust, and inclusivity. Peña holds a Master of Social Work degree from Rutgers University and supports clients in building resilience and adaptive coping skills. She also comments publicly on mental health, stigma, and coping. For more information: https://missionconnectionhealthcare.com/.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Mark McNees on what drives near-term U.S. wind and solar deployment. Dr. McNees highlights the Investment Tax Credit, Production Tax Credit, and MACRS depreciation, noting IRA extensions and bonus credits, but warns the One Big Beautiful Bill Act phases credits out after 2027, tightening financing timelines. They examine “policy by bottleneck” via NEPA and interconnection queues, with a 2,600-GW backlog. They weigh trade restrictions and China’s supply dominance, and outline reliability needs—storage, demand response, and grid-forming inverters—during stress events. Resilience examples include Babcock Ranch and military microgrids for energy security too.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What peer-reviewed evidence exists that users develop attachment-like bonds with AI chatbots?

Ashley Peña: There’s emerging research showing people can experience attachment-like responses to conversational AI, similar to parasocial relationships we see with media figures. Studies using attachment theory frameworks suggest users may seek comfort, reassurance, or emotional regulation through chatbots, especially when the interaction feels consistent and responsive. This doesn’t mean the bond is identical to human attachment, but it can feel psychologically meaningful.

Jacobsen: What mental health correlates have been observed?

Peña: The strongest and most consistent correlate is loneliness. People who feel socially isolated are more likely to engage deeply with chatbots. Some studies also show short-term reductions in distress or anxiety, particularly when chatbots provide structure or validation. At the same time, heavier or emotionally focused use has been associated with greater loneliness over time, suggesting the relationship can be both soothing and reinforcing.

Jacobsen: Which psychological mechanisms plausibly explain escalating reliance on chatbots?

Peña: Chatbots respond right away, don’t judge, and don’t get tired or annoyed, which can make people feel safe opening up to them. Because they sound human and remember details, our brains start treating them like social partners rather than tools. Over time, that ease and consistency can make people turn to chatbots more often, sometimes without realizing they’re doing it.

Jacobsen: How do sustained chatbot interactions affect offline social functioning?

Peña: For some people, chatbots may temporarily ease distress and even support re-engagement with others. For others, especially with frequent or emotionally intense use, there’s concern about social displacement, or less motivation to seek messy, unpredictable human connection. The impact seems to depend heavily on how and why the chatbot is being used.

Jacobsen: What population-level outcomes are measurable?

Peña: Right now, what’s most measurable are patterns of use, self-reported loneliness, and indicators of problematic reliance, such as preoccupation or emotional dependence. We’re still early in understanding long-term societal effects, and large-scale longitudinal data is limited. Most conclusions at this stage should be viewed as signals, not final answers.

Jacobsen: How does perceived chatbot authority influence judgment, risk perception, and susceptibility to misinformation?

Peña: When a chatbot sounds confident or “expert,” people tend to trust it more, even when they shouldn’t. Research on automation bias shows that humans often defer to authoritative systems, which can reduce critical thinking and increase susceptibility to incorrect or misleading information. This is especially true when responses are fluent and emotionally affirming.

Jacobsen: From a cybersecurity standpoint, what are realistic threat models involving chatbots?

Peña: The most realistic risks aren’t sci-fi scenarios that many think of, they’re social engineering, data leakage, and manipulation. Chatbots can be used to scale phishing or persuasion, or users may unknowingly share sensitive information during conversational exchanges. Systems that integrate tools or memory also raise concerns around unintended data exposure.

Jacobsen: What ethical safeguards are defensible?

Peña: Clear transparency about limitations, strong privacy protections, and guardrails around high-risk mental health content are foundational. It’s also important to design against emotional dependency by avoiding language that implies exclusivity or authority. Ethically sound systems should support users without replacing human judgment, care, or connection.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Ashley.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Enter the Shadows: Maria Nicolette (DJ Vespõra) on Symphonic Metal, Trauma-Informed Practice, and Inclusive Community Nights

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/03

Maria Nicolette (DJ Vespõra) is a London-based creative producer, DJ, and founder of Enter the Shadows, billed as London’s first and only symphonic goth/metal club night hosted at The Space Theatre. She also founded Act for Impact, delivering accessible, drama-led workshops grounded in trauma-informed practice, safeguarding, and suicide-prevention training, with a focus on disability inclusion, neurodiversity, and mental health. With prior experience in communications-related work for the UK National Crime Agency, she centres women’s safety and community care. Living with kidney disease and regular dialysis, she channels resilience into mentorship and event-making.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Maria Nicolette (DJ Vespõra) about building inclusive culture through two linked projects: Act for Impact and Enter the Shadows. Nicolette explains trauma-informed practice as awareness, listening, and non-inquisitive support—distinct from therapy—applied to disability-accessible workshops and corporate training that uses drama and improvisation to develop creativity and teamwork. She traces her love of symphonic metal from Evanescence to Nightwish and describes launching a symphonic-focused club night at The Space Theatre, growing a community through volunteers, artist stalls, new bands, and a reinvestment ethos shaped by health realities and women’s voice-centred genre history.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today we’re here with Maria Nicolette, DJ Vespõra, founder and resident DJ of Enter the Shadows, billed as London’s first and only symphonic goth/metal club night at The Space Theatre. She is a creative producer behind themed events that blend metal, gothic culture, and community. She also runs ActForImpact.co.uk, which she founded to build inclusive spaces for artists and fans and to deliver accessible, drama-led workshops. Maria has worked with the UK National Crime Agency, including in communications-related roles.

Her work in that environment informed a stronger focus on women’s safety and justice. Living with kidney disease and managing regular dialysis, she channels that reality into stubborn optimism, mentorship, and resilient showmaking. Her nights pair heavy orchestration with human warmth. What is Act for Impact?

Maria Nicolette: Act for Impact, I basically created it.

I created it because I felt there was a gap in the market for accessible workshops. I’m officially trained in access drama workshop facilitation, trauma-informed practice, suicide prevention, and safeguarding.

So I can work with people with disabilities—that is what “access” means in the UK—along with neurodiversity and mental health. I felt that something bigger could be done beyond the community acting workshops that many theatres run for free. The government funds them, and they offer them for free to bring communities closer to action, support mental health, and support expression.

I felt we could develop that further, focus more specifically on people with disabilities, and offer more practical support. Part of Act for Impact is also running workshops in corporate environments and using drama-led skills to strengthen creativity, expression, leadership, and teamwork. These environments are often very boring during training, and drama-led practice is not commonly used in corporate training.

That is mainly because people have not thought about it. These are probabilities because I have not researched them. The creative and corporate industries do not really get along. Even though creativity is a big part of doing your job in business, they prefer to have a marketing team handle it. But marketing is different from acting and drama.

Marketing teams can do PR and communications, creative writing, and events, but they are not trained in acting. Acting is a very unique skill for expressing yourself and expanding creativity, especially improvisation, which gets you out of your shell and helps you be as creative as possible.

Jacobsen: So what does trauma-informed mean in this context? 

Nicolette: There is a psychologist-nurse who created a programme. I believe it is called Thrive. If you do training with that programme, you can earn bronze, silver, and gold-level certification. I completed bronze, silver, and gold.

Trauma-informed means what it says on the tin. You are trained to be aware that the people you are working with may have trauma—whether that relates to addiction, mental health, ADHD, medication, chronic illness, other conditions, or disabilities. You are not on the medical side. You are on the side of awareness: understanding people’s realities and approaching them accordingly.

With a practice that is more open, more silent—listening, giving that person space, you are not inquisitive about their condition or their mental health. You accept that they have something, and if they want to talk about it, they can. You give them the space to do that, and you sit with them in their darkness. That is what trauma-informed practice is.

You are not forcing it. You are not inquisitive. You are taking things one step at a time and allowing people to approach you. Of course, you can be informative—for example: “In our workshops, we will be covering certain aspects that may affect your disability. Please let me know, and be as open as you can, so I can put things in place to support you beforehand.” But it is advised that you do not force it, push, or be inquisitive. That is trauma-informed practice, because you can reopen trauma wounds, and that is not fair. It needs to be a safe environment.

Jacobsen: One quick final point on that, regarding the term “inquisitive.” How does an inquisitive approach differ from an inquiring conversation with an individual?

Nicolette: This is my opinion—I do not claim expert authority on the distinction. But in my experience, when working in a trauma-informed way, inquiring is more about checking in. It is about presence, about showing that you are still there. Inquisitive, on the other hand, is more like coming in and saying, “So, about your condition—what details can you give me about how you are feeling today?” That pushes emotions.

If someone wants to talk about their emotions, that is fine. But you are not a psychologist—that is not your role. A psychologist can ask those questions because their job is to help the person, if the person wants that help, and because they are trained to gather information and offer techniques. I am not a psychologist, which is why trauma-informed practice is essential. You are not qualified to do therapy.

What you are trained to do is to be aware—to be informed that people may have trauma. That is the difference, at least as I understand it. When I completed my gold-level trauma-informed training, it was made very clear that this is a practice, not a therapy. I am not a therapist, and I do not claim to be one. It takes years to become a therapist.

So that is the difference. I can now work with people with disabilities in an informed and aware way.

That has taken us down the path of my other business, because Act for Impact is my acting and workshop side. Enter the Shadows, meanwhile, is the symphonic metal club night—something that turned into a business almost overnight without me fully realizing it at the time.

Jacobsen: For those who may not be familiar, the first obvious question is: what is the symphonic part, and what is the metal part? What happens when you throw those two paint colours together?

Nicolette: Originally, my exposure to symphonic metal was when Evanescence came onto the scene. I don’t remember that period, but they did not emerge through the traditional heavy metal circuit. They were on MTV. I was young—I was a teenager—and I remember being in Cyprus at the time.

My cousin was quite religious, and she saw them and said, “Who are these weird people? This is not okay.” Meanwhile, I was sitting there watching something new unfold—something different happening in front of me.

Something sparked in me. I remember thinking, I have never seen anything like this on public, popular TV. At the time, MTV was all pop and R&B, and suddenly this appeared. It was different, and it made me feel something. When I came back to the UK—I had been on holiday in Cyprus—I immediately bought their album.

That was it for me. I thought, this band represents me. At the time, they described themselves as Christian metal—though I am not sure whether they still do, so do not quote me on that. I remember thinking: I am Christian, I am Greek, but I also like things that are dark, unique, and expressive. And the fact that the band was female-fronted mattered. She felt powerful—like a powerful woman on stage.

Not too many years later, I went to university. During those four years, I spent a lot of time in Camden Town and met metalheads and rockers—not really goths, more metal and punk crowds. I made friends in the metal scene and became particularly close with one woman who asked me, “Have you ever heard of Within Temptation?” I listened and thought, Oh my God—now I do not just have Evanescence, I also have Within Temptation. It felt like a whole new world opening up.

Then I went to a Korn gig—sorry, not Nightwish yet—and I met a guy named Danny, who I am still friends with. During my university years, he later became a promoter up north, not in London. He said, “Nice to meet you at Korn—would you like to go and see Nightwish?” And I thought, Excuse me? That is how I ended up seeing Nightwish, who became even bigger than Within Temptation and, in some ways, Evanescence.

Evanescence has around 7 million followers, mainly because it also attracts mainstream pop audiences. The other bands are followed more narrowly by the metal and goth scenes. That is the difference. Anyway, I saw Nightwish two or three times when Tarja was still in the band, and it was mesmerizing. I remember thinking, There must be more of this.

After I finished university, I did not follow the scene closely. I would buy new albums from Within Temptation, Nightwish, and Evanescence when they were released, because I enjoyed the music. But eventually I started wondering, Where does this music live? Why does this not exist as a space? I waited over a decade—more than a decade.

Then I came across a female-fronted metal festival in Islington Angel, near where I lived. That was when things shifted again. I discovered Leaves’ Eyes, who are a fantastic band, and Sirenia were also there. I met them in person. I was wearing one of their T-shirts—quite low-cut—, and they noticed my neckline and asked if I was okay. I said yes, and they asked if I wanted a photo with them. They were incredibly kind. Over time, my connection to the scene deepened.

The pandemic also played a role, not only because of everything else that happened around diversity, inclusion, and social awareness, but also because the music scene changed. Symphonic metal became more visible. I think part of that visibility came from broader conversations around diversity, equity, and inclusion—including LGBTQ+ inclusion—and a growing openness in alternative music spaces.

People from different ethnic backgrounds, different skin colours—women supporting women, and helping young women. All of that became quite prominent. When diversity, equity, and inclusion became a significant focus in the business world, it also trickled into the creative industries.

Empowering women became more visible. But then I realized that when I went to club nights—especially in Camden Town over the last three or four years, post-pandemic—they would maybe play one or two symphonic metal tracks. Usually, it was a single Evanescence song. And I thought, that is not very broad.

Evanescence broke into the scene through popular culture, not through the underground metal scene. That always felt odd to me. This idea kept growing inside me. Then, quite unexpectedly, something shifted when I decided to go to the theatre for my own mental health and become part of an acting group. After three tough years—my arm not settling, fistula complications, and a lot of personal trauma—acting felt like the only thing that helped me feel better.

When I joined The Space Theatre, they asked whether I would like to volunteer beyond acting and become part of the events management committee. Everyone volunteers; we help raise funds because the theatre is a small charity with limited resources. I said, “I’ve been part of the goth scene for the past twelve years with my husband, and before that, I was involved in the metal scene during my university years. Would you like me to create something for the theatre?”

I told them it would focus on symphonic metal because I love that genre. I was sincere: I said I did not know how to DJ. I would learn using Spotify and literally plug my phone in. I did not want to be elitist about DJ culture—it did not have to be perfect. They said, “Yeah, Maria, just do it.”

People started coming. They started paying attention. Within two months, I had around 300 followers, all saying, “We’ve never had a symphonic metal night before.” At first, I thought, okay, calm down—it’s probably just the first and only symphonic metal night in London. But then I checked Google.

Within twenty-four hours, Enter the Shadows was the only result appearing across the entire first page of Google when searching for symphonic metal club nights. That shocked me. I thought, maybe it’s not just London—perhaps it’s the UK.

I kept asking Google and AI tools the same questions. They would list goth and metal nights, but they would not identify anything else specifically focused on symphonic metal. They would only mention Enter the Shadows. If I searched for “symphonic metal,” I would, of course, get countless bands. But when I searched “symphonic metal night” or “symphonic metal club night,” it was just Enter the Shadows—nothing else.

I went deeper and deeper with the research. That is when I realized that this might be the only symphonic metal club night in the world. Unless there is one hidden somewhere that has no internet presence and has never contacted me, which I find hard to believe in the age of the worldwide web.

It is difficult to imagine that someone running a similar night somewhere in the world would not reach out to say, “Hold on, I do one too,” whether in Brazil or anywhere else. Based on extensive research, Enter the Shadows is unique.

I still find it hard to believe that someone would not approach me. So, I have created history without meaning to. I was not looking for it, and I did not expect it.

In terms of symphonic metal, it comes from heavy metal—it is essentially an extension of it. But as the decades have passed, art and music have become more nuanced, so the boundaries are no longer as clear as they once were. Still, symphonic metal emerged primarily because of female-fronted vocals.

Those vocals tend to be higher-pitched, more operatic, melodic, and orchestral. That is where the “symphonic” element in the metal scene comes from. Over time, the defining feature—and something we women are not willing to let go of—is the prominence of female-fronted bands.

That said, an increasing number of bands include both male and female vocalists. Lacuna Coil, for example, has both. Leaves’ Eyes has both. Visions of Atlantis has both. So it is not always accurate to say “female-fronted” in a strict sense. There has also been crossover with power metal and gothic metal. Some bands will say, “We are not purely symphonic—we are gothic metal,” yet there is overlap and seepage between the genres.

There are also male-fronted bands that still describe themselves as symphonic, but that is quite rare. I do not pretend to have encyclopedic knowledge of the scene. I have never claimed that. I am frank about who I am. I am not the most technically skilled DJ in the world—I use Spotify and plug my phone in. I am not the most experienced expert on symphonic metal either.

But I know enough, and I care deeply enough about this genre, to do this authentically. People ask me questions, and sometimes I respond by asking, “What do you think?” I am part of an alternative women’s WhatsApp group run by Sonia, and we often discuss the origins of symphonic metal and its crossover with gothic metal.

I also have a friend, Ian, who is very into symphonic metal and folk metal. He once said to me, “You should listen to Dogtanian—they are a French band and feel a bit symphonic.” I listened and thought, yes, but they are not purely symphonic. And he said, “But what is purity in music anymore?” That is a fair point.

Still, if you want to be very black-and-white about it—if you want to put a box around the genre—I think it is fair to say large metal bands with prominent female vocals generally define that symphonic metal. Those vocals—operatic, high-pitched, melodic—are what distinguish the genre.

That said, many symphonic metal bands do not necessarily play symphonic metal festivals. They often share line-ups with power metal bands instead, which is interesting and something I still want to explore more with Sonia. Power metal, as a genre, tends to be predominantly male-fronted.

Anyway, I have ADHD, so I tend to take the scenic route when explaining things. But the core point is that symphonic metal originated in heavy metal, and it was identified as “symphonic” mainly because of its female-fronted vocals.

Jacobsen: What can people look forward to in the first quarter and a bit of the second quarter of this year in terms of symphonic metal events from you?

Nicolette: When I say “us,” I mean my husband and me. I do all the work—the planning, the social media, everything—but his support is essential. He is emotionally supportive, and on the night itself, he always comes with me to the theatre. He never lets me go on my own.

As a thank-you, I also say to him, “If you want to DJ, you can DJ.” It is plug-and-play, and people love him as well. He does not actually like symphonic metal—he really does not—but he supports me, and I support him with his music. That is how it works in a marriage.

In terms of what people can expect, the short answer is: growth. As I mentioned earlier, May 31st was our very first event. I nearly cancelled it because I was panicking and thinking nobody would show up. Thank goodness the artistic director—Matty, as we call him—said, “Just do your best, Maria. Even if only the volunteers show up, they always support.”

In the end, it was not just volunteers. About 350 people expressed interest, and roughly 45 attended. The following month, a few more came. Halloween was our biggest night, with around 70 people in attendance. That might not sound like a lot, but for a venue like ours, it is significant.

You have to love symphonic metal and be willing to travel to Docklands, which is not the easiest area of London to reach. It is central, but it feels a bit isolated—we jokingly call it “the island.” We are based near Canary Wharf, where the banks are, and some people do find it challenging to get to.

Despite that, we built a social media following of over 300 people within two months. I also created a WhatsApp group after the first one or two Enter the Shadows nights. There are about twenty people in that group who pay attention, share updates, and say things like, “Oh, the next one is coming up—thanks for letting us know, Maria.”

Not all of our social media followers attend, of course. Some are in other countries and cannot easily travel to London. Still, they like knowing that this exists—that somewhere in the world, in London, this is happening.

I have even had Within Temptation like my posts and follow me. They are my favourite band. When I saw that, I thought, I cannot believe this is happening. I even joked with them, “Give your social media person a raise—I cannot believe you are liking my content and following me.” It still feels surreal.

At this point, it’s been about 9 months, and we are going to keep going. As long as The Space Theatre continues to give me a free space to run the night, I will carry on. Hopefully, the word will spread and more people will become aware of what I genuinely believe is a historically significant event—something that is happening on this planet that very few people know about yet.

I do believe it is historical, because it is the first—and as far as I can tell, the only—symphonic metal club night in the world. And it started in a small theatre that struggles to stay alive. That theatre is also a community centre: a place for people with disabilities, for older people, and for community actors like me, who use acting to support our mental health and feel connected and engaged.

We now have a new artistic director—young, in his thirties—who took over from Adam, who had cared for The Space Theatre for around twenty years. And our patron is Gandalf from The Lord of the Rings. So I always tell people: if you are going to come to our symphonic metal night, come knowing you are stepping into something a little bit magical.

A listen and a backstage tour. Because our symphonic metal night takes place in an actual theatre, we also offer a small backstage tour. We also show people that our patron, Sir Ian McKellen—who, of course, played Gandalf in The Lord of the Rings—has signed the stained-glass window on the left-hand side of the building. His signature is there, and people are welcome to take photos with it. Some people already have.

As a venue and a theatre, we have a lot to offer. And Enter the Shadows itself is happening inside a theatre. How many club nights can say that? I know of one other alternative night that takes place in a church, but it is not symphonic metal. Our venue is a theatre housed in a former Scottish Presbyterian church, complete with stained-glass windows. That feels like home to me, in a very real sense. It is surreal, beautiful, and wonderful.

We also have a bar, unusual for a church, but we do. It is called The Space Bar and Kitchen. You can go upstairs, get a drink, then come back downstairs into the main hall and dance. For the first time, we also supported a new, up-and-coming symphonic metal band called Artemis and Apollo.

Was the sound system perfect? No. I am not going to lie. I am frank about that. But the band came up to me afterward and said how grateful they were. They even gave me a free T-shirt and said they really appreciated being given the opportunity. People were drinking, enjoying themselves, and having a good time.

One person did say, “The sound was terrible.” But that person is a professional sound engineer—that is literally his job. He came to Enter the Shadows because he loves symphonic metal. I am not going to name him, because I do not really know him. And I said, “I know—it is not perfect. We are a small theatre, and we do the best we can.” Until January, I had been volunteering at The Space Theatre, and I still approach it with that same mindset.

Now I am moving toward formalizing this as a business, through an agreement with the theatre, so that it becomes something I might eventually earn from. I am a woman with a disability, and I would like to reach a point where I can earn something. We are in discussions—it has not happened yet—but that is the direction.

Looking ahead, I want to bring in more bands. And if I do start getting paid by the theatre, I want to put that money straight back into The Space Theatre. I know that sounds counterintuitive—you might think I should pay myself—but my goal is to reinvest in the venue.

I want to improve the sound system so that we can eventually host a festival. I would love to create something like Enter the Shadows: The Darklands Festival, named after the Docklands area where the theatre is located. It is a play on the word “Docklands.” But I cannot do that unless the sound system is strong enough.

I certainly cannot afford to buy a new system—that would cost tens of thousands—but if I could rent high-quality systems, we could bring in more bands. I recently had a conversation with Deity and Devilry at The Big Red in Camden Town. I went to see them specifically to support a new band, and those conversations are part of thinking about where this could go next.

Nicolette: They did really well. We are now in conversations, and I said to them, “Look, our sound system is not great, but would you consider doing this for charity—just coming in and taking part?” I explained that they could use a backing track instead of a full live setup so that we wouldn’t need a drummer. That makes the sound more manageable with our current system. That is what Artemis and Apollo did: a guitarist and a singer with backing tracks, because that is as much as our sound system can handle right now.

In terms of what else people can look forward to, I secured a DIY photo booth by speaking with a Korean gentleman who owns an app called Flimsy. He gave us access for free. He said, “If you are doing this for these reasons, all I want is photos from the events to show that our app works well.” I told him it was the only app I felt comfortable using for a DIY photo booth.

We also have volunteers at The Space Theatre who support us. One of them wants to become a photographer, so I told her, “Bring your camera.” I bought a gothic backdrop for her, and she did her first photo set on our night. She can now use those images for her portfolio and slowly build her photography business.

We also have small artists who come and set up stalls in the corner. At our last event, an artist named Adriana sold out of all her smaller handmade pieces. The larger pieces—one-off acrylic works—were more expensive, so those did not sell as quickly, but she completely sold out of her smaller items. We also run raffles and give away prizes to participants.

After three months of running everything on my own with my husband, I was approached by someone from the goth scene. I am very much part of that scene as well. He said, “I do not mind volunteering—can I DJ?” I was genuinely surprised because no one had ever wanted to DJ with me before. I had approached established DJs in the goth scene, and they told me, “If you want me, it is £100 an hour.” I explained that this was for charity, and I could not afford it. They said, “Then we cannot do it.”

People also questioned who would travel to Docklands. But it turns out people would. We had two women from Hammersmith coming almost every month. They said, “This is the only symphonic metal night we can find. Of course, we will travel an hour and a half.” And they did.

We have very passionate people. Some of our guests have become part of the community. Albie, who volunteers at The Space Theatre, is also a community member who lost his mother, and we support him closely. We made him a DJ for Halloween and New Year’s. Misha, one of our biggest supporters, asked, “Please, Maria, can I DJ for you?” I said yes—it is plug-and-play.

We give people opportunities to do something they love within the genre they love. Sometimes we cannot fit everyone in—we do not have unlimited space or time—but we try. I have had people tell me, “You listen. You really listen to what your guests enjoy.”

The night is primarily symphonic metal—that is the focus—but we also include some heavier metal. People jump around to that. We even throw in The Prodigy, because people still love that energy. Toward the end of the night, my husband plays more industrial music—boom, boom, boom—because it is after midnight. People are tired; they want to switch off mentally and move side to side. That steady industrial rhythm lets them rest while still dancing.

So we have a bit of everything. Our resident DJs are me—DJ Vespõra—and TG Smith, who leans more toward darkwave and goth styles. That is not symphonic metal and does not come from heavy metal at all, but some people have told us, “I am not purely goth, and I am not purely metal—I like both, and I like dancing to both.”

Most people who come are not purists. In fact, many of the more traditional goths prefer established nights like Slimelight, which has been running for decades. But the people who come to Enter the Shadows tend to be more open in their musical tastes.

We have had a lot of people from the goth scene—people who are open to different kinds of music—come down many times. The people I want there are not strictly goth or strictly metal; they are open-minded. That is what makes it special. It is fantastic and growing organically.

Some nights are quieter. New Year’s Eve, for example, had our lowest turnout. That was mainly because Docklands is challenging to reach, and many of our regulars are overseas but live in the UK. A lot of them travelled back to their home countries or up north to be with family. Others did not want to go out because of the weather, the risk of catching a cold, the cost, or simply because they did not want to leave the house on New Year’s Eve. There were many reasons. Still, a small group of our most dedicated supporters came down and said, “I would not miss this for the world, Maria. This is my favourite genre.”

We are now well on the way toward February. One thing that did not help New Year’s Eve, to be fair, was timing. Matty is essentially a one-person operation at the theatre. He does have a co-artistic director and co-CEO, Sarah, but she has only been in the role for a few months. Matty still carries most of the workload. Tickets went on sale only two weeks before the event, which is far too late for something like this. He was exhausted and wanted to focus on Christmas.

That is why we skipped January. I told him I could not do another last-minute event. I said, “Leave January. I am not doing this again without proper lead time.” February, by contrast, has been planned well in advance. The tickets are already live, the event is already listed, and within the first twenty-four hours—do not quote me exactly—we had around fifty people marked as interested and about ten marked as going. That includes me, possibly my husband, and perhaps The Space Theatre. And that was without any advertising.

I usually put about £20 a month of my own money into Facebook advertising. Sometimes it works, sometimes it does not. Facebook can be unpredictable. It often supports you the first few times, and then the reach drops off. Contrary to popular belief, it no longer always puts events in front of the right people.

What else can people look forward to? Hopefully, celebrating our first anniversary—knock on wood—as long as I am well. I am a disabled founder, and I try not to make promises in case something unexpected happens. But I genuinely believe that the joy my acting and Enter the Shadows bring me helps my health. I think that the happier you are and the more aligned you are with your purpose, the more likely it is that your health will stabilize and allow you to live longer.

If there is one thing I would say to anyone, it is this: find what brings you joy. For me, that is symphonic metal, Enter the Shadows, being on stage as a DJ, and being my own boss within this space. I control the event. I do not have people second-guessing me or my abilities as a disabled woman, which has happened to me many times in life.

When I manage things myself, I know I can do them well. We are going to get there. It is going to be something special. We can continue to grow and bring even more people into this world, bringing in new bands, up-and-coming bands, and more female voices—more and more of them. People are celebrating what they are calling the first female-fronted headliner at Download Festival. 

Download Festival is a huge festival held at Donington Park. The first time I went was in 2004. I never went back—not for any reason other than my health condition. More recently, cost has also become a factor, but primarily, it is my condition. I cannot physically manage going to Donington.

Recently, it was everywhere online—newspapers, heavy metal media—celebrating “the first female-fronted band” to headline. And I thought, hold on—no. Linkin Park was never a female-fronted band. The only reason they are now being described that way is that they chose a new lead singer.

They chose the best person for the job. She happens to be female. Her vocals are not symphonic, and the band was never designed to be symphonic. There are very hardcore women in metal—very heavy, very dark, very raw—who are not symphonic at all. But they are not headlining either.

Off the top of my head, take Halestorm. Their vocalist is incredibly raw and powerful, but she is not symphonic. That does not diminish her at all—but not every female-fronted band is symphonic. If a woman is using deep, roaring vocals, that is heavy metal or another extreme genre—possibly death metal—not symphonic metal.

Simply being a woman does not make a band symphonic metal. And it bothered me to see Download Festival framed that way, because it takes something away from the women who truly front the symphonic metal scene as a distinct genre and movement.

If you want to highlight a female-fronted headliner symbolically, why not choose a band that was always female-fronted from the beginning? Even if it is not symphonic, choose a heavy metal band that has always centred a woman’s voice.

Jacobsen: Symbolically, what is the image of women in symphonic metal?

Nicolette: Symbolically, I think it gives space to female voices that never really had space before. Just because there have been women in hardcore metal does not mean they had an easy path. You always hear narratives like Ozzy and Black Sabbath created heavy metal. Then you see this long legacy of bands and genres that are overwhelmingly male.

Even my husband will say, “I do not really like female voices in heavy metal or hardcore metal.” And that may be because female voices can make some men uncomfortable. It does not give them that same sense of aggression or rush.

For example, my husband saw Sabaton for the first time. I introduced him to a lot of heavy metal—mostly traditional, male-fronted bands. He loved it. He came home and made a heavy metal playlist. None of it had female vocals, because it just does not suit him as a person. But I have been to symphonic metal concerts and music events—such as the female-fronted metal festival in Islington, Angel—and clearly men do love this music. They really do.

What struck me most, though, was the oddest experience of all. I would go on my own, look around the crowd, and even though I have been part of the metal scene for about twenty years and the goth scene for around twelve, I did not recognize a single person. That felt strange.

So, where are these people who love symphonic metal as a genre? I have maybe a handful of friends in the metal and goth scenes who genuinely love symphonic metal—a handful. Yet the alternative scene is massive. What is going on? Where are these people?

Most of the people I know prefer traditional heavy metal or classic rock. It is pretty strange. That is part of what is symbolic about symphonic metal: it gives a voice to women. And yes, it is a small part of the broader heavy metal genre—I am not going to pretend otherwise—but it deserves to be recognized in its own right.

It is recognized in magazines like Metal Hammer and Louder. Big bands like Evanescence, Within Temptation, and Nightwish have all been featured there. But I do not feel they have ever been properly separated—never really given a space that says, “This is symphonic metal. This is its own thing.”

Let us give those women the majority of the space, for once.

That does not mean I oppose mixing genres. When I went to The Big Red—the Imperial Palace venue in Camden Town—I went to support several bands. One was Deity and Devilry, because they are symphonic, and I wanted to get to know them. The other was Die Kur, a group I know from the scene. I have spent time with them at places like the Devonshire Arms, the Electric Ballroom, and the Underworld. There is absolutely no reason not to mix male-fronted and female-fronted bands. That is not the issue.

The symbolism of symphonic metal is that it centres female voices. That is why it needs its own space—to exist clearly, confidently, and visibly in the broader metal world.

Jacobsen: Any final words, or a quote, that really sums up your experience of symphonic metal?

Nicolette: I can give you a quote for Enter the Shadows—and also one for symphonic metal as a genre. The quote for Enter the Shadows is actually a bit menacing. We created it accidentally with my other resident DJ.

As for symphonic metal itself, I would say this: symphonic metal was born from women being at the helm—and that matters.

I do call myself a feminist, but not in a way that says men should not have space. I am not interested in separation. I am a feminist who believes we should give women a voice—and when there is space for everyone to exist together and support one another, we should do more of that.

Symphonic metal has a gentler quality compared to much of heavy metal, bringing people closer to the metal scene who would not usually listen to it. They hear these vocals and say, “Oh, this is part of metal? This is beautiful. This is melodic.”

Even my mother—very traditionally Greek, very Christian, and not a fan of this kind of music—once heard me singing a Within Temptation song and said, “Wow, this is beautiful.” I told her, “Mum, this is symphonic metal.” She was shocked.

Many people I know—people who would describe themselves as “regular”—come to Enter the Shadows and realize, “This is not as intimidating as I thought.” And it is women’s voices that made that possible. Those operatic, melodic voices opened the door to popular culture.

Seven million people follow Evanescence for a reason. They did not all arrive through underground metal scenes. Many discovered them through MTV and mainstream exposure. Those voices brought people in.

So if I had to frame it as a quote, it would be something like:

Adore symphonic metal for its power to place female voices at the helm—and to welcome new audiences into metal through beauty, melody, and strength.

I know “sweet voices” is not quite the correct phrase—I struggle to find the exact word sometimes because of my ADHD—but those voices are what brought people into metal who might otherwise have feared it, avoided it, or never gone near it.

As for Enter the Shadows—let me count the words. Five words.

Our slogan is: “Carve it on your gravestones.”

What I mean by that is simple. Enter the Shadows is here to stay. It has already carved itself into history as the first—and, as far as I know, the only—symphonic metal club night in the world. So carve it on your gravestones that more is coming. Carve it on your gravestones that it is here to stay. And do not forget the next event—on February 20th.

Whether it has a legacy beyond me or not—and I hope it does, and I hope I live long enough to see it—it has already been carved into history. Nothing can change that.

Jacobsen: Excellent. Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate you going through all of this.

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Everywhere Insiders 32: Nobel Peace Prize Misinformation, Venezuela Power Politics, and NATO Strains

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/02

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Irina Tsukerman dismantle claims that María Corina Machado won or transferred a Nobel Peace Prize, stressing the prize’s non-transferability and the political misuse of symbols. They examine how gestures toward Donald Trump can be framed as coercion, pragmatism, or failed leverage in Venezuela’s democratic struggle. The conversation then shifts to Uganda, where Bobi Wine’s body armor becomes a warning about authoritarian violence and electoral manipulation. They assess Iran’s repression, information blackouts, and deterrence options, including cyber measures. Finally, they interpret Greenland tensions as power projection, NATO stress-testing, and Kremlin opportunism.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: There have been reports and public claims suggesting that Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado received the Nobel Peace Prize. This is incorrect. Machado has not been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Consequently, no Nobel Peace Prize medal could have been legitimately transferred, dedicated, or presented by her.

The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded by the Norwegian Nobel Committee, and laureates are determined through a formal selection process. A prize cannot be reassigned, transferred, or symbolically “given” to another individual who was not selected as a laureate. Physical possession of a medal does not confer laureate status.

Despite this, public statements circulated in which Donald Trump appeared to accept or reference a Nobel Peace Prize medal as a gesture of appreciation. Such statements do not reflect any action or recognition by the Nobel Committee and do not imply that Trump was awarded, shared, or endorsed for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Irina Tsukerman: Any suggestion that Trump received the Nobel Peace Prize—formally, informally, symbolically, or retroactively—is false. Nobel Peace Prize decisions are final, non-transferable, and solely determined by the awarding committee after evaluating candidates.

Claims that Machado dedicated a Nobel Peace Prize to Trump, informed him of such a dedication, or referenced it in an acceptance speech are likewise inaccurate, as she was not a Nobel laureate and delivered no Nobel acceptance speech.

This episode illustrates how symbolic gestures, misinformation, or political theater can create public confusion about institutional honors. While political actors may express admiration, gratitude, or alliance through rhetoric or symbolic acts, these gestures carry no legal, institutional, or historical standing within the Nobel framework.

In short, Trump is not a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Machado is not a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and no Nobel Peace Prize was transferred, dedicated, or shared.

Some have argued that Machado effectively gave in to blackmail or a shakedown by Trump in order to participate in what should have been an internal Venezuelan process of forming future elections and shaping the country’s political future. It should not be up to Trump to serve as the sole or even primary decision-maker once Maduro is removed. He is not legally in charge of Venezuela, and there is no practical mechanism for him to assume such authority.

Critics argue that by relinquishing the medal, Machado was attempting to bribe her way into having a seat at the table, and that doing so encourages Trump to continue this kind of behavior in the future. I understand that argument and am sympathetic to it. I also understand that Machado may have been approaching the situation pragmatically.

From that perspective, if this is who Trump is and what he demands, then the gesture could be seen as purely symbolic—one that might open the door to more meaningful outcomes and potentially improve conditions in Venezuela. In that sense, the situation resembles the biblical story of King Solomon and the disputed child: a test of who is willing to sacrifice for the greater good rather than extract personal gain at any cost.

In my view, Machado was not simply yielding to a shakedown out of personal ambition. She may have been making a calculated sacrifice for what she believed to be the greater good. If the gesture could have persuaded Trump to include her and other democratic candidates and voices in a difficult reform process, it would have been a small price to pay for something so significant.

The problem is that there is little evidence the strategy worked. Trump agreed to meet Machado, but largely to receive the medal. There is no clear indication of any long-term shift in his position. Despite his effusive praise at the time, he never suggested that he intended to include Machado in the transition process or alter the direction of U.S. policy toward Venezuela as a result of the meeting.

In fact, developments point in the opposite direction. Trump held a phone call with the current vice president—whom even Secretary Rubio considers an illegitimate leader—and CIA Director Radcliffe has reportedly visited her. This suggests the United States is investing time and resources in engaging figures tied to the remnants of the Maduro regime. While these actors have taken limited steps, such as releasing foreign prisoners as a goodwill gesture, their rhetoric and conduct largely align with Maduro’s policies.

This pattern indicates that U.S. priorities may be less focused on democratic transition and more on securing a compliant ally who aligns with Trump’s interests. Machado, who appears genuinely committed to democracy in Venezuela, may not have fit that role. Her priorities would likely center on democratic reform rather than unconditional compliance with Trump’s demands, making her a less attractive partner than an authoritarian figure dependent on his support.

From this perspective, arguments that Trump prioritized oil interests and other economic or political benefits over democracy in Venezuela carry weight. It is far easier to control someone whose position depends entirely on his backing than someone who could emerge from an independent democratic process and therefore remain unencumbered by personal obligations to him.

For all the goodwill this gesture may have generated in the tone of the conversation between Trump and Machado, it did not reset his policy objectives in any meaningful way. It was naïve to believe that the gesture alone would change his position. If Machado hopes to redirect the process toward a more pluralistic outcome—one less aligned with Trump’s instincts and preferences—she will need to bring far stronger and more pragmatic arguments to the table.

Jacobsen: Turning to another case: the Ugandan opposition leader Bobi Wine has been campaigning in the town of Mukono while wearing a flak jacket and helmet, as soldiers fill the streets of Kampala ahead of a presidential vote. Photojournalist Hajara Nalwadda has noted that this offers an opportunity to document the reality of political repression, including tear gas and armed presence. Wine, a musician-turned-politician whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, is challenging President Yoweri Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986 and is seeking another term after repeatedly rewriting constitutional rules to remain in power. What are your thoughts on Wine wearing a flak jacket during what would otherwise be a campaign parade?

Tsukerman: Populism and highly visible messaging tend to resonate in authoritarian systems with underdeveloped political cultures, and Uganda fits that description. Wine is drawing attention to the fact that, as an opposition leader challenging a long-entrenched dictator, he is effectively a potential military target—vulnerable to abuse, intimidation, or even assassination attempts.

By wearing protective military gear, he underscores that this is not a conventional political campaign within a normal democratic process, but a struggle that carries real physical danger. Symbolism of this kind can be powerful and emotionally resonant, and it will likely attract significant attention.

That said, symbolism alone is unlikely to be sufficient. The incumbent retains overwhelming institutional advantages and is likely to continue abusing the electoral process regardless of the outcome, including through intimidation and terror against opponents. There is also the problem of political fatigue and cynicism among the population. After decades of authoritarian rule, many citizens may support the incumbent out of fear of reprisals or because they have been conditioned to believe that no better alternative is possible.

Wine’s approach is creative and compelling, and it sharpens the moral and political stakes of his campaign. Whether it is enough to overcome the structural disadvantages he faces and alter the outcome of the process remains highly uncertain.

Jacobsen: There have been no clear signs of new protests in Iran, though this is difficult to assess given the severity of the crackdowns and widespread internet shutdowns. A hardline cleric has called for executions and issued threats against President Trump.

Harsh repression since late December has reportedly left several thousand people dead. Earlier reports cited at least 2,500 deaths and approximately 18,000 arrests, including women and children. A U.S.-based human rights news agency later estimated as many as 2,797 deaths. Exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi has referred to Trump as “a man of his word.” Ayatollah Ahmad Khatami’s sermons have reportedly incited chants calling for executions, including statements that alleged “hypocrites” should be put to death.

Russia has largely remained quiet publicly, while China appears to have supported Iran diplomatically. The current state of Israeli and American frontline commentary remains unclear. Within the Iranian diaspora, views are divided: some support strikes against the regime, while others oppose them, citing the limited benefits of past U.S. military actions. These views vary significantly case by case.

Tsukerman: The reported death toll is almost certainly far higher than what Iranian officials or even human rights organizations have been able to confirm. These figures reflect only cases that organizations can independently verify, such as individuals whose bodies have been returned to families. Realistic estimates may range from 7,000 to as many as 20,000 deaths.

The apparent subsiding of protests is largely due to the overwhelming armed presence on the streets. Attempting to confront the regime while unarmed under these conditions is extraordinarily dangerous and effectively futile. There have been reports of arms accumulation in some provinces through smuggling networks, but even if true, such weapons would likely be limited to light arms, such as Kalashnikov rifles. These are no match for the regime’s tanks, heavy weaponry, and advanced firepower.

Organizing resistance without reliable communication is exceptionally difficult. Launching any coordinated armed action during an internet blackout is unrealistic at this stage. While Russia may have disappointed the Iranian regime in some respects, it has continued to provide political backing through indirect messaging, downplaying criticism and attacking the United States and other opponents.

It is also likely that Russia and China assisted Iran in disrupting satellite communications, including efforts to interfere with Starlink access. This suggests a broader technological contest, as similar jamming techniques could be used elsewhere. The United States and its allies are now effectively racing to counter these technologies before they become a serious and persistent geopolitical disadvantage.

The effectiveness of strikes depends on context, target selection, and execution. That said, the regime has already been significantly weakened by Israeli attacks. Well-targeted strikes against military and IRGC facilities could further degrade its capabilities, creating breathing room for protesters and increasing pressure on the regime. This matters not only materially but psychologically, as it reinforces protester morale.

Such strikes would also send a message to the militias the regime has deployed in Tehran and the provinces to terrorize the population and reinforce its own forces. They would further signal that continued threats against the United States and its allies carry consequences. Even when no direct attack occurs, Iran’s constant escalation rhetoric imposes real costs. Israel, for example, has had to prepare for possible escalation despite reported understandings not to attack each other prior to the protests. That preparation alone can cost millions of dollars.

The regime is forcing other countries to expend resources even when it has no intention of launching an attack. That behavior should carry consequences beyond sanctions. Sanctions policy itself has been inconsistent. It is striking that some individuals recently sanctioned by the United States were not sanctioned earlier for well-documented abuses.

Many of these individuals have already moved assets out of U.S. and SWIFT-linked systems, particularly since Iran has been disconnected from SWIFT for some time. Funds have shifted into Russia-backed banks and alternative financial systems. As a result, travel bans and asset freezes may be largely ineffectual, depending on the individual case. While sanctions announcements carry symbolic political value, they often fail to add meaningful psychological, political, or economic pressure in practice.

The debate is frequently framed as a false dichotomy: either full military escalation or complete inaction. That framing is incorrect. Significant damage could be inflicted through non-lethal measures, such as cyber operations targeting technologies used for military coordination, repression, and communications jamming. These measures could have alleviated repression without producing severe negative consequences.

Trump’s decision not to pursue even these options sent a damaging signal to the regime—that the United States can be pressured into backing down through dubious or exaggerated arguments. I am also unconvinced by the prevailing narrative surrounding the decision to abandon strikes. At various points, Israeli, Saudi, and Qatari actors have been portrayed as influencing this outcome. It is unlikely Israel would have advised complete inaction, particularly given that Prime Minister Netanyahu’s visit to the United States on December 29—one day after the attacks began—was intended to secure U.S. support in case Israel needed to strike the regime’s renewed defense program.

Statements from Israeli defense officials over the past several weeks indicate that the primary obstacle to Israeli action was the United States, not Israel. Trump did not want Israel to engage until the United States took the lead. That is why Israel remained uninvolved, not because Israeli officials believed no action could be effective. It is difficult to imagine Israel opposing cyber operations.

Even Saudi Arabia urged Trump to pursue limited, surgical strikes against legitimate military targets rather than broad bombing campaigns. From the Saudi perspective, this was a legitimate concern: they did not want to become a frontline state. At the same time, it is unlikely the Saudis would have objected to significant damage to IRGC weapons depots, which would have reduced Iran’s ability to threaten the region.

The only regional actor with a strong incentive to ensure Iran faced no consequences was Qatar. Qatar maintains close financial, energy, and political ties with Iran, including an IRGC presence that reportedly helps safeguard the ruling family. It is plausible that Qatar exerted pressure on the administration to avoid action. It also serves Qatar’s interests to portray the United States as weak or easily influenced, enhancing its own image as a power broker.

Taken together, Trump’s last-minute decision to take no action—paired with the unsubstantiated claim that protests had subsided despite no clear evidence that the killings had stopped—suggests bad-faith arguments were likely made behind the scenes. Some believe Trump may still act later. One possibility is that he is waiting for naval assets to arrive in the region, which can take about a week. Others argue this is a deliberate feint, citing past instances when he initially claimed he would do nothing and later ordered strikes on Iranian targets.

However, past cases suggest these were not calculated fakeouts but rather instances in which Trump changed his mind after additional arguments or developments emerged. That could still occur here. Even so, it does not negate the concern that, for now, Iran has been led to believe the United States has backed away from its public commitment to protect protesters and has taken no concrete steps to do so.

Even members of the Iranian diaspora who oppose reckless or poorly conceived military action would find it difficult to argue that the United States should limit itself to rhetoric alone. Few serious observers contend that loud statements without action constitute an adequate response.

The central security concern is not whether action occurs, but whether it is effective, proportionate, and designed to minimize harm to civilians already under extreme pressure. Any response should weaken the regime rather than provide material for internal propaganda and should be structured to avoid escalation involving third parties in the region. Those concerns are legitimate and necessary.

The key issue is whether action weakens the regime rather than giving it material for internal propaganda, and whether it avoids escalation involving third parties in the region. Those are legitimate concerns, which means any operation must be carefully planned and strategic, not impulsive.

The United States has already demonstrated that it can act in a disciplined and professional manner when it chooses to, even against serious threats. The removal of Maduro from Venezuela made that clear. It is also worth recalling that in June, Trump reportedly urged Israel not to eliminate regime leaders when an opportunity arose. Given that history, the claim that Israel is now restraining the United States from acting is difficult to accept.

It is far more plausible that Qatar exercised behind-the-scenes influence. Qatar has substantial leverage with the administration through extensive financial ties and strategic cooperation. It is possible that Qatari officials persuaded Trump to back off either by misrepresenting conditions in Iran—something that cannot be ruled out, given Trump’s limited subject-matter expertise and similar gaps within his administration—or by offering inducements in exchange for restraint.

Secretary Rubio would likely have challenged misleading claims, but he was not the primary decision-maker in this context. Other figures involved are more susceptible to manipulation through false or selective information, and this has occurred before. The outcome we are seeing is consistent with that pattern.

Jacobsen: Shall we move to military developments or Greenland?

Tsukerman: Let’s discuss Greenland.

Jacobsen: European troops have arrived in Greenland as talks involving the United States have highlighted sharp disagreements. From a broader perspective, this is essentially NATO members disputing among themselves, which is both unusual and destabilizing. European states have expressed support for Denmark as discussions between Denmark, Greenland, and the United States have revealed fundamental disagreements over the Arctic island.

Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen stated that discussions focus on addressing American security concerns while respecting the red lines of the Kingdom of Denmark. The U.S. position has also been stated plainly. White House Press Secretary Caroline Leavitt said that the president has made his position clear: the United States wants to acquire Greenland, arguing that doing so is in its national security interest.

From one perspective, this raises an obvious question about NATO’s purpose. Collective security arrangements already exist, just not in the form President Trump appears to prefer. What are your thoughts on this dispute? Do you have any insights beyond the largely comedic commentary that has surrounded it?

Tsukerman: The substance of the issue is that there is no genuine necessity driving this situation. That is not because there are no legitimate threats to the region from Russia and China, nor because Arctic shipping routes are not serious national security concerns for both Europe and the United States. It is also not because Europe lacks legitimate challenges in terms of military preparedness for major conflict.

The reality is that the United States and Denmark have maintained a joint defense agreement covering Greenland since 1951. That agreement is precisely why the United States already maintains military installations there. It also allows the United States to station troops and deploy naval assets to secure Arctic maritime routes. No European state has attempted to block the United States from significantly securitizing Greenland against Russian or Chinese activity.

For that reason, the justifications offered for the current policy push appear to be excuses rather than substantive reasons. Trump’s rationale for acquiring Greenland has shifted repeatedly. Initially, he claimed that Greenland’s natural resources were critical to U.S. interests. That argument is weak: those resources are buried deep beneath frozen terrain and would take more than a decade to extract. Moreover, they would likely be refined in China, as the United States currently lacks sufficient refining capacity, which would also take years to develop. In addition, the United States already possesses substantial natural resources in Alaska and elsewhere that are far easier to access.

Trump then pivoted to national security arguments without clearly explaining how the United States is currently threatened. He has claimed that Russian and Chinese vessels are operating nearby. While intelligence activity has occurred, the United States already maintains superior surveillance and intelligence capabilities in the region. He has not articulated how acquiring Greenland would materially change the security situation or what additional tools the United States would gain that it does not already possess under existing arrangements.

Some argue that the goal is simply territorial expansion. If that were the case, pursuing Puerto Rico’s statehood would be far simpler, far less contentious, and geographically closer. Others claim Europe lacks the logistical capacity to secure the Arctic effectively. Yet the United States itself lacks sufficient icebreakers, which is why Trump has ordered new ones—an effort that will take years. None of this explains why ownership or control of Greenland is required rather than increased deployment under existing agreements.

Ultimately, this appears less about strategic necessity and more about exerting leverage over Europe. Trump has consistently framed Europe as a political problem, independent of Greenland. Much of this episode is about power projection, dominance, and cultivating an image of a leader who can impose his will. The messaging matters more than outcomes. It reassures his political base that he embodies the kind of strongman leadership they admire.

There is also a secondary factor: Russia has opportunistically threatened to pursue Greenland itself if the United States does not. This is a transparent attempt by the Kremlin to exploit NATO divisions, deflect attention from its illegal territorial occupations, including Ukraine, and equate U.S. foreign policy with Russian imperialism. The broader aim is to fracture NATO cohesion by forcing allies into conflict with one another rather than focusing on hybrid threats from Russia and China.

Trump appears to take these narratives at face value and has repeated talking points strikingly similar to Russia’s justifications for the annexation of Crimea in 2014. This is a serious concern for NATO unity and internal stability.

That said, Europe has not handled the situation flawlessly. Sending a minimal number of troops to Greenland does little to project resolve. While even Trump would likely hesitate to fire on allied forces regardless of their size, the symbolic messaging is weak. It reinforces Trump’s argument—however illegitimate—that Europe lacks independent military credibility without U.S. backing.

This feeds into his broader message: if Europe cannot defend its own interests, why should the United States respect European sovereignty? Why should the United States not simply prioritize its own interests unilaterally? That is the logic Trump is projecting.

If Europe wants to be taken seriously, it must adapt its approach. Trump does not respond to rule-based order, international law, or sovereignty arguments. He responds to power. The appropriate response, therefore, is overwhelming presence—even if it is not strategically necessary. This is about symbolism, image, and power projection. These are Trump’s preferred currencies.

Unless Europe learns to counter this style of politics on its own terms, Trump will continue escalating tensions. He is far less concerned with how his actions play in Moscow or Beijing than with asserting dominance and being applauded by supporters who favor this model of leadership.

Jacobsen: We will end this session here.

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Rev. Dr. John Lentz & Prof. Amos Guiora: Holocaust Lessons, Christian Complicity, and Bystanders

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/01

Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr. is a Presbyterian pastor and social-justice advocate based in Cleveland Heights, Ohio. Born in Northern Virginia and from Washington, D.C., he earned degrees at Kenyon College and Yale Divinity School, and completed a PhD at the University of Edinburgh. He served as pastor of Forest Hill Presbyterian Church from 1994 to 2024, retiring after 30 years. His public work has included immigration “sanctuary” advocacy and community leadership, and he has spoken on race, education, and local civic life, including founding a civility initiative. Married and father of three, he publishes a Substack “Living the Questions” and has just published What’s Faith Got to Do With It? Learning to Love and Live the Questions. WIPF&STOCK, Eugene 2025.

Prof. Amos N. Guiora is an Israeli-American professor of law at the University of Utah’s S.J. Quinney College of Law and directs the school’s Bystander Initiative. He holds an A.B. in history from Kenyon College, a J.D. from Case Western Reserve University School of Law, and a PhD from Leiden University. Guiora served 19 years in the Israel Defence Forces, retiring as a lieutenant colonel, and helped implement the Oslo Peace Process (1994–1999). His work examines national security, institutional complicity, and enabling cultures behind sexual abuse; he has authored The Crime of Complicity, Armies of Enablers, and Legitimate Target

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: About the honour and the privilege of being with the highly distinguished Reverend Dr. John Lentz and Professor Amos Guiora, what do you consider the key lessons of the Holocaust from two points of contact? One, those who are descendants of Jewish people who have suffered it, and two, those who were not Jewish but are descendants of those who witnessed it.

Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr.: Well, the first thing that comes to mind is that my father served in the United States Army for four years, for as long as the United States was in the war. Something that has always moved me is that, by heritage, I’m German and Bavarian. All my people—the Ewigs, the Lentzes, the Rohe’s, and all of these folks—are of German descent.

I remember writing this in the Festschrift for Amos’s father: that just by a matter of 50 years and immigration status, my dad would probably be fighting in the Wehrmacht, because that’s what would have happened. That is always something that sobers me and grounds my thinking.

The other thing, coming from a theological, religious, and Christian perspective, is how complicit much of the church was, both the German Christian church, which sold its soul to the Nazi powers. As I understand it, Hitler even appointed a Reich bishop to make sure the German church was in line. And what the Roman Catholic Church did in terms of its complicity with fascism is beyond description.

So I carry that as part of my Christian heritage, and I never want to forget that. Yes, there was Dietrich Bonhoeffer. I do not want to ignore him. And yes, Karl Barth and other theologians wrote the Barmen Declaration. These theologians were clear that Hitler was not God, not the Messiah, not the Saviour. They were true to their theological convictions, though none led the parade.

None of them were on the front lines of protest. They did not join the underground. But it is what it is. I’ll stop there and let Amos go on, and if something else comes up, I’ll return to it.

Prof. Amos N. Guiora: So, Scott, for me, there are no secrets. As a second generation, as I look at a picture of my father on my desk—and behind me is the book that Lentz helped write about my dad—for me, all roads run through the Holocaust. There’s no doubt about that.

When I started writing The Crime of Complicity, when Lentz and I were sitting with a cigar on his deck in Cleveland Heights, one of the questions we discussed, which I did not address in the book, was the role of Christian pastors in the run-up to the Holocaust. We talked about Bonhoeffer.

As a second-generation, only child, I am focused and dedicated to ensuring that my parents’ story—hers and his—gets told and retold. As an example, next month and in March, I’m speaking to junior high school students in Salt Lake City about the Holocaust, and I take every opportunity I have to talk about it.

So, in terms of your question, for me, it’s an absolute sense of responsibility to my parents.

So, for me, as a second-generation, and particularly because I am an only child, I am focused and dedicated to ensuring that my parents’ story—hers and his—gets told and retold. As an example, next month and in March, I’m speaking to junior high school students in Salt Lake City about the Holocaust, and I take every opportunity I have to talk about it.

So, in terms of your question, for me, it’s an absolute sense of responsibility to my parents.

I’ve been asked, Scott, who I would talk to. I speak to many people every day. As Lentz knows, I talk to many people. I will not, however, speak to Holocaust deniers, because there is no basis there.

There is an absolute sense of obligation—duty may be the right word. And the older I get—I’m a month or two older than Lentz; I’m sixty-eight and a half—the recognition of what they went through and my obligation to continue telling that story, in whatever ways I can, deepens.

And Lentz knows this. When The Crime of Complicity came out, there was a fair amount of criticism of me in the American Jewish community because I was “Using my mother’s story to tell a contemporary story.” When I shared this with my mother, she was utterly befuddled.

For her, any opportunity to use her horrible story to tell a contemporary story was essential. And Mom Guiora—as Lentz knows, Mom Guiora being Mom Guiora—told me to say to them all to go fuck themselves, because that was her. That was the way she talked.

She truly saw this as an opportunity to “Use her story to prevent harm to others.”

Jacobsen: What justifications were used by Bonhoeffer, Barth, and others to combat the Reich? And what was used to justify it?

Lentz: Well, I think with Barth and Bonhoeffer—certainly Bonhoeffer—his relationship to Judaism in Germany is not clear-cut. There are early writings in which he argued that the Aryan laws were not right, on both political and theological grounds. So he was there early.

But he did come from the established German Protestant church, and I would not say, in any way, shape, or form, that he was progressive in terms of inclusion.

On the other hand—and Amos, you can correct me—I think part of what was so surprising, particularly in Germany, was the level of assimilation of the Jewish population. Universities, hospitals, and many institutions included established Jewish individuals and communities throughout Germany. That was essentially the status quo before the Reich.

And because that was the status quo, many people waited. Those not directly affected were unsure what was happening, and in that waiting, there was complicity through silence.

I think figures like Bonhoeffer and Barth were very early in recognizing the dangers of Hitler and the Nazis. They used the means they had, articulating from within their theological context what was wrong.

If I may jump ahead historically, because I see echoes of this in the American Christian context with President Trump—and I am not equating the two, only observing a pattern—it is striking how this happens. Christians tend to value authority. We like rules.

And particularly when one believe that the Führer, or the president, or some leader is on God’s side and restoring the spirit of the nation and the people, Christians often say, “We’ll support this,” and follow along.

I also think—and this is historically clear—there is a long history of antisemitism in the church, both in the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant church since Martin Luther. There was always an undercurrent.

I think the popular church was probably not all that concerned unless it happened to their neighbour, someone they knew who was Jewish. That is always the tension. People grounded in theology and serious thought can see the horrors of this, but there is also that historic antisemitism that grounds many people’s thinking.

And when it comes to the Pope, it was political. Deals were being cut. There was a desire not to lose standing in the Reich or in political relationships. So deals were made. It is grotesque, but it happened.

Guiora: To build on that, Scott, John referenced Jewish assimilation in Germany and the assumption that Jews were part of the team. There is an outstanding book, The Pity of It All, by the Israeli journalist Amos Elon. The book won numerous awards. It ends on September 1, 1939—boom—where Elon argues that Jews in Germany believed they had served in World War I. They wore their medals, thought “go team,” and assumed it wouldn’t affect them.

They believed it was a passing phase, that Kristallnacht was not really that bad, that it was a temporary wave. John knows this; we have discussed it on innumerable occasions.

There are three areas of Holocaust research, Scott, that nobody wants to touch until all Holocaust survivors are deceased. They are uncomfortable.

One is Jewish collaboration.

Two is the role of the rabbis. For instance, as John knows well, my great-grandfather—an Orthodox Satmar rabbi in eastern Hungary—forbade his congregation and his family, including my grandparents, from making Aliyah to Palestine until the Messiah arrived. In that act—unintended—my grandparents found themselves in Auschwitz, where they were murdered on May 26, 1944. I can draw a direct connection, a topic nobody wants to address.

The third, as John also knows, is the role of Jewish women, like my grandmother, who provided sexual services to save their children. I have spoken about this openly. I am convinced—working backward—that to save my mother, who was twelve, my grandmother provided sexual services.

When I speak about this publicly, I have yet to encounter anyone, male or female, who would not do anything to save their children. Lentz has three children. I have three children. Would you do anything to save your children?

That matters in the broader conversation about how you confront and acknowledge evil.

One other point—I leave Christian theology to Lentz. The assumption—and John knows more than I do—that the Christian churches in Europe would do the right thing and save the Jews was a misbegotten hope. I hope that is not offensive. The historical record is the record.

Lentz: The exceptions prove the rule. Yes, there were a few. There were in very general terms perhaps ten individuals who helped here, or three churches that did something there. There was a period, particularly in the 1960s and 1970s, when many Christians wrote novels about individual Christians who helped Jews. That did happen.

Guiora: My late uncle—my father’s brother—survived by hiding in a monastery. I do not know whether Lentz has a similar story. It was in Hungary. I do not know the details, but that was an exception.

Lentz: Here is another related story. My wife and I became very friendly with an older woman who was raised in Germany during the war. She lost all her brothers in the fighting. She worked for the Red Cross, or the German equivalent, because everyone had to do what they had to do. Her father was a pastor in a small town; I do not remember the town’s name. She always said he was very anti-Nazi. I remember that clearly.

But when he learned that the Gestapo was in town, he would soften his sermons and keep things straight and narrow to protect himself, his congregation, and the village. It is interesting what people do under pressure.

She also told us very clearly that she was in a third-grade class with both Christian and Jewish children. One day, the Jewish girls were gone. They were gone. I pressed her and asked what that was like. I am paraphrasing—she has since died, so I cannot check the source—but she said that in third grade, you do not really understand what is happening.

Guiora: I asked my mother about this once, the only time I had the wherewithal to speak with her about it. She was twelve during the war. She returned to school in September 1945 at age thirteen. I asked her who she was angry at. This goes to John’spoint.

She placed herself back at thirteen, with classmates who did not ask her where she had been. Lentz knew my mother well. He did not question her. But for her, she expected her classmates to ask. With all due respect to her, that was an unreasonable expectation. What do thirteen-year-old girls know? It was an all-girls school.

This whole notion of expectations matters. I do not know, Scott, whether this is directly relevant to what John and I are discussing, but for her, that was something that stayed with her. Later in life, she became angry at others, but at thirteen, that was the focus of her anger.

Jacobsen: Severyn Ashkenazi, one of the three Holocaust survivors I have interviewed—published in the antisemitism volume—made a similar point about the idea that exceptions prove the rule. When I asked him about Catholic clergy who helped combat antisemitism, he paused, laughed, and said it was almost a joke: how many clergy helped—maybe a few thousand—compared with how many hundreds of thousands of clergy there were overall in the history of the Catholic Church to combat anti-Judaism and antisemitism. It’s the same sentiment, focused specifically on the Holocaust.

Did the technological prowess and the intellectual and cultural sophistication of Weimar Germany play a role in the scale of the Holocaust—the number killed, the extent of the brutality? Would it have been as systematic in a society with lower technological capacity or less scientific and cultural sophistication? Or was this level of destruction tied to the fact that Germany represented the peak of Western European civilization at the time?

Lentz: This is not my realm of historical expertise. Amos can speak to this more directly. But we know that antisemitism and brutality existed in Ukraine and Poland, which were not nearly as technologically sophisticated as the Reich. In 1939, when Germany invaded Poland with tanks and planes, Polish troops came on horseback—cavalry—and we know how that turned out.

So there is no simple cause-and-effect relationship. This is my view. I am thinking aloud here: I do not believe that technology and sophistication breed a higher level of antisemitism.

What I know about the interwar period is that it was marked by economic instability, the rise of the Communist Party, and the burden of reparations imposed on Germany. It was also culturally vibrant in some ways—Berlin, for example. I do not think there is a formula. To use a blunt historical phrase: things converge.

Would it have been different if President Wilson and the European powers had not demanded such extensive reparations? I do not know. Those are unknowns. That is my take. So no, there is no direct correlation.

Guiora: I agree with John. It does not happen every day, but I do not think technology explains the Holocaust. The technology associated with the Holocaust—gas chambers, railroads—was not particularly sophisticated.

When my grandparents were murdered in Auschwitz, they were killed in gas chambers, but we cannot blame technology for six million deaths. Perhaps efficiency can be blamed, but that efficiency was entirely predicated on antisemitism.

I have read widely—never everything—but I have never seen evidence that technology itself, beyond being a means, was the driver. Gas is not sophisticated technology.

When my father was sent to a forced-labour mining camp in Serbia, from which he ultimately made his way to Palestine, the work was not sophisticated. It was labour-intensive mining for the Nazis. They needed the ore, whatever it was.

So I do not think this is about technology. I think it is about institutionalized, systemic antisemitism. The church played a role, but I am hesitant to say it was only because of the church. It was part of the system.

There is no doubt that Hitler, an extraordinarily effective rhetorician, captivated large audiences. As Daniel Goldhagen argues in Hitler’s Willing Executioners—a controversial but essential book—this did not begin in 1933. It had been going on for a long time.

That matters. What John correctly notes is the long history of antisemitism that Jews lived with. On the other hand, my grandparents—murdered on May 26, 1944—did not have much interaction with Gentiles in their town. It was not precisely a shtetl, but they largely kept to themselves.

Yet when they were forced to walk from their home to the train station—and this I know—their fellow townspeople cursed them, jeered at them, and threw objects at them. Whether those townspeople knew the destination was Auschwitz, I do not know. But they saw Jews carrying bags and being marched away.

That reality must be discussed. And it has nothing to do with technology.

Lentz: Before you asked the question, I wanted to mention another book—extraordinary in its horrors—Constantine’sSword by James Carroll. He is a Catholic and documents the Roman Catholic Church’s long European history of religious antisemitism. But to be clear, after Luther’s Reformation, it did not improve in the Protestant church either.

Guiora: Do you know who recommended that I read that book?

Lentz: No.

Guiora: My father.

Lentz: That does not surprise me.

Jacobsen: This is a two-part question. Either can respond first, but it will go to John and then to Amos.

John, about the church, how did the Reich twist the Gospel to enable utilitarian-style murder? Amos, about those who did not twist the Gospel, how were they complicit as bystanders?

Lentz: There is no doubt that in the New Testament—particularly in the Gospels of John and Matthew, and also in some passages of Paul’s letters—there are verses that are pointed against Jews in first-century Palestine. The horrific “Christ-killer” narrative, the idea that Jews killed Jesus, arises out of a verse in the Gospel of Matthew.

If you want to find justification for antisemitism in the Bible, you can find it. Those within the church who were antisemitic, along with Hitler’s associates who manipulated the church, were quick to say, “See, from the beginning, this is the separation of Christianity from Judaism.”

It became so distorted that some even claimed Jesus was not Jewish. Of course, he was.

One more point, the idea that Hitler was being portrayed as a messiah is what drove Karl Barth to help write the Barmen Declaration. That was central.

Another issue was that the Reich controlled the church, which was abhorrent to Christians who took theology seriously.

Third, anyone who reads the Gospels with care knows the emphasis on caring for the widow, the orphan, the aggrieved, and the marginalized; protecting your neighbour; loving your neighbour. That theme runs through both Hebrew scripture and Christianity.

“Love thy neighbour,” the Golden Rule—grounded in Hebrew scripture and carried into the New Testament. Both strains exist. But the antisemitic strain is what makes this so grotesque.

In the first century, it was the Romans, in collaboration with some Jewish religious leaders. But to claim that Jews killed Jesus was sick then and now.

Guiora: Scott, for me, as I think about this, I have walked the route my grandparents took to the train station. I did not have the emotional strength to walk it all the way; I had someone with me who drove part of it. I could not bring myself to walk the entire way.

When I think about that walk and about the Gentile townspeople, I wonder what motivated them. Were they driven by the kind of deep antisemitism John describes? What had they heard in church on Sunday? I do not know.

At the end of the day—and I am exaggerating slightly—the number of people who came to Jews’ assistance, specifically on Christian grounds, is unclear to me. John may know more than I do. Were there people who came forward? Yes. Have I interviewed people whose parents took Jews in? Yes.

In Holland, for example—not Hungary—some families took Jews in at night and then asked them to leave the next day because they feared the consequences for their own families. I do not know the answer to your question.

Were those actions guided by Christian conviction, by Christian compassion, or were they simply people doing the right thing? I have also met a woman whose brother was taken in out of compassion, and when the knock came on the door, the people hiding the child faced that moment of decision.

It is not very easy. There is no clear answer. I don’t know whether those who provided refuge were motivated by Christian principles or were good people acting decently. 

Lentz: You raise a fascinating question, Amos. 

Guiora: Write that down. John said that Amos raised an important point—write that down.

Lentz: I genuinely think this could be a fascinating study: how people reacted—how people, not just Christians, reacted. Did they save or protect Jewish individuals out of Christian motivation? I do not have the answer.

Likewise, did people ignore Jews or turn them in because of Christian conviction? I raise this because of a parallel today. I pastored a church that took in an undocumented person because of my Christian convictions—and also because I am a decent person. But my faith convictions mattered.

I was called “anti-Christ” on Facebook. Other churches said we were absolutely wrong because, as Paul writes in Romans, Christians must respect political authorities. That, they argued, is part of faithful Christianity.

That would be an essential study. 

Guiora: Scott, I have a friend—John knows this—who does not view John as a faithful Christian. I want that on the record. But again, it underscores the question. The people in Holland who took Jews in—God bless them—were they acting out of Christian compassion, or were they simply decent people? I do not know their motivations.

Jacobsen: The question is this: what reflections actually help us internalize the lessons of the Holocaust, and what reflections merely involve stroking our crosses, our yarmulkes, and our own egos without actually doing anything—performative acts rather than moral action?

Guiora: I’ll go first because I have to step away. I’m older than John.

For me, people who did not act then were bystanders. I wrote that in my book, and I stand by it. Enablers are a different category. That is a different project. But people who saw my grandparents being shoved onto a train platform were bystanders. They were not enablers. That is a different category.

Today, people—and, for privacy reasons, we will not name my student who is working with you—we met for an hour to prepare for her call with you about what bystanders and enablers look like today, for example, in the context of ICE. One significant change, which she will discuss with you, is the role of social media. That is a significant game-changer.

For instance, here in Utah, when Representative Brian King passed the bystander bill, he determined that because you never know whether what you see on Facebook is true, you cannot be a bystander based solely on social media content. That raises an important question about complicity—what we know, what we do not know, what is true, and what is not.

On the other hand, when my grandparents were being shoved onto that train, there were photographs. Those who were present were bystanders. Or take my mother—after being saved from being shot twice, as John knows—running through Budapest with my grandmother, both wearing yellow stars. Those who saw them were bystanders.

But here is the complication. If my mother were here—and my father as well, as Lentz knows—they both objected to my book. My mother said, as did my father during his forced march through Serbia, that the villagers in Serbia and the Gentiles in Budapest did not owe them a duty because they were “the other.”

Both of my parents strongly disagreed with my theory about the obligation a bystander owes to the “other” in that moment. We respectfully agreed to disagree.

I will stop there and turn it over to John. I am constantly asked about bystanders and enablers in contemporary society—not only in the context of sexual assault, but also in situations like ICE. Where that leads, I do not know, but it raises critical questions.

For example, at a recent demonstration here, there were two hundred people. In Israel, four hundred thousand people are demonstrating every Saturday night—equivalent to twenty million Americans—hot or cold, rain or shine, facing harassment, including physical harassment. I have been accosted by police myself. That is what sustained civic resistance looks like.

Israelis often ask me why, when Americans are angry about what is happening, the streets are not filled.

Lentz: The work of institutions such as the Maltz Museum in Cleveland, Ohio, is essential. They have recorded countless survivor stories—people who immigrated to the United States and settled in Cleveland—and they maintain a vast archive of recorded interviews. Continuing to tell these stories and affirming that this really happened matters.

Those of us who have platforms—particularly Christian clergy—must use them to combat antisemitism. When preaching on lectionary passages that have historically been interpreted as “the Jews killed Jesus,” we must name that interpretation directly and reject it.

My relationship with Amos, my research on Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and my broader reading about the period leading up to the Holocaust and its aftermath have profoundly shaped me. When we became a sanctuary church, that decision was made consciously. I did not want to be a bystander, as so many of my predecessors in Germany were during the Holocaust.

This is why it matters to make these connections. What deeply concerns me today is the whitewashing of historical narratives—particularly through educational policy—that suggests everything has been fine in American history. Comments minimizing the harms of the civil rights era exemplify this distortion.

We have to keep the stories alive. Those of us with platforms cannot be bystanders. That must be our moral stance.

What also troubles me deeply is social media as a platform for doxing and harassment. People sometimes seem to enjoy that chaos. But what disturbs me most is the professed evangelical fundamentalist Christian support for the State of Israel, rooted not in concern for Jewish people, but in apocalyptic theology—the belief that Israel must exist in a particular form to bring about the end of the world.

Jacobsen: Rhetorically, what could be more antisemitic than using Israel as a geographic instrument to place Jewish people there to trigger the end of the world?

Lentz: I agree. What makes it even more antisemitic is that in that worldview, when Jesus returns, Jews who do not convert are condemned. That is grotesque. I can easily imagine the same people promoting that theology today as having promoted similar ideas in the past—calling for Jews to be sent to Israel, or previously, to be removed from Germany. These ideas flow together, and they are extraordinarily dangerous. That is what deeply concerns me.

Jacobsen: That was the point I wanted to close on for this session: the difference between performative gestures—stroking egos without effect—and using a platform responsibly. Leadership is often seasonal; it ebbs and flows. Particularly in democratic societies, leadership cycles are short. Because platforms are temporary, how people use them matters. The content may stay the same, but the framing and impact change depending on who is speaking and when.

Lentz: I agree. We also have to be judged by our actions. In our church, the decision to take in an undocumented person was carried out by people in the congregation, not just in words.

I am involved in organizations where I build deep relationships with rabbis and Jewish community members. I want them to know that I have their backs if they feel threatened, especially as antisemitism rises in the United States.

I want to be clear: criticizing the policies of the Israeli government is not the same as antisemitism, but that is a separate discussion. What matters here is solidarity and trust.

Using my platform, I recently published a book titled What’s Faith Got to Do With It? Learning to Love and Live the Questions. One chapter focuses on reclaiming Jesus, the relationship between Christianity and Judaism, and how right-wing theology often misrepresents both in ways that are deeply antisemitic.

In that chapter, I emphasize that Jesus was Jewish, grounded in the Jewish prophetic tradition of justice and inclusion, and committed to a universal vision of human dignity. I hold to the theology that the Messiah will arrive only when no longer needed—that it is our responsibility to build a world that reflects justice, compassion, and shared humanity.

Jacobsen: John, thank you very much for your time today. 

Lentz: Very good. It was a pleasure speaking with you again.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

J. Ryan Fuller on Loneliness, Echo Chambers, and Therapy Risks Regarding AI Chatbots and Emotional Bonding

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/30

Ryan Fuller, Ph.D., is the Co-founder of My Best Practice, a SaaS company, and is a New York–licensed clinical psychologist who is the Executive Director of New York Behavioral Health. He co-founded My Best Practice in 2014 and has practiced for 20 years, and has presented scientific studies in the United States, Canada, Russia, and India on topics including weight loss, aggression in schools, life satisfaction, and anger management. His clinical and research roles have included Director of Research at the Albert Ellis Institute and Director of Behavior in an obesity weight-loss program. Fuller has published in peer-reviewed journals and serves as an editorial board member and ad hoc reviewer in CBT and health-psychology outlets, focused on evidence-based clinical practice.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviewed J. Ryan Fuller, Ph.D., a New York–licensed clinical psychologist and co-founder of My Best Practice, about emotional bonding with AI chatbots and related risks. Fuller said attachment can be driven by belongingness, perceived responsiveness, anxious attachment styles, and anthropomorphism. He noted early evidence suggests short-term loneliness relief, but warned longer-term reliance may increase isolation and reduce investment in human relationships. He cautioned that agreeable personalization can create echo chambers that intensify unchallenged beliefs and potentially foster radicalization. In mental-health contexts, he emphasized iatrogenic harm: reassurance without “friction” can undermine exposure-based learning, self-efficacy, and independence, arguing for strict guardrails, robust research, and strong child protections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What psychological mechanisms predict emotional bonding with AI chatbots?

Dr. J. Ryan Fuller: We are all in search of connection, reassurance, funny interactions, and even reductions in loneliness and anxiety. Belongness, craving stable interpersonal relationships, Perceived Responsiveness, believing you are understood and cared about, Anxious Attachment Styles, tendency to want reassurance and difficulty trusting close partners, and a tendency to anthropomorphise, projecting human characteristics non-humans.

Jacobsen: What does current evidence suggest about chatbot use and longitudinal changes in loneliness?

Fuller: Preliminary research shows short term reductions in loneliness, but longer term Chatbot relationships may increase loneliness and I believe isolation from other people. It is reasonable to believe the the more time spent with Chatbot relationships the less time and possibly significance will be given to human relationships. I am very concerned about AI Chatbot “relationships” leading to increased isolation, loneliness, and avoidance of real world interpersonal relationships, instead relying on Chatbots for psychological and emotional intimacy. 

Jacobsen: How can conversational personalization and user-specific feedback loops produce echo chambers?

Fuller: If an AI Chatbot is trained to be agreeable, kind, and encouraging, the comments and connections will gradually if not hugely strengthen the current beliefs of a user. Without skeptical comments, or negative feedback, it is less likely that a user will question their own assumptions and beliefs, which can lead to more and more radical views with high levels of conviction. I think this kind of feedback loop is incredibly dangerous both for the user and potentially for the public. Someone can almost radicalize themselves in extremest views as an irrational, aggressive, or even-self defeating thought can be “nurtured” 24/7.

Jacobsen: What iatrogenic risks arise when chatbots are used as mental health supports?

Fuller: One of the most effective treatments in behavior therapy is Exposure Therapy. These kinds of treatments are used to treat all kinds of disorders, e.g., phobias, OCD, and PTSD. What they all involve is having the client experience distress. Growth and typically psychological, emotional, behavioral, and even physical (think of muscle growth stimulated by weight lifting) involve friction – not comfort. No pain, no gain. We don’t want to be sadists while treating clients, but if all we do is provide comfort and reassurance to someone who has an anxiety disorder we prevent them from learning how to tolerate distress, accept situations, and build self-efficacy, independence, and overall confidence. We want them to learn what they can tolerate, what they can navigate around, what problems they can solve, and believe that there are many challenges they can overcome. We don’t want to facilitate dependence, i.e., they need a therapist to make them feel better. It is often necessary to feel worse to get better. 

Jacobsen: What are credible risks of data leakage or social engineering when users disclose sensitive information?

Fuller: I’m not a cybersecurity expert. Clearly as with any software or web based applications, data security is a real concern and that would be the case for using Chatbots as well. 

Jacobsen: What ethical standards should govern disclosure and transparency in chatbot interactions?

Fuller: Currently, I believe children should be prevented from interacting with Chatbots. I also think it is too early for Chatbots to be providing therapy. Licensing therapists is done in order to protect the public. These clinicians are responsible for any mistakes they make that result in harm, which is why there are ethical standards with boards that can remove their licenses, and why they carry malpractice insurance to cover the costs of potential lawsuits. 

At this point, there is not enough research to know the benefits or risks of using Chatbots. Therefore, my ethical view now is that before there are ethical standards, we need to extensively study their efficacy and risks for potential harm. 

If it appears the cost/benefit profile is comparable or better than human therapists, then determining who is ultimately responsible and needs to follow ethical guidelines can be established. To clarify, if we establish an ethical standard that is violated by a particular Chatbot, who is “on the hook?” Should the coder(s) that participated in the development of the Chatbot be required to have a license that can be revoked, should they be financially liable and have to carry malpractice insurance? What about the Chatbot company owner or board members? All of this needs to be thoroughly flushed out before Chatbot use is rolled out. 

Until then, I think there should be strong enforceable nationwide (international if that were possible) guardrails.

Jacobsen: What practical and enforceable child-safety measures reduce harm?

Fuller: I believe strict age-gating for any relationship Chatbot use is necessary. Lawsuits alledge that engaging with Chatbots has led to suicides committed by minors. I don’t believe at this point it is safe to have children (and possibly adults) engaging in relationships or receiving “therapy” from chatbots. And it is impossible at this point to adequately screen for mental health diagnoses that would amplify those risks. With that said, when the time comes there should be vigilant monitoring of chats in case there are red flags that warrant immediate intervention, so a struggling user can quickly be helped and supported by a mental health professional. 

Jacobsen: What multidisciplinary research agenda to test further harms and benefits?

Fuller: There need to be psychologists, sociologists, philosophers, ethicists, and even economists working together to discuss and test the potential dangers and benefits of Chatbot use. We have only seen what has occurred after a few years of use at this early developmental stage of these Chatbots. What happens as humans grow up with these interactions as a large part of their social interactions? What happens as these Chatbots become even more sophisticated as well as ubiquitous? What happens to human relationships, reproduction, motivation, etc. when it is much cheaper, easier, and more comfortable than human interactions. What are the consequences when people’s emotional, social, and even psychological lives are led more in the world of Chatbots than people? The echochamber is one metaphor that can be seen as a path to depression and self-harm and/or anger and violence. But there are many other possibilities, e.g., social anxiety and avoidance of risk-taking in terms of romantic relationships skyrocketing while reproduction plummets. The societal implications are beyond what I think we can possibly imagine at this initial introduction to these relationships.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your timer, Dr. Fuller.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

EU Removes Tariffs on U.S. Auto Exports: Patrick Warren on Performance Innovation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/29

Patrick Warren is CEO and founder of Litespeed Racing, a California company making ultra-lightweight performance wheels for street and race cars. Trained in automotive engineering at California State University–Northridge, he launched Litespeed in 2006 and champions forged magnesium, forged aluminum, and carbon fiber designs that prioritize strength and mass reduction. In conversation, Warren explains how wheel mass, stiffness, and heat management shape lap times and drivability. He compares forged magnesium, forged aluminum, and carbon fiber tradeoffs, including cost, safety margins, and repairability. He also discusses Litespeed Racing’s testing workflow, motorsport feedback loops, and where lightweight wheel technology may head next.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the implications of the EU removing tariffs on U.S. auto exports?

Patrick Warren: This is a long-overdue win for American performance and innovation. I’ve spent years building ultra-light, high-strength wheels that meet the standards of the world’s top automakers. It means our products can reach European customers with fewer cost barriers, which opens up huge market potential overnight.

Jacobsen: How will this move affect U.S.-EU trade relations and negotiations?

Warren: This signals a return to pragmatic trade relations between two major players in the global auto industry. It’s less about politics and more about progress, creating an environment where innovation flows in both directions without getting stuck in a tariff tug-of-war.

Jacobsen: What is the potential impact on the automotive industry, including manufacturers, suppliers and consumers?

 Warren: It’s a ripple effect. Manufacturers gain access to new customers, suppliers get more demand and consumers benefit from better technology and lower prices. Everybody wins when trade barriers come down and innovation is allowed to move freely.

Jacobsen: What are the broader economic or geopolitical consequences?

Warren: Strategically, this is about more than cars. It’s about signaling alignment in a rapidly shifting global economy. As the U.S. and EU face down challenges from emerging markets, breaking down trade barriers makes us stronger together, especially in critical sectors like transportation and clean tech.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Patrick. 

For more information, Litespeed Racing: https://www.litespeedracing.com/; https://www.linkedin.com/in/patrick-warren-565ab13/.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 23: Restorative Justice: Partnership vs Domination in Criminal Law

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/28

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Riane Eisler about justice through her partnership–domination lens. Jacobsen contrasts retributive criminal law with restorative practice that treats wrongdoing as harm requiring repair, accountability, and reintegration. Eisler argues punitive systems reflect domination mythologies that portray people as inherently bad, encouraging exclusion and lifelong stigma, including barriers to employment. She links violence to learned family patterns—“peace begins at home”—and frames restorative justice as evidence of a cultural shift toward partnership. The pair probe risks of trauma-as-excuse, concluding that acknowledging causality must strengthen responsibility, not erase it, so rehabilitation remains credible, humane, and effective.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We are going to focus on two forms of justice. One is punitive—or, more precisely, retributive—justice as a traditional model in criminal law. Retributive approaches are often criticized for centering punishment of the offender, sometimes at the expense of victims’ needs, rehabilitation, and prevention.

Restorative justice contrasts with this by reframing wrongdoing as harm done to people and relationships rather than merely a violation of legal rules. It is often framed through questions such as: who was hurt, what do they need, and who has responsibilities to repair that harm? It emphasizes repair, accountability, and reintegration.

The United States is frequently cited as a contemporary case where reintegration remains difficult, and where reoffending rates are high compared with many European systems. What are your thoughts on these two approaches?

Rine Eisler: We have a heritage of punitive or retributive “justice,” rooted in domination-oriented systems. More recently, restorative and rehabilitative movements have become more mainstream, signalling a shift toward partnership. The premise is that we have often approached justice in the wrong way: people should be supported in returning from harmful actions and, where possible, in making amends to those they have harmed.

This connects directly to partnership versus domination. Many Indigenous legal traditions and many small-scale societies have historically emphasized relational repair, community responsibility, and reintegration rather than punishment alone, although practices vary widely across cultures and historical periods.

Where justice systems emphasize rehabilitation—as is often highlighted in parts of Northern Europe—reported recidivism rates tend to be lower than in more punitive systems, although cross-national comparisons require caution due to differences in legal definitions, reporting standards, and data collection methods.

Ultimately, this discussion turns on worldview: whether we see people as permanently flawed and therefore manageable only through control, or as capable of accountability, repair, and change within systems designed for reintegration. That underlying assumption shapes whether justice systems prioritize domination or partnership.

If you compare the treatment of people convicted of crimes in Finland or Sweden with that in the United States, the difference is striking. Even so, within the United States there are jurisdictions and programs where recidivism rates are lower and where incarcerated people are treated as human beings capable of change.

We also know that violence is learned, and that it is often learned first within families. That is why we recently held a virtual summit called Peace Begins at Home, to help people connect these dots. If something is learned, it can also be unlearned.

A punitive or retributive system often makes what psychologists call the fundamental attribution error: it treats wrongdoing as evidence that something is fundamentally wrong with the person. This is not a religious system, but it carries a similar assumption—that once someone has committed a crime, they are inherently bad and cannot truly redeem themselves.

That assumption follows people long after incarceration. When individuals are released, many employers are unwilling to hire them. In this sense, punishment extends beyond prison walls. At the same time, there are NGOs devoted to helping formerly incarcerated people find employment, which shows that alternative approaches exist.

In this area, as in so many others, we see a struggle between an underlying domination system—with its particular beliefs and worldview—and a partnership-oriented system with a very different worldview. Both exist at the same time. The real question is how to help the majority of people understand this difference. The only way I can see is by changing the mythology surrounding what we call “human nature.”

Whose needs does punishment actually serve? It is usually said to serve society’s needs, and partly it reflects a desire for fairness. Studies of children show that they want those who cheat or harm others to be punished, and that tendency appears early. But that does not mean punishment itself is a fundamental human need. If it were, restorative justice movements would not exist, and many Indigenous societies would not prioritize repair, reintegration, and reconciliation over exclusion whenever possible.

Whether someone can be redeemed is not always clear. It may be that some people are so deeply traumatized that change is extremely difficult. History does give us examples, particularly when we look at leadership across different eras. In many cases, such figures seek to suppress alternatives because they define them as evil or threatening.

Politically, punishment can be mobilized for support. In the United States, calls for harsher laws and more severe punishment often resonate with voters. This tendency also bleeds into social life. Americans, broadly speaking, can be socially punitive, carrying strong prejudgments that cut across political and social lines. At the extremes, different groups define an “ultimate bad,” and individuals associated with that category become targets.

It is often not the group in the abstract that suffers directly, but the individual who is labeled as belonging to that group. Ultimately, this comes back to beliefs about human nature. If people are seen as inherently bad or sinful, punishment becomes the default response.

That assumption is not unique to modern societies. Historically, rigidly domination-oriented systems often dealt with crime by executing offenders rather than attempting rehabilitation. Modern prisons are a comparatively recent invention, and even they reflect differing assumptions about whether people are capable of change.

Jacobsen: Is there any strength in the idea of an abstract legal code with universal application, even within a retributive justice system? In other words, while the punishments may be extreme, does the principle of equal treatment under the law offer any redeeming value within domination-oriented systems?

Eisler: I do not think the issue is really one of abstract versus concrete law. The core issue is punishment itself. If you believe that human nature is fundamentally bad, then redemption is not part of the system. Punishment becomes the central response, rather than repair, accountability, or transformation.

If you believe that humans are basically capable of good—most of them, at least—there are still difficult cases to consider. Some people appear to derive pleasure from other people’s suffering. I have not studied the genetic literature on this in depth, but in most cases I would say such behavior is linked to trauma. I am not an expert, though.

From a biological perspective, we can reasonably point to variation. Evolution produces differences. You will find people who are highly empathetic, and you will also find people who, despite environment or upbringing, consistently display harmful behavior—perhaps due to a combination of genetic and epigenetic factors. I do not know the proportions. But I would argue that most people are capable of atonement and redemption if we address the traumas that contributed to their criminal behavior.

Jacobsen: Is there a risk, in the shift from punitive or retributive justice to restorative justice, that trauma becomes an excuse—that people avoid accountability by saying, “My trauma made me do this”?

Eisler: There is that risk, of course. It is a complicated issue. The question is whether recognizing trauma becomes a way of evading responsibility, or whether it becomes a way of understanding causality and making a genuine commitment not to repeat the harm. I do not claim expertise here, but I do know this: the restorative justice movement signals that more people are moving toward a partnership view of human nature.

You cannot meaningfully restore unless you believe that people are capable of change. That belief stands in contrast to the idea that human nature is fundamentally bad or sinful—one of the foundational myths associated with domination systems. These systems have deeply influenced many religions, though not all of them.

Within religious traditions, you often find a core ethical insight—“do unto others as you would have them do unto you,” the emphasis on responsibility and empathy—that makes harming others morally difficult. Surrounding that core, however, are layers of rules and doctrines that can obscure it.

I have often said that I hope, someday, leaders of the world’s religions will seriously engage with this issue. At present, roughly 80 percent of the world’s population still identifies with some form of religion. Until we address how scriptures are interpreted, they will continue to be used against efforts to shift toward systems that can prevent trauma to a large extent—though never completely. Trauma will always exist. People become ill. Life brings loss.

There is death, there are floods and earthquakes—there is plenty of suffering in the world—but we do not have to add to it. That is really the difference between these two beliefs: the idea that we must add suffering because of human nature, versus the belief that people can atone and be restored to being productive, caring members of society.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Riane.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Executive Orders, DEI Bans, and Transgender Federal Workers: Ashley T. Brundage on Protections and Well-Being

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/27

Ashley T. Brundage is the founder and president of Empowering Differences, a leadership and DEI consulting platform. A transgender woman, she has described overcoming harassment, discrimination, and homelessness while seeking stable work in financial services. Beginning as a part-time teller at PNC Bank, she rose to National Vice President of Diversity and Inclusion in under five years. She authored Empowering Differences and built a companion online leadership course outlining a four-step empowerment framework for cultivating organizational change. Based in New York City, she speaks on inclusion, organizational leadership, workplace culture, and belonging. She is the parent of two teenage sons.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Ashley T. Brundage, founder of Empowering Differences and ex-PNC Bank VP of Diversity and Inclusion, about how federal policy shifts shape transgender employees’ work lives. Brundage argues the Civil Rights Act and Bostock decision protect against gender discrimination, yet new executive orders try to weaken enforcement and curb DEI training. She links inclusion programs to morale, communication, productivity, and revenue, while warning healthcare rollbacks disrupt care continuity, raise absenteeism, and increase costs. Common flashpoints include bathrooms, locker rooms, and pronouns, often fueled by misinformation. She highlights heightened risks for gender-nonconforming people, including “X” passport holders.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Which federal policy changes shape transgender and gender nonconforming federal employees’ daily work conditions?

Ashley T. Brundage: While the civil rights act of 1964 is clear to provide protection on sex (gender) discrimination and the Bostock v Clayton County supreme court ruling also protects transgender employees confirming the 1964 legislation (congress), it remains clear in the new trump term they intend to muddy the waters against the other branches of government. 

Executive Order: #14168 seeks to overrule the courts and congress which has a direct negative effect on transgender employees of the federal government. This includes the estimated 15,000 military troops who have been serving our country. By removing these troops, we are putting other troops at risk by not having tenured replacements. 

Also, Executive Order: 14173 which effectively bans DEI practices in the federal government. This action does harm by removing educational programs which serve our government employees to streamline productivity. For example, by helping to learn how to communicate with those that are different, employee morale increases and effectiveness as well. 

Jacobsen: What measurable outcomes capture employee well-being?

Brundage: Turnover costs have a direct measurable amount for an organization. Employee surveys and satisfaction surveys also can provide some insight into well-being; however, these will typically overperform in large-scale organizations due to fear of having to do more work if scores are lower. Lastly, overall revenue can be a measurable outcome as well since organizations with high well-being scores tend to produce better on all metrics including selling more goods and services.

Jacobsen: How do healthcare coverage changes affect care continuity?

Brundage: To lose healthcare coverage or part of your coverage due to being a political wedge issue is a heartbreaking reality for many, it can force someone to have to take more time off work to find care elsewhere or via lower cost options in other states or countries. This lowers the employee morale and leads to higher costs. 

Gender affirming care is what is under attack from most of these changes and it is highly hypocritical since most Americans leverage some type of gender affirming care on a regular basis. Remember that when people shave, color their hair, cut their hair, tattoos, Blue pills, birth control, Botox, makeup, GLP1, and so much more, it is a form of shaping one’s gender to match their internal sense of gender. 

Jacobsen: Following from the last question, what about clinical outcomes and financial considerations too?

Brundage: The overall costs for fully inclusive health plans that offer coverage for transgender people don’t dramatically raise the costs for others because the employees using those services are now living healthier lives and the amount of people leveraging them is so small. 

Jacobsen: What workplace restrictions are most commonly reported?
I’m not sure what this question is referring to but guessing around trans related bans?

Brundage: I would think bathrooms. Locker rooms, pronouns are the most typical attacks on transgender people besides healthcare which was already referenced above. These types of policies are usually based on misinformation. Pronouns are important to everyone, and cisgender males and females who have statistically more reversed feminine, masculine, or unisex sounding names leverage this more than trans people. Kelly/Kim are males, or Riley/Sam as females for example. For bathrooms and locker rooms there are already policies that protect people from anything that is negative. If someone wanted to harm someone in these spaces a policy blocking trans people would not stop them. It is important to instead focus on actual issues that matter to the majority people on a regular basis. 

Jacobsen: How have shifts in nondiscrimination protections and enforcement altered reporting behavior?

Brundage: For the most part we have not seen shifts on nondiscrimination protections because these are largely done in blue cities and states and there are still some layers of protection federally through the supreme court. I think there is more misinformation and disinformation affecting people in this way as the news media has become more increasingly hard to measure truth each day. 

Jacobsen: What populations are most vulnerable to compounded effects?

Brundage: Gender nonconforming people face the most adverse effects. Prime example is people who have passport marker X, they face many risks from healthcare access to negative treatment from their own government in some cases they are having their identity documents revoked.

Jacobsen: From a research-methods standpoint, what are the biggest threats to valid inference here?

Brundage: That transgender people have existed since the dawn of time, and many other cultures deeply respect our community. I have included a link here with some research on the historical context here. 

https://www.hrc.org/resources/seven-things-about-transgender-people-that-you-didnt-know

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Ashley.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Nora Demleitner: Lewiston Shooting and Military Responsibility, Legal Accountability, Causation, and Prevention

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/26

Nora Demleitner is a leading legal scholar specializing in criminal law, sentencing, comparative law, and institutional responsibility within justice systems. She has held senior academic leadership roles and is widely recognized for her work on punishment theory, proportionality, and the interaction between law, public policy, and social harm. Demleitner’s scholarship frequently examines how legal systems respond to extreme cases, including violence, systemic failure, and state accountability. Known for her careful, evidence-based approach, she brings a nuanced perspective to questions of causation, prevention, and institutional duty, particularly where criminal law intersects with civil liability and public safety.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Nora Demleitner about the legal, moral, and institutional implications of the 2023 Lewiston, Maine mass shooting. Demleitner explains why the case is likely to unfold as civil litigation rather than a criminal prosecution and explores whether the U.S. military had legal tools to prevent the attack by a reservist known to be experiencing mental health distress. They examine causation versus prevention, the limits of institutional control over reservists, firearm access, and the difficulty of assigning responsibility for failures to act. The discussion situates the case within broader debates on gun policy, mental health, and state accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I will make sure this is at the top of the interview. The Maine shooting refers to the Lewiston mass shooting on October 25, 2023, in which a lone gunman opened fire at two locations in Lewiston, Maine: the Just-In-Time Recreation bowling alley and Schemengees Bar & Grille.

Eighteen people were killed, and thirteen were wounded. It was the deadliest mass shooting in Maine’s history. Police identified a suspect named Robert Card, a U.S. Army reservist, and the shootings triggered an extensive, multi-day search.

The card was found dead on October 27, 2023, after the search. The cause of death was an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound, and authorities said he was found near a recycling facility in Lisbon, Maine, where he had recently worked. This ended the search.

This is a dramatic case. Legally speaking, and culturally as well, what is the significance of record-level individual cases such as mass shootings? What do they potentially do in setting precedent in the legal system in a city or a state?

Nora Demleitner: Let me start with a personal note. I am an alum of Bates College. Bates was not directly impacted, but during the days of that shooting, I think anybody connected to the Bates community, or who has ever lived in Lewiston, felt their heart go out to a community that you would never expect to be the target of a mass shooting.

In terms of legal consequences, the first place to look is the criminal justice system if the shooter is identified and arrested. From a criminal perspective, those cases are usually not difficult to prove as long as the forensic evidence is present; the proof of guilt is generally overwhelming.

This is not a criminal case because Mr. Card died before he could be arrested. This is a civil context. It is not the only time we have seen civil cases, but this could be one of the most significant cases against the military in a very unusual context.

We are also seeing criminal accountability efforts tied to police response in other cases. In Uvalde, for example, a former school district police officer has been charged with multiple counts of child endangerment related to the law enforcement response.

The question is whether the courts ultimately reach a judgment here and whether that judgment changes the legal standards. The military has reported changes to some procedures and internal practices following investigations into the Lewiston case.

You can imagine a case in which a military reservist poses no challenges, and the military has no issues, with no connection between the two.

Here, the situation is different. The military had been alerted to severe mental health concerns, and the litigation is against the government, a deep-pocketed institution. This could be a path-breaking case in many ways.

Jacobsen: A key fact is the distinction between a full-time member of the military and a part-time member, meaning the distinction between an active-duty service member and a reservist. An active-duty member is fully absorbed into the position, while a reservist can still hold a civilian job, and many do.

They also receive benefits from being part of the U.S. military. As a reservist, there is often less direct and indirect military control than with active-duty members. Does the reservist status of Mr. Card complicate this case morally as well as legally?

Demleitner: Legally, there will undoubtedly be questions about what control the military had and what it could have done. One question will be whether the military could have influenced or required a particular medical regimen. They could have removed him from the military if they had found that necessary.

That would not necessarily have prevented the killings, so removal alone would not have been a solution. The question is whether the military had tools at its disposal that could have prevented the shooting.

There are two obvious areas. One concerns weapons. My understanding is that most of the weapons used were his privately owned firearms, over which the military had no direct control. Military-issued weapons are a different matter; the military can retain those.

The other area concerns mental health treatment and how much control the military has over that. As you noted, the military has substantial control over treatment decisions and requirements for active-duty service members. For reservists, that control is more limited, aside from separation from service.

In this case, the military ultimately determined during training that it did not have the tools to address his mental health condition and referred him to a private facility in the area. That facility later discharged him, apparently concluding that he was stable. That decision limited the tools available to the military.

One of the central questions will be the interaction between private medical decision-making, the consequences for the military, and what happens afterward. This is why the case is potentially path-breaking. Increasing the military’s responsibility for reservists would fundamentally change the relationship, oversight, and obligations involved, potentially moving it closer to the standards applied to full-time service members.

Jacobsen: That also changes the nature of the relationship between the military and civil society, because it represents a greater intrusion into a reservist’s life. There is also a question of causation and free will. We can examine environmental and institutional influences on an individual’s mental state. However, there is also the fundamental fact that Mr. Card made a choice and killed eighteen people and wounded thirteen, and later took his own life.

The issue is how far mental health can be attributed to environmental or institutional influence when assessing institutional responsibility. Some mental health conditions have strong hereditary components, while environmental triggers more strongly influence others. Where conditions are more environmentally driven, institutional chains of responsibility may be stronger. Where conditions are highly heritable, arguments assigning institutional fault may be weaker.

How innate factors and institutional factors are weighed in this case goes directly to questions of causation and free will.

Demleitner: I would distinguish between two different types of causation. One concerns the origin of the mental health condition itself, which is what you are pointing to when you ask whether it was inherited and to what degree. None of this is 100% determinative.

There is no public indication that Mr. Card suffered from a concussion-based injury like those documented in some former professional athletes. There are indications that something affected his mental state, and there has been discussion about whether military service, firearms training, or weapons use may have contributed. That form of causation is unlikely to be central in the litigation, because such cases are complicated to prove.

The causation question that will matter here concerns prevention. Independent of how he came to have a serious mental health condition, was there someone who could have stopped the harm from occurring? That is the crucial issue.

The legal questions will be whether the military had the necessary legal tools, whether it had sufficient knowledge, and whether using those tools would likely have prevented the shooting. Related to that is the extent to which a failure to act contributed to what ultimately occurred.

The military is not the only institution that failed to act. A family member has publicly stated that many people share moral, not legal, responsibility, since the family alerted multiple parties. Local law enforcement was also alerted. Under Maine law at the time, police may have been able to seek temporary removal of firearms. It is possible that this could have prevented the shooting, but it is not certain.

We do not know whether law enforcement would have removed all weapons, whether the process would have accelerated events, or whether he could have obtained firearms through other means. These counterfactuals are impossible to resolve with certainty.

In tort law, causation is always a central question. The claim here is not that institutions caused harm through action, but that they bear responsibility for failing to act.

Jacobsen: In Canada, civilian firearms ownership is regulated more strictly than in the United States. Canada has millions of firearms and licensed owners, but civilian ownership is subject to national licensing requirements, and most firearms are tied to individual license holders rather than circulating broadly.

In the United States, civilian firearm ownership is far higher overall, with estimates commonly exceeding four hundred million privately owned guns, and registration requirements vary widely by state, with many firearms unregistered. A far larger proportion of civilian guns in Canada are regulated through licensing and registration than in the United States.

Does the lack of comprehensive registration laws in the U.S. factor into cases like this? Related to that, to what extent do we know whether this was a premeditated act versus an impulsive one?

Demleitner: Let me take the second question first. Mr. Card reportedly stated at one point that he had a “hit list.” What that meant precisely is unclear. Targeting public places such as a restaurant and a bowling alley does not align neatly with a list of specific individuals, but it does suggest sustained ideation about harming others.

In cases like this, individuals generally do not simply snap without prior thought. Reaching this point typically requires preparation. One of the issues raised by your question about firearms is that when weapons are readily available, there are fewer barriers to acting on violent intent.

In countries where firearms are harder to obtain, acquiring a weapon is an additional step that can delay or interrupt violence, sometimes allowing others to intervene. In this case, Mr. Card already had multiple firearms available to him.

Gun ownership itself is not unusual in Maine, particularly for hunting, and military service also makes firearm familiarity unsurprising. What stands out statistically in the United States is not merely gun ownership, but the accumulation of large numbers of firearms by some individuals. Most gun owners possess more than one firearm, but in some cases, including this one, individuals acquire extensive arsenals that raise questions about risk.

Recent U.S. Supreme Court and lower court decisions have made it more difficult for states to impose broad gun restrictions. However, they have preserved the ability to remove firearms from individuals who pose a demonstrated threat, including in cases involving domestic violence restraining orders and mental health concerns.

There are legal tools available for governments to attempt to prevent shootings. However, it is significantly harder to remove firearms from someone who already possesses them than it is to prevent acquisition in the first place.

Jacobsen: When you look at these cases, are there common themes among record-breaking, state-level mass shooters? Do you see slow development over time, ownership of more firearms than the average U.S. civilian, and familiar patterns of male-typical violence?

We know from school mass shooting research that adolescence, particularly the mid-to-late teenage years, is a critical period, with perpetrators disproportionately male. Patterns differ across contexts, however. Are there recurring indicators you see among adult mass shooters in the general population?

Demleitner: You have already identified several of the recurring patterns. Gender is one of the most consistent factors; perpetrators are overwhelmingly male. Race is more variable. Statistically, mass shooters are more often white, but that does not mean perpetrators cannot be African American, Hispanic, or from other backgrounds.

Mental health issues appear in many cases, though not all. When they do occur, they are rarely sudden. In many cases, others have noticed a deterioration over time. Friends or family may be in denial, but signs are often visible.

You also frequently see social withdrawal. In Mr. Card’s case, reports indicated that he became increasingly isolated in the weeks leading up to the shooting, distancing himself from family and friends. This pattern appears in many cases.

Often, it is unclear whether an individual poses a danger to themselves or to others. There may be a sense of grievance, paranoia, or beliefs about being watched or targeted, which can be associated with certain mental health conditions.

It is critical to emphasize that the vast majority of people with mental health conditions do not commit acts of mass violence. People with mental illness are far more likely to be victims, or to harm themselves, than to harm others. That distinction is essential.

That said, warning signs are often noticed. Access to weapons becomes a crucial factor, whether individuals already possess firearms, acquire additional ones over time, or obtain them through other means. In some school shooting cases, firearms were taken from family members. In adult cases, individuals often already have weapons and may accumulate more.

Functioning typically deteriorates. You do not usually see someone functioning normally at work and then suddenly committing a mass shooting the same day. Something else is going on beneath the surface.

You also rarely see individuals actively engaged in effective, ongoing treatment at the time of the attack. Often, they have withdrawn from care, frequently by their own choice, after pushing others away.

Another common factor is social isolation. Many perpetrators are single or living alone. Living with others makes planning more difficult, whereas isolation can facilitate concealment and preparation.

Jacobsen: See no evil, hear no evil. Have there been any studies or uses in a legal context of the following thought experiment?

Individuals are screened for mental health issues before entering the military, for good reason. It is an extreme environment, particularly during basic training or special forces training.

You then have several populations: the general population with baseline levels of mental health issues; individuals who have passed military screening and are serving; and a subgroup within that population who develop mental health problems after exposure to the military environment. We could further restrict it to active-duty members, though this case involves a reservist.

Would we expect statistically significant differences between those who have been screened and later act out violently within the military context, compared to the general population? Could a statistically grounded argument be made that aspects of the military environment induce mental health conditions that increase the likelihood of certain forms of violence? Could something like that even hold up in court?

Demleitner: That would not be easy. It would be an interesting study for a psychologist, but it is hard to translate into a courtroom context because courts deal with individual cases, not population-level abstractions.

The legal question returns to what actually triggered this for him. The military presumably has records from when he applied and was admitted. This is not the age range where psychotic breaks typically occur, which often happens in the late teens through the twenties. This occurred later.

That timing contributed to speculation that firearms use or high-pressure training might have caused a brain injury that interacted with other factors. The military has emphasized that he never deployed and did not show the types of combat-related brain injuries, PTSD, or patterns of self-medication seen in some veterans returning from Iraq or Afghanistan.

Because he did not deploy, he would not have been flagged for heightened monitoring or concern under typical military protocols.

If anything, one would expect higher rates of mental health issues, though not necessarily violence, among individuals who deployed multiple times to intense combat zones. Comparisons across wars are difficult. World War II veterans are often described as returning less visibly traumatized, but those conflicts were fundamentally different from Iraq and Afghanistan.

It is hard to draw causal conclusions across different military environments unless there is a specific, traceable injury. That is not the case here.

Absent combat exposure, I am not aware of evidence showing that military service produces higher rates of mental health issues than the general population. However, I have not seen definitive studies either way.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts?

Demleitner: This will be a fascinating case to follow. Many cases are competing for attention, but this one raises fundamental questions.

Jacobsen: Especially in depth.

Demleitner: Yes. The relationship between the military and its non-permanent members will be a central issue.

Jacobsen: Nora, thank you very much for your time and expertise. It was a pleasure to meet you. 

Demleitner: No worries at all. 

Jacobsen: Excellent. Thank you very much.

Demleitner: Thank you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Yurii Markevych on Wartime Lviv: Youth Journalism, Language Tensions, and Civilian Stories

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/25

Yurii Markevych is an 18-year-old Ukrainian journalism student at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. He entered the Faculty of Journalism in 2024 and treats reporting as both a profession and a hobby. He covers how war-driven displacement changes Lviv’s language landscape, civic culture, and daily mental strain. In summer 2025, he volunteered and interned at the Lviv City Council’s European Youth Capital office, supporting youth teams and international forums, including handling translation logistics for guests. He interviews displaced entrepreneurs and argues that casualty reporting should include civilian stories, not only numbers. He is in Lviv and hopes to document Ukraine’s future with clarity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Yurii Markevych, an 18-year-old journalism student in Lviv, about reporting during Russia’s full-scale invasion. Markevych describes choosing journalism as a childhood dream that became urgent after February 2022. He argues that displacement has altered Lviv’s linguistic atmosphere, creating tension when Ukrainian citizens use Russian in public life and schools. He reflects on youth forced into early adulthood by curfews, loss, and peers killed in war. He also discusses volunteering for European Youth Capital 2025, Lviv’s EU-facing ties, street art, and the need to tell civilian stories beyond statistics. He urges editors to fund portraits.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You went to school at Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. What initially got you interested in journalism, storytelling, and radio?

Yurii Markevych: I wanted to become a journalist about two years before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine (which began on 24 February 2022). It was a childhood dream—something I thought I could become—but it was not just a goal; it was my dream.

When I entered high school, it became a concrete goal. In 2024, I entered university and am now studying in the Faculty of Journalism. I am a sophomore, and journalism has become not only my profession but also a hobby.

Jacobsen: About Lviv, it is a central hub for people displaced by the war. How does that reality shape the type of coverage you do daily?

Markevych: In my experience, Lviv used to be overwhelmingly Ukrainian-speaking. Now, I more frequently encounter people speaking Russian than I did before the full-scale invasion, which I associate with large-scale displacement into the city. This has irritated me, because I was used to being surrounded almost exclusively by Ukrainian speakers.

Now, you can walk through Lviv and encounter Ukrainian citizens speaking Russian. I do not understand this, but it is the reality. People should know that it is not normal to talk Russian in Lviv or in other Ukrainian cities.

Jacobsen: Does that affect the reporting you do? Does it shape the narratives you tell or your sensitivity to language differences? Does the increased amount of Russian spoken in Lviv change the culture, and does it affect your reporting?

Markevych: Not entirely, but in some ways, yes. For example, I see more businesses in Lviv where people speak Russian. In offices, they may talk Ukrainian, but when they meet others who speak Russian, they switch languages without hesitation because they feel fluent.

For me, this is not normal. When I interview someone, I expect them to speak Ukrainian. If they switch to Russian, I interrupt them—not because of formal rules, but because of my internal principles. This is about my personal values, not convenience.

Jacobsen: That is fair. What are the major themes in the Lviv story, broadly speaking, during the war? Themes related to culture and daily life in Lviv during the war. Each city experiences the war differently. A frontline city like Kharkiv has a different experience and tells various stories than Western Ukraine or Lviv.

Markevych: Lviv has always been strongly associated with culture. It was known as a cultural center, and it still is. At the same time, it has become a significant hub for displaced people. In my experience, many people from occupied territories and large cities pass through Lviv. Some stay temporarily before continuing to other countries; others return to Ukraine after months abroad and settle in Lviv, renting apartments and starting new lives here.

This has affected the mental well-being of people who lived in Lviv before the full-scale invasion and those who live here now. Lviv is no longer the same city it was before the invasion.

Many teachers came from the occupied territories. For many of them, Russian was their first language. Now they are required to speak Ukrainian, which is difficult for them, but they must do it. In schools, they speak Ukrainian during lessons, but during breaks they often switch back to Russian. For me, this is not normal because it influences children and students. Over time, distinguishing cultural boundaries becomes more difficult, creating confusion and tension.

Jacobsen: What do you think has been your most impactful story? What story needs to be told more, but has not been told enough?

Markevych: I have several stories, especially about my peers. I am an 18-year-old Ukrainian journalist. Recently, I met two French men—one was 29, the other 24—and we were talking in a café. They asked my age, and when I said I was 18, one of them told me that his younger brothers are not like my peers or me. He said that in France, people who are 18, 19, or even 20 are still treated as children.

In Ukraine, it is different. My peers, my classmates, and my colleagues had to grow up much earlier because of the war. We were forced to become adults sooner than we should have.

Another story involves a friend of mine whose family lives in Ireland. When she was there during the summer, she told me that in Ireland—as in many other countries—you can walk outside at night, order pizza late, and live freely during your twenties. In Ukraine, we cannot do that. We cannot walk at night or order food late because of curfews and security restrictions.

We are losing our best years. We have to learn how to live with this reality without losing ourselves, but many people stop caring. I care. I want to learn how to avoid losing my best years entirely.

There is also one more story. When I was preparing to enter university, I looked at the curriculum and noticed a professor with the same surname as mine. It would be interesting to meet him. When I entered university in September, I asked about him, and I was told that he was serving in the army and might be released soon.

A few weeks later, we received a message that he had been killed. I did get to know him—but only at his funeral. It is a sad story, but it reflects the reality we are living in.

Jacobsen: How is youth civic culture in the city now? Lviv was named European Youth Capital for 2025.

Markevych: That is an important topic for me. I was a volunteer during the summer of 2025, working with the European Youth Capital office, and an intern at the Lviv City Council at HR-office. I volunteered several times, and the experience was very positive.

The team included many young people, mostly aged 18 to 30, rather than only older staff. They actively supported volunteers and organized their own events. Through this work, it was possible to participate at an international level and help organize international events.

For example, I volunteered at an international forum in June—the Unbroken Justice Forum. There were international guests, including Philippe Sands, as well as participants from many countries. My role was practical: helping attendees by giving them wristbands and headphones for simultaneous translation, so people who did not understand English or Ukrainian could follow the discussions.

At that forum, I met a foreign attendee—possibly French or Canadian—who spoke Ukrainian very well. That surprised me. I had rarely heard a foreigner speak Ukrainian at such a high level. It created a striking contrast for me: some Ukrainians still choose to talk Russian, while this foreigner, who spoke French and English, had learned Ukrainian and used it confidently. I found that meaningful and challenging to understand at the same time.

Jacobsen: I have heard from people more knowledgeable than I am that Lviv functions as a significant hub of integration between Ukraine and the European Union—through grants, training programs, infrastructure, and cultural exchange. Is that generally accurate?

Markevych: Yes, that is generally correct. Lviv has direct rail connections to several European countries, making travel and cooperation easier. Communication with EU countries has also become more integrated, including changes to roaming and calling conditions that reduce barriers between Ukraine and the European Union.

Lviv also has many sister cities, especially in Europe, and collaborates actively with them through cultural, educational, and civic projects. There are partnerships with cities in the United States as well, and in Canada. Overall, Lviv plays a significant role in connecting Ukraine with Europe.

Jacobsen: How is the fashion and arts scene in Lviv, and how are people expressing their emotions about the war through art?

Markevych: I am not deeply involved in the art scene in Lviv, but as far as I know, there is a lot of street art—especially murals and paintings on walls—which often reflect wartime themes.

Regarding fashion, my colleagues frequently cover fashion weeks and related events, but it is not an area I focus on personally at the moment. From a journalism perspective, however, I have interviewed several refugees who worked in the fashion industry.

For example, my most recent published interview was with a Ukrainian refugee originally from Kyiv who moved to the United Kingdom. There, she founded a fashion startup producing Ukrainian-designed clothing. Her brand collaborates internationally, including with partners in Europe, the USA, Australia, Canada and New Zealand. 

Jacobsen: The Center for Civil Liberties’ Oleksandra Matviichuk has emphasized that while tracking casualties, humanitarian aid totals, reconstruction funding, political shifts, and international support are essential, those numbers can obscure human stories. So, a recent call to refocus attention on lived experience. What civilian-level stories in Lviv are often missed in the news cycle, and how could they be told better?

Markevych: A clear example comes from how we report casualties. In news reports, we usually list only names or numbers—one person killed, two people injured—and then move on.

In September 2024, in Lviv, a Russian missile strike killed members of a single family: three girls and one woman. The men in the family survived. One year later, a journalism student from my faculty—now a third-year student—made a documentary about this family and the lives of the women and children who were killed.

That film received significant attention and viewership. It allowed people to understand who these individuals were, not just as numbers or names, but as people with stories. Of course, we cannot tell the story of every victim—there are too many, and we do not have the capacity—but we should tell as many of these stories as we can. That requires initiative and conscious editorial choice.

Jacobsen: Yurii, thank you very much for your time today. It was nice to meet you.

Markevych: Thank you. Take care. Goodbye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Alberto J. Caban-Martinez, DO, PhD, MPH: Non-Destructive Wipe Test Detects PFAS on Firefighter Gear and SCBA Masks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

Alberto J. Caban-Martinez, DO, PhD, MPH, is a physician-scientist at the University of Miami and a deputy director and investigator with Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center’s Firefighter Cancer Initiative. His work focuses on occupational exposures, cancer prevention, and practical risk-reduction strategies for firefighters and other responders. He co-authored research validating a simple, non-destructive wipe method that detects PFAS (“forever chemicals”) on turnout gear and SCBA masks, including inside facepieces. He emphasizes field-ready tools, decontamination decisions, and culture change to help departments reduce invisible chemical burdens over a career. He collaborates with chiefs, trains crews in sampling, and emphasizes contamination control during testing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Caban-Martinez about a practical way to spot PFAS on firefighter equipment. Caban-Martinez explains that PFAS exposure can come from firefighting foams and from contaminated gear surfaces. His team used inexpensive polypropylene wipes to swab high-contact areas on turnout gear and SCBA masks, then confirmed PFAS types and concentrations via laboratory mass spectrometry—without cutting or damaging textiles. He notes key limitations: extraction efficiency and cross-contamination risks during sampling. Using PBTK modelling, he describes how surface residues may contribute to inhalation and dermal exposure over time, and urges chiefs to strengthen exposure-awareness and daily decontamination practices.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are joined by Alberto J. Caban-Martinez, DO, PhD, MPH. He is a physician-scientist and tenured associate professor of public health sciences at the University of Miami. He serves as deputy director and investigator at Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center’s Firefighter Cancer Initiative, where his work focuses on cancer prevention, exposure, and risk reduction for first responders. His recent work helped validate a non-destructive wipe test that detects PFAS on firefighter protective gear and SCBA masks, giving departments actionable data to guide cleaning and decontamination. So, what problem did you most want this wipe method to solve?

Dr. Alberto J. Caban-Martinez: We know firefighters are exposed to PFAS at higher levels than the general population. One key exposure source is firefighting foams used in specific incidents. Another primary source is their safety gear, which can seem counterintuitive because people assume the gear is only protective. PFAS are used in foams and coatings, and residues can persist on equipment and gear long after an incident.

In this study, our goal was to determine whether we could detect PFAS on gear without destroying it. Traditional testing can involve cutting material from the garment and sending it to a lab. Instead, we used damp polypropylene wipes to swab high-contact areas of turnout gear and SCBA masks, then analyzed the extracts using mass spectrometry.

We examined jackets, pants, and SCBA masks. We sampled both the inside and the exterior of the SCBA facepiece—the area that contacts the face, as well as the exterior surfaces—and tested the samples to determine what could be detected and in what quantities. The study shows that a simple wipe test can detect PFAS effectively, without damaging gear.

Jacobsen: Which PFAS showed up most consistently?

Caban-Martinez: There are many PFAS compounds, and the health effects are better established for some than for others. In this study, the most commonly detected compound was 6:2 fluorotelomer sulfonate (6:2 FTS), which is often associated with firefighting foams. We also detected PFAS inside breathing masks, where firefighters expect clean air.

Jacobsen: How long does sampling take, and what does lab analysis cost per item?

Caban-Martinez: Sampling is straightforward. Departments can swab gear with the wipe, place the wipe into a container, and send it for analysis. The key operational issue is avoiding cross-contamination during sampling, particularly in environments where PFAS or other contaminants may already be present.

The polypropylene material itself is inexpensive. You can purchase a yard for roughly thirty dollars, so access to the fabric is not a barrier. The laboratory analysis is expensive. The wipes must be processed in the lab through a series of chemical extraction steps before being injected into a liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry system. That instrument then identifies the type and concentration of PFAS present on the swabs used on the gear.

Jacobsen: Please define “non-destructive” as you are using it here. How did you identify and validate that construct?

Caban-Martinez: When we say ‘non-destructive,’ we contrast this approach with traditional PFAS testing methods. One example comes from work by a colleague at the University of Notre Dame, where gear is released by a fire department to a university lab and analyzed using laser-based techniques. PFAS contain carbon–fluorine bonds, so detecting fluorine can indicate PFAS presence. That approach requires taking the gear out of service.

Another traditional method involves cutting textile samples out of the gear and running them through chemical washes. That damages the equipment and leaves it uncertifiable for protective use. In our study, we refer to this method as non-destructive because the gear remains intact. We do not cut, burn, or alter it in any way. Instead, we use an indirect surface-sampling approach.

A common question is how accurate this method is compared to destructive techniques. That comparison has not yet been completed and represents the next step in the research. This study demonstrates that polypropylene wipes can be used to assess the presence and type of PFAS on gear indirectly.

This opens practical applications. For example, if a department cleans its gear and wants to know whether PFAS levels have changed, this method allows repeated testing without damaging equipment. Firefighters already have robust PFAS testing methods for water, but there is a gap for surfaces, particularly protective gear.

PFAS are used across many industries, from cosmetics and cookware to rain gear and other textiles. For firefighters, this matters because their breathing apparatus and protective equipment are central to their safety. Our goal was to provide a tool they can realistically use to assess whether PFAS are present on that gear.

Jacobsen: What should fire chiefs change tomorrow?

Caban-Martinez: Awareness is the first step. I travel to fire departments across the United States and hear widely varying practices. While many safety standards exist, they are not always consistently implemented. Fire chiefs should be having regular conversations with firefighters about chemical exposures, including PFAS, and how to reduce risk.

Firefighters are exposed to many hazards as part of their job—chemical, physical, and psychosocial. They routinely enter environments that most people would never consider. If leadership is better informed about PFAS, how it persists on gear, and the emerging science on health impacts, they can make better decisions to limit exposure.

Staying current with the science, evaluating what is present on gear, and adopting evidence-based practices can make a real difference in protecting the men and women who do this work every day.

Jacobsen: What were the risks and limitations around false negatives or cross-contamination?

Caban-Martinez: One of the main goals of this study was to determine whether this approach is a viable, indirect, non-destructive method for detecting PFAS. Sampling conditions matter. In this study, we visited two fire departments in Florida and sampled gear in the apparatus bay, where equipment is typically stored.

In many stations, gear for off-duty firefighters is kept in designated storage areas, but when firefighters are on shift, gear is often placed on the floor next to the truck. When the engine is running, diesel exhaust and other airborne contaminants can settle directly onto that gear. That creates a potential source of contamination unrelated to the gear itself.

Two limitations require further study. First, we need to understand better how effective polypropylene fabric is at extracting PFAS from surfaces. Second, we need to quantify how much airborne PFAS in the environment may land on the swab during sampling.

The method we propose is intentionally quick and discrete. The polypropylene wipe is stored in a sealed glass vial. When sampling, the vial is opened, the rolled four-by-four fabric is removed, and circular swabs are taken from predefined areas—such as the right and left shoulders or the pants’ shins. The wipe is then immediately returned to the vial and sealed.

During that brief exposure window, care must be taken to avoid cross-contamination. This includes being mindful of gloves, as some may contain PFAS. Without proper handling, PFAS could be introduced during the sampling process rather than originating from the gear. These are details that must remain at the forefront of one’s mind when applying this technique.

Our goal with this research is to provide fire departments concerned about exposure and contamination with a simple, non-destructive tool to assess PFAS levels on their gear.

Jacobsen: Your modelling suggests surface contamination can translate into internal exposure over time. What assumptions drive that estimate the most?

Caban-Martinez: You are referring to the physiologically based toxicokinetic, or PBTK, model. This part of the work is more interpretive than purely observational. We wanted to understand how PFAS detected on gear could plausibly enter the human body, either through inhalation or through dermal absorption.

PFAS can be aerosolized, meaning they can be inhaled, particularly if they are present on or inside breathing equipment. PFAS can also be absorbed through the skin, which is why the duration of gear wear matters. We used the PBTK model to estimate how much PFAS detected on gear surfaces could be internalized and become biologically active over time.

We found that the concentrations and types of PFAS detected—especially those found inside the SCBA facepiece—could plausibly result in meaningful internal exposure through inhalation and dermal absorption. When we swabbed the interior of the mask, where firefighters expect clean air from their tank, PFAS was present. The model allowed us to estimate the internal concentrations that could result from those exposures.

Jacobsen: Alberto, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Caban-Martinez: Anytime. It is always a pleasure to be interviewed by you, Scott. Thank you for the work you are doing. If you ever need anything related to occupational health, let me know.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Mauriella E. DiTommaso: Threat Modeling in the Age of Trusted AI Chatbots

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

Mauriella E. DiTommaso is Program Director for forensic programs and adjunct faculty at Champlain College Online, overseeing Computer Forensics & Digital Investigations and Digital Forensic Science. She also serves as Chief Information Security Officer for Washington State’s Department of Social and Health Services, bringing over two decades of cybersecurity and digital forensics leadership. She holds an M.S. in Forensic Sciences from Champlain College, an MBA from Delaware Valley College, and a B.A. from Edinboro University.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asked Mauriella E. DiTommaso how security thinking changes when people treat chatbots as trusted advisers. DiTommaso explained that classic threat-modeling methods still apply, but AI chatbots expand scope because they touch more systems and data. On social engineering, she warned that impostor sites with embedded bots can coax personal details for later exploitation. For sensitive transcripts, she stressed data-classification rules, storage and proper access controls, and required investigator clearances during digital-forensic work.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What new threat models emerge when users treat AI chatbots as trusted advisers?

Mauriella E. DiTommaso: Threat models provide a structured representation covering various aspects of an application, software, system, etc. that impact security and as AI-powered chatbots are relatively new or being more regularly deployed across information technology environments, the approach to threat modeling for technologies deploying AI chatbots as well as the chatbots themselves would still follow established threat modeling processes but would potentially encompass much larger and/or more complex scope of information being assessed.

Jacobsen: How can chatbots be weaponized for social engineering?

DiTommaso: A fake website crafted to impersonate a trusted entity with a chatbot deployed could be leveraged to collect personal information from an unsuspecting user, and that information in turn can be leveraged for social engineering. Information a chatbot in this example could collect would depend on the impersonated entity, however, the more personal data the chatbot can be programmed to coax out of the user the more information the actor will be able to obtain and utilize for social engineering.


Jacobsen: What privacy and digital forensics challenges arise when chatbot transcripts contain sensitive self-disclosures?

DiTommaso: From a privacy perspective, this will depend on the classification or category of the data being disclosed and the privacy/security rules governing the sensitive data. The ramifications of sensitive data being exposed via a chatbot interaction will also depend on the type of organization hosting the chatbot, and where/how the chatbot transcripts are handled (ie., stored, shared, accessed).

From a digital forensic perspective, if the transcripts are part of an investigation, one of the main challenges would be ensuring the investigator(s) possesses the proper clearances to view and work with that data. This should be part of an investigator’s onboarding to the organization so they are prepared and have proper coverage to view specified sensitive data at any given time.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Mauriella.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pregnancy Criminalization in Alabama: Brooke Shoemaker, Fetal Personhood, and Post-Dobbs Prosecutions

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/23

Karen Thompson is a national advocate with/legal director of Pregnancy Justice, a U.S. legal and policy organization working to end the criminalization of pregnancy and advance reproductive justice. Her work sits where medicine, law, and human rights collide, challenging prosecutions that treat miscarriage, stillbirth, or alleged substance exposure as criminal acts. Thompson emphasizes due process, credible medical evidence, and the principle that rights belong to the pregnant person, not to a pregnancy itself. She collaborates with attorneys, researchers, and advocates to track post-Roe prosecutions and press for laws that protect health care and dignity. Her focus is preventing convictions and harsh sentencing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Karen Thompson and Zenovia Earle of Pregnancy Justice about the case of Brooke Shoemaker, an Alabama woman who served five years after a stillbirth before her conviction was vacated. Thompson argues the prosecution criminalized a pregnancy outcome, not abortion, and relied on weak medical inference despite evidence of a severe uterine infection. They describe Alabama’s outsized role in pregnancy criminalization, driven by fetal personhood logic and broad statutes like chemical endangerment. Earle notes data challenges but sees rising prosecutions pre- and post-Dobbs, plus growing scrutiny of mental-health and common medications during pregnancy. With alarming momentum.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: There have been many concerning trends involving regression in women’s reproductive rights, specifically abortion rights, in the United States. As Human Rights Watch and others have noted, abortion is first and foremost a human right, and in a contemporary context, standard health care should be considered standard health care. Unfortunately, the United States has areas where this is not respected. In this particular case, an Alabama woman, Brooke Shoemaker, served five years after experiencing a stillbirth. Is Alabama the worst legal context for this type of imposition, or are there worse cases in other U.S. states now that we are in a post-Roe era?

Karen Thompson: There are several questions in there, and I am going to try to separate them because they merit different answers. The first issue is that while abortion is undoubtedly a question of reproductive justice, our cases at Pregnancy Justice very rarely involve abortion. As is clear in Brooke Shoemaker’s case, what is being criminalized is a pregnancy outcome: someone who was pregnant had a stillbirth and then faced criminal charges because of that fact.

I also want to clarify that she had served five years of her sentence, but she was actually sentenced to 18 years on a charge that could have carried a life sentence. As a matter of sentencing, this is one of the longest sentences we have ever seen in a pregnancy criminalization case.

Alabama leads the country in pregnancy criminalization cases. One reason for this is that, long before Roe, Alabama embraced the idea that fetuses and embryos are entitled to legal rights equal to those enjoyed by people. We believe that rights belong to the pregnant person, not to the pregnancy itself, but that is not the case in Alabama. This is why nearly 70% of pregnancy criminalization cases come out of that state.

What is notable about Miss Shoemaker’s case is that we were able to present information to the judge that the medical examiner had already identified. From the beginning, it was clear that she had suffered a severe uterine infection that affected the placenta. At that initial stage of the prosecution, the medical examiner could not say that drugs were involved or that it was a homicide. All they could say was that there was fetal death and signs of infection.

The inability to classify the death as a homicide was something the judge recognized at trial, and it remained a thread throughout the trial and the appeal. Although we are relieved that Miss Shoemaker’s conviction has been overturned, one of our arguments was that there was ineffective assistance of counsel. Her lawyer should have raised the clear medical basis for the pregnancy loss, which had nothing to do with drugs.

More broadly, even if drugs were involved, people should not be jailed or imprisoned for drug use during pregnancy. They should receive the help they need and want. Handcuffs are never the answer.

Jacobsen: When the medical examiner cannot identify a specific cause of death and homicide is not established, she still spent five years in prison.

Thompson: One hundred percent. We believe she was wrongfully convicted of that charge. This is why we are so relieved that the judge agreed there was something very wrong with the presentation of the evidence—so much so that a new trial is warranted. We hope that, on appeal, the higher court will affirm the trial judge’s decision.

Jacobsen: Do you think that, particularly in the contemporary American context, the emotionally charged nature of issues around fetuses, babies, and religious convictions played a significant role in how this case unfolded, resulting in at least five years of injustice that she endured?

Thompson: What I heard you saying is that religious and political influences tend to permeate these kinds of cases.

Jacobsen: Yes, and also the emotionally charged presuppositions people have—religious convictions and politically charged language around abortion. Was that a significant influence on how her case of injustice played out?

Thompson: While there is undoubtedly a real push around abortion issues, that is not what was happening here. What I do think is at play, and where there is legal and political influence, is the question of what pregnant people—particularly pregnant women—are doing during their pregnancies, and the idea that the state gets to control their behaviour from the moment they become pregnant until they give birth, especially in Alabama.

A patriarchal surveillance and control issue is being surfaced here. These issues are coextensive with reproductive justice, which we define as the ability of all people to choose whether to parent, whether not to parent, and whether to raise their children in safety and health. To the extent that people believe those choices belong to the church or to the legislature, that is indeed happening through fetal personhood laws in Alabama.

However, we still live in a world of science and reason. Regardless of how people feel about this case, the facts are that Miss Shoemaker had a severe infection, and that infection led to the end of her pregnancy.

Jacobsen: What would justice look like in her case?

Thompson: Justice would mean that the conviction, which has now been vacated, remains vacated, and that the state decides not to retry her on these facts. There is no viable basis for any of these charges, and certainly nothing that could justify an 18-year prison sentence.

Jacobsen: With respect to Alabama, Supreme Court justices cited 192 cases in the first two years after the Dobbs decision. Are you seeing a rapid uptick since then? And with the most recent administration coming into power following Dobbs, do you see this as two waves—first post-Dobbs, and then a second surge driven by more forceful political language and enforcement?

Zenovia Earle: This is an interesting question. First and foremost, we have been tracking these cases even before the loss of Roe, including when we were named national advocates for pregnant women. We do have data, and it does show fewer cases during the years when Roe was still in effect. However, we are not comfortable doing a strict year-by-year analysis—for example, comparing the year before the loss of Roe to the year immediately after.

The reason for that is that we now have far more resources and are part of an academic partnership with institutions such as the University of Tennessee, the University of Texas, and others through the post-Roe pregnancy prosecutions tracking project. Because of that, it would not be a fair comparison. The process of collecting these cases is incredibly labour-intensive. Each state has a different system. You may have to submit records requests, go to county clerks, and navigate local procedures. Because of that variability, we cannot say anything definitively.

Anecdotally, however, we do see an increase year over year—pre-Dobbs and post-Dobbs, yes, there is an increase. When it comes to the Trump administration specifically, that is harder for us to assess. I would not attribute everything directly to him, although he has publicly bragged about ending Roe. This is much bigger than Trump himself. There has been a long-term plan, and those advancing it have been very effective at playing the long game. What we are seeing now is the result of a gradual buildup.

The final point I would make regarding the current administration is that we are seeing other troubling developments, such as the demonization of antidepressant use during pregnancy. There was a panel suggesting that taking antidepressants during pregnancy is unacceptable, despite evidence to the contrary. I believe the data were opioid-related—I can send the link—but substance-use-related deaths among pregnant and postpartum women increased during a specific period. Depression, mental health issues, and substance use are closely connected.

It is very dangerous to tell people they cannot use medications because of perceived harm to a fetus. We have seen the demonization of Tylenol, which is widely considered safe during pregnancy. All of this is profoundly troubling and indicative of where we may be headed.

Telling people that valid avenues of care and medication are being shut off, effectively instructing women to suffer, plays directly into all of this.

Thompson: To build on everything Zenovia just said, and to return to your question about the influence of politics and the Bible—or conservative or orthodox religious beliefs—the fundamental issue driving all of this is fetal personhood. If you believe that someone should suffer through a mental health crisis during pregnancy, or that they should not take Tylenol for a fever because everything must be sacrificed for the fetus, that belief system has consequences.

It begins with cases like Miss Shoemaker’s, but as we have seen in New York, it also extends to holding boyfriends and partners legally responsible for controlling a pregnant person’s behaviour. If they fail to do so, they face state repercussions. In one amicus case, we saw a father subjected to family separation proceedings because the state determined he did not adequately control his partner’s behaviour during pregnancy.

In Kansas, there is now a law requiring male partners to pay child support for a fetus. This issue does not remain limited. It expands and justifies increasing levels of state intervention and surveillance. When people talk about states’ rights and small government, fetal personhood provides a justification not for limited government, but for total control over people’s lives and choices.

Jacobsen: There are two areas I want to get your expertise on. Karen, there is junk science and junk inference. What safeguards could be implemented in future cases—particularly in Alabama—to prevent junk science and junk inference from leading to wrongful convictions? Or, if a sentence is somehow justified, to ensure that sentencing is not as punitive as 18 years?

Thompson: Sadly, I do not think it will matter, and here is why. What Alabama is doing is using bills and statutes meant for one purpose and applying them in contexts for which they were never intended. In Miss Shoemaker’s case, it was the chemical endangerment charge she faced, which was initially meant to protect children exposed to meth cook houses. The intent was to prevent bringing a living, breathing child into a space where toxic chemicals could seriously harm them.

What is happening now is that, because of the belief that a fetus has rights superior to the pregnant person, the law is being applied to someone’s own body. All that is required is proof of exposure to a drug, which does not carry the same meaning, evidence, or factual basis as bringing a child into a meth lab. We are using laws that do not require proof of harm or evidence that one thing caused another.

That puts us in a nearly lawless space, where the charge is effectively built on a prosecutor’s animus toward the defendant. What would actually help is legislation that is much clearer about how these charges are supposed to be used and why, and that prevents them from being applied so vaguely that they pull countless people into court and under government scrutiny simply because officials disapprove of their behaviour.

Jacobsen: These kinds of policy pushes usually require advocates. Are there particular American political or legal figures—well-known at the state level—who have been driving this?

Thompson: What I would say is this: the day after Roe was decided, a group of people committed themselves to overturning it. That plan has been in place for five decades.

Almost immediately, some challenges chipped away at Roe’s protections. In the broadest sense, this has been under attack for a very long time. What has changed recently is the volume and intensity of legislation being passed in states like Alabama, South Carolina, and Oklahoma—legislation that enshrines principles even further than those that existed when Roe was decided.

For example, South Carolina has introduced bills that would classify abortion as homicide. That would mean that if someone has an abortion—whether self-managed or otherwise—it could be treated as a death-eligible offence. Most of these bills do not include exceptions for the life of the mother. Abortion, in any context, would be treated as a capital crime. That does not make sense.

Jacobsen: Right—especially given that the body self-aborts quite often.

Thompson: Exactly. This is where it intersects with criminalization. Beyond criminalizing what we believe is a right, the question becomes: who decides whether a pregnancy loss was intentional or illegal? How are those determinations made, especially in cases like Brooke’s, where prosecutors claimed that drug use caused the end of her pregnancy?

If the state decides that drug use led to the pregnancy loss and then charges that as a murderous act, we are going to see more people imprisoned on increasingly severe charges, facing harsher sentences, up to and including the death penalty. We are in a gruesome moment right now.

Pregnancy Justice has been working on these cases for a long time, so we are familiar with how ugly this can be. But the pressure, the legislative activity, and the sideways ways these policies are emerging are deeply alarming.

I was saying to one of our attorneys today that I used to think there was about a 60% chance this administration would issue an executive order declaring fetal personhood to be the law of the land. I am now closer to 90%. If that happens, we will see a federal moment where fetal personhood is declared through executive order, and everyone is required to interpret existing law to conform to it.

That would mean that regardless of where you live, and regardless of what your state laws say, fetal personhood would become the law of the land for everyone. This is a sideways attempt to strip people of their reproductive rights and freedoms.

Let me bring this back to men, because this is important. Some men have been deeply abusive—I am not excusing their behaviour—but there was a case in Texas where a man spiked his girlfriend’s drink with mifepristone, an abortion medication. She lost her pregnancy, and he is being charged with first-degree murder.

That is not the correct charge. He should be charged with assault. The behaviour that should be punished is his abuse of his partner, not the pregnancy loss itself. What is happening here is that these laws are not only stripping rights from pregnant people but also expanding punishment outward to others under the banner of fetal personhood. That expansion should concern everyone.

Jacobsen: This is vague in my memory, so you may have to help me here. There was a news case reporting that the United States government was attempting to define human rights, but stipulating things that, if you look at the UN Charter or the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are not there, or in some cases are the opposite. It felt a bit like the “Gulf of Mexico versus America” situation, where definitions are being reshaped for political expediency. Have you noticed a trend of redefining rights within the U.S. legal context—whether at the state or federal level—or is it more an infusion of religious concepts into political and legal frameworks, such as fetal personhood or expanded notions of parental rights?

Thompson: Yes, one hundred percent. I strongly encourage you to read the LaPage decision out of Alabama, which equated frozen embryos with living children. The language in that case is genuinely shocking. We all recognize that people hold different beliefs, but it is startling to see a judge effectively deliver a sermon and issue a decision that is almost entirely grounded in biblical principles.

I absolutely think a redefinition is happening, but it is not new. The United States was founded through the seizure of land under claims of divine authority and the enslavement of millions under religious justifications drawn from biblical narratives. This pattern is longstanding, but we are seeing a renewed regression.

Recently, one of our policy experts travelled to Geneva to testify before the United Nations about the erosion of reproductive justice rights. The United States was supposed to send a representative to address these concerns, but it did not. What we are seeing is both a reframing of rights and an abdication of engagement with international human rights processes. This mirrors what we saw with the withdrawal of USAID—an abdication of the U.S. role in contributing to a just and safe global order.

And let me add one more thing. It is not as though the United States has ever been strong on maternal or fetal health. We have consistently lagged behind Canada, Europe, and many other countries with more robust healthcare systems. We have always been far behind on these measures. Alabama, for example, has one of the worst maternal mortality rates in the United States and globally. There is nothing new here, but there is now a disturbing normalization and justification of these failures.

Earle: Thank you so much.

Jacobsen: Thank you. I appreciate that.

Thompson: I really appreciate you covering this.

For further information:

  1. Overdose deaths increased in pregnant and postpartum women from early 2018 to late 2021 | National Institutes of Health
  2. Our op-ed on the Texas case Karen mentioned: The Abortion Prosecution No One Is Talking About

Pregnancy Justice Senior Policy Counsel Kulsoom Ijaz’s remarks in Geneva: USA_NHLC_statement.pdf, and more context

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 31: Russia’s Oreshnik Strike Near Poland, Iran’s Protest Pressure, and Grok Deepfakes

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/22

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman about Russia’s reported use of the hypersonic Oreshnik missile near Lviv on January 9, 2026, and what striking close to Poland signals for NATO deterrence. They pivot to Iran’s widening economic protests and hardline warnings from Major General Amir Hatami, with rights groups reporting dozens killed and more than 2,000 detained amid internet blackouts. Finally, Tsukerman dissects speech on private platforms—Twitter versus X—and the Grok deepfake scandal, arguing that inconsistent moderation and weak safeguards invite regulatory backlash and accelerate cross-border information fragmentation. Across three fronts, she urges resilience planning, legal clarity, and deterrence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you very much for joining me so late. I know you are coming straight from a conference. Russia reportedly used its hypersonic Oreshnik missile overnight from January 8 to January 9, 2026. According to early reporting, it struck a target near Lviv in western Ukraine, close to the Polish border, although the precise damage assessment is still developing.

People have expressed skepticism about high-profile claims involving “new” missile systems in this war—sometimes because capabilities are exaggerated, and sometimes because early reporting is incomplete. With that in mind, what do you make of the reported use of Oreshnik near NATO’s border? Based on what is publicly known, why target so close to Poland?

Irina Tsukerman: Skepticism is more than justified, given Russia’s long record—dating back to the Soviet period—of using claims about advanced weapons as psychological messaging as much as operational disclosure. That said, in this case, multiple credible reports indicate that Oreshnik was launched toward a target near Lviv. It is described as an intermediate-range hypersonic ballistic missile capable of carrying nuclear warheads, although reporting indicates it carried inert, non-explosive warheads in this strike.

The broader significance of the strike is not only technical. The location matters. Targeting western Ukraine near Poland is widely interpreted as signaling—testing thresholds, shaping NATO psychology, and reminding European capitals that escalation can be placed close to the alliance’s frontier.

On the question of what exactly was hit, reporting varies in early detail, but the consistent element is that the strike occurred near Lviv and was associated with infrastructure or an industrial or state facility. The full effects remain uncertain.

Regarding Poland, it is accurate that Russian drone incursions into Polish airspace have occurred, including a significant episode in September 2025 that triggered immediate allied air responses. In that incident, NATO aircraft were scrambled, and intercepts occurred during the event itself. This was not a situation where NATO deliberated for months on whether interception was appropriate.

If Oreshnik did not cross into Polish territory this time, it may still have been close enough to serve its strategic purpose: intimidation, boundary testing, and message signaling. Whether the strike was deliberately calibrated near the border or involved any degree of misfire cannot be conclusively established based on current public reporting.

What is clear is that Oreshnik appears to have been used again after earlier reported tests or deployments in 2024. Its reappearance functions not only as a battlefield event but as a geopolitical broadcast. Russia continues to use these systems to project capability, provoke hesitation, and exploit ambiguity.

The danger is that continued restraint or indecision encourages further escalation. Russia has shown that it will expand the geographic and technological scope of its operations when it perceives hesitation. European leaders should not assume de-escalation will follow inaction. At this stage, they should not expect decisive leadership from a Trump administration. Their best hope may be that it does not actively worsen the situation.

Instead, European states should be focusing on optimizing their own forces as much as possible. In my view, investing in human personnel is just as important as developing new technologies or waiting for new systems to come online. We are seeing this clearly in Ukraine. It is not technology that is costing Ukraine most heavily; it is the human factor.

Ukraine is simply less populous than Russia. It has suffered heavy losses, and there have also been issues with desertions and recruitment. All of these factors allow Russia to continue advancing, even when Ukraine is extremely effective at targeting Russian military and economic assets and undercutting Russian strategy. None of that is sufficient if there are not enough people available.

The fact that many European countries are not serious about militarizing their societies—and I am not afraid to use that term, even if others are—is a major psychological weakness. At this point, it is a significant advantage for Russia.

Jacobsen: It has been a very busy week. Iran’s army chief has threatened a preemptive attack in response to rhetoric directed at Iran from President Donald Trump and the Trump administration in the United States.

Major General Amir Hatami has framed these statements and actions as a dual threat from the United States and Israel. This comes despite protests sparked by economic pressures affecting many civilians. Economic hardship is not evenly distributed—wealth tends to follow something like a Gaussian curve. Some people are doing well, others are not. When officials speak of economic woes, they usually mean a substantial segment of the population, not everyone.

Hatami was quoted as saying, “The Islamic Republic considers the intensification of such rhetoric against the Iranian nation as a threat and will not leave its continuation without a response. I can say with confidence that today the readiness of Iran’s armed forces is far greater than before the war. If any error is made, it will face a more decisive response, and we will cut off the hand of any aggressor.”

Any thoughts on the economic protests, commentary from the Pahlavis and others, and the response from the military leadership?

Tsukerman: It is a highly complicated situation. In terms of economic pressure, this is so far the most serious factor pointing toward the potential collapse of the regime. I am not suggesting that such a collapse is imminent. In fact, this is unlikely to be a gradual process. What we are seeing resembles pre-terminal stress rather than a slow decline.

The reason I say this is that the Islamic Revolution itself began with a similar pattern: economic collapse and mass demonstrations led by the bazaar class. Until now, many regime loyalists held out even as other demographic groups began to fracture under various grievances. That loyalty has persisted up to this point.

However, a combination of reimposed sanctions, misallocated budgets, chronic mismanagement, and Iran’s prioritization of external imperial ambitions over internal development has made daily life increasingly unlivable—even for these core constituencies. Prices have skyrocketed, and the value of the currency has collapsed precipitously.

While economic collapse alone may not be sufficient to bring down the regime’s institutions, it severely undermines whatever support remains. At this stage, the issue is no longer ideology. It is survival. Historically, this basic economic dynamic has preceded revolutions, uprisings, and state failure across the world.

That said, this does not mean we are witnessing the beginning of a peaceful transition to a better system of governance. That outcome is far from guaranteed. Groups such as the IRGC may be waiting in the background to seize and co-opt the process for their own purposes, much as occurred after the revolution that was initially driven by leftist and communist movements.

What happened in Iran in 1979 followed a similar pattern. A popular uprising was ultimately co-opted by Khomeinist Islamists for their own purposes. The IRGC could be attempting to play the same game today. Regardless of how events unfold, the regime is failing. It is no longer able to perform the most basic function of any government: sustaining life for its population. It cannot reliably provide even fundamental necessities.

Iran’s performance is worse than Russia’s and far worse than China’s. That disparity explains why the level of discontent in Iran is far greater than what we see in those countries. Russia, by comparison, despite a generally harsh internal environment, has managed to shield its economy relatively well from sanctions. It has continued trade with various countries, maintained functional intelligence and security relationships with allies and proxies, and preserved a minimal standard of living for most of its population. Discontent is growing there, but it remains far below the level Iran has now reached.

For the protests in Iran to have a more decisive impact, additional factors would be necessary. The first is unified leadership. The protests are spreading organically across the country, even in the face of deliberate internet shutdowns imposed by the regime to obstruct coordination. There is a clear level of popular solidarity around a shared grievance, which is important. However, leadership capable of translating this widespread frustration into a coordinated political movement is still largely absent.

Another key factor is whether the military and other state institutions will turn away from the regime—either by allowing the protests to proceed to their conclusion or by actively joining them. So far, the IRGC has been relatively restrained. There is speculation that some within its ranks are deeply frustrated by their own economic conditions and may be willing to abandon the regime altogether.

It is also important to note that parts of the IRGC include holdovers from the pre-revolutionary Shi’a establishment. They did not leave the country after 1979 and instead joined the new institutions. As a result, not all IRGC members are ideologically committed Islamists. Some joined simply because they possessed relevant skills, needed employment, and were willing to work for whoever held power.

That said, the IRGC leadership is highly ideological and deliberately selected to be so. I am not optimistic that anything constructive will emerge from that group. The regular military, while weaker in many respects, remains substantial and could potentially shift the balance in favor of anti-regime forces. That has not yet occurred.

Regarding statements by Reza Pahlavi, they would carry more weight if he had joined his supporters on the ground. Encouraging people from the comfort of residences in California or Virginia is not particularly inspiring. In my view, this does not constitute serious leadership.

He undoubtedly has some following, though it is unclear how much of that support is organic rather than self-generated through self-promotion. More broadly, Iranians hold differing views on who should govern. However, Pahlavi is not a reigning crown prince. The Shah abdicated without formally transferring the throne to his son. Pahlavi has not lived in Iran for decades, has no governing experience, and is widely perceived as highly Westernized. These factors make him an unlikely candidate for leadership, regardless of how appealing the image of the former monarchy may be to some observers abroad.

Large segments of the population are strongly anti-monarchical, precisely because of the corruption, repression, and inequality that contributed to the revolution in the first place. For that reason, I am not optimistic about Pahlavi’s ability to meaningfully influence these events. If anything, he appears to be riding on the courage of people who are risking their lives on the ground.

The regime has responded with force. More than 2,000 people have reportedly been arrested, and at least 51 have been killed, including minors. Those being detained will not be treated humanely. Statements by Ayatollah Khamenei have made it clear that repression against what he calls “rioters” is encouraged.

The people taking to the streets understand the risks. They are risking their freedom, facing the possibility of torture, endangering their families, and potentially risking their lives. The level of frustration with the regime has reached a point where even people who only wanted to survive quietly are now protesting and exposing themselves to dangers typically faced by political activists—roles most of them have never previously occupied.

Another major concern is the posture of the United States amid these events. On one hand, President Donald Trump has suggested that he would consider deploying U.S. forces if protesters were being killed. At present, the death toll is not as high as it was during the 2019 protests or those in 2022, when approximately 1,500 and several hundred protesters, respectively, were killed.

It may be that Trump is waiting to see whether mass casualties occur. However, making highly specific threats without a clear intention to act is counterproductive. At a minimum, his comments should have remained within the realm of strategic ambiguity—expressing concern and signaling pressure without making promises he is unwilling to fulfill. Overpromising helps the regime, not the protesters, some of whom may be clinging to the hope of U.S. intervention. So far, no such intervention has occurred.

There are some limited positive developments. Expanded access to Starlink has helped sustain communication during internet blackouts. There are also persistent rumors of potential Israeli airstrikes, given Iran’s continued military activity directed at Israel. Whether such strikes would help protesters or instead provide the regime with a pretext to intensify repression and frame the protests as foreign manipulation remains unclear.

So far, no strikes have taken place. It is possible Israel is deliberately waiting for the situation to stabilize before acting, precisely because of these risks. If Israel were to strike Iran’s defensive capabilities, that could ultimately benefit the country. However, the outcome would still depend on internal organization.

Ultimately, it is up to the protesters to organize effectively, take control of institutions, and prevent Iran from collapsing into a large-scale sectarian conflict or failed-state scenario. Whether that will happen remains uncertain. The regime appears to be entering a phase of terminal decline, but it is impossible to determine how early or late this stage truly is. Anyone claiming certainty is likely overstating their knowledge.

Jacobsen: Let us turn to an international issue. Grok, on the platform X—formerly Twitter—has introduced new policies around freedom of expression, framed within American interpretations of free speech. I want to address four related points.

First, when the platform was still Twitter, how would you describe the state of freedom of speech there? Second, how would you characterize it under Elon Musk’s ownership? Third, what is the reality of freedom of expression when users believe they are speaking freely but are, in fact, operating on a privately owned platform where policies are set by the company itself?

Finally, turning to the immediate controversy: Grok has come under scrutiny for being used to generate explicit, non-consensual deepfake images, including sexualized images of real people—primarily women—as well as reports involving child-related content. Without going into unnecessary detail, these raise serious concerns.

So, considering these points—Twitter before Musk, X under Musk, user perceptions of free expression on private platforms, and the Grok controversy—how do you assess the current landscape?

Tsukerman: The most recent controversy involving deepfakes targeting private citizens highlights a long-standing debate about the extent to which private companies can set and enforce their own rules governing speech. One troubling argument claims that these platforms are no longer merely private forums but have become the functional equivalent of telephone companies. Under that logic, they should be treated as public utilities because of their dominance in the public sphere, limited to providing basic services and intervening only to remove clearly illegal content.

The companies themselves have rejected that framing. At the same time, they have faced intense and conflicting pressure from interest groups with sharply different views on what constitutes illegal content, what should be regulated, and whether these platforms cause more harm than good through moderation. This debate feeds directly into disputes over Section 230—specifically whether its protections should be curtailed and whether platforms should be treated as utilities and penalized for moderating content.

That debate has ebbed and flowed depending on who holds political power. It is also important to recall the controversy surrounding the Biden administration’s alleged coordination with technology companies on content moderation, which critics argued created First Amendment concerns because of government involvement. Regardless, there has never been absolute freedom of speech on these platforms.

It is also worth noting that Jack Dorsey, Twitter’s former CEO, encouraged Elon Musk’s acquisition of the platform. In practice, their moderation philosophies are more similar than different. The key distinction is not that one era was more permissive than the other, but rather which groups and which categories of speech were prioritized for regulation.

From my perspective, whatever moderation authority companies are found to have, they should apply their rules consistently. Based on broader observation and personal experience, neither Twitter nor X has done so. That inconsistency, rather than the mere existence of moderation, is the core problem.

Both platforms have selectively targeted political speech they disagreed with. I am not referring to clearly illegal material such as fraud, terrorism, criminal coordination, or child sexual exploitation. I am referring to ordinary political disagreement, which has been actively censored at different times by both regimes.

Individuals—including myself—have experienced censorship without transparent rule enforcement or procedural fairness under both systems. Observing not only my own case but many others, it is clear that enforcement has often been personalized and vindictive, driven by company leadership in some instances and by moderators or administrators in others.

These actions frequently exceeded the platforms’ stated rules. Enforcement was inconsistent, internal procedures were not followed, and legal challenges have often failed—not because the cases lacked merit, but because the companies have the resources to delay, exhaust, and outlast litigation.

These companies can afford to drag out lawsuits and effectively bankrupt anyone attempting to compel them to enforce their own stated rules.

Turning to the sexualized and otherwise disturbing deepfake content, the legal framework varies significantly across jurisdictions. In the United States, the law remains fragmented. In Europe, regulation is already far more restrictive. There are growing signals from Brussels and other European institutions that regulators are reviewing Grok and related tools for compliance with local law, with the possibility of penalties if violations are found.

Do I believe all such content should be criminalized? Not categorically. However, some of it clearly targets identifiable individuals, placing them in humiliating or damaging situations. Content that is virtually indistinguishable from reality can cause severe reputational harm, psychological trauma, and even legal consequences for victims. There should be meaningful restrictions on that category of material.

The sexualization of children, even in synthetic or generated form, is especially ethically indefensible. Determining where the line lies between material that constitutes child sexual exploitation and material that might be framed as satire or artistic expression is complex. That determination should involve psychologists, child-protection experts, and other professionals with relevant expertise, particularly where such content risks encouraging criminal behavior.

I am not an expert on drawing every legal boundary, but to borrow from a well-known Supreme Court observation, certain forms of harmful content are recognizable when encountered. There are generated images that so clearly cross ethical and social lines that any reasonable observer would recognize their potential for harm and their incompatibility with existing regulatory norms.

The legal debate surrounding these issues is ongoing and will not produce easy or uniform answers. How the United States, Europe, and other jurisdictions resolve disputes over legality, enforcement, and extraterritorial reach remains uncertain. Notably, many of these conflicts are not being adjudicated through courts but through political mechanisms such as sanctions and regulatory pressure.

As a result, none of this is likely to be resolved quickly. Without at least minimal international consensus, we risk a future in which widely used communication platforms become deeply fragmented—where entire populations are unable to access the same information or communicate across borders because of jurisdictional and normative divides.

That outcome is more dangerous than any single controversy we have discussed. When people no longer share a common informational ecosystem, censorship and manipulation become easier, not harder. The ability to evaluate information collectively, grounded in shared norms about what is permissible, is essential for any functioning public sphere.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and for your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

War, Art, and Survival: Alevtina Kakhidze and Oleksiy Sai on Creating Through Invasion

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/17

Alevtina Kakhidze (born 1973, Zhdanivka, Donetsk region) is a contemporary Ukrainian artist whose practice spans drawing, performance, time-based media, curation and collaboration. Based in Muzychi near Kyiv, she studied at the National Academy of Fine Arts and Architecture and the Jan van Eyck Academie in Maastricht. Her work explores consumerism, plants, feminism, everyday life in war and occupation, and the ethics of care. She received the Kazimir Malevich Award and serves as a UN Tolerance Ambassador.

Oleksiy Sai (born 1975, Kyiv) is a Ukrainian contemporary artist known for “Excel-Art,” which turns Excel spreadsheets into images. Trained in graphic design at Kyiv College of Arts and Industries and in easel graphics at the National Academy of Fine Arts and Architecture, he lives and works in Kyiv. Sai’s digital prints, installations and war-related projects, including the “Bombed” series and the Burning Man sculpture I’m Fine, directly confront office culture, Russian aggression and propaganda.

In this conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Ukrainian artists Alevtina Kakhidze and Oleksiy Sai reflect on two decades of friendship, collaboration, and creation under the shadow of war. From early projects like the Candies Brides fashion show to today’s memorial works and “Excel-Art,” they trace how Russia’s full-scale invasion reshaped their sense of time, ethics, and artistic responsibility. They describe Ukrainians’ “wartime folklore,” dark humour, and the psychological toll of constant loss, alongside practical shifts—faster working methods, new refugee constraints, and foreign institutions suddenly seeking Ukrainian art. Throughout, they insist that Ukrainians “only make the world better, not worse,” even while “just surviving.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How long have you two known each other?

Oleksiy Sai: Twenty years maybe—maybe fifteen.

Alevtina Kakhidze: I remember you from the Candies Brides event.

Sai: It was around 2009, something like that.

Kakhidze: Yes, I remember that you went with the back of Candies.

Sai: Yeah, so fifteen years.

Kakhidze: I remember this very vividly. It could be something else, I do not know. It was 2009, Candies Brides’ work.

Jacobsen: Were there any distinct points of collaboration that should be noted at the outset?

Kakhidze: Collaboration? I remember selling Lesha’s works very cheaply in my village.

Sai: And we did a mural. A mural.

Jacobsen: We had a collaboration.

Kakhidze: About futures—about futures and different futures. It was pictures for the fashion show, to get some money.

Jacobsen: If you look back at that time in 2009, and then at 2014 and 2022, do you notice any change in how art is made or portrayed in Ukraine during each of those phases—pre-war, early war?

Sai: Everything is changing constantly. Sometimes we do whatever needs to be done. 

Kakhidze: Ukraine changed a lot, but my perception of the world changed dramatically. Before this war, I was not so pessimistic about countries, geography, or constellations. I am very disappointed in this world. I am more pleased with the whole. The world is very different: not well educated, not having much, having a feeble imagination—and I understand the reasons and the circumstances. 

Jacobsen: Liosha, what about you?

Kakhidze: But do not take it personally, Scott. You may be one of the people who genuinely think it is valuable to talk to Ukrainians, because what we are going through is incredible, dramatic, and unfair. I do not know what to say. It is such an unjust world.

Sai: Yes, and we can tell many stories, because even for us, each day, a new, unimaginable story can happen to any of us. It is a time when you are no longer surprised, yet you are still amazed. As our friend Super said, even if aliens—green men—emerged from a flying saucer, we would not be surprised.

Kakhidze: Ukrainians are very tough people, and it’s hard to have a pleasant conversation with us. You will not get dopamine—dopamine satisfaction—from us.

Jacobsen: There was a woman who gave me a Ukrainian quote at the end of an interview. She said, ‘Those whom the fire has hardened cannot be burned by it.’ Have you heard this? That was her opinion of Ukrainians right now. 

Sai: Yes, we have the same. We have a lot of new wartime folklore and memes around this. That is true. But if you step back a little, there is still everyday life. It is polluted—well, more than a bit. But it is still life. Yesterday I went to the cinema to see a film, and there were many people there. Many were active participants in the war, and many were not. It is visible. You cannot always tell how deeply someone is involved in the war, but sometimes you can recognize: this one is from this bubble, this one from that part of society. And people are mixing. Some are ignorant, but now that is a minority,I think. These last decades have changed a lot in our society—probably in all Eastern Europe. Hopefully, we will see what comes when it spreads, because it will. Even if we win, this war will spread—not as an active war, probably—but we will see the consequences for the rest of our lives, I think.

Kakhidze: Scott, do you know the propagandist on Russian TV? One of them, Margarita Simonyan, wrote today that they will take Ukraine by itself or maybe together with Paris.

Sai: They have their own folklore.

Kakhidze: But the question is: Russians allow themselves this kind of folklore, as Liosha said. But when you are in Europe—and I am very close to Paris now in Belgium—if I say this to anyone I meet, they will think I am mad. But this woman I mentioned is speaking on Russian state TV. Many people in Russia listen to her. And it could be something we think we do not need to take seriously. But honestly, after everything that happened in Russia before 2014 and again before 2022, I now take it into account and take it pretty seriously. 

When you have this attitude toward everything you see in Ukraine and also notice in Russia, you understand everything, because our Russian is perfect, and we can notice any nuance. We are the best experts on the Russian context, but still no one listens to us. I am in the position of an observer, like, “Okay, let us see what will happen.” I am happy that Oleksiy and I are the same age; we have already had our lives. But Liosha has a family, two sons, who still have their lives ahead of them, which probably makes him more stressed than me, because I have only dogs, and they will probably die before I do. So this pessimistic view of everything I see in the world—I do not think it is only about Ukraine; it is about the world in general. Ukrainians only make it better, not worse.

Sai: This war and our thoughts will bring some bad things into visibility elsewhere in the world, because it is not only our thing now. Not because we will spread and tell the world about us—no. It will simply happen. Not only wars, but also other things. Something will happen, different things, and people must be prepared to live. But we are maybe too poetic.

Jacobsen: Do you think the wars changed the character of your artistic energies?

Kakhidze: I do not know. I do not think so. Liosha is the same.

Sai: We are the same—just surviving.

Kakhidze: Look, I will show you this: all the time I train with a tourniquet, and now it is ancient, so I use it as a belt. I trained with it so often that it no longer works for training, and now I keep it for the craziness of it. And by the way, we stay in Ilyushin with Tanya, you know, and I always say, “Alexei, you are a great designer.”

Jacobsen: Wartime runway.

Kakhidze: I just went downstairs where I live, and a Belgian woman—she is a musician—had put all these colonial things from Africa on display behind glass. She said, “Alevtina, be very careful not to break the sculptures.” And I said, “Yes, meanwhile people are being killed in Kyiv—many missiles and drones—many more people are being killed now.”How many? In the morning, it was four. Two houses were destroyed.

Sai: I have not read the news today. I made a detox. But from what I heard, it is six now.

Kakhidze: I was just in conversation with my husband. He wrote me at 6 a.m. that he was still on the stairs, and our dogs were in the banya. It is the small house where we have baths. My dogs are very well trained; they know when there is shelling, they must find shelter. First, they go to the main house; if it is closed, then to my studio; if that is closed, then to the banya. And the banya was closed too, but they destroyed the lock—just a simple lock—and broke in. What can we even talk about? I am telling you the humanistic side of it.

Sai: Today, I will meet my friend—you also know him. He is one of the most avant-garde electronic artists. He makes challenging, tedious work for a tiny audience, live. He wrote to me that he is coming back to Kyiv for a few days and wants to meet. Now he holds the rank of major, and he is literally bigger than a doorway—he became enormous. We are changing. Some of us are changing a lot. I met him in Venice.

Kakhidze: I have a photo with him. He is enormously huge—enormously huge. But you did not tell Scott that Robotov joined the armed forces voluntarily?

Sai: Yes, voluntarily, but he had military education at his university, so he became a lieutenant.

Kakhidze: And you know, Scott, Max is advancing so quickly in his military career. I am right. Many different units want him, because artists are brilliant and very skilled. When we are on the front line, we can always find ways to use our capacity, because artists are not like other people. We always have our own ideas. We are independent. We are responsible, because we are always responsible for our art and for ourselves. So I would say artists are almost the best soldiers—and Max proves this. Max probably misses his artwork, but not only him. I think also about Ivan, Ivan—and very much. Ivan, and also Horsha; he is a genius electronic composer. He is busy with things now. Scott, the difference is that in the Ukrainian army, we have the best people. But in the Russian military—ask any intellectual—they will not be able to tell you a single notable name. That is the difference. From time to time, we go to funerals. In every social circle, in every bubble, I already have three commissions for funerals—memorial works. Scott, can you imagine? Three, for myfriends.

Jacobsen: Yes, I believe that. I completely believe that. Someone told me a number: one in four Ukrainians either knows someone in the army or is in the military themselves.

Sai: Yes, there are many. Cinematographers—every part of society volunteered equally.

Jacobsen: Do you think there is a difference between the type of artist who voluntarily joins the army and those who are conscripted?

Jacobsen: No. Completely different people join. It is not that one subculture joins and another does not. It is mixed.

Kakhidze: Yes, but the point is that we now know ourselves. Some of us became absolutely scared and felt real fear, and used any opportunity to leave the country. They did. Some joined voluntarily. Some did not want to, but when they received the invitation, they went. I just mentioned three categories of people. They come from different spheres—art, literature, music.

Sai: You do not know your own reaction to things until it happens. It is a big surprise.

Kakhidze: We discovered ourselves so much. Yes.

Jacobsen: Has anyone become an artist because of the war—someone who was not an artist before?

Kakhidze: Yes, there are. Maria Leonenko became an artist because of the war—before she was not. And some people started doing things they had always postponed. For instance, we have a gallery man, Wojtek. He decided to open a gallery because he always wanted to, and then he thought: “Okay, if I am killed tomorrow and never become a gallery man?” So he opened a gallery. I do not know what else. What do you think—who became an artist? But young people: I teach, and there are so many young people in online courses, of different types.

Jacobsen: What type of art are people getting into—the ones who were not artists before, but the war made them artists? Is it painting, sculpture, or poetry? All types, obviously, but what is the distribution?

Kakhidze: It does not matter. But if you become a refugee, producing sculptures is almost impossible. But drawings are not so heavy. I do not have this data. I can only talk about myself.

Jacobsen: Has it changed the timelines of any of your art pieces? Has it changed the timelines of any of your pieces of art, or the timelines of the art pieces you choose? For example, short versus long: some works take a day, some take weeks, some take months—and now you might pick shorter ones.

Kakhidze: Yes, Ukrainians have become very quick, and I personally. You cannot postpone. If you can do it—not necessarily perfectly, but in any way—you do it. We do not have the privilege of time for our art. I produce drawings very quickly now. There is no time to think things over. I am very quick because time and electricity are limited. You do not have time. We are very quick, I would say. If you are not fast, you are not an artist.

Sai: We are very fast in producing art because there is no time to think it over. If we lack electricity, time, or need something done, we do it very quickly.

Kakhidze: Use what you have and do it. But Liosha produces sculptures—because the question was about sculptures. Buthe produces conceptually. And I said that for refugees, it is impossible to make sculptures, because how would you move or relocate them?

Jacobsen: Traditionally speaking, artists tend to be poor. In wartime, does that change financial considerations around art as well? Although this differs by style.

Sai: Yes. For myself, I did other things for money. I was a director for TV commercials, and it was okay. I divided my time between what I did in my studio and what I did for money. With the full-scale invasion, I decided to quit the commercial part. It should organize itself somehow. And I am at an okay level.

I do not know how I learned to earn money, but I survive somehow. I do not have much to spend. Mostly, it is payments for the studio, materials, and such. My kids are grown up, so they do their own work for money. But we have forgotten our development plans. It is easier when you do not plan—when you live chaotically during this time. For me, it is more or less okay. I think I will lose some opportunities for sure, but fuck it. I do not have time.

Kakhidze: But look—I started to earn more money with the war. I just said I started earning more money during this war.

Jacobsen: So what are the reasons, other than the war itself?

Kakhidze: It is because of foreign institutions. They suddenly recognized Ukraine as a country, then realized they had nothing from Ukraine in their collections. And then they started searching for someone to buy something from. Since I have been networking over the last three and a half years, I have sold to many places, including museums. I even sold already-produced works to the Tate Modern. Before that, as far as I knew, there was only one artist from Ukraine who had been presented there — Boris Mikhailov. Then they started buying, but it is a pity, because Ukraine is the largest country entirely in Europe and the second-largest in Europe after Russia, yet major museums and investors had almost nothing in their collections clearly identified as coming from Ukraine.

Jacobsen: That is wild. Lyosha, any thoughts?

Sai: I worked on the topic of war ten years ago at the beginning. In parallel, I did something else; I wanted to do more peaceful things. Now that it has happened, I reflect on the war. I changed the topic. I cannot draw, I cannot analyze. Is it something that has changed around me?

Kakhidze: You changed the topic? Interesting. I am too lazy, Scott, while I am working on the subject of war.

Sai: You changed the topic, too. You do not change the way you work. You did not change the subject — the topic chose you. It will probably be seen what happened in the future. I cannot analyze. Many people change the way they make their art. Many people do not change, but change the idea behind what they do. 

It is not only about brutality or aesthetics. Sometimes it is just a slight shift, but the change between what they did before and what they do now can be theatrical. It is only visible to those directly involved.

Jacobsen: Do you think the style of humour in art has changed as well? 

Kakhidze: If you talk about me, I remember that I worked with the topic of war from the perspective of my mother, and I did not allow myself jokes or irony. When the war connected with me directly, I allowed myself jokes and irony. I started to make jokes about myself. When I was sitting in a cellar in March 2022 — because my village is near Bucha, and the Russians were five kilometres from my studio —, I decided to write many jokes about what was happening. If you look at my drawings, they have a sense of humour. But to produce jokes about my mother’s life under the occupation, I did not allow myself. I think this is something ethical.

Sai: I remember I called you in the first days of the full-scale invasion and asked why you were still there in the music sheets.

Kakhidze: Ah, yes, you phoned me.

Sai: You made a joke somehow. What I heard sounded like a joke.

Kakhidze: I do not remember you phoning me. My God. It was absolutely wild that we decided to stay, because if the Russians had been more innovative and quicker, they would have taken my village. And there wouldn’t be any artist talking to you, Scott. It was wild.

Jacobsen: I have a few questions that come to mind about humour that already exists in the culture. Every culture has its own flavour. In North America, in Canada, we call it dark humour. I do not know what the Ukrainian equivalent would be. You were referencing how some things—excluding your mother’s story—became subjects of humour in light of the extreme aspects of that moment. And particularly within your style of art, cartoons and caricatures are a perfect point for humour. They are like Looney Tunes: people care, characters matter, and the form fits humour well. Have you noticed any tones or types of jokes, or ways in which popular figures are portrayed in cartoons or caricatures, that the war has influenced in any way? 

Kakhidze: Yes, I think so. Of course, it relates to everyone. If you produce jokes all the time and no one is laughing, then you do not want to laugh because you do not want to laugh at your own joke.

Jacobsen: If you are telling jokes and people are laughing with you, you are a comedian. If you are telling jokes and people are laughing at you, you are a clown.

Kakhidze: Yes, okay.

Jacobsen: I remember my Romanian colleague and I went to a decommissioned nuclear site. For those reading who do not know, Ukraine had the third-largest nuclear arsenal, and part of the deal, which was an honour, was that they would denuclearize. One of the sites we went to was a decommissioned launch facility. You go into the bunker and walk down a concrete tunnel about 100 meters long, lined with pipes. Then you open one of those massive steel doors, take a tiny elevator, and go down twelve stories into the command and control center where launches would have been carried out. It is now a museum. You pay extra to see that. A lieutenant there portrayed Putin. He was of the firm opinion that Ukraine would go on to win the war. I asked if he had any words to describe Putin. He said something, and I had to use Google Translate because I don’t know many Ukrainian words. I translated it, showed it to him, and he said, “Yes, that is correct.”He said, “Putin is an asshole goat.” Very colourful phrasing. Have you noticed similarly colourful caricatures—ways people portray political figures or authoritarians—in the humour that emerges during a war?

Kakhidze: I would not say that Putin is… I think he is an uneducated dreamer and an insecure person.

Jacobsen: He is in his mid-70s now. So the characterization is insecure.

Kakhidze: Yes, but why uneducated? He has had ample time to educate himself. If he had educated himself properly, everything he says about history would not be incorrect. If he were well educated, he would know that empires will fall anyway. The world cannot have new empires again and again. It is impossible. This is his thing. He thinks he is smart, but he is not.

Jacobsen: I looked at the numbers, and about 90 percent of the world’s population lives in 62 countries. The top three—India, China, the United States—obviously, India and China take the most significant share, but neither India nor China individually makes up even 20 percent of the world population; they are around 16 or 17 percent each. So the idea of a national empire, because we live in an era of nation-states, is ridiculous. 

By population alone, we live in a multipolar world. To your point, you might have some regional influence, but any form of unipolarity is a ridiculous notion. And fabricating histories to justify it is even more ludicrous. Even in the mid-to-late 2000s, when Putin hosted the Sochi Olympics, he gave speeches in English and seemed genuinely charming to some degree. Do you think something changed in his own perception of Russian history in that ten- to fifteen-year period?

Kakhidze: Yes, a lot. If you go to a bookstore in Ukraine and ask the sellers what sells best, they will say history books.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Kakhidze: I listened to all the lectures of Timothy Snyder. During these three and a half years, I improved my understanding of history so much.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Kakhidze: One thing. The second is what I learned about Russia: they are talented at only one thing—lying. They are the most gifted liars. Everything we read in school when I was in a Soviet school was a lie. About the Second World War, about the history before Ukrainians and Russians became “together.” And we were not really Ukrainians, and Russians were not really Russians. These were just communities. But everything had to be learned again—a rapid external course.

Jacobsen: Sure, we call it continuing education.

Kakhidze: But I also remember something else. I have a private residency in Kyiv Oblast, and I had a Canadian girl…

Jacobsen: Which city was she from? Was she East or West Coast? Toronto, Vancouver, Ottawa, Calgary, Edmonton?

Kakhidze: Yes, Vancouver.

Jacobsen: Okay, that is my region. That is my neck of the woods. 

Kakhidze: To give you her name: she gave me so much understanding about your history. And the history is not a pleasant page. It is about the internet and the schools for Indigenous people. Her name is Fleurie Hunter. I just sent it to you. I thought, “My God, you see schools where Indigenous kids were taken from their parents to change their identity.”Now Russia is doing the same with Ukrainian kids.

Jacobsen: I interviewed with a woman who is the head of, I think, the Almenda organization. She is twenty-seven. She was originally from Crimea and left in 2014. She said the same thing about the Russian Federation’s Russification education project. The propaganda is very effective in terms of indoctrination, but it comes with abuse—physical and emotional—for Ukrainian kids who are kidnapped, abducted, and trapped in that system. Fleurie has a Ukrainian background, too. The difference between the Ukrainian case and the Canadian case is that the Canadian case was a dual institutional project: a secular institution through the Canadian government approved the implementation of practical work—the abuse and indoctrination of kids—by the churches. It was a secular–religious harmonization project aimed at propagandizing the young. In the Russian case, the Russian Orthodox Church is essentially an arm of the Russian state, but this is genuinely a state project. That is the distinction, I think.

Kakhidze: In Russia, it is also a project. It is also a program. I am working on this film a lot. We interviewed kids from different camps, and they all said the same things. One day, their stories will be permanent.

Jacobsen: The big thing is the education gaps. They have to unlearn and then start their education again. That affects the rest of their lives. Their proper education will probably begin in their twenties unless they take a lot of summer classes and after-school work, all while dealing with trauma. What project are you working on regarding that?

Kakhidze: It is an animated film. I am producing animated characters. I am not an animator; I am creating the prototypes and panoramas. Then the director, Tatiana Hadakivska, works with animation companies that animate her story using my images.

Jacobsen: Very cool.

Kakhidze: She interviewed seventy-two kids who were stolen in Ukraine. 

Jacobsen: This is a lot. We actually have the main characters, who are really cool kids. The whole idea of the stolen children… I will tell you many things, and you can say whether you know them or not. The biggest problem with the stolen kids is that in many cases, the families themselves brought them to the Russians.

Jacobsen: That part… that is a whole other situation.

Kakhidze: But why did it happen? First of all, some parents were trying to secure their children because the Russians said, “We will deliver them to a safe area.” Since they stole them from occupied areas very close to the front line, some parents gave up their kids to protect them. The second category is when families were forced to hand over children because the Russians came with weapons and said, “If you do not give us your child, we will cancel your parental rights. Your attitude toward your child is horrible. Look, there is shelling every day, and you keep your child near you.” 

They created the war and then blamed families for keeping their children in a war situation. And if parents refused to give the child, they would lose their parental rights. That is one category. The third category is parents’ indoctrination. Some family members were indoctrinated, but not all. Kids were stolen by an aunt, by a grandmother, by someone else in the family. For instance, we have two girls whose mother is in the military. While their mother was serving, members of the family stole her children. Imagine that—crazy. And then in these camps, the kids who were more accepting of Russian indoctrination, or sympathetic to Russia, or who at home always spoke Russian and sang Russian songs—those kids were more or less okay and even collaborated with the leaders of the camps to bully Ukrainian kids. 

This is the story. She decided to use more animation than she planned because it is the best way to tell the story without showing the kids. We do not want to show the kids.  She filmed them, but she does not want to show them because when they tell all this violent stuff, they do not look good on camera. We have to draw everything they told us, and that is why the value of animation has become increasingly labour-intensive for me.  I hope we meet again soon. It was great to talk with you.

Jacobsen: It was nice. Bye-bye.

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Uliana Boichuk on Ukrainian Diaspora Advocacy, Disinformation, and Washington, DC

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

Uliana Boichuk is a Ukrainian journalist and communications specialist based in Washington, DC. She relocated to the United States after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, first living in Philadelphia before moving to DC to build a freelance career. Trained in Ukraine, she holds a master’s degree in journalism and spent five years in Ukrainian television newsrooms. In the United States, she reports on diaspora life, Capitol Hill advocacy, and disinformation, and has published with outlets including Newsweek and UNITED24 Media. She also documents stories of foreign volunteers and bereaved families, focusing on human stories amid crisis.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Uliana Boichuk about displacement, identity, and advocacy. Boichuk explains moving from Philadelphia to DC after the February 2022 invasion, drawn by the city’s European feel and echoes of Kyiv. She describes Philadelphia’s Ukrainian community, church life, and holiday traditions that sustain diaspora identity in her daily reporting. The pair discuss messaging challenges on Capitol Hill, countering Russian disinformation, and documenting American volunteers and families touched by the war. Boichuk contrasts Ukrainian and North American media styles, celebrates rigorous sourcing, and ends by urging remembrance of the fallen.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, my main question, since we met in DC, is: when did you move to DC?

Uliana Boichuk: It’s been two years. I’m in DC. I love it. It’s my favourite city. And sometimes it reminds me of Kyiv. That was my main reason for moving to DC. Actually, I moved to the US after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and my first year and a half in the US was in Philadelphia. Then I decided I needed to move on to start my career and do something more, because I was doing journalism in Philadelphia and New York.

But then I decided that DC is the perfect place for my career and freelance journalism. It’s the ideal place to find people, to speak with people, to interview people, to be in the right place at the right time. And I love DC, and as I’ve said, it reminds me of Kyiv a lot.

Even the neighbourhoods are similar. DC has Georgetown, which, for me, is like Podil in Kyiv. And DC has Navy Yard, which for me is like Novopecherski Lypky in Kyiv. So every time I’m walking there, I think, okay, it feels very, very right to be in that place, because it reminds me of home and reminds me of Kyiv. So yes, I love DC.

Jacobsen: When I was going around DC earlier this year, in the fourth quarter, my sense of the older architecture and stonework reminded me of Kharkiv. If you have not been to Eastern Europe at all, when you first go there, you’re immediately struck by the mastery—the stonework, the masonry, the bricklaying, the concrete, the marble. All of that is exceptionally well done. And the buildings were created by people who aren’t even here anymore. So I could definitely see how you could get that sensibility from DC as well.

Boichuk: Also, DC is like a European-style city in the US. And that’s not usual for us. Because of my work, I have been travelling a lot here in the US for the last two years, and I’ve seen different cities. DC feels very European because of its public transportation, the places you can visit, and the fact that Uber is very cheap. So yes, it feels very European. And the architecture—nice, really lovely. I love DC very much.

For me, it’s also calm. When I was considering moving, I was thinking about New York or DC. But New York, for me, feels a bit overwhelming, with the number of people and with everything that has happened there. DC feels very calm, but also very serious. New York is like a rock star, and DC is like a taciturn, adorable guy. You can love both, actually.

Jacobsen: I feel like you’re describing New York as your bad-boy introduction to the United States, and then DC as the stable guy.

Boichuk: But I do love New York, and I have a lot of Ukrainian friends there. My very close friends—my best friends—are in New York. So I travel there a lot to visit my people.

Jacobsen: What were your big cultural lessons from Philadelphia and New York? Before going to DC, what were your experiences in Philadelphia?

Boichuk: In Philadelphia, I really loved that there is a huge Ukrainian community. That was actually very helpful when I first moved to the US, because I met really great people there. They were trying to share Ukrainian culture with people in the US, and that was the first and foremost activity for me there.

When I moved to Philadelphia, the first thing I did—just as my dad always told me when I was a child—was to find my people and to find my church. He always said, “Uliana, when you’re abroad, when you’re away from home, you need to find your people, and you need to find your church.” So the very first thing I did when I moved was to find a Ukrainian church.

I’m Catholic, I’m Greek Catholic, so I found my church and my people there. In Ukrainian churches, there’s a very nice tradition of having coffee after the service. It brings people together. It’s an excellent opportunity to talk to people, communicate, and make friends.

Philadelphia has a strong Ukrainian community. Once a year, on US Independence Day in July, they participate in the parade. They are part of the Independence Day parade in Philadelphia, with their own Ukrainian group. That’s a chance to present Ukrainian culture and the diversity of cultures in the US, especially in Philadelphia, because Philadelphia was the first capital of the United States. That makes it especially meaningful on Independence Day.

The Ukrainian community is part of the parade in Philadelphia, and that became my very first journalism story there, because I was part of the community as well. I met many great Ukrainians who were involved in organizing and participating in the parade, presenting Ukraine at this huge Independence Day event. In the US, you see Chinese, Japanese, and many other communities presenting themselves, and it was essential for me to be part of the Ukrainian community in that context.

That’s the main lesson I took from Philadelphia—the importance of the Ukrainian community and the Ukrainian spirit there. I really love the story I did about the Independence Day parade in Philadelphia, because it was very authentic. It showed Ukrainian culture and Ukrainians in the US. People were wearing Cossack clothing and presenting traditional elements of Ukrainian culture. I’ll send you a video so you can feel the atmosphere.

At that time, Oksana Markarova, the Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States, also attended the Ukrainian gathering for US Independence Day. So that was a critical moment as well.

The main lessons from Philadelphia are the Ukrainian community, the Ukrainian spirit, and the efforts Ukrainians make to present Ukrainian culture in the US. That’s the key point.

Philadelphia is also my US home, as I call it, because I have family there. My sister lives there. That’s why it feels like a part of my Ukrainian home in the US, and it makes me feel very close to Philadelphia because of my family.

They say that home is where your heart is, so home is where your family is. 

Jacobsen: In another interview, someone mentioned that no matter where Ukrainians go, they remain Ukrainian, even if they have grafted themselves into another country. You meet them, and they still have that sensibility, even though they also develop an American characterization. How would you describe the sensibility of American Ukrainians—those who have built lives and even generations of lives in the United States but have Ukrainian backgrounds? What sensibilities have they kept, and how have they adapted within American culture more broadly? Then we can move more into your professional work.

Boichuk: Over my two years in DC and almost four years in the US, I was astonished to meet powerful advocates for Ukraine.

For example, I met a gentleman who is a great advocate for Ukraine. He does a really great job telling Ukraine’s story to people in Congress and to Americans more broadly. I was astonished that he speaks Ukrainian like someone who lives in Ukraine. And I thought, how is it even possible that you were born and raised in the US but still have such perfect Ukrainian?

He told me that his parents moved to the US after World War II. When his family moved to the US, their main goal was to preserve the Ukrainian language, because that was the first and most important thing, and to preserve Ukrainian culture within the family. At that time, it was tough even in Ukraine to be Ukrainian—to speak Ukrainian and to maintain Ukrainian culture—because it was the Soviet Union.

That’s why it was so crucial for his family to keep the traditions of language and culture. That’s actually what makes me feel that even Ukrainians who are very far from home still try to preserve their language and cultural traditions. That helps them stay connected to their identity.

It makes me feel that no matter where Ukrainians are, Ukrainian communities will still sing carols at Christmas and keep Ukrainian culture alive. No matter where they live, they continue these traditions.

Even here in the US, in my sister’s house, we try to keep the traditions alive. For Christmas Eve, for example, we still prepare the traditional twelve dishes for the Holy Supper. We also make kutia. We try to find places where we can buy everything we need to prepare it. In my sister’s house, we really try to keep these traditions alive.

That makes me feel that no matter where Ukrainians are, they will always carry their culture and traditions with them and continue to share them wherever they live.

Jacobsen: Who have been key media partners in advocating for Ukrainian humanitarian efforts and the defensive war effort, especially around messaging? In the United States, some prominent media personalities have unfortunately been drawn into deliberate misinformation campaigns.

Boichuk: Yes, sometimes. Over these two years, while doing communication and journalism, it has been tough, first of all, to explain to people that what is happening in Ukraine is not the same as terrorist attacks like 9/11. People try to find similarities, but it’s not the same. That is the US context, and this is the Ukrainian context. They are two different worlds, but we still need to find ways to communicate across them.

I was part of different advocacy campaigns and advocacy events on Capitol Hill in DC, including Ukraine Week in DC and the American Coalition for Ukraine. When we were working on messaging for US media outlets, one of the main points was that we did not need to find parallels with US events or with tragedies elsewhere in the world. We need to express ourselves from our own perspective.

When we were advocating on Capitol Hill, the main point was to tell our own stories—to share personal experiences. Even for members of Congress and their staffers, when they hear personal stories about being far away from home, trying to build a life, or about people who have been displaced because of the war, that becomes the most important thing.

Another key part of Ukraine’s messaging to the US was to bring Ukrainians still in Ukraine who can speak for themselves. We tried to get people from the Ukrainian Armed Forces because they are the ones who can speak most directly about Ukraine, sacrifice, and the fight itself.

At one of the most recent summits we held this fall, another vital message focused on Americans who were killed while fighting in Ukraine. As reported by The New York Times, dozens of American families have lost loved ones in the war. Those individuals went to Ukraine to fight for freedom and democracy. Members of their families came to the United States Capitol to speak with representatives. That became a compelling part of the advocacy.

I don’t know if “good messaging” is the correct phrase, but it became a meaningful way to communicate the reality of the war. This is not only Ukraine’s war. It’s not only Ukrainians who are fighting or who need to respond. The front line in Ukraine is also about the freedom of the wider world.

Freedom of speech and the freedom to be a free person are on the front lines in Ukraine. That’s the main point we were trying to communicate to US representatives and to people here in the U.S. Sometimes, even ordinary encounters show how necessary that messaging is.

When I’m out in public, I often have a small Ukrainian flag or a blue-and-yellow ribbon on my bag. Sometimes people approach me and say things like, “Ukraine is a very corrupt country.” And I explain that many of the stories they’ve heard are not true. For example, false claims spread online claimed that President Zelenskyy bought an expensive sports car or that his wife bought Cartier jewelry during a visit to the US. Those stories were fake news and propaganda spread by Russian sources.

I remember being stopped by someone on the street who repeated one of these propaganda claims to me. I told him, No, that’s not true. There is no official information confirming that. Statements from the Ukrainian government and reporting from reputable sources showed that those claims were false. That person had clearly been influenced by Russian propaganda.

That’s the main challenge. We need to find the right messages for people who have been misled, and we need to counter Russian propaganda that spreads across the internet. To do that, we need real stories—stories from real people who come to the US to advocate, meet policymakers, and share what it’s like to live through a war and fight for freedom.

That includes voices from the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as stories involving Americans connected to the war. One example is my work documenting American volunteers who fought in Ukraine.

Jacobsen: Who was Marine Corps veteran Ethan Hurtwick?

Boichuk: He was the subject of one of my stories. I’ve been documenting stories about Americans killed while fighting in Ukraine. I published three novels in Newsweek about Andrew Weber, Lance Lawrence, and Jericho McGowan.

After those stories were published, Ethan’s mother contacted me on Facebook. She began telling me about her son and shared that the family was planning a celebration of life on August 24, Ukraine’s Independence Day. I decided to travel to Springfield, Missouri, to meet the family and document their story.

It was a significant trip for me—to meet the family, to speak with them, and to record that experience. At that time, Ethan had been killed in action, and his body had remained in occupied territory. When I first met the family, they were still waiting for him to come home.

A few months later, I travelled to Kyiv in February 2025 to visit my father, friends, and family. That visit coincided with the anniversary of the full-scale invasion.

When I was in Kyiv, I went to Maidan Nezalezhnosti and tried to find the area filled with flags. I was specifically looking for US flags and the names of the American volunteers I had written about. And I found Ethan’s flag. I texted his mom and said, “Ethan’s flag is here.” She replied, “We’ll be there in ten minutes.” And I thought, wow.

I met them again in Kyiv because they were there trying to bring Ethan’s body home to California. Ethan was born in California, and the family decided that it was the right place for him to rest in peace. So I met them in Kyiv, and it felt incredible—what a story. I first met Leslie on Facebook, then I travelled to Missouri to record the story, interview the family, and attend Ethan’s Celebration of Life. And then, unexpectedly, I met them again in Kyiv.

It became a whole story. I published it not in Newsweek, but in UNITED24 Media, because I’m trying to spread the word about these men. I work with different media outlets because the more people who know these stories, the better—not only for me, but for Ukraine and for documenting this war. These stories need to be shared.

When I document these stories, I try to be everywhere, because as broad an audience as possible must hear them.

Jacobsen: You mentioned families who have lost loved ones who went to fight for freedom and democracy. Could you see this becoming a two-year project—gathering as many of these stories as possible and producing a book?

Boichuk: Yes, actually, I am thinking about that. And you’re not the only person who has suggested it to me. These stories are my life. It’s not just that I do an interview and move on. I stay in touch with the families. We text regularly. They’ve become my friends.

The moms especially—I really feel their care. They message me asking, “It’s cold in DC, are you wearing a hat?” or “Have you eaten?” because they know I’m busy with my journalism work. I feel their care, and that’s why I try to be supportive as well. We are very close. That’s also why, when I meet new people, I try to tell them about these stories.

Right now, I have six stories documented. I need a few more to turn it into a book and make it a larger project. It’s ambitious, but I’m working on it. Many people have told me I should collect these stories into a book, and I’ve heard that advice so often that it makes me feel I really should. I’ve never done that before, so I need to figure out the process. It will take time. I still think I need more stories, but the idea is there.

Jacobsen: When you tell these stories to American audiences, it hits home because it’s their families and their children. What do Ukrainians feel about individuals from other countries who are inspired by Ukrainians defending themselves, go to fight, and sometimes die—people from cultures they may not know well? How are these stories understood in Ukraine?

Boichuk: When I first started talking to the families, the first thing I learned—for myself as well—was that all of these men went to Ukraine to fight for what they believed was right. Every family member, every mother, every parent I spoke with shared that understanding.

When you hear these stories, they’re never just from one person. It’s the mom, the dad, friends, and brothers-in-arms. It’s a complete story. Every time I speak with people who tell me about these men and explain why they went, the main reason is always the same: they were fighting for what they believed was right.

They went somewhere that was utterly foreign to them. None of the men whose stories I’ve published had any roots in Ukraine. They had no personal connection there, but they still decided to do what they believed was right.

Many of them were Marines or veterans of the US Armed Forces. They had already served, and they understood what duty means. Not desire—duty. The duty to serve freedom, democracy, and justice. That was the first thing.

The second thing I learned from the families is that all these men strongly opposed tyranny and bullying. What they understood from Russia’s full-scale invasion was that it was a classic case of a bully—when a much larger power tries to invade and dominate a smaller country. That understanding mattered deeply to them.

They didn’t have roots in Ukraine, but many of them fell in love with Ukraine—for example, Jericho McGowan, a police officer from California. When I first saw his photo, he looked like a Hollywood actor—very handsome, very charismatic.

When the full-scale invasion began, he was among the first American military volunteers to go to Ukraine. He travelled from California to Ukraine and arrived in early March 2022. He decided he needed to be there.

Jericho was a US Marine Corps veteran, so he had military experience. When he arrived in Ukraine, he went to the Serhii Prytula Charity Foundation and tried to volunteer. At that time, representatives of the foundation told me that they were still trying to figure out what to do with foreign volunteers. In early 2022, there were no clear rules or procedures yet. The International Legion existed, but the system was still in the process of forming.

Now there are established processes, the International Legion, specific units, and official pathways. But back in early March 2022, when Jericho arrived, nobody really knew how to organize or deploy these volunteers.

He stayed. He committed. Eventually, he was assigned to a brigade and continued fighting for Ukraine. His final mission was near Bakhmut, where he was killed by Russian forces in 2023.

Jericho never had the chance to see his newborn child. His baby was born just months before he planned to return to the United States to meet them. He was killed in action before he could come home.

I also question this myself—how someone can leave everything behind, leave their life, and go to fight for people and for a country they had never known before. But for those men, it was more than that. It was about standing against bullying and doing what they believed was right.

One more thing I learned from speaking with the families is that almost all of them said their sons fell in love with Ukraine. They loved the food, they loved the people, and they were genuinely motivated to help. “Excited” might not be the right word, but they were inspired to help Ukrainians during a tough time. They embraced Ukrainian culture and felt deeply connected to it.

Jacobsen: Ukraine has a layered history—imperial rule, the Soviet period, the post-Soviet transition. It’s a complex mix of cultural influences and remnants of older civilizations that were overtaken and suppressed for long periods. There is a lot to be said about Ukraine’s artistic depth and resilience. How do the loved ones left behind in the United States speak about the memory of those who were killed?

Boichuk: You’re asking about the families here in the US—the relatives of those who were killed, and how they speak about them? They are living with a profound absence.

At the Fall Ukraine Action Summit, I was surprised that many of these families chose to continue fighting for Ukraine in the ways available to them. They went to Congress to speak with representatives and to share the stories of their loved ones.

Honestly, I was shocked by this. Before meeting them, I had never lost someone so close to me. From my perspective, I assumed that after such a loss, a person would want to distance themselves from anything that reminded them of that pain. That was my first assumption before meeting these families.

But when I met them, I realized that their primary purpose now is to continue fighting for Ukraine in their own way. They speak publicly, they tell the stories of their sons who were killed, and they try to continue what their sons believed in.

At one of the fall summits, I learned something new. Carla Weber, the mother of Andrew Weber, told me that she went to Capitol Hill to speak with her representative and to ask him to continue supporting Ukraine and to vote in favour of continued aid.

She shared a powerful message. As a mother, she said, her primary responsibility in life was always to take care of her children. And when she understood that her son had been killed—just days after it happened—that sense of responsibility transformed into something else.

During that time, many officials were trying to figure out where Andrew’s body was. Carla told me that this was the most horrible period of her life, because as a mother, she did not know where her child was. She later used that experience to speak about the abduction of Ukrainian children.

She told me that she could not even imagine what Ukrainian mothers feel when their children are abducted—when they do not know where their children are or what Russian forces are doing with them. When I heard that, it was a revelation. I thought, Wow, this is incredibly powerful.

These mothers, despite suffering an enormous personal loss, continue to advocate. They continue to share stories and emotions, connecting their own experiences to the reality in Ukraine. They speak about abducted Ukrainian children and about what they describe as a “human safari” in Ukraine. Hearing that perspective was shocking for me—not in a sensational way, but because it was new.

It showed me how personal stories can be used to advocate for Ukraine here in the US and to explain why support for Ukraine matters. I’m very grateful to Carla for sharing that perspective, because now I can share that message with others. I had never thought about that angle before.

Jacobsen: In your work with families who have lost loved ones in war, have you done any comparative analysis across different contexts—Americans who lost family members fighting in Ukraine, Ukrainians who lost loved ones at home, and even families in Russia who have lost relatives? Or is your focus mainly on the American context?

Boichuk: My focus is mainly on the US context, because I’m here and I understand the responsibility of doing this work in this setting. But when we talk about the Ukrainian side, Ukrainian families have lost their loved ones on a massive scale. I honestly cannot imagine that level of pain—not just for individual families, but for an entire nation.

When I think about the US, where dozens of families have lost loved ones connected to this war, it already feels overwhelming. I can’t even begin to imagine the magnitude of loss in Ukraine, where the numbers are far greater.

I don’t want to focus on Russian soldiers or Russian families. These were invaders. They came to Ukraine and decided to participate in this war.

I can’t find anything humane in that. That’s why I try not to talk about it. Not only do I avoid talking about it—I can’t even think about those families in terms of sacrifice. For me, it feels completely inhumane.

Jacobsen: Where have you found the toughest areas of advocacy in DC?

Boichuk: The most formidable advocacy challenge in DC actually happened this week. Representatives connected to the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia, which is closely aligned with imperial and state structures, came to Capitol Hill. They were not advocating for Ukraine. They were advocating for the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine.

They claimed that Ukraine is persecuting Christians—specifically Orthodox Christians—and they accused President Zelenskyy of criminal behaviour. They focused on Metropolitan Onufriy, who has been associated with the Moscow Patriarchate, and argued that Ukraine’s actions against him were unjust. Some of these clergy continue to pray publicly for Patriarch Kirill, who has openly supported Russia’s war.

These representatives came to Capitol Hill to promote the narrative that Ukraine is persecuting Christianity. I was honestly shocked. I could not imagine something like this happening on the Hill.

That has been one of the hardest things to confront. Ukrainians are on the right side of this. We have extensive evidence of Russian actions—bombing Ukrainian cities, killing civilians, and abducting Ukrainian children. These are documented facts. That gives us a strong basis to counter that kind of advocacy.

We have many examples showing that those advocating for the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine are part of a broader imperial system tied to Russia. They are not neutral actors. They are part of a political and ideological structure.

We went to the office of a member of Congress and spoke in detail about Russian abductions of Ukrainian children, about the killing of civilians, and about how religion is being instrumentalized to justify violence. Using faith to advance those narratives is deeply disturbing.

The hardest part is having to explain—to people in the US and even to members of Congress—that it is not acceptable for representatives aligned with Russian state structures to advocate on Capitol Hill under the guise of religious freedom. This was not the first time something like this had happened in DC, but it was one of the most challenging moments.

Trying to stand against something so clearly wrong—and having to convince others of that fact—has been one of the most complex parts of advocacy work here.

When we are advocating, the situation with representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church trying to promote their narrative about Ukraine is tough emotionally. It’s challenging to stay calm when you hear claims that are clearly disconnected from reality.

What really helps is having a community here. Being able to come together, to work collectively, and to support one another matters a great deal. Having a supportive community means you’re not fighting alone.

There are also people, for example, from the Ukraine Freedom Project, who are working to counter propaganda. They try to expose the factual background of those who advocate on Capitol Hill for Russian Orthodoxy in Ukraine and to confront the false narratives being used to mislead policymakers.

These groups focus on presenting verified facts to counter the propaganda Russians use to influence people on the Hill. That work is essential.

Jacobsen: Did you ever see yourself becoming a journalist when you were growing up in a small Ukrainian village?

Boichuk: Of course. That was never a question for me.

Jacobsen: So this is your dream job?

Boichuk: Yes. When the Orange Revolution happened in Ukraine in 2004, I was about ten years old. Ukrainians went to Maidan Square to protest fraudulent elections. It was a huge moment. That was the first time Viktor Yanukovych ran for president.

It happened ten years before the Revolution of Dignity. Ukrainians were standing up against a rigged election. I remember watching journalists reporting live from Maidan Square, seeing the massive crowds. I looked at them and thought, I want to be that person. That’s when I decided I wanted to become a journalist.

Jacobsen: I spoke with a colleague and asked her about the similarities and differences between North American and Ukrainian media, particularly in journalistic style. One thing she mentioned is that Ukrainian journalism places a strong emphasis on presentation. Everything needs to be dignified, proper, and formal.

In North America, you can see that as well, but there’s also a different media culture—especially in some right-wing corporate media—where presentation is more performative. You’ll often see women styled in a particular way, while men are dressed in standardized suits. That contrast in presentation styles is striking.

Even in comedy news, like The Daily Show, which is generally seen as left-leaning, you still see people in suits. The suits are usually more tailored, the ties are thinner, and the presentation is more stylized. But it’s not taken as pure ambience—it’s part of parody. Fox News, by contrast, often comes across as a character in its own right. It’s very one-directional.

A colleague was discussing the pros and cons of each, depending on the context. There are trade-offs, almost like economics. How would you characterize the similarities and differences in media style?

Boichuk: I studied journalism in Ukraine and earned my master’s degree in journalism. While we were learning, our professors showed us The New York Times, CNN, Fox News, The Economist, and other Western media as examples of how journalism should be done.

They didn’t show us these outlets because of their political orientation—left or right. They showed them as examples of professional journalism. They were presented as models for reporting, investigating, and verifying information.

I genuinely believe that the United States is ahead of much of the world in journalism and culture. That’s influenced by Hollywood, by the Oscars, by Sundance, for example. When we talk about journalism, outlets like The New York Times, The Washington Post, and USA Today feel iconic to me. I studied them at university, and they shaped my understanding of what journalism can be.

For me, journalism in the US represents a standard that Ukraine is still growing toward. I want to be very clear: this isn’t about left-wing or right-wing media. It’s about methodology—how journalism is practiced.

For example, Politico relies heavily on its own sources rather than simply repeating press conference statements. The same is true for The Wall Street Journal. That kind of journalism is very demanding. You have to build relationships, know where to find information, and understand how to verify sources. That’s hard work.

That’s why journalism here feels iconic to me. In Ukraine, especially before and after 2014, journalism struggled under oligarch-owned media. Independence and freedom of speech were much harder to sustain. Now, we have outlets like Suspilne, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, independent digital media, and YouTube-based journalism. The landscape is changing, but it’s still challenging.

I personally love very classic, rigorous reporting. When I came to the US, I started doing everything myself. I’m the journalist, the camera operator, the editor, the writer—everything. During election season, I even drove myself. I pushed myself to a Trump rally in Pennsylvania to report on it.

When I go to report near the White House, I see large media teams—hosts, lighting technicians, camera operators, producers—building a complete setup. And then there’s me alone, with my tripod, reporting for Ukrainian media.

That’s why I respect journalists here, regardless of political orientation. They’re doing very demanding and often iconic work.

Jacobsen: What do you make of the diversity of presentation and self-expression allowed for journalists in North American media? Often you’ll see men in suits and ties, sometimes without a tie, and women in dresses. But you also see journalists on different beats who dress more casually—in street clothes—depending on the context. How do you interpret that flexibility in style?

Boichuk: It depends on the content. It depends on the TV program, whether it’s a morning show or an evening one. It depends on the purpose and the audience. As I’ve said, I really love classic, formal journalism, and I would love to try that style myself.

When I first came to the US, I thought I needed to find any job in television to see how it works from the inside. I joked with my sister that maybe they were looking for a cleaner or someone to be inside a TV station and feel the atmosphere.

I’m very much a TV person. In Ukraine, I worked in television for five years. I love the vibe of a newsroom—the live stream, the host, everything. That’s why I was curious about how television journalism works here.

One of my close friends used to work as a foreign producer for Fox News. She invited me to see the studio—the big screens, where the team sits, where journalists work, and where Bret Baier does his weekly program. I remember thinking, This is so cool.

It wasn’t about Fox News specifically. It was about the television environment itself.

Jacobsen: Historically, in democratic systems, responses to war often move slowly. Democracies can be slow to align internally, but once they do, they often move with a unified national will. We’re seeing something like that in response to Russian aggression against Ukraine, with what’s usually called “the West”—though that’s a very imprecise, 20th-century term.

At the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Summit, there appeared to be movement toward a more unified sanctions framework against Russia. Canada, for example, has a specific legal framework for expanding sanctions. From your perspective, are you seeing a more unified front outside the US—whether through sanctions, asset freezes, or long-term financial support for Ukraine?

Boichuk: I would love to say that we need to work harder. First, we need to work hard to advocate for Ukraine. We need to work hard to explain to Congress what needs to be done.

Ukrainians have a clear agenda—freezing Russian assets, increasing sanctions, and returning abducted Ukrainian children. There is a list of concrete priorities. But right now, everything requires sustained effort.

Even with the advocacy we discussed earlier involving representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia, we have to work hard to explain to members of Congress why that advocacy is wrong, misleading, and harmful. We need to present facts clearly and consistently.

From my perspective, I can’t judge the US democracy or internal political struggles. I’m not a US citizen. This is not my government. My government is in Ukraine.

As a Ukrainian living abroad, I have a responsibility to advocate for my country here. When I’m in Ukraine, I can ask my own government questions. But here, my role is to represent Ukraine, not to criticize the US system. The United States allowed me to live and work here, and I respect that.

My job is to advocate for Ukraine—to talk about Russian war crimes, about the killing of civilians, about the abduction of Ukrainian children, and about why Ukraine needs continued support. That’s my role.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts or conclusions you’d like to share?

Boichuk: I want to emphasize the importance of remembering the fallen. Remembering those who fought for freedom matters because they fought not only for Ukraine but also for our shared future.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time.

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Keldamuzik on Media, AI, and Artist Strategy: Podcast Fame and Brand Building

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/19

Keldamuzik is a multidisciplinary artist and creative entrepreneur working across music, podcasting, fashion, and live events. She emphasizes audience connection through long-form conversation and platform-specific storytelling, arguing that podcasts deepen fan intimacy and expand brand reach through on-demand discoverability. She also builds community-facing projects, including Tams, a beret line that integrates runway participation and donations to hair-loss and alopecia-related initiatives. Her public messaging centers on confidence, self-acceptance, and style as enhancement rather than concealment. She approaches growth strategically, stressing regional infrastructure, sustainable opportunities, and craft-first development in an attention-driven digital economy.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Keldamuzik examine how podcasts reshape access to celebrity, fan intimacy, and commercial outcomes. Keldamuzik argues that long-form interviews expand brand equity through on-demand discovery, SEO visibility, and multi-platform distribution. She contrasts genre expectations and image management, noting different tolerances for confrontation and reputational risk. They explore sports–music synergy as emotional “reset” entertainment, and discuss AI-generated performers as a challenge to authenticity and labour. Keldamuzik outlines giving back as community reciprocity through her Tams beret line and hair-loss advocacy. The interview closes on infrastructure-first global growth and craft-over-brand discipline.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When a global star appears on a major podcast, does anything change commercially or culturally in how fans experience the artist? I sense that fans see them more up close in that format.

Keldamuzik (Diva): Yes. It becomes more personal, creating deeper engagement. Social media already keeps fans closer to their favourite artists, and podcasts build on that. Artists moved from short videos and reels to long-form podcast conversations.

On podcasts, artists often speak more personally and go into depth about their lives. They are not focused solely on music or professional expertise. They discuss family, relationships, and other aspects of life. That lets fans see another side of their idol or celebrity. That connection can help drive streaming and expand an artist’s brand.

Jacobsen: Do artists need to consider the type of media they appear on, depending on their genre—country, pop, and so on? Would it differ by genre, or is it generally beneficial to appear in media and on podcasts regardless?

Keldamuzik: There are limits. From my experience, it is less common to see major pop or country artists on podcasts having deep, personal conversations than in hip-hop and R&B spaces, where artists more often speak directly about individual and social realities.

In other genres, there can be tighter constraints because artists have to manage their public image. Labels, media perception, and fan expectations all play a role. Artists have to consider what will elevate their careers versus what might limit opportunities.

In hip-hop, the culture has historically allowed more public confrontation and harsher lyrical claims in disputes. For example, in Kendrick Lamar’s diss track Not Like Us, he accuses Drake of inappropriate behaviour toward minors; that accusation became one of the most talked-about elements of the feud and was widely reported. During Kendrick Lamar’s Super Bowl halftime performance, he performed the song with some lyrical censorship, and many viewers interpreted the moment as a pointed reference to that dispute.

Jacobsen: Drake looked straight at the camera. The moment felt especially cheeky.

Keldamuzik: Exactly. That kind of moment tends to land differently depending on the artist’s established brand and the norms of their genre. If a mainstream pop artist with a carefully managed “clean” image made similarly aggressive allegations on a major broadcast, it would likely trigger significant backlash and professional risk. That is not a guarantee, but it is a reasonable brand-management concern. So yes, the media strategy can differ by genre and by persona.

Jacobsen: What makes a podcast appearance convert into streams, ticket sales, and long-term brand equity instead of producing only a short-lived spike?

Keldamuzik: The key factor is that podcasts are on demand. Some people listen immediately, while others discover episodes later. Content can resurface online and go viral again.

Podcast appearances also improve search visibility and online discoverability. Repeating website and social media information gives audiences multiple access points. A listener can revisit a podcast to find an artist’s details, click through on Spotify, and begin streaming their music.

Distribution across multiple podcast platforms further expands reach. Artists are no longer confined to a single audience. I host my podcast on Acast, which distributes it to Spotify, iHeart, and other platforms. Each platform can open access to new listeners and contribute to long-term brand growth.

Jacobsen: When using long-form interviews, should artists use that length to tell more difficult stories without turning the platform into public-relations gloss? Does it help audiences better understand who the artist actually is?

Keldamuzik: Yes. Long-form interviews allow artists to be more personal with fans and foster deeper engagement. That is one reason so many platforms like Snapchat and Twitch have grown, and why influencers have become prominent. Audiences can watch artists in real time, see them offstage, and observe who they are behind the scenes.

That kind of access makes artists feel more relatable. It shows that artists and fans can connect through everyday experiences, not just performances. Overall, this visibility helps increase brand awareness and strengthens the relationship between artists and their audiences.

Jacobsen: Sports and music crossovers are everywhere, including high-profile relationships, as seen in the Swift example. Why does that combination resonate so strongly, and does it affect audience loyalty?

Keldamuzik: Sports and entertainment naturally go together. Competitive sports generate intense emotions, and music helps balance that energy. Events like the Super Bowl illustrate this dynamic, where musical performances are built into the experience.

Music acts as a psychological reset. At live games, there is often high tension, especially when a team is losing. During intermissions, music or live performances help shift the mood, making people more social and easing emotional intensity before the game resumes. Because of this function, music and sports reinforce each other and are unlikely ever to be separated.

Jacobsen: With AI-polished visuals everywhere—on dating apps, social media, and celebrity branding—how can artists protect a distinct personal image that still feels human?

Keldamuzik: Recently, there has been attention around AI-generated music projects, including AI-created R&B performers. Some of this music is produced with tools like Suno, which allow users to generate songs using artificial intelligence. While this can be entertaining, it raises serious concerns.

AI-generated artists can overshadow real musicians who invest years of labour, creativity, and emotional effort into their work. When an AI persona goes viral, it can feel unfair to artists who create music from lived experience. While AI projects may seem novel or amusing at first, they risk undermining the authenticity that defines artistic expression.

Music is art, and art is rooted in human experience. Technology can be a helpful tool, but it should not replace the human foundation on which creative work is built. AI should not displace the artists whose work made those technologies possible in the first place.

Jacobsen: What does giving back look like for a working artist?

Keldamuzik: Giving back is essential. I give back in several ways. I have a beret line called Tams. Customers who purchase my berets are invited to walk the runway at my fashion shows, and I also support hair-loss organizations.

When you are a public figure presenting yourself to the public, giving back matters — whether through fundraisers, charity events, or benefit concerts — anything that brings people together, while it does increase awareness of your brand, the core purpose is to support the community, because the community supports you.

Jacobsen: How does Tams fit into your creative ecosystem—as fashion, merchandise, message, or activism?

Keldamuzik: The message is about enhancing your look and your style. I never want it to feel like a cover-up or something people need to hide behind. It is meant to add to what is already there, like the finishing touch.

Through donations to hair-loss organizations, including Boldly Me, an alopecia organization, I have focused on confidence and self-acceptance. When I spoke at their annual fundraiser, my message was that you do not need anything to look better—you already are who you are. The beret enhances what you already have.

That message resonates with people who already like berets. I added my brand and a different meaning behind it. Many women embraced it, and eventually, men did as well. That is why I consider it unisex. It is for anyone who wants to wear it.

Sometimes it is practical. If you need to run out quickly and do not feel like doing your hair or makeup, you can put on a beret. It is similar to wearing a hat, but slightly more elevated.

Jacobsen: In the long term, what matters more to you culturally—visibility, ownership, or legacy?

Keldamuzik: Legacy. Everything I pursue within my brand is about building one. I established the foundation and blueprint years ago, which is why I expanded into music, television, film, fashion, and entrepreneurship. I want not only to leave a legacy, but also to create a platform where others can develop and share their talents.

Jacobsen: Across fashion, music, television, and film, how do you decide when to say yes and when to say no, especially when focus becomes more important?

Keldamuzik: I evaluate each opportunity carefully to determine whether it benefits me or primarily benefits the other party. While I do manage multiple projects at once, I turn down opportunities when I am not gaining anything meaningful from them.

If I am doing someone else a favour rather than advancing my own work, then we need to discuss compensation, outcomes, and expectations—what happens to the footage, how the project will be used, and what the results will be. Something has to balance out.

I have learned that not all opportunities are good opportunities. As your profile grows, you cannot accept every booking or request. Some offers may look appealing on the surface, but maintaining professionalism and a degree of mystique matters. Being too accessible or doing unpaid work out of obligation can undermine long-term positioning.

Jacobsen: What mistakes do emerging artists make when chasing international reach too early? Global figures like Taylor Swift or Jay-Z operate at an entirely different scale. What risks arise when artists pursue international visibility before establishing a solid home base—culturally, geographically, or within their genre?

Keldamuzik: Yes. One of the biggest mistakes is spreading yourself too thin—spending money and getting pulled into promoters or talent buyers who promise different forms of exposure but don’t deliver results. Many artists say they want to be known in Europe, Asia, South Africa, Australia, or New Zealand, but international reach requires focus.

You have to build infrastructure. You cannot simply put yourself out everywhere and hope something sticks. The way you build a foundation in your home region is the same way you make one overseas.

For example, I am currently building infrastructure in China, which is one of the largest streaming markets globally. That means being present on local platforms rather than relying on Western ones like YouTube or Vimeo. China has its own ecosystem, including platforms like Weibo and others designed specifically for that market.

The goal is to establish a presence across those platforms and work with local DJ pools, brands, radio stations, media, and television outlets. You concentrate on one region, build it properly, and reach a point where you can tour there consistently. Only then does it make sense to expand into the next region. Many artists make the mistake of hopping from country to country instead of building a solid base in one place from the ground up.

Jacobsen: One last area—brand and craft. Artists are often told to build a brand early, even before they have mastered their craft, which can take five or ten years. In journalism, it took me years just to become competent. How do independent artists lose their way by prioritizing brand over craft while trying to monetize their passion?

Keldamuzik: Social media has shifted priorities toward visuals—photos, short videos, and reels—rather than the underlying work itself. Someone might discover an artist on Instagram or TikTok, enjoy the visuals, and then check out the music, only to find it doesn’t hold up. That creates an immediate credibility problem.

Many artists focus on appearances rather than developing their craft. It becomes performance rather than substance. In earlier decades, especially in the 1990s and early 2000s, music centred on time spent in studios, in-person collaboration, and creative depth.

Today, collaboration is often reduced to sending files back and forth digitally. While that can be efficient, it can also strip away authenticity. Artists can become preoccupied with showcasing wealth, fashion, or lifestyle instead of the work itself. When that happens, the brand becomes disconnected from genuine artistic expression.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate both your insight and your expertise. 

Keldamuzik: Sounds good, Scott. I appreciate it.

Jacobsen: Cheers. Bye.

Keldamuzik: Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

National Preparedness Day: Allen Baler on the Preparedness Pledge, JanuReady, and Practical Readiness

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/20

Allen Baler is a preparedness advocate and spokesperson focused on practical household resilience amid increasingly frequent disruptions. He works on public-facing initiatives that encourage individuals and families to plan for outages, contaminated water advisories, and severe weather events through education, guides, and free training. Baler is associated with the promotion of National Preparedness Day (January 25), registered through National Day Archives, and with related awareness efforts aimed at both U.S. and Canadian audiences. His emphasis is not apocalyptic “bunker” thinking, but realistic, incremental readiness: simple plans, basic supplies, and the confidence that comes from being prepared.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Allen Baler about the meaning of “official recognition” for National Preparedness Day, which Baler says was registered via National Day Archives and must now be publicized through media, social platforms, and free educational resources. Baler frames preparedness as a mainstream response to COVID-era disruptions, grid failures, and worsening extreme weather—less fantasy, more household competence. They discuss the Preparedness Pledge, designed as a simple January resolution emphasizing plans and fundamentals over purchasing. Baler explains starter-level discounts as lowering barriers, not maximizing profit, and notes higher preparedness engagement in disaster-prone states.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You said you registered National Preparedness Day and have a certificate. What does “officially recognized” mean in practice?

Allen Baler: First, we wanted to understand the process. We found an organization that registers and lists “national days” on its own master calendar. That felt like a sign of the times. We have all lived through COVID, major outages, extreme weather, and broader geopolitical uncertainty.

Preparedness has become a growing industry. It has shifted from the movie version—zombie-apocalypse scenarios—to something more practical: everyday people trying to protect their homes, their families, and their way of life. We thought it would be worthwhile to create a day that encourages people to take readiness seriously.

So we registered it through National Day Archives, which issues a certificate of registry and lists the day on its calendar. The certificate states that January 25 is designated as National Preparedness Day in accordance with that organization’s policies.

From there, it is up to us to publicize it and build awareness. We plan to do outreach to media and offer training, resources, guides, and live classes free of charge to encourage practical preparedness. We want the message to reach Americans and Canadians.

More broadly, when it comes to risk infrastructure and public safety in the United States, many communities have long relied on agencies such as FEMA and other public institutions during disasters. There are ongoing debates about how that system should be funded and structured, and people’s experiences vary widely.

What has also become clear is that institutional response is not always fast or frictionless. Some people receive critical help and are grateful for it. Others encounter delays and administrative barriers. That reality has pushed more people toward basic household readiness: knowing what to do in an outage, having safe water options, keeping non-perishable food, and planning for short-term disruptions.

For the inaugural year, success looks like reach and uptake: how many media outlets, podcasters, and community organizations mention the day and share practical preparedness actions. We would like it to become a recurring prompt—especially in regions that regularly face hurricanes, wildfires, or severe winter weather.

We are also going to be monitoring visits to our website and to a dedicated resource page we are setting up. That will allow us to see how many people download the hurricane preparedness guide and how many sign up for the free training class on water purification. Since this is the first year, we are hoping it generates some momentum and begins to circulate through media channels. We will certainly do our part through our existing customer base and our social media audience on Facebook, YouTube, and Meta, but it is important to have others talking about it as well.

We are not approaching this as a commercial initiative for our company. We are supporting it, but the goal is to get the conversation going and provide people with practical tools, tips, and education. Preparedness is already on many people’s minds.

Jacobsen: What is the preparedness pledge?

Baler: We are finalizing the document now, and we should be able to share a copy with you before publication. The pledge itself is intentionally simple. January is a time when people are already thinking about resolutions related to health, finances, and relationships, so we wanted to build on that mindset.

The idea is that people can download, print, and sign a pledge committing to take basic steps to prepare themselves, their families, and their communities. The goal is to create a greater sense of safety and peace of mind by beginning the process—not necessarily by buying products, but by learning fundamentals. That might include knowing an evacuation plan, understanding how to create one for your family, or recognizing which food supplies are reliable during an outage. Rice in the pantry is dependable; steaks in the refrigerator are not.

These are simple, practical ideas. The pledge is not a contract. It is meant to function like other January challenges or transformation efforts, encouraging people to start thinking differently about preparedness.

Jacobsen: JanuReady mixes free public resources with discounted products. How does revenue factor into future initiatives tied to the pledge?

Baler: That is an important question. The discounts we are offering during JanuReady are primarily on starter-level products. For example, our most popular food kit is a 72-hour emergency kit with a shelf life of up to 25 years when stored properly. We normally sell it for about $29, and during JanuReady it will be offered at a significant discount—likely around 50 percent—so people can try it as a sample.

We do not expect to make much, if any, money from these discounts. This is not a front-end revenue strategy. The goal is to get entry-level products into people’s hands. We are also offering a small solar-powered backup phone charger at roughly half price. Communication is critical during emergencies, and this is a simple way for people to stay connected.

If people find these tools useful, they may choose to invest in more comprehensive solutions later. But the discounts themselves are not intended as a revenue driver. They are meant to lower the barrier to entry for people who are just beginning to think about preparedness.

We sell higher-end products—large generators, extended food packages, and advanced water purification systems—that cost hundreds or thousands of dollars. We do not expect significant sales of those during this initiative, and that is not the objective. The focus is on helping people get started.

Jacobsen: The United States spans a wide range of climates and risks—hurricanes, tornadoes, extreme cold, heat waves. Are there regions where preparedness needs differ significantly based on geography and climate?

Baler: Yes, we have definitely observed that in our customer data and audience patterns.

As you would expect, the areas most prone to natural disasters tend to be the most active. People there are more aware of preparedness, more likely to engage with related content, and more likely to purchase products. It is not surprising that our top three states are Texas, Florida, and California. That reflects both population size and the fact that these states regularly experience major weather events.

Florida is, of course, in Hurricane Alley. Texas experiences hurricanes as well, along with other risks. Many people remember the Texas freeze in February 2021, when large parts of the state lost power for days during extreme cold, and the electrical grid came close to failure. In California, wildfires and power outages are persistent concerns. These patterns explain why our engagement is heavily concentrated in coastal regions.

One interesting observation is that preparedness interest tends to be stronger in suburban and rural areas within those states rather than in major cities. For example, people living in New York City, despite the city’s size, are less likely to think about or purchase preparedness products, based on our experience. We have not fully cracked the code on that yet. Once people own their own homes, have families, and live farther from essential services, preparedness becomes more concrete. If the nearest grocery store is thirty miles away, a natural disaster can make access impossible.

Jacobsen: Are there any American slogans, aphorisms, or pieces of wisdom that you find effective, whether memorable, amusing, or succinct, in conveying the importance of preparedness for everyone, regardless of where they live?

Baler: We work with a former Navy SEAL named Cade Courtley. You may have seen him in our television commercials or YouTube content. He reviews products and helps us improve them. He comes from a very strong military and survival background and previously hosted survival programming on television and in podcasts.

He ends most of his videos and written messages with a phrase that is blunt but memorable: “A survivor, not a statistic.” It can sound a bit stark, but it captures the point. When people watch the news, disasters often feel distant—something happening somewhere else. People assume it will not happen to them.

That phrase reminds people that during events like Hurricane Helene, there are real numbers behind the headlines—people who lost power for weeks, or people who did not survive. The message is simple: take responsibility and prepare so you are not one of those statistics.

I have taken Amtrak through New Orleans, and you can still see power poles damaged from past storms. The scale of destruction is striking. Whether you attribute it to climate change, extreme weather, or a combination of factors, these events do appear to be happening more frequently and with greater severity. That has certainly been our observation over the last fifteen years.

Preparedness, for us, is not about bunker mentality or apocalyptic fantasies. It is about responsibility—especially for parents and partners. It is about thinking through worst-case scenarios so you can protect the people you care about. In that sense, preparedness is a practical expression of modern responsibility: being someone who has thought ahead rather than reacting too late.

Baler: The idea is that I can take small, practical steps now so that if something happens—and I hope it does not—I am more capable of taking care of myself and my family. I can be part of the solution rather than someone waiting in a FEMA food line. It is about self-reliance, responsibility, and protection.

Jacobsen: Allen, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it. 

Baler: It was a pleasure speaking with you, and I appreciate your interest in what we are doing. I know preparedness can sound niche, but I am glad you are writing for The Good Men Project. The way modern masculinity and fatherhood are evolving is an important conversation. Scott, thank you again. I appreciate the conversation.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 22: Domination Aesthetics, Partnership Art, and the Politics of Architecture

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/21

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Riane Eisler how domination and partnership orientations show up in art, architecture, and the moral purpose of aesthetics. Eisler describes domination art as monumental, hierarchical, and awe-producing—towering deities, triumphal forms, and “great man” iconography that naturalize obedience and power. Partnership-leaning cultures, she argues, more often emphasize nature, interconnection, cyclical symbols like spirals, and influential female figures not reduced to object or stereotype. They may also embed care in production—fewer glorifications of killing, more communal responsibility. Eisler calls for systematic art-historical study using the partnership–domination lens.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Everyone has a way of looking at the world and what they enjoy looking at. We can call that aesthetics, which spans a spectrum from what we find beautiful to what we find ugly. In domination systems, when you look internationally over time, what do you usually see in domination art and architecture? What do you notice in partnership-oriented aesthetics?

Riane Eisler: In domination systems, the first examples that come to mind are immense statues of a male deity—say, Zeus—with tiny human figures at the base, shown as insignificant in comparison. Monumental architecture uses awe to reinforce hierarchy. Domination systems build cathedrals and other enormous structures dedicated to the deity of the day. The specifics vary, but the message remains consistent: the deity is excellent, and you are nothing—unless you obey, in which case you may be granted a small measure of value.

It is reasonable to ask how many people died in the construction of such works. I do not know the exact number, but it is safe to assume that many did, and not only men. Archaeological evidence increasingly shows that the strict role separation portrayed in bestselling books like The Naked Ape is not a universal fact about our deep past but is powerfully shaped by modern assumptions of male domination over women. In some societies, women did take part in hunting, and there is evidence that some hunters could have been pregnant women as well, which has surprised many researchers.

Normative myths about gender and hierarchy have not changed enough. New information from archaeology and holistic analyses of our past and present reaches us in fragments, without much connection. Unless someone is trained in whole-systems thinking, it is not easy to put these findings together into a coherent picture.

Old stories and old art often glorified acts such as the “rape of Lucretia” and similar scenes. For a long period in European history, art was funded and promoted mainly by those in power, so the question becomes: what kinds of art did they choose to support?

Jacobsen: Are there architectural analyses showing differences between partnership societies and domination societies—such as smoother, more organic lines in partnership societies, and more rigid, straight-line or diagonal structures in domination societies?

Eisler: I have not thought about that specifically. I think of places like Çatalhöyük, which were not exactly monumental in the same way, but represent a very different kind of built environment. I do not know, but continue with that thought, because it connects to some things I have learned.

Jacobsen: I have done interviews with, at least, one carver in the Pacific Northwest, and you see the S-curve and the formline style in Indigenous carving—the totem poles and related work. There is a specific art to it, and clear cultural rules about how you are supposed to do it so that you get the formlines right. These societies were often organized on matrilineal lines rather than strictly patriarchal ones, compared with European societies of the same period. If you look at the Soviet period, you see what we often describe as brutalist or starkly functional architecture: very gray, straight lines, highly functional, reflecting a society run by administrators. In modern corporate culture—New York in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, for example—you see many skyscrapers characterized by rigid vertical lines. In other societies, you sometimes see more creativity in how the architecture is done, especially when an architect and an engineering team work together on something more experimental. So there may be indications of domination versus partnership in architecture, but I am not entirely sure.

Eisler: Spirals were a very prominent theme in Minoan art and architecture, as well as in earlier partnership-oriented art. They seem to be connected to a cyclical view of life, death, and rebirth. We do not know this for sure because we do not have clear written records from that time explaining the symbolism. But again and again in that art, the female figure is depicted differently. She is not shown as a sexual object for men or reduced to the Christian dichotomy of virgin versus “fallen woman.” She is powerful. 

The way women and men are depicted is different overall. The kind of exalted lone-warrior scenes we associate with later epics do not, as far as current evidence shows, appear in Paleolithic or early Neolithic art. It takes an art historian using this framework to look systematically for patterns. What you describe is monumental architecture and monumental art: the “needle,” the phallic obelisk as a sign of victory. Then there is the arch of triumph, where a rounded form is co-opted and turned into a symbol of armed victory.

Jacobsen: What about the moral value of art in domination versus partnership societies—how it is understood, and what it is seen as applicable for, within the context of that society?

Eisler: I think of the theme of the so-called Exodus, a forced expulsion from paradise, and how that idea has, in a sense, shifted with the environmental movement.

I have not studied this in depth, but landscapes were secondary in much older Western art. The figures in the foreground were religious protagonists, rulers, and later the wealthy merchant class—think of Dutch Golden Age painting. The focus remained on those at the top of the social hierarchy. It is not until the Impressionists that you see a renewed emphasis on nature as a primary subject rather than a backdrop.

Jacobsen: Something that appears again and again in popular commentary is the “great man theory” of history—the idea that history turns on a handful of exceptional individuals. These figures were often brilliant and talented, but history did not hinge on them alone. That myth is separate from the historical record, yet it pairs neatly with the idea of the “self-made individual” in the modern era, which has been damaging for both individuals and communities. How does that thinking—whether or not it was framed that way at the time—shape art and society internally? How does it manifest in artistic representation?

Eisler: You already know the basic answer. Look at whose busts and statues dominate classical Greece. The people represented are consistently those at the top. Philosophers are an interesting case. The one philosopher who openly mocked prevailing norms—Socrates—was condemned to death and forced to take poison. Yet, as a group, philosophers still reached the upper cultural strata, in part because they tried to explain why men were dissatisfied, as if men could ever be content under rigid domination.

A book that opened my eyes to ancient Athens was The Reign of the Phallus by Eva Keuls. I had an excellent education in Cuba, but we were never taught how pervasive the symbolism of the phallus was in classical Athens. Large phallic sculptures were common, particularly in gardens and public spaces. The phallus was a symbol of power. My book Sacred Pleasure has a chapter titled “The Reign of the Phallus” that explores this as well, but Keuls’ book is essential reading.

This is what we have idealized as the foundation of “Western civilization,” yet even in classical times, there were countercurrents. For example, Aristophanes wrote Lysistrata, a play centred on women using a sex strike to force men to end war—an early expression of women’s resistance to domination and militarism.

My education was very classical, so I am familiar with these stories, although I could not immediately recall the playwright’s name. The play you are referring to is the one in which women refuse sex as a protest against the Peloponnesian War. That strategy has appeared in more than one historical instance and even in contemporary times. In at least one recent case—Somalia during the civil conflict—a sex strike reportedly contributed to peace negotiations. Rwanda is sometimes mentioned as well. So we cannot dismiss the power of disincentives. And yes, the playwright was Aristophanes.

Before we wrap up: when I say I had a very classical education, it clearly was not complete, because when I read Eva Keuls’ The Reign of the Phallus, I found material that had never appeared in my formal studies. She is a classicist who closely examined ancient Greek culture and highlighted elements that are not usually taught.

Jacobsen: Would you, to close, offer any speculation on what people might find if they conducted a trans-historical or cross-cultural study of the production of art—step-by-step, how art is made—and how that might differ between domination-oriented societies and partnership-oriented ones? For example, in domination societies where the lives of people with low incomes are valued less, especially those doing the physical construction, I would speculate that you would expect higher mortality in the creation of monumental works than in societies with more partnership values.

Eisler: I think you would. I have done some of this work because art is a symbolic language. If you compare art from periods when societies were more oriented toward partnership than domination—not perfectly, but significantly—you see evidence that people cared more about each other. Cooperative parenting was the norm in some of these societies; the whole community felt responsible for caring for children, regardless of parentage or origin.

Çatalhöyük, for example, was multiracial and multicultural, and people lived together for an extended period in relative harmony. But in the upper layers of the site, something changes. Whether this shift was caused by invasion or emerged as wealth accumulated is unclear. There has been a historical overemphasis on hoarding and on violence to obtain resources. That becomes the norm later.

In the earlier art, you see influential female figures and an emphasis on nature. In Minoan art, for example, there is a strong sense of interconnection—look at the figure on the cover of The Chalice and the Blade. She is a bird goddess who is simultaneously phallic in form and has breasts: an interconnection of male and female, deity and nature. It is all present if you look closely. There are very few hunting scenes, and even fewer scenes of killing. Later, you see idealized “heroic” warriors—celebrations of killing—and of male domination over women. You cannot miss it if you use that frame when looking at the art.

I do not know precisely what a systematic cross-cultural study would conclude, but I know art is transforming now. Performance art and storytelling are growing. The stories being told are not necessarily the old stories glorifying stereotypical masculinity and femininity or ranking male over female and masculine over feminine. It is a compelling time to pay attention to art.

Because today you see two major strands. There is still monumental art—grand ballrooms in seats of power, presidential faces carved onto mountains, symbols of political dominance. And then there is art that does something else entirely: splashes of colour, non-linear forms, works that feel like a search for meaning rather than a declaration of it. What exactly are they searching for? That is the open question.

Jacobsen: That is a good place to end.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Xanthe Scharff: Women’s Empowerment and Child Labor in Cocoa: Ghana & Côte d’Ivoire

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/16

Dr. Xanthe Scharff is Managing Director for External Affairs and Editor-at-Large at The Freedom Fund, a collaborative fund that regrants resources to frontline, community-led organizations fighting modern slavery. A media executive, nonprofit founder, and journalist, she co-founded The Fuller Project in 2014 while reporting in Turkey and along the Syrian border. Her reporting and leadership have focused on trafficking, labour exploitation, and women’s rights. She founded Advancing Girls’ Education in Africa, supporting scholarships and mentoring in Malawi, and previously worked on global education policy at the Brookings Institution’s Center for Universal Education. She is in Washington, DC, and advises donors.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks how women’s empowerment can reduce child labour in cocoa communities in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, and how to avoid vague, ineffective solutions. Xanthe Scharff argues that durable progress starts with women’s economic security and with listening to frontline, community-led actors. She notes that Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire supply about 60% of global cocoa, while surveys estimate roughly 1.56 million children were engaged in child labour in those cocoa-growing areas in 2018/19. Scharff emphasizes living incomes, safer work, stronger schools, and survivor-informed, culturally grounded interventions supported by donors and industry. She highlights women’s organizing power for prevention.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In cocoa-growing communities in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, what are reliable pathways through which women’s empowerment reduces child labour? There is also an implied question: which approaches do not work?

Xanthe Scharff: I appreciate the focus on women’s involvement in addressing child labour. There are two ways to think about solutions. One is the lived experience and conditions of women workers themselves.

When women have access to decent, stable income and greater control over resources, households are more able to keep children in school and reduce reliance on children’s work. Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire are central to this discussion because together they produce over 60 percent—often described as nearly two-thirds—of the world’s cocoa.

Cocoa supply chains involve large multinational buyers and extensive smallholder production. In this context, child labour remains widespread. The most widely cited large-scale survey of cocoa-growing areas in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire (2018/19) estimated that about 1.56 million children were engaged in child labour in cocoa production—roughly 45 percent of children aged 5–17 in agricultural households in those areas. Children involved can be very young, including those as young as five.

Women’s economic position matters because women face structural constraints in cocoa communities, including barriers to land ownership and control over income. Widely cited research indicates women own roughly 25 percent of cocoa farms in Côte d’Ivoire, and when farming, household, and other unpaid tasks are combined, women’s working hours can exceed men’s by nearly 30 percent. These constraints limit women’s ability to invest in schooling, reduce time poverty, and strengthen household resilience.

A second dimension is women’s role as community organizers. Women are often well-positioned to identify risks, shape norms, and help design protections that keep children out of hazardous work and in school.

Globally, the most recent ILO estimates place child labour at nearly 138 million children worldwide, including about 54 million in hazardous work.

Jacobsen: That is an enormous number.

Scharff: It is. In cocoa-growing areas of Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire alone, around 1.56 million children are estimated to be engaged in child labour in cocoa production. Addressing this requires listening to families and communities closest to children and designing interventions that make schooling feasible and safe.

Jacobsen: “Women’s empowerment” can become a vague concept, so it needs to be grounded in concrete objectives. In cocoa farming, what are effective, practical ways to empower women? For example, how can time burdens—such as women working nearly 30 percent more hours when all tasks are counted—be reduced? How can women gain access to better land or more secure land rights? And regarding investment, microloans are often discussed. Is there a threshold at which loans begin to produce measurable improvements in women’s livelihoods?

Scharff: I appreciate that you are starting with questions. There is a great deal written and discussed about these issues, but it helps to step back. I work at The Freedom Fund, which is a collaborative fund. We raise resources from a range of donors and regrant them to frontline, community-led organizations in countries where trafficking and child labour are present.

We do this because our experience consistently shows that the people closest to the problem are best positioned to identify workable solutions. Whether we are talking about Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, other African countries, or communities elsewhere in the world, local conditions vary widely. Experts who are distant from these realities are rarely as well-equipped as those working on the ground.

For us at The Freedom Fund, the answer is therefore consistent: listen to people closest to the problem, support them with funding and resources, enable them to organize and build movements, and learn directly from them what the priorities are. That local knowledge can then be strengthened with research and global connections.

When we talk about child labour and women, I can share examples from conversations with women in different contexts. These are not universal solutions, but they illustrate how locally grounded approaches work in practice.

I recently conducted a deep dive for a TIME article on child labour in the mining sector. While this is a different industry from cocoa, the underlying dynamics are similar. When women earn decent wages and have authority, they are better able to keep their children out of hazardous work and in school.

One example is Annie Mwangi in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. She purchased a mine after witnessing women being systematically underpaid and harassed. She then established a program to help other women access financing to purchase mines themselves, creating safer working conditions and better incomes. This, in turn, enabled women to support their families better and protect their children.

Another example comes from Nigeria, where Imabong Sanusi runs a national anti-trafficking program focused on child protection. Along with volunteers across the country, she acts as a frontline monitor, identifying cases where children are being drawn into mines. Her work reflects a deep understanding of local realities.

When she encounters a child in labour, one priority is ensuring the child’s voice is heard, so people understand the lived impact of that work. This can be a powerful motivator for action. She also undertakes careful casework to identify alternative care arrangements, such as extended family members who may be better positioned to support the child. Children are rarely working because their guardians want them to; it is usually because something has broken down economically or socially. Reconnecting families, ensuring safety, and coordinating with government authorities requires trust, local relationships, and cultural understanding that only community-based actors possess.

We also need to rely on people on the ground to assess what is viable within education systems. That includes understanding where schools are located, how accessible they are, the quality of education being offered, and whether families believe schooling will lead to long-term opportunities. Questions about access to secondary education after primary school are fundamental. This is long-term work.

In an ideal scenario, all stakeholders are engaged: education providers, governments, companies making sustained community investments, women, men, and community leaders, with children’s welfare at the center. In some communities, there is support for company investment; in others, companies have created such harmful conditions that communities want them to leave. Outcomes depend entirely on local context and whether community leaders are meaningfully included in decision-making.

The essential shift is to center local voices, listen carefully, and move forward with solutions that are genuinely sustainable rather than imposed from the outside.

Jacobsen: Women’s empowerment is often framed as a universal concept, but each culture and country interprets empowerment differently. Could you offer a brief concluding note on how to remain sensitive to cultural context when empowering women?

Scharff: I would return to the principle of listening to women on the ground about what will advance them and their communities, and what their priorities actually are. As you noted, those priorities differ by context.

We work across a wide range of modern slavery issues. For example, The Freedom Fund works in Kenya, Nigeria, and Ethiopia on child labour in private homes, which is often invisible. Globally, child domestic work accounts for an estimated 10 million children, making it one of the largest categories of child labour after agriculture. Many of these children are girls.

In some cases, a family brings a girl from a rural area to help with household chores while also sending her to school. In other cases, the situation is deeply exploitative: the girl may not receive adequate food or sleep and may not attend school at all. Boys are affected as well, but girls are disproportionately represented. These situations are complex, mainly because the households involved may themselves be economically vulnerable.

In that context, girls’ and women’s empowerment means listening to survivors who have grown up and become advocates, and to women working on the ground who understand how to bring about long-term change. That includes engaging everyone involved: the household where the child is working, the child’s own family, and community leaders. It means promoting dialogue so communities can move forward together.

Ultimately, it comes down to centring frontline actors, especially women, and following their lead. For those of us who are globally connected, one of the most meaningful roles we can play is providing platforms, helping raise resources, and amplifying the voices of those closest to the problem.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise, and we will be in touch shortly.

Scharff: Thank you. It was good to speak with you. Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Barbara Anderson on Watchtower Documents 2025: Evidence, Accountability, Survivor-Centered Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/16

Barbara Anderson is a researcher and whistleblower focused on Jehovah’s Witnesses’ handling of child sexual abuse. A member from 1954 to 1997, she worked at the denomination’s Brooklyn headquarters from 1982 to 1992 in the Writing Department, researching the movement’s official history. She later spoke publicly about internal policies and founded Watchtower Documents, an independent archive used by journalists and attorneys. Anderson has appeared in major media, including Dateline NBC, and continues to document cases, policies, and litigation while advising survivors and reporters. She authored Barbara Anderson Uncensored and maintains public profiles detailing her archival and advocacy work. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Barbara Anderson, researcher and whistleblower known for documenting Jehovah’s Witnesses’ child sexual abuse policies and building the archival project Watchtower Documents. Anderson outlines her 2025 work-streams: legal and legislative change, institutional accountability, and survivor advocacy, with increasing attention to adult victims. She explains that document authentication is mainly procedural—rules of evidence, protective orders, pseudonyms, and redaction—designed to admit proof while shielding identities. Anderson also describes trauma-informed collaboration with journalists and legal teams, and highlights systemic gaps in decentralized Protestant structures that hinder oversight, transparency, and consistent reform.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the main 2025 work-streams at Watchtower Documents?

Barbara Anderson: In 2025, main work-streams at Watchtower Documents related to eliminating clergy-perpetrated abuse, center on legal and legislative changes, institutional accountability and reform, and survivor advocacy and support. These efforts involve actions by governments, religious bodies (particularly the Catholic Church), and non-profit advocacy groups. And a growing focus on adult victims.

Jacobsen: Which verification methods authenticate documents while protecting victims’ identities? 

Anderson: In legal proceedings related to clergy abuse, documents are authenticated using standard rules of evidence, while a victim’s identity is protected through legal safeguards like pseudonyms, protective orders, and document redaction. These are procedural, rather than technical verification methods, and they allow evidence to be admitted without revealing the survivor’s public identity. 

Jacobsen: How do you collaborate with journalists and legal teams?

Anderson: Collaboration in clergy abuse cases involves a survivor-centered, trauma-informed approach where legal teams and journalists work transparently to support survivors, pursue accountability, and maintain confidentiality. Effective collaboration emphasizes shared power and clear communication while prioritizing the survivor’s well-being. 

Jacobsen: What recurring themes happen in court filings or organizational policies?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, where are the biggest observed gaps?

Anderson: The gaps in solving Protestant clergy abuse largely stem from decentralized structures, a culture of denial and niceness that discourages naming inappropriate behavior, and a significant lack of external accountability and oversight. Unlike the Catholic Church, which has a universal hierarchy, the independent nature of many Protestant churches makes systemic solutions difficult to implement. 

Jacobsen: Which concrete governance or compliance reforms would reduce risk?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: What metrics indicate progress, even regress, in accountability and justice since starting your work?

Anderson: Metrics indicating progress in clergy abuse cases include a decline in new allegations, increased spending on prevention, and legislative changes to statutes of limitations. Indicators of regress, however, include a lack of transparency in canonical trials, continued institutional resistance to accountability, and an increase in the number of cases categorized as “unable to be proven”. 

Jacobsen: What near-term research is being prepared?

Anderson: Near-term research in clergy-perpetrated abuse cases is focusing on the experiences and support for adult survivors, the systemic factors within religious communities that enable abuse, and the effectiveness of current prevention and reporting mechanisms. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Barbara.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 30: Global Crises and Policy Failures

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/15

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman about three seemingly distinct issues that reveal common failures in modern governance. Tsukerman reflects on a devastating Swiss resort fire, emphasizing the human toll, emergency preparedness, and the limits of even high-standard safety systems. Turning to China’s attempt to reverse population decline through taxing contraceptives, she argues the policy misunderstands basic economics and human psychology, risking resentment rather than growth. Finally, she analyzes Ukraine’s leadership shift toward security-experienced figures, contending that Kyrylo Budanov’s appointment reflects a global move away from diplomacy toward hard-security realism in an increasingly unstable world.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Breaking international news. Seems comically tragic. A Swiss ski-resort bar fire likely started by sparkler-style “fountain” candles. Severe burns have made identification of bodies challenging. Dozens have been transferred to specialist burn units across Europe, and many of those injured are fighting for their lives. Thoughts on this? Can you send me the article? I just want to take a look. In the chat.

Irina Tsukerman: The situation in Switzerland is extremely sad. It is one of those tragedies that sometimes happens because of regulatory failure, sometimes just an accident, a happenstance. In this case, it is particularly tragic because you greet a new year, you expect a new start, and it begins with a horrible tragedy.

There is nothing political about it, as far as I see. In terms of the context of that particular venue, authorities are investigating possible negligence related to safety measures and whether building materials contributed to how fast the fire spread. So far, it appears that sparkler-style “fountain” candles held too close to the ceiling may have ignited flammable insulation and quickly engulfed the venue.

It does raise questions about why more people were not able to exit safely and faster. Was the planning—logistical planning—suitable for such a large gathering at a very crowded social event? Unfortunately, because of the nature of the injuries, it will take more time than normal to identify victims. Identification is ongoing and is expected to take days, given the extent of burns. There have already been stories of families searching for missing loved ones; some people may be injured rather than dead, but reconnecting and confirming identities can still take time. It is absolutely devastating.

Switzerland lowered flags to half-mast after the tragedy. For Switzerland, it is a rare and deeply shocking event. Generally, the country has very high safety standards, and you do not hear of disasters of this scale. Unfortunately, something like this can happen anywhere, and sometimes tragic accidents are exactly that.

I really wish all the survivors a speedy and complete recovery, including recovery from psychological trauma resulting from this terrible incident. I also hope that the families who lost someone are able to identify them and gain closure as soon as possible.

Jacobsen: Chinese approach to an international problem. China has ended a long-standing tax exemption and, from January 1, 2026, condoms and contraceptive drugs and devices now incur a 13% value-added tax—the standard rate for many consumer goods—in a stated effort to support broader measures aimed at addressing the country’s declining birth rate, which has fallen for a third consecutive year as of 2024.

Tsukerman: I am going to say it once, because it may sound funny: taxing your way into reversing a demographic decline does not work, and it is never going to work. I think the result is likely to be more tragic than desirable. Quite frankly, unless the taxes on contraceptives are sky-high, it is simply going to make things a little more expensive. It means that if people are concerned about family planning, they will cut back somewhere else and spend less on leisure in order to afford new taxes.

Especially if their concern is economic, spending a little bit more in taxes is going to be a fraction of what they would normally spend on raising a child, even in a socialist society.

It is still much more expensive to raise a child than to spend more on contraceptive measures. From a simple economic perspective, the calculus is not even close. That is why this measure is going to fail.

Second, trying to create a negative incentive for not having children is also perverse. If you are genuinely opposed to having an additional child at this point in your life, or in general, the cost of contraceptives is going to be the least of your concerns. There are far more serious considerations than the cost of condoms or similar products.

The fact that the Chinese government—and other governments trying to do the same thing, and there are many—do not understand basic human psychology and how people calculate family planning decisions is another reason why they failed previously and are failing again now. Trying to reduce human motivation to the cost of condoms is, in my opinion, humorous and comical. But it is also tragic. It shows an extremely bureaucratic, petty, and narrow focus among officials tasked with addressing this issue.

It is also telling that they are undertaking this task without even attempting to conduct a poll on the biggest concerns families have and why they are not having children or not having more children. If you are going to reduce family planning to economic or political incentives, you would at least want to understand what people actually say motivates their decisions. If you are going to engage in policy planning to address that, you should respond to reality rather than to imagined motivations. All too often, allegedly well-meaning governments—this is not limited to demographic decline.

To finish that thought, governments often do not consult before attempting to formulate policies, which then backfire for fairly obvious reasons. In this case, there is an additional danger beyond simple ineffectiveness due to misaligned incentives. There is also the risk of creating resentment, where parents are effectively pressured to have children they do not want for economic reasons. That resentment can later be projected within families, with anger directed at government policies and, tragically, at unwanted children born as a result.

Jacobsen: Zelenskyy has appointed Kyrylo Budanov as a potential chief of staff. What are your thoughts on this? I believe this is a replacement for the person who was ousted previously—the individual who was, apart from prior experience, also a lifelong friend.

Tsukerman: Yes, it stings on a more visceral level. I think Budanov is an exceptionally good choice. First, he is one of the most popular figures in Ukraine right now, so from a political perspective, it is wise. From a policy perspective, he has shown himself to be very competent and is likely to continue to be effective. He can translate his experience managing a major security agency into strategic advice as chief of staff, particularly on a management level.

From a broader policy perspective, this appointment demonstrates the increasing importance of security agencies within Ukraine’s current political paradigm. As diplomacy becomes more fragmented, more transactional, and increasingly theatrical—particularly in relation to U.S. politics—the role of the security apparatus naturally increases. It is very unlikely that there will be a political solution to the current security situation in the near future.

For that reason, the focus is shifting toward people who can manage the situation more effectively in the interim. Those with security backgrounds and operational experience are much more likely to be useful at this stage than traditional diplomats or public administration officials. I think that is a major part of the reasoning behind Budanov’s appointment. He is a very high-profile figure and also fairly—

Popular in the West, I think it will be much more difficult for Western officials to attack him. Leaving aside the controversies associated with Yermak’s personality and corruption-related scandals, Budanov not only has a stellar reputation, but also a level of respect among his counterparts in Western intelligence and security agencies. That respect will make it very difficult for political messaging to undercut him or his management of Zelenskyy’s office.

By bringing him in and elevating him as his right hand, I think Zelenskyy is also sending a very strong message to the international community.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 21: Marketing Manipulation, Domination Systems, and Partnership Economics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/14

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Riane Eisler how marketing turns trauma and insecurity into profitable “needs.” Eisler argues advertising repurposes psychology to manipulate wants, sustaining domination-oriented economics by filling the emptiness produced by in-group/out-group hierarchies and rigid gender roles. Basic consumption meets real needs—food, shelter, clothing, and self-respect—while manufactured desires promise status and belonging through excess. She traces similar “sales” logic in religious mythmaking and warns that secular culture can reproduce the same distortions. A partnership framework, she suggests, shifts incentives toward caring connection, empathy, and well-being rather than control, competition, and compulsive consumption—and ecological sustainability, too, for everyone.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Marketing and consumption are framed as a “science,” where people are made to feel less than, which is what people are often made to think through trauma, family trauma, and economic trauma. This is an entirely improvised question. People are given a fabricated want or aversion to fill through widespread consumption, and that consumption is, in many ways, mediated by marketing and advertising. What is the partnership studies framework for economics, marketing, consumption, and related areas?

Riane Eisler: It recognizes that marketing and advertising have taken what we know from psychology and the social sciences and turned it into the manipulation of people’s wants and needs. It is fascinating, but at the same time very troubling. It is part of contemporary domination-oriented economic systems because, as a larger middle class began to emerge in many industrializing societies, in part due to the Industrial Revolution, there was a challenge to the traditional top-down system. That challenge was more than met by marketing and advertising, which became tools for increasing consumption, used to help fill a sense of emptiness or void created and maintained by the larger domination system. 

Jacobsen: So what separates, in your view, this pathology of consumption from the necessity of consumption?

Eisler: We need to eat. We need a roof over our heads. We have basic needs as human beings. The system creates artificial needs under the guise of fulfilling basic needs, including valuing and feeling good about yourself, both of which are very difficult in domination systems.

Let us start with what domination systems do. They create in-groups and out-groups. Most people in today’s world are affected by this in one way or another. Those on top are nervous that someone else will displace them — replace them, really. Those at the bottom are struggling.

What the domination system does is convince them — and, in many historical and contemporary cases, religion plays an essential part in this pyramid — that they must flatter, believe, and obey those on top. It does this by identifying the people on top as “job creators,” for example, in modern industrial and post-industrial economies, rather than as exploiters protected by the domination system. Partnership-oriented systems are not entirely equal, but they do not organize society around rigidly fixed “those on the bottom” and “those on the top” in the same way.

That makes a significant difference. So how do you maintain a domination system once industrial production and modern economies can generate enough manufactured and consumer goods — clothing, housing materials, and so forth — to meet people’s basic needs for food, shelter, and clothing? You have to convince them that if they consume more than they need to satisfy their basic needs, they will feel better. 

I keep thinking of an old shampoo advertisement where a woman uses some product, and she is ecstatic — practically having an orgasm. What is the message of an ad like that? Or consider a man who has been socialized to feel entitled to women: there are often car advertisements featuring a beautiful woman standing next to the car, seemingly impressed or “wowed” by it.

All of these wants and needs are really the product of deprivation of closeness. Take rigid gender stereotypes, which are damaging for both men and women. Women learn to manipulate or conform. Men are expected to maintain control, whether they want to or not, and to maintain separation. The result is a mess. Then comes the use of what we know from psychology about manipulation and about marketing.

Advertising has taken that knowledge and used it to convince people that their real needs — the need for caring connection, the need for shelter, the need for food, the need for clothing, and the need to feel good about themselves — will be met if they conform to marketing and advertising messages and consume, consume, consume.

Jacobsen: What functions as a brake on this? Usually, as things move toward excess, there is pushback. What is the push and pull between the enforcement of a consumer mindset built on fabricated wants and a reintegration that returns to the basics of what we need socially — clothing, housing, food, and so on?

Eisler: That is the question we need to answer for people. What fulfills our basic needs? It requires a different view of what it means to be human. If we adopt a competition mindset — a dog-eat-dog mindset — you will take care only of yourself and perhaps your family. I say probably because studies have shown that gendered socialization can be so intense that men feel entitled to use what they earn on themselves and their perceived needs — gambling, prostitution, and so on.

For example, studies in Brazil have shown that one dollar in a mother’s hands is equivalent to ten dollars in a father’s. This is not because men are inherently evil, but because what I just described is part of their socialization. It is a highly complex system because it was developed in ways that effectively brainwashed people.

In my book The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future, I describe how domination systems sustained themselves through story and myth after violence established control. Consider the violence of ancient domination systems: the Assyrians, for example, lined roads with crucified people. It was a reign of terror, an extreme form of domination. But what really keeps the system going is not just the overt violence — it is the myths and stories, the distortion of what is presented as “reality.”

To sustain domination, the myths and stories had to be changed to idealize rigid gender stereotypes: the hero as active, forceful, associated with what Jung called the animus.

In many normative stories, the hero is a killer. Think of The Odyssey, or some of the heroic figures in the Hebrew Bible. It is all very complicated, and people are trained to accept total contradictions and not notice passages in the Bible that clearly contradict the assertion, found in the Judeo-Christian tradition, that there never was and never can be anything but a male deity. Yet in the Book of Jeremiah, for example, the prophet condemns women for baking cakes to the “Queen of Heaven.” It is remarkable, but people skip over that. 

Jacobsen: Also, in Exodus and the Ten Commandments, there is a very explicit statement — one of the first commandments — “Thou shalt have no other gods before me.” If the commandments are rank-ordered, then this one addresses the existence of other gods. The deity — Yahweh — is described as jealous. If the deity is jealous and people are commanded not to worship different gods, this reflects a cultural milieu in which multiple gods were believed in and practiced. From a naturalistic lens on the psychosocial and cultural history of religion, this points to an implicit polytheistic environment attempting to consolidate monotheism.

Eisler: Yes, Raphael Patai, who was both a cultural historian and drew heavily on archaeological findings, repeatedly documented that during the same period reflected in the biblical texts — when prophets were recorded as condemning the people for deviating from exclusive worship of a jealous God — there were idols to Asherah, and idols to male deities as well. There was polytheism. But that is largely omitted or minimized in the biblical narrative.

So the written tradition gives us a distorted picture of historical reality. In a sense, it is brilliant: systems of belief can grant benefits, such as reduced time in purgatory — historically, in medieval Christianity through indulgences — if one pays the church a specified amount in local currency. It becomes incredibly complex. 

Jacobsen: Could we see the marketing and advertising of Yahweh—or of monotheistic religion more broadly—as a prototype for modern multinational corporate culture, in which marketing and advertising are treated as a “science” designed to cultivate fabricated wants?

Eisler: As an analytical framing, there is a functional similarity between some religious promise-structures and modern advertising. Advertising and marketing present visual stories of people feeling joyful, fulfilled, and complete because of a product they are encouraged to buy. Many religious traditions—monotheistic ones included—also contain promises of ultimate meaning, belonging, protection, or reward, though those promises are often oriented toward the afterlife, moral order, or communal identity rather than toward material consumption in this world.

In some forms of Christianity—especially in later Protestant traditions and, more recently, in “prosperity gospel” movements—the idea that God will bless the faithful in this life becomes central. In Islam, long-standing teachings emphasize divine justice, moral accountability, and providence, but it would be inaccurate to treat material prosperity in this life as a uniform or dominant doctrine across Muslim history. More broadly, across traditions, fulfillment is often promised but deferred to an afterlife, a future redemption, or an ideal moral order.

Historically, Western Christianity developed robust systems of fear and relief around sin, punishment, and salvation. In late medieval Catholicism, indulgences were formally defined as the remission of temporal punishment for sin under specific theological conditions. Abuses in their promotion and sale became a major scandal and a catalyst for the Reformation. It is therefore more accurate to say that people were sometimes led to believe spiritual penalties could be reduced through church-mediated practices, rather than simply “paying the church to shorten time in purgatory.”

Modern marketing and advertising are largely secular institutions. For that reason, the most illuminating distinction is not always between religion and secularism, but between partnership-oriented and domination-oriented cultures along the partnership–domination continuum. A secular consumer society can distort needs and wants in ways that function similarly to distortions produced by religious hierarchy.

What is being sold differs, but the underlying social message can remain the same: some belong to the in-group, while others are pushed to the margins. Separation becomes normal rather than a caring connection. To feel valued or fulfilled, individuals are encouraged to defer to consumer messaging, institutional authority, or both.

We live in an era of competing myths—not a simple binary, but a crowded marketplace of meaning. Alongside multinational corporations and transnational movements, traditional religions continue to shape the lives of billions of people. Not all major world religions are monotheistic—Hindu traditions, for example, are internally diverse and are often described as polytheistic, monistic, or henotheistic depending on the school—but all large systems of belief construct narratives that organize identity, desire, and belonging.

This dynamic is visible in desires that go beyond basic needs—things people feel they require but that are often socially manufactured wants. There is a symmetry between longing for eternal life and longing for eternal youth: both can be leveraged by institutions that promise fulfillment while maintaining dependence.

Across both secular and religious myth-systems, a recurring pattern is the logic of domination: comply, conform, purchase, or obey—or risk exclusion, shame, punishment, or loss of meaning. In consumer culture, the mechanism is buying; in some religious systems, it is fear of spiritual consequences. In functional terms, both can reduce human flourishing to submission to external authority. Both systems can end up delivering the same pressure: do as I say.

Jacobsen: Whether it is telling people they need to buy more, or that they need to support the church, the mosque, or some other institution—because those institutions present themselves as intermediaries between the individual and a punitive, male deity—there seems to be a shared structure at work.

Is there one key difference, though? In corporate advertising, the promise is focused on an idealized terrestrial life: eternal youth, perfect memory, bodily enhancement. Take this pill, and you will become better. In religious myths, by contrast, what is promised is usually perfection in an entirely different realm.

Eisler: Consider Islam, for example, where rewards for martyrdom are explicitly located in the afterlife, not in this world. More broadly, many religious traditions have emphasized that this life is not what ultimately counts. That logic even appears, somewhat unexpectedly, in Buddhism.

Buddhism incorporates the principle of not harming, but it is framed as a negative command rather than a positive vision of flourishing. The result can feel strange, even pathological. Advertising operates similarly, yet it passes as usual for people who have been conditioned to listen either to the priesthood of marketing or the priesthood of religion.

Jacobsen: A central component of mental health is functional reality-testing: being in touch with the world, understanding social dynamics, and maintaining a coherent internal sense of self. Do these promises—whether extraterrestrial and heavenly, or terrestrial and consumer-driven—create conditions under which people may struggle to maintain psychological health?

Eisler: They tend to create dependence on a higher authority. You will receive something if you buy or if you obey. In consumer culture, the higher authority consists of those who sell and market products. In religion, the higher authority is framed as divine, mediated through institutions. In both cases, agency is diminished.

People become more like puppets on strings than active, healthy, autonomous human beings. This is why the crucial distinction is not between secularism and religion, but between domination and partnership. That is why I introduce the domination–partnership continuum as a worldview.

Jacobsen: It is often framed as a social scale because human beings are a social species. 

Eisler: Yes, from birth onward, we are interdependent. We rely on caring connections to survive and to thrive. Research on infants in orphanages shows that the absence of a loving connection negatively affects brain development itself. Some children do not survive at all.

Jacobsen: Do we see different forms of pathology along that social scale? The distinction should not simply be secular versus religious. However, within the domination–partnership model, that contrast may still be analytically useful in this case. In corporate systems, the pathology often emphasizes radical individualism, which produces isolation and social fragmentation.

In religious systems, by contrast, there is often genuine community, which is frequently noted as a strength. Yet, as you suggested earlier, it is often a community structured around a male authority figure—a priest, an imam, or a rabbi—who holds varying degrees of unquestioned power.

Eisler: These figures function as intermediaries between individuals and a supreme male deity. That mediation confers power. Marketers also hold power, even though they typically operate as employees of transnational corporations. They draw on secular knowledge, including insights derived from science, to influence behaviour and sustain patterns of consumption. In both cases, people are kept dependent—either on buying or on obedience.

I remember visiting a basilica in Rome and reading that if you knelt up the steps with a contrite heart, your time in purgatory would be reduced by a specified amount. There was, of course, a theological caveat—the requirement of sincere contrition—but the transactional logic was still present.

In both systems, some form of reward is exchanged for compliance. Churches receive donations; corporations receive purchases. Religion, however, is a two-edged sword. The Catholic Church, for example, has done immense good. At the same time, its history includes episodes such as the Crusades, including campaigns like the Albigensian Crusade, which targeted fellow Christians. These events reflect a troubling alliance between religious institutions and secular rulers—emperors, kings, and other authorities.

Many people come to treat these arrangements as simply “reality,” and that is part of the problem. The deeper reality is that no amount of consumption can replace a caring connection. While many religions explicitly criticize materialism, it is also problematic to base one’s life entirely on what is promised after death, on what is framed as life beyond this so-called vale of tears. Much of this functions as propaganda for maintaining domination systems.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and for your time, Riane.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

SEEQC CTO Shu-Jen Han on Digital Quantum Control, Error Correction, and Energy-Efficient Scaling

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/13

Dr. Shu-Jen Han, PhD, is Chief Technical Officer (CTO) at SEEQC. He joined SEEQC in 2021 (initially as VP of Engineering) and leads global, multidisciplinary R&D toward a chip-based digital quantum computing system, including responsibility for long- and short-term technology roadmaps. Previously, he managed the nanoelectronics effort at IBM’s T.J. Watson Research Center, and later served at HFC Semiconductor (ultimately Associate VP), driving multiple generations of MRAM from development through product qualification. He earned his PhD in Materials Science & Engineering at Stanford (minor in Electrical Engineering) and has authored 100+ publications and holds 200+ issued U.S. patents.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen spoke with Dr. Shu-Jen Han about SEEQC’s digital approach to superconducting quantum systems. Han contrasts today’s microwave, room-temperature control—effectively analog and wiring-heavy—with superconducting digital pulses generated near qubits at millikelvin temperatures. Local control and readout reduce latency and could enable real-time quantum error correction, crucial as errors accumulate over thousands of gates. He argues fault-tolerant machines may need 100,000–1,000,000 qubits, making cabling, bandwidth, and power untenable without chip-level integration. Han also outlines SEEQC’s partner-focused business model and growing Taiwan collaborations. He cites tens to 100 megawatts for conventional systems and calls Google’s Willow results a scaling signal. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, in the bio that I have here for you, we’ll be with Dr. Shu-Jen Han, Chief Technology Officer at SEEQC, where he leads multidisciplinary global R&D developing chip-based digital quantum computing systems and the company’s technology roadmap. Before SEEQC, he began his career at IBM’s semiconductor research division working on advanced CMOS technology and later managed the nanoscale device and technology group at IBM’s T.J. Watson Research Center, focusing on post-silicon transistor research. He then served as Senior Director and Associate Vice President at HFC Semiconductor, leading MRAM product development. He joined SEEQC in 2021 as Vice President of Engineering and now serves as CTO, overseeing multidisciplinary teams and the company’s technology strategy. Dr. Han earned his PhD in Materials Science and Engineering with a minor in Electrical Engineering from Stanford University and has authored numerous technical publications and patents. When it comes to digital quantum computing systems, how do you distinguish between quantum computing as mathematical modeling and algorithms versus the hardware of quantum computing systems? What is the distinction, and how do those come together in these frontier digital or electronic systems?

Dr. Shu-Jen Han: Today’s quantum computing is more or less analog computing because in classical computing we are familiar with CPU- and GPU-based digital systems, with deterministic 1 and 0. In quantum computing, you have superposition, which is a probability between 1 and 0, making it closer to analog. The hardware of today’s quantum computing uses microwave pulses to manipulate qubits. Many existing systems are based on this analog scheme. The problem, from our point of view, is that this approach is not scalable because microwave pulses must travel from room temperature down to millikelvin temperatures where qubits must remain extremely cold. There is another way, which we call digital quantum computing. Instead of relying on analog microwave signals, we use superconducting digital electronics to generate coherent digital pulses that manipulate qubits. That is a key distinction between our technology and conventional analog approaches.

Jacobsen: When you are combining different fundamental approaches to computation—not just different algorithms within a linear or parallel model, but different forms of computational modeling—how do you integrate those in your digital quantum computing architecture in an optimized way? Some methods are more efficient for certain problems than others; you do not want to use the most advanced computation for a simple computation. How do you integrate those appropriately, and how do you determine the appropriate context for the type of computation?

Han: I think one thing I want to emphasize, because in our company we did not try to replace existing quantum computing. They run the algorithm. What we are trying to do is make the system more scalable. Of course, there is an additional advantage to using our technology because we have this digital approach to control the qubits and to read the qubits. That gives a lot of advantages. Going back to your question, we can utilize this advantage to enhance certain algorithms. One good example is that we have this unique digital control and digital readout on-chip, directly next to the qubits. As I mentioned in your first question, with the current approach you need to send the signal from room temperature and read the signal all the way back to room temperature. There is a huge delay between when you send signals to the qubits and when you read signals from the qubits. But if we can do everything next to the qubits, we do not have that delay. That being said, we can use our approach to enhance a lot of so-called error correction. You might have heard about quantum error correction because qubits have a lot of error. If you do not correct them, it is not useful. I think that is one of the reasons you need to put the qubits at 10 millikelvin, because at slightly higher temperature, thermal noise will mess up your qubit information. But even if you put the qubits at 10 millikelvin, it is still very noisy. So people are pushing so-called fidelity, meaning what percent of error will happen. People are already pushing to 99.99%. But even that tiny percentage of error, when you start to accumulate it, becomes a problem. When you do the computation, it is like thousands of these gates—we call them quantum gates. Each quantum circuit consists of thousands of these gates. If any gate has a tiny error, and you multiply that by 1,000 or 10,000, the end result will not be correct. That is why we need to do quantum error correction along the way. I keep correcting this error along the way. But you can imagine that if you need to do this error correction by sending the signal out, using room-temperature electronics to do the correction, and sending the corrected data back in, it is very resource-wasteful. Also, sometimes you cannot immediately correct the error because this will cause latency. So if we can do all this control and readout next to the qubits, which is what our technology can potentially do, we can do some kind of real-time error correction. When an error forms, we detect it and correct it immediately. We do not even need to send the signal out, using our digital approach. That enables a new type of quantum error correction and significantly improves the robustness of the quantum computer. That is one example of how our technology can enhance an algorithm. 

Jacobsen: What is the upper limit to quantum computation and the amount of quantum error correction that can be done while computations are live?

Han: Quantum error correction is very powerful. At a high level, the concept is that you use redundant qubits. Once you measure enough qubits, you can think of it as something similar to a parity check. In a simple way, if the majority outcome is one, you say the data qubit is one; if the majority is zero, you say the data qubit is zero. As long as you measure enough qubits and they are all entangled together, this works. For example, you might have 100 physical qubits representing a single data qubit. If they are all entangled and supposed to be one, some will flip to zero because of errors. But if you measure enough of them, from a probability point of view you can say there is a high likelihood that the data qubit should be one, or vice versa zero. That is the basic idea of quantum error correction.

In principle, there is no fundamental limit to how accurate you can be. It is a resource issue. If you could use an unlimited number of physical qubits to represent one data qubit, you could achieve extremely high accuracy. But that is the ideal case. In practice, that is why when people talk about practical or utility-scale quantum computers, they often talk about needing on the order of 100,000 to even one million qubits. It is not that all of those qubits are doing computation. The majority of them are doing quantum error correction.

Even though, in theory, you can keep increasing accuracy with more physical qubits, implementing this in reality is extremely difficult. That is one of the reasons we formed SEEQC, to resolve this scalability issue. SEEQC stands for Scalable Energy Efficient Quantum Computing, and scalability is our first mission. If you want to use so many physical qubits, the first problem is how to connect them. In the conventional approach, you have to send microwave signals from room temperature all the way down to millikelvin temperatures and read the qubits all the way back up to room temperature. That requires long cables running from room temperature to millikelvin. If you are talking about 100,000 to one million qubits, there is no way to put millions of cables into a dilution refrigerator. There is simply no space, and the heat generated by all of those cables is unacceptable.

Another major concern is bandwidth. You send data in and read data out, and the bandwidth requirements can be on the order of tens or even hundreds of terabits per second. There is no interface today that can accommodate that kind of bandwidth. Even companies like NVIDIA do not have interfaces designed for that scale. These are engineering problems, and I would even call them fundamental problems, that block our ability to build utility-scale quantum computers using conventional approaches.

That is where SEEQC comes in. As I mentioned earlier, we do not send all signals out to room temperature. Many signals are generated locally, next to the qubits, using our digital approach. We do qubit processing locally, including control, readout, and error correction. By doing that, we eliminate many of these fundamental constraints.

Jacobsen: What about energy? How do the energy curves for different forms of computation work? Do they start at roughly equivalent efficiency and then diverge as the amount of computation increases—for example, resolving a Google query, an LLM query, a simple calculation like a tabletop calculator, or something that needs to run for five minutes of computation? How do those energy curves, in terms of wattage consumed, compare for SEEQC-style quantum computation versus other approaches?

Han: Energy efficiency is a critical question, and it is central to our company’s mission. As I mentioned earlier, SEEQC focuses on two core challenges: scalability and energy efficiency. Scalability is what I explained in the previous question, and energy efficiency is closely related. In the current approach, most of the electronics are built at room temperature, mainly using high-performance FPGA-based electronics, along with dilution refrigerators. These are extremely high power-consumption systems. Based on our estimates, if you consider a medium-scale qubit system—which is generally what is required for fault-tolerant quantum computing—you are talking about tens of megawatts up to 100 megawatts per system, assuming you can even build it. That level of power consumption is comparable to a modern AI data center. Today’s AI data centers can consume hundreds of megawatts, even approaching gigawatts, so a single quantum computer consuming around 100 megawatts is not far off. From an energy perspective alone, that approach is not scalable.

Our technology is very different. We reduce energy consumption by roughly four to five orders of magnitude. We still require some room-temperature electronics to control our digital chips, but we drastically reduce their number. We also reduce the number of dilution refrigerators needed, because our solution is chip-based and integrates much of the functionality directly on the chip. Instead of needing many refrigerators to support extremely large numbers of qubits, integration allows us to reduce that infrastructure significantly. This lower overall energy consumption makes large-scale quantum computing more realistic and approachable.

Our approach is strongly inspired by microelectronics and semiconductor engineering, which is my background. In classical microelectronics, you do not connect every transistor with individual physical cables. If you tried to build a processor that way, it would be impossible. That is essentially what many current quantum computing approaches resemble. What we are doing is making something analogous to an integrated circuit for quantum computing. Instead of using physical cables to connect each qubit, we integrate qubits directly with control and readout electronics on the same chip. In our case, this integrated circuit is not based on CMOS silicon technology but on superconducting single-flux-quantum digital electronics. You can think of it as a digital circuit with extremely low power consumption. By integrating qubits with local control, readout, and processing, we remove fundamental barriers related to energy, wiring, and scale. Based on the history and lessons of microelectronics, this kind of integrated-circuit approach is the only realistic way to scale quantum computing.

Jacobsen: I think that is a strong point. Where is this technology going in 2026, and where is it heading for the rest of this decade? Are you talking about quantum computing in general, or your specific style of quantum computing and software–hardware integration?

Han: That is a good question. Our business model is different from most quantum computing companies. Many companies are trying to build their own large quantum systems to sell, or to place in data centers and offer as cloud services. They may have a unique qubit technology or a software advantage, but the goal is to deliver a full system to end users. Our business model is different. We focus on building unique chip technologies—qubit control, qubit readout, and error correction chips—and integrating those solutions into the systems of large quantum computing companies. Those companies are our customers. We do not sell directly to end users. We sell to large quantum computing companies. The reason is that, internally, they know their current approaches may not be scalable, even if they do not say that publicly. Our vision is to integrate our technology into their large systems so that when they deliver fault-tolerant systems, our technology is at the core of those systems.

Jacobsen: What are the limitations of quantum computation? People often talk about quantum computing’s potential in cryptography, such as breaking algorithms that classical computers could not crack even with astronomical amounts of time. But the media rarely asks critical questions beyond that, such as energy consumption. What are the broader general and specific limitations in the quantum computing space?

Han: There are two main questions. The first is whether we can build a large-scale quantum computer at all. The second is whether, once we build it, it will be useful. The first question is easier to answer. So far, we cannot build a truly large-scale quantum computer, but there are approaches to get there, including ours. We provide a more scalable approach from the control, readout, and integration perspective. However, there are other challenges the field still needs to address. For example, qubit quality is still not where it needs to be. We do not specialize in making qubits; we specialize in making control and readout electronics that integrate with qubits. Other companies focus on qubit fabrication, but overall qubit quality still needs significant improvement.

When you build a very large-scale qubit array, system performance is not determined by the average or best-performing qubits. It is determined by the worst qubits, the tail of the distribution. That is how large systems behave. The field still needs to improve qubit quality and tighten the performance distribution by eliminating those worst-performing qubits. Once that happens, scaling becomes much more realistic. There has been significant progress in recent years. For example, there has been a lot of discussion around Google’s Willow chip, which reflects meaningful advances, even if many people have not yet examined it in depth.

My personal view is that Google’s Willow chip really triggered the recent acceleration of interest in quantum computing. If you look at the market, many quantum computing companies began to receive much more attention, even reflected in stock prices starting around 2025. One of the biggest trigger points was Willow. This is not hype; it was an important breakthrough demonstration. What Google showed is that when you scale up the number of qubits, the error rate can actually start to decrease. As I mentioned earlier, traditionally when you scale up qubits, quantum error correction does not work well because qubit quality is non-uniform. There are always bad qubits—the tail of the distribution—and those worst qubits determine overall system performance. When you scale up with those bad qubits, error correction fails and logical qubit error rates remain high. What Willow demonstrated, for the first time, is that as the number of qubits increases, the logical qubit error rate for real data qubits starts to drop significantly. That suggests their qubit quality has reached a level where scaling becomes feasible. They still only have on the order of a few hundred qubits, so it is not yet a large-scale system, but it is a very strong proof point. It also gives purpose to our work. If the industry now has qubits that are ready to scale, then SEEQC’s technology can play a major role in enabling that scalability. 

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on today’s conversation?

Han: One additional point relates to collaboration with Taiwan. I am not sure whether Davis mentioned this to you, but Taiwan has become extremely important in this space. Taiwan entered quantum technology a bit later, but it has arguably the strongest semiconductor ecosystem in the world. I did my undergraduate studies in Taiwan before starting my PhD, and I spent much of my early life there. Because we are doing chip-based quantum computing, we want to leverage Taiwan’s semiconductor expertise. Even though our technology is not CMOS, many CMOS semiconductor techniques can still be applied to our platform. That is why we are actively leveraging chip resources from Taiwan. We now have multiple collaborations there, including recent work with E3 in Taiwan. We have our own foundry, but we also want a second foundry, and we are working on CMOS design and room-temperature electronics collaborations with Taiwanese companies. There are many active engagements with Taiwanese companies and organizations right now.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Shu. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Laura Hamill on Tech Layoffs, AI, and Culture-First Restructuring

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/12

Laura Hamill, PhD, is an organizational psychologist and the founder of Paris Phoenix Group, a consulting firm focused on the intersection of science and HR. She served as Chief People Officer and Chief Science Officer at Limeade, an HR software company later acquired by WebMD–as well as Director of People Research at Microsoft. Her expertise centers on employee well-being, engagement, and organizational culture. Laura recently authored The Power of Culture, published by The Economist imprint. With deep experience bridging research and practice, she helps organizations design people-centered strategies that foster thriving workplace cultures. More information can be found at parisphoenixgroup.com.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Hamill explains why major tech firms are cutting staff and how AI is reshaping work. Layoffs reflect caution after hypergrowth and a profit-first mindset. AI compresses routine tasks, flattens structures, and elevates creativity, strategy, and emotional intelligence. Culture is the anchor that sustains trust and change; transparency beats “drip” layoffs. Leaders should pair speed with care, listening, recovery, and clear limits to prevent burnout. Careers will be nonlinear; curiosity plus values-based “redlines” build resilience. For displaced workers: learn, network, routine, and self-care. Restructuring cannot mask cultural problems; address root causes.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the core drivers behind major tech companies undertaking large-scale layoffs?

Dr. Laura Hamill: Lately, numerous large notable tech companies have announced layoffs. While some of these have been due to financial challenges, that’s not always the case. Often these decisions are spurred by the uncertainty of what lies ahead. Shifting market conditions, changing demand, and the sense that the tides are turning after years of nonstop growth are putting pressure and a sense of nervousness on business leaders. In addition to this, there’s been a noticeable shift in mindset, where putting profits ahead of people has become more normalized in both politics and business. So, while these cuts are framed as “strategic,” they’re also a signal that the industry is moving from a growth-at-all-costs mentality to one that’s more focused on efficiency and caution, unfortunately leaving many once committed employees in their wake.

Jacobsen: How is the rapid integration of Artificial Intelligence and automation reshaping workforce structures?

Hamill: Different companies have different approaches to AI. Whereas some are adopting it at rapid speed and others are exhibiting an abundance of caution. But regardless of where they fall on the spectrum, AI is redrawing the footprint of the workforce itself. AI and automation are changing the shape of work in real time, and we’re only just beginning to see the impact. In a lot of cases, tasks that used to take teams hours—like data entry, routine analysis, or even drafting initial communications—are now getting streamlined or handled almost instantly by technology. AI and automation aren’t just shifting what roles look like, they are also changing how companies think about structure: fewer layers of manual work, including AI agents in org charts, and more emphasis on creativity, strategy, and human connection. At the same time, it’s creating pressure to rethink training and career paths, because the skills that mattered yesterday won’t be what’s in demand today.

The biggest skill need that will grow out of the AI revolution, is our emotional intelligence and ability to connect with others. AI is not a replacement for EQ. And that’s going to be a major differentiator for talent.  

Jacobsen: What role does organizational culture play in effective workforce management during industry transition?

Hamill: Organizational culture plays a huge role in how well a workforce can adapt during times of industry transition. The headlines usually spotlight the big-name companies making dramatic moves, but the real story often lies with the steady, lesser-known brands that quietly build success by treating their employees with respect and being intentional about culture. These organizations create stability by making people feel valued, which in turn makes it easier to manage change, maintain trust, and keep employees focused on the future. In uncertain times, culture becomes the anchor that allows a company to evolve without losing its people along the way.

Jacobsen: What strategies can leaders adopt to balance organizational agility with employee well-being?

Hamill: Leaders can balance organizational agility with employee well-being by recognizing that it’s not an either/or choice—it can be optimized on both sides. Agility drives performance by helping organizations respond quickly to change, but without care for employees, that same agility can turn into burnout or disengagement. The best leaders set the tone by prioritizing performance and care in equal measure: making smart, fast decisions while also listening deeply, creating space for recovery, and showing respect for people’s limits. When those two forces move in tandem, agility doesn’t come at the cost of well-being—it actually strengthens it, because employees feel both trusted to perform and supported as people.

Jacobsen: How do you see these industry shifts affecting long-term career paths? 

Hamill: These industry shifts are really shaking up what long-term career paths look like, opening the door for people to explore new kinds of roles and organizations they may not have considered before. With so much change happening—thanks to AI, automation, and shifting business models—it pays to be open-minded and flexible, testing out new directions or skillsets. At the same time, it’s more important than ever to get clear on your personal “redlines”—those non-negotiables about your values, work-life balance, or type of environment you thrive in—so you don’t lose sight of what matters most while navigating career choices. That mix of curiosity and clarity is what will help people craft careers that are both resilient and personally meaningful in this ever-changing landscape.

Jacobsen: Any advice for employees facing uncertainty, even potential displacement in the tech job market?

Hamill: For anyone feeling uncertain or even worried about potential displacement in the tech job market, the best advice is to stay curious, keep learning, and remember that your skills are often more transferable than you think. That said, this might be the time to pick up a new certification, build out your network, or explore different roles—maybe even in industries you hadn’t seriously considered before. Learning something new can not only open up new career possibilities but can feel like a positive step during times of uncertainty. Try to stay grounded in knowing your strengths and values; when you focus on what you do well and what matters most to you, it’s easier to spot opportunities that fit. If you are currently out of work and looking for your next role, try to develop a consistent routine where you can keep up your discipline of networking and applying for jobs, but also balanced with taking care of your physical and emotional well-being. Change can feel unsettling, but it’s also a chance to reset and adapt.

Jacobsen: Any lessons from Microsoft’s approach to restructuring?

Hamill: One big lesson from Microsoft’s approach to restructuring is that the slow, steady “drip, drip, drip” of monthly layoffs can be damaging—every round chips away at trust and leaves employees living in a state of constant uncertainty and fear. Instead of allowing that drawn-out tension, organizations should be as transparent and decisive as possible, communicating openly about what’s happening and why, and showing care for the people affected. Even tough decisions can be handled with empathy and clarity, and that goes a long way toward preserving trust and helping everyone move forward, rather than leaving them stuck in limbo.

Jacobsen: How are non-Microsoft organizations approaching this new restructuring during this tech shift?

Hamill: I can’t speak to how all organizations are approaching restructuring. What I will say though, is to the organizations that are using restructuring and reorganizations as a quick fix for deeper cultural problems they’re not willing to face—this isn’t the way. Shuffling teams or changing reporting lines might make things look different on paper, but if underlying issues—like poor communication, lack of trust, or poor leadership—aren’t dealt with, those same problems just pop up in new forms. It’s like putting a Band-Aid on a broken bone: it might seem like action, but it doesn’t heal anything. True organizational progress comes from being intentional about culture and leaning into tough conversations, listening to what people are experiencing, and actually addressing what’s beneath the surface. That’s what makes the difference between lasting change and just another round of musical chairs.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Laura.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Hungarian Secularist Gáspár Békés Challenges Dismissal in European Court of Human Rights

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/11

Gáspár Békés is Secretary and a Founding Member of the Hungarian Atheist Association and a persecuted secular journalist. Here we talk in-depth about secularism, Humanism, youth rights, and religion in Hungary. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Békés discusses his dismissal from Budapest City Hall, which he alleges was retaliation for secular expression. Officially fired over Facebook posts, Békés argues the actual cause was an earlier article opposing child baptism. Courts shifted rationales, even citing “desecration” of a cross for a rainbow illumination plan that never occurred. Appeals were rejected, and Békés now pursues his case at the European Court of Human Rights, citing violations of expression, due process, and non-discrimination. He frames the case as emblematic of Hungary’s erosion of secular rights, political hypocrisy, and theocratic influence under both government and opposition.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right, so hello, we are here with the wonderful Gáspár Békés. He has been pursuing legal action after being dismissed from the Budapest Mayor’s Office, alleging retaliation for secular expression, a sustained smear campaign, threats, and a lack of proper investigation by authorities. Can you walk us through this?

Gáspár Békés: Yes, of course, and thank you for having me again. It was a pleasure last time, and it is great to be back. Unfortunately, this case is still ongoing, but that’s just the way it is.

People say you have to start young with judicial advocacy because it can take a while—this has surpassed my expectations. I was dismissed in early 2021, at the urging of Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjén, who leads the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP), Fidesz’s coalition partner. The opposition mayor complied—presumably to preserve political capital—though I doubt it won him voters. After that came the lawsuits: first instance, then appeal, then a partial remand to the first instance, and back up again. In the early stages, the courts rejected City Hall’s arguments or ordered limited re-examinations. After a later appeal, however, the Metropolitan Court of Appeal introduced its own “new” evidence into the case—something I wish were an exaggeration.

Officially, I was dismissed for allegedly “offensive” Facebook posts. In reality, the storm centred on an article I wrote in 2018—years before my employment—arguing that children should not be baptized before they can decide their own religion or belief, a position grounded in Hungary’s fundamental law and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. When the article appeared, nobody was outraged; I even presented at a major Catholic child-rights conference that year or the next year, 2019, on a different topic within children’s rights. The hysteria came later.

Because you cannot lawfully dismiss someone for pre-employment speech, City Hall manufactured a pretext. They issued a written warning one day before my termination and fed it to pro-government media before I even saw it. Before I had any interaction with senior leadership—aside from my direct supervisor, who thought it would blow over—the chief of staff, whom I had never met, released a statement denouncing my views on baptism. City Hall has no policy on child baptism, so how could they “denounce” my opinion? It made the political intent obvious—and the press-first approach was professionally indefensible.

During internal ‘discussions’, I was told it wasn’t a discussion – it was when I was handed the warning. I also said I was willing to work on a common solution, but I had to think over if I should comply with the command. I was told to apologize for “offending” people and for not stating on my personal Facebook page that I wasn’t speaking on behalf of City Hall. That was absurd; I said so. The next day, I was fired.

City Hall later argued I’d failed to comply with their order. The second-instance court rejected that—finding the order itself unlawful because it didn’t meet formal or substantive requirements, used “immediately” (Dictated an undefined timeframe by demanding an “immediate” apology) without sense, would have amounted to double punishment, and lacked required information about legal remedies. After that, City Hall shifted to claiming my Facebook posts were the actual problem.

Because those were during my time at City Hall, which referenced my article, and I also wrote a few posts saying, for example, that the Church is outdated. They seized on that—“Oh, he says the Church is outdated.” But the most absurd part was this: I received death threats, and I posted about them. I listed the threats and wrote that these “dear Christian people” were sending them to me. City Hall then claimed one of the reasons for my dismissal was that I had offended people who wanted to kill me by calling them “dear.” I wish I were joking, but I’m not. This is the kind of reasoning we were dealing with.

And just for context: Budapest City Hall is often seen as the liberal bastion in Hungary—it’s the capital, the mayor is himself practicing religion, but he positions himself as ultra-progressive, pro–human rights, pro–LGBTQ rights, pro-democracy. Yet when it came to defending one of their own employees, they decided instead to shield people threatening to kill that employee, simply to escape legal responsibility in court. That’s the bitter irony.

Jacobsen: Would the anglophone term “circus” fit into the Hungarian lexicon here?

Békés: Yes, absolutely—it fits. But it’s hard to capture fully, because it’s almost unimaginable. The reason they can get away with this is that the Hungarian media—even the so-called opposition press, which likes to brand itself“independent”—refuses to cover it. They want to protect the mayor’s reputation, since he’s the most successful opposition politician in a country Orbán has controlled for 15 years. So the logic is: I should “take one for the team” for the greater good. Morally, I disagree. And beyond morality, I think this damages Hungarian politics. A de facto blasphemy law has been enacted, and it’s been accepted not just by the government but also by the opposition. That strengthens Orbán’s position.

And the truth is, nobody wanted this—not the public, not ordinary people. But here we are. The silence of the opposition media is a form of censorship—specifically, censorship of secular thought, atheist thought. Because in Hungary, you can be “secular,” but only if you’re still religious. We’ll get into that later, but the point is: this was the background.

In the end, the only issue formally left in court was my Facebook posts. They were sent for review at the first instance, and once again, the judges said they were not relevant to my job. I was an environmental scientist at City Hall, not a “secular spokesman,” whatever that would even mean. So the repeated second-instance court only had to examine whether my posts were offensive. They ruled they were not.

What happened then was surreal: they closed the trial after just one short hearing. No questions, just final statements. I gave my closing statement, reiterated the facts, they adjourned, returned, and then issued the verdict: they rejected my lawsuit. And their reasoning? That, although none of my Facebook posts, nor even articles written before or during my employment, were offensive, the case was still rejected.

Even though the only reference from City Hall was to my Facebook posts, the judges went beyond that. They read an article claiming I had ‘desecrated’ the cross on Gellért Hill—this is a large cross on a hill overlooking Budapest—because I had once proposed illuminating it in rainbow colours to show support for the LGBT community. This was before my time at City Hall. There was a podcast, during my employment, where I talked about the attempt. But the plan never even materialized—it was only an attempt. The judges nevertheless argued that my attempt to illuminate the cross was “executed vandalism” and “desecration of the cross.” They used that as a justification for why my termination was lawful, even though City Hall never once cited this case.

And that makes no sense, because City Hall did bring up plenty of other things—like me calling the Church outdated—yet somehow they forgot to mention this alleged “desecration.” Most likely, the article the judges relied on was published after I had already been fired, maybe even in the very hours the decision was made. If they wanted to rely on it, they should have proved it was contemporaneous. They didn’t. And of course they didn’t, because City Hall itself flies the Pride flag. How could they then use rainbow illumination as a ground for dismissal? If City Hall celebrates Pride, then doing something in Pride colours cannot be cause for firing.

So it was clear from the proceedings: the formal pretext was Facebook posts, while the real reason was my earlier baptism article—a fake argument on top of a phony argument. I appealed to the Supreme Court. City Hall was satisfied with the lower court’s decision—they no longer cared. The Supreme Court then rejected my appeal without examining it. They have the right to do that, and they said my case lacked “social relevance,” while also stating there is no detectable violation of fundamental rights, due process or procedure. We had even pointed out that three United Nations Special Rapporteurs were already inquiring into my case. Still, the Court said I hadn’t shown why that was relevant. That was absurd.

The law under which I was dismissed said an employee cannot engage in activities that, “in the eyes of society,” reflect poorly on the employer. So how can something be deemed damaging in the eyes of society, yet at the same time not be socially relevant enough for the Supreme Court to hear? You can’t have it both ways. But the Court avoided it. I then appealed to the Constitutional Court, which also rejected my case without examination. It was a formal dismissal.

At that point, I had four months to go to the European Court of Human Rights. And that is where it became difficult—because it’s tough to find a lawyer to take such a case. This sits right at the intersection of Hungarian politics. If a lawyer takes it, they expose themselves to criticism from both political camps. And lawyers with experience in political cases need to be paid; there’s a risk they’ll lose future contracts from either side.

Luckily, I managed to find one. At the Hungarian Atheist Society, we’ve run several lawsuits, and we work with one lawyer who is highly professional and unafraid of political pressure. I was fortunate he agreed to take it. We worked extremely hard—he, I, and also a Peruvian lawyer friend of mine who specializes in human rights. It turned into a kind of ragtag team: this Hungarian maverick lawyer, my Peruvian colleague, and even a French lawyer I met at a secular meeting last summer.

He said he was a lawyer, so it was a team of four working on this. By now, I’m somewhat knowledgeable about law myself—I’d even say legally gifted. I studied a lot of the case law. Together, we managed to submit a complaint. It’s based on the European Convention on Human Rights and cites several articles. The main ones are Article 6 and Article 13: the right to a fair trial, the right to judicial remedy. The entire issue became procedural. At this point, I wasn’t even fighting City Hall anymore—I was fighting the court itself, and its abuse of power. Ironically, if it proceeds to trial in Strasbourg, it won’t be City Hall defending itself; it will be the Hungarian state, meaning the government will be defending the court, which defended City Hall, which in turn shielded extremists. It’s a bizarre chain of responsibility, though not surprising when you look at the systemic overlap of Church and state in Hungary. This is one of those areas where unlikely actors suddenly collaborate.

The core of our argument is procedural violation. The appellate judges arbitrarily introduced new evidence into the case. By law, new evidence cannot be introduced at the appeal stage, especially not by judges themselves. And indeed not after the trial had already closed. I wasn’t allowed to react. It was a show trial, a sham, and an extreme violation of my rights.

Why did this happen? Because I am a secular atheist. That much was clear from the court’s language. They used the word“desecration” seven or ten times. But how could they know it was desecration? That should itself have been a matter of trial. And even then, illuminating a cross in rainbow colours is not desecration—it’s not even criticism. Saying “the Church is outdated” is a form of criticism. But rainbow colours? That’s simply showing that Christianity and LGBTQ identity are not incompatible. Anyone who is offended by that is a bigot, a homophobe, and intolerance is not a human right. Where in the Convention does it say intolerance is a protected right? People get offended by anything—pineapple pizza, whatever. Being offended doesn’t mean your rights are violated.

In fact, the rainbow illumination was affirming human rights. It was a way of saying: faith and equality can coexist. The court should have considered that, if the question had even been legitimately before it. But it wasn’t. The judges had already formed an opinion—whether personally or under political instruction—and declared it “desecration” simply because it didn’t match their worldview. That is not the role of a court. Courts are supposed to apply legal criteria, not subjective theology.

In a way, my case also raises Article 7 of the Convention: no punishment without law. You cannot be punished—effectively criminalized—without clear legal grounds.

Punishment—because I was technically accused of a crime. They said vandalism. And vandalism under Hungarian law is very specific: it’s a crime, it’s in the criminal code. So the judges effectively claimed I had committed a crime. That became the basis of their argument. They said: writing articles and Facebook posts is one thing, that’s an expression of opinion, fine. However, a physical act steps outside the realm of freedom of expression, and that’s why I should be punished. That was the vague idea. It was clumsy, poorly reasoned, but dangerous.

The reasoning was faulty in another way: the illumination never even happened. It was only an attempt, and even if it had been successful, it wouldn’t have caused any damage. The idea was to use colored plexiglass in front of existing lamps that already light the cross. No damage at all. That was the point: it should never be considered vandalism. Under the Hungarian criminal code, vandalism requires physical damage. There’s no “virtual vandalism.” There’s also no“attempted vandalism.” So their argument made no legal sense.

Technically, the judges said I committed a crime, and they used that to justify my dismissal. But this was an administrative court, not a criminal court. They had no such power. I was never charged with anything in my life—indeed, not vandalism. And it would never have stuck. So I could have relied on Article 7—no punishment without law—but there were already so many violations that I didn’t want to overload the complaint.

We also cited Article 10, which pertains to freedom of expression. Article 8—the right to private life—was relevant as well, because jurisprudence shows that unfair dismissal can violate private life, mainly when it affects your livelihood and reputation. In my case, it was extremely public. Many ECtHR cases deal with dismissals, but those are often relatively private. Mine was a media spectacle. It destroyed my employment prospects and caused severe psychological harm. That’s clearly part of my private life.

And that connects with Article 14—non-discrimination. Ultimately, this was discrimination tied to my secular expression. So the complaint was structured around these blocks: my freedom of expression was violated, I was discriminated against, my right to a fair trial and due process was denied, and my private life was harmed.

I have a strong case. Of course, the rejection rate at the European Court is brutally high—above 90 percent. Many applications are dismissed without explanation. That’s just how it is. So, for my case to be admitted, awareness matters. Public relevance matters. That’s why interviews like this help—they highlight the broader social impact, which Strasbourg does consider.

We also included the fact that there wasn’t just a United Nations inquiry, but a UN report. The UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief came to Hungary, and he had worked on my case. He even met with City Hall. I requested the minutes of that meeting—and when I got them, it was clear City Hall had lied to the UN Special Rapporteur.

Because the UN Special Rapporteur specifically asked about my case, and City Hall responded that the court had agreed with them, that I was legally dismissed for offensive Facebook posts. In other words, they told the exact opposite of what the verdict actually said. They also said nothing about the cross or the attempt at rainbow illumination. Presumably, they thought nobody would ever find out. But I did, through a freedom of information request. That’s how I know.

As a result, I launched a criminal defamation case against the head of City Diplomacy, who spoke to the Special Rapporteur. I also initiated proceedings for falsification of public records, which is a criminal offence in Hungary. Both cases are technically ongoing, though progress is extremely slow. That’s not encouraging. Usually, if authorities want to prosecute City Hall for something political, they move quickly. The fact that these cases have been stalling for months suggests little will come of them.

I even reported the judges for defamation. That was a very unorthodox move, because judges—and public officials in general—are usually granted immunity by the state in defamation matters. But Hungarian jurisprudence says that if a public official makes statements outside the scope of their official duties, they can be held liable. For example, there was a case where a Hungarian mayor accused a city representative of tax evasion. Since taxation was outside the mayor’s remit, he was convicted of defamation.

In my case, an administrative court effectively accused me of committing a criminal act that never happened and never existed. That is clearly outside their judicial remit. So, at least in theory, I have a strong argument. It’s an interesting case from a legal-theoretical perspective. It’s now before the Constitutional Court. I don’t expect a favourable decision, but if they reject it, I may also appeal to the European Court of Human Rights. Whether it succeeds is another matter.

So yes, to summarize: I am hopeful about the European advocacy side of things. There’s an extensive network, and I think it will be beneficial. And to reiterate—City Hall lied to the UN when they met the Special Rapporteur.

But that’s not all. I launched several other legal proceedings. I also reported the judges to the judicial oversight committee. Every single legal action so far was rejected after my initial success. I pursued them so I could demonstrate just how broken the Hungarian legal system is. You have no real legal remedies. If a judge decides against you out of personal spite, you are on your own. Nobody will correct it. Nobody will punish those responsible. And if the issue touches ideology—as my case does—it is untouchable.

Because this case is not about me, it is about challenging the Christian theocratic ideology of the Orbán regime at one of its most vulnerable points: the indoctrination of children. That is pivotal. It’s essential for Orbán’s power to ensure new generations are raised as loyal believers. The regime equates itself with religion. If you indoctrinate children into the faith, you indoctrinate them into Orbán’s system. This is a trick as old as religion itself, and Hungary is no exception. Few dare to speak out. Fewer still speak as atheists. And almost no one raises the issue of children’s rights in this context, because it’s taboo. People insist parents have absolute rights over their children. But children have rights of their own. That simple truth is silenced.

This is why my case matters. It challenges the heart of the ideology. The state—and the system bound up with it, because there is no actual separation of powers—must protect the Christian narrative. They must make an example out of anyone who resists it. I am not the only example. Others, including religious dissenters, face similar tactics. The methods are consistent: smear, intimidate, silence.

So yes, that is what my case is about. And there are ways people can support it: by spreading awareness and by donating. Recently, I’ve been covering the legal costs from my own funds. That has been exhausting financially, but I believe it is worth it. Not only because of my personal stake, but because this is an essential case for freedom of expression, freedom of belief, freedom of the press, and for the right of government employees to express themselves in their private lives. They are not robots.

We are not yet at the point where human beings are automated drones. People must be free to hold and express their views without being crushed, primarily when City Hall itself is openly partisan. For example, during the Pope’s visit, Budapest City Hall ran a poster campaign welcoming him, referring to him as “His Holiness.” They broadcast papal quotes over the loudspeakers of public transportation. That is blatant promotion of religion by a public authority. It felt like North Korean propaganda.

The Ombudsman said it was completely fine because you can “positively discriminate” in favour of religion. That’s acceptable, apparently. That’s not considered harmful discrimination. So while City Hall claimed they were defending neutrality and a secular image, in practice, they were doing the exact opposite.

The most telling part of my case is that City Hall didn’t even win on the arguments they originally put forward. They had publicly said they wanted to win to set a precedent—that they wished for the Supreme Court to establish an example. But when they technically “won,” it was on grounds they hadn’t even claimed. And then they didn’t appeal further. If it were truly about precedent, they would have appealed to the Supreme Court even after winning, because that is how a precedent is set. Instead, they settled for a contradictory ruling that absolved them, because in reality, it was never about principle. It was about avoiding responsibility.

This was yet another lie by City Hall, a way to escape accountability for a gross violation of human rights and for fueling extreme polarization in Hungarian politics—setting workers’ rights back by decades. And for City Hall, for the mayor, that is acceptable. He is a political animal, and nothing matters to this leadership except clinging to power and maintaining appearances. That is dangerous. At least with Orbán, we know who he is and what he does. But if the so-called opposition manages to fool people into thinking they are progressive while enabling repression, then the problem cannot even be named, let alone solved. That is a deeper danger.

Of course, Orbán and his regime remain the central problem in Hungary. But the opposition has a responsibility to be better. Otherwise, what exactly are people supposed to hope for?

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Gáspár.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pini Althaus: Rare Earths, China’s Grip, and the Fight for Secure Critical Minerals

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/10

Pini Althaus is an Australian-born mining executive based in New York and a leading voice on critical mineral security. Since 2002, he has identified and acquired major mining projects across the United States, Canada, Australia, China, Latin America, and Central Asia. He is Chairman and CEO of Cove Capital and Kaz Resources and co-founder and CEO of REEMAG. Previously, he founded USA Rare Earth, guiding it to a valuation above $500 million and a NASDAQ listing. A former UN consultant on critical mineral supply chains, he was an early critic of China’s dominance in rare earths and other critical technologies.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Pini Althaus, a mining executive and critical-minerals strategist, about the global rare earth and tungsten supply chain. Althaus explains that China dominates not only mining but, more decisively, processing and magnet manufacturing, creating systemic vulnerabilities for defense, energy, and advanced manufacturing. He outlines structural barriers in the United States, including underdeveloped deposits, weak midstream capacity, and price manipulation risks. Althaus argues that initiatives such as the Middle Corridor and projects in Central Asia can reduce China’s leverage, strengthen allied supply chains, and secure materials essential to national security.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How would you characterize the current global rare earth supply landscape?

Pini Althaus: The rare earth landscape is extremely concentrated, with China producing most of the ore and almost all downstream capabilities that turn the ore into usable materials, including separation, metal and alloy production, and magnet manufacturing. Several countries, including the United States, Australia, Brazil, and several in Central Asia, are developing new projects, but most of them are still in early or mid-stage development. The world has recognized the strategic risk, yet the industrial capacity needed to address the imbalance is still being built. Until that capacity is in place, we remain vulnerable.

Jacobsen: What is China’s share of mining versus processing?

Althaus: China is dominant in mining, with 70% of the world’s production, but the processing stage is where they have a near monopoly, controlling 90% of the world’s separation and refining capacity and up to 95% of global magnet production. Heavy rare earths like dysprosium and terbium are even more concentrated. This is why dependence persists: even when non-Chinese mines produce ore, it often still ends up routed to Chinese plants to become usable metals and magnets.

Jacobsen: What are significant structural obstacles to scaling rare earth production in the United States?

Althaus: Permitting delays are part of the challenge, but the larger issue is the limited number of development-ready projects. Unlike China, which spent decades exploring and developing a continuous pipeline of deposits, most U.S. deposits remain underexplored or lack the technical work required to attract investment. This limits how quickly domestic supply can scale, even if permitting were perfect.

A second major constraint is downstream capacity. The United States still has limited industrial-scale separation, metal and alloy production, and magnet manufacturing capabilities. Without large-scale, domestic projects coming online, new mines will continue to be pressured to send material overseas, which could recreate the very dependency the U.S. is trying to reduce.

Pricing is another significant barrier. China can shape global rare earth prices in ways that undermine new entrants, either by depressing prices when non-Chinese projects near production or tightening exports when it suits geopolitical interests. Investors are fully aware of this, which is why financing remains difficult even for technically strong projects.

Jacobsen: You are working through the C5+1 framework. How much of China’s current dominance could the Middle Corridor displace?

Althaus: The Middle Corridor will not replace China, but it can meaningfully reduce China’s leverage by providing real, workable alternatives. Central Asia holds substantial deposits of rare earths, tungsten, copper, uranium, lithium, and other critical minerals. Countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have opened their critical minerals sectors to Western investment in a way that would have been unthinkable a decade ago. With proper financing and integration into allied processing and manufacturing, the region could supply a significant share of non-Chinese demand. The goal is not to match China’s scale, but to prevent China from using its dominance to weaponize the supply chain without losing market share.

Jacobsen: What are risks in U.S. dependence on Chinese inputs for defense equipment?

Althaus: The primary risk is that the United States cannot sustain a modern defense industrial base while relying on materials controlled by a strategic competitor. Tungsten illustrates this quite clearly. China dominates global tungsten mining and downstream processing. Its 2025 export controls highlight how quickly access can change. Tungsten is essential for armor-piercing munitions, kinetic penetrators, missile systems, high-temperature aerospace components, and key hardening applications across the defense sector. There are no adequate substitutes for tungsten in many of these uses. When tungsten becomes constrained, production does not simply slow; many critical defense systems cannot be produced at all. This is not just a supply chain issue but a national security vulnerability. 

The recent deal Cove Kaz signed in Kazakhstan begins to change this equation. Northern Katpar and Upper Kairakty represent one of the largest undeveloped tungsten systems in the world, and the long mine life and scale have the potential to shift global supply dynamics for decades. By securing 70% ownership and committing to build an integrated, Western-aligned supply chain, the project offers the first truly scalable alternative to Chinese control of tungsten. It moves the United States and its allies from being exposed to price and export shocks to having a reliable, long-term source from a trusted partner country.

This is precisely why President Trump and his administration were so strongly supportive of our efforts. They recognized that securing this project was not just an economic opportunity but a strategic imperative. The administration understood that, without a non-Chinese anchor for tungsten, the U.S. defense industrial base would remain exposed to a single point of failure. Supporting Kazakhstan’s decision, backing U.S. private-sector participation, and elevating this work within the C5+1 and bilateral channels were all part of a broader strategy to ensure the U.S. is never again dependent on China for a material so central to national defense.

Jacobsen: Which sectors are most exposed to rare earth and critical mineral disruptions?

Althaus: Defense and aerospace face the greatest exposure because they rely on high-performance magnets, specialty alloys, and advanced optics. Electric vehicles, renewable energy, and the power grid are also at risk due to their reliance on neodymium, praseodymium, dysprosium, copper, and battery minerals. Semiconductors, robotics, industrial automation, telecoms, and medical devices face similar risks. Across all these sectors, a small amount of critical minerals enables very high-value industrial systems, which makes disruptions especially costly.

Jacobsen: What is missing from a coherent long-term critical minerals strategy?

Althaus: The United States and its allies need a fully integrated mine-to-magnet and mine-to-battery strategy that survives political and commodity cycles. A durable, bipartisan policy framework is essential so that permitting reform, tax incentives, and strategic offtakes remain stable over time. We also need price and demand backstops that make projects bankable, since geology alone doesn’t attract capital when China can manipulate prices. The midstream remains underbuilt and should be a central focus: separation, metals, alloys, magnets, and battery materials must sit inside allied jurisdictions. Better data, strategic stockpiles, and coordinated planning with Europe, Japan, Korea, Central Asia, and Australia are also key. 

Jacobsen: How can the U.S. and its partners expand rare earth and critical mineral production?

Althaus: The Trump administration has moved faster and more decisively on critical minerals than any prior administration. It has directed federal agencies to prioritize strategic minerals across permitting, financing, and procurement policy. Permitting timelines for high-priority projects are being compressed by coordinating federal reviews, limiting duplicative processes, and directing agencies to treat critical minerals the same way they treat other national security infrastructure. The administration has also mobilized the USGS, DOE, and DOD to support early-stage exploration, resource mapping, and pilot-scale processing work, something the U.S. has historically neglected.

The administration has also activated EXIM and DFC to back critical mineral projects in both the U.S. and allied countries, including new supply routes through Central Asia through the C5+1 framework. The administration has also expanded the Pentagon’s ability to use multiyear offtakes, price-floor mechanisms, and Title III support to underwrite domestic processing and magnet-making capacity. This is the first credible attempt in decades to rebuild an integrated mine-to-magnet and mine-to-battery supply chain in the United States.

All of these initiatives form the foundation of a real industrial strategy, but there are steps that can further enhance and accelerate the impact. One is to formalize long-term, bipartisan legislative backing so that the momentum continues beyond any single administration. Another is to go beyond funding individual projects and establish regional processing hubs in strategic partner countries; Central Asia, Australia, parts of Europe, and the U.S., so materials can be refined, alloyed, and manufactured into magnets inside a trusted ecosystem rather than defaulting to China.

Additional measures that would strengthen the current efforts include expanding price-stability tools for developers; enabling direct procurement of strategic materials for national stockpiles at predetermined price floors; coordinating allied purchasing power to anchor long-term demand; and investing heavily in processing innovation, recycling, and high-temperature metallurgy. A targeted workforce initiative is also critical, because the U.S. lacks the metallurgists, process engineers, and chemists required to run a modern critical minerals industry at scale.

Taken together, the Trump administration’s policies have provided the strongest basis yet for an allied critical minerals architecture. With a deeper project pipeline, stronger midstream infrastructure, durable demand commitments, and coordinated allied investment, the U.S. and its partners can finally build a resilient supply chain that reduces dependence on China and supports both economic competitiveness and national security.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Pini.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

This Gay Week 13: Political Scapegoating, Health Care, and Backlash

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/09

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Karel Bouley discuss how trans people—about 1% of the population—have become a convenient political scapegoat in the U.S., Queensland, and beyond. Bouley argues that attacking gay people broadly is harder now, while targeting trans people is easier because they are more marginalized and less electorally powerful. They examine whether Donald Trump catalyzed a global backlash or merely intensified existing forces. The conversation links policy restrictions (including puberty blocker bans) to mental-health harms, highlights the amplifying role of social media, and contrasts today’s hostility with earlier public responses to Christine Jorgensen.

Karel Bouley: It is This Gay Week time. With Scott Jacobsen and Karel. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What a fabulous time to be alive.

Karel: Because today, that four-year-old is richer than I am. On Cooking with Carter. He is only four. I looked it up. He is four. He probably earns more money than many adults. And God bless him—he is an adorable child, and I hope as an adult he reaps the benefits of all of this. It is This Gay Week. He is not gay. We do not know that yet, though. He could grow up to be.

I went over the stories you sent, and I asked this on my show, and it deserves consideration. You sent a story about the Queensland ban on medications for transgender-affirming care—let us call it that. You have already discussed with your American guest the Trump administration’s efforts to end youth gender-affirming care for teenagers in the United States. In Queensland, in the story that I saw and sent you, they say young people are going to take their lives over this. That will likely lead to suicides.

On my show, I asked a question that I want everyone watching, listening, or reading to think about. As you said, this past week has once again offered almost no positive news for trans people—whether in the United States, in Queensland, or elsewhere. There has been virtually no good news for trans people. And you have to ask why. Why have trans people become—if not the “enemy of the people”—then certainly a central focus of multiple governments?

Trans people make up roughly one percent of the population. That means policies targeting them directly affect a tiny percentage of constituents. And I do not believe that more than half of any country’s population actively thinks about trans issues in daily life. Trans people have always existed in society. Yet only recently has trans identity become such a public political flashpoint. And you have to ask why.

I believe it is because attacking gay people broadly has become more difficult. Targeting LGBTQ communities—gay men, lesbians, bisexuals—is harder now because of legal protections and shifting public attitudes. Public opinion in many places no longer treats same-sex marriage as controversial, and advocacy has built resilient networks. Attacking trans people, however, is easier because trans people are more marginalized, including within queer communities. They are a small portion of the overall population, and that makes them politically vulnerable.

It is easy for politicians to target a group that does not constitute a significant voting bloc and is unlikely to cost them elections, while energizing a segment of the electorate that believes—often without deeply understanding the issues—that opposing trans rights matters to them. If you asked many of those voters why trans people concern them, they would struggle to answer, because prejudice is rarely grounded in reason.

All of this pressure is directed at a population seeking medically recognized care, simply because governments can target them, because they are low-visibility targets, and because they lack the organized political power that even the broader LGBTQ community has developed. I would like to see more gay people—especially those in government—stand up for trans people. It is disheartening to see how isolated trans communities remain.

The story you sent from Queensland—published in both Australian and New Zealand outlets—reported that restrictions on puberty blockers risk driving some trans youth to take their own lives. Puberty blockers have been limited or banned in multiple jurisdictions, and experts warned that removing access heightens suicide risk. So again, you have to ask: why? Why are governments doing this? The only answer I arrive at is that it is easier—easier politically, easier rhetorically, easier to rally fear than empathy.

I have to ask you, as a journalist: do you think this anti-trans wave began with Trump—globally, I mean? Did you see other national governments giving trans issues this level of political attention before Donald Trump? Because I did not.

Jacobsen: It also goes to a deeper question: is Donald Trump the cause, or the symptom?

Bouley: In this case, I think he is the cause.

Jacobsen: Yes. And perhaps there is a two-fold structure here. First, he is a symptom of forces already present in society—factors that helped elevate him into public life and sustain him. Then, once in office, he became a cause or at least a strong driver of international backlash. Many protections for small sex- or gender-minority populations require sustained resources: lobbying, legal defence, community spaces, and access to health care. We talked a few weeks ago about community centers and care facilities struggling to stay open because they could not afford rising costs. Even basic community support requires financing. So, like other government retrenchments—whether through the Department of Justice, USAID, or comparable bodies—it becomes part of a broader withdrawal of public goods.

Bouley: What is interesting is that trans people cannot be costing the system that much. Gender-affirming care is not comparable, in scale or expense, to procedures like open-heart surgery, which are widely used and costly. Yet someone like RFK Jr. publicly advocates eating more saturated fat, almost as if concern for long-term cardiovascular health depends on convenience rather than evidence. It is astonishing to watch people portray trans health care as an enormous financial burden when it is not.

Trump is the cause. Under Biden, there has not been comparable federal hostility toward trans rights in the United States—although high-profile figures like J.K. Rowling continued to push exclusionary views. I believe I sent you a story about Rowling being in the news again for anti-trans commentary. And even there, J.K. Rowling is a billionaire author who wrote extremely successful children’s books. Her fictional world contains metaphors about marginalization—Dumbledore is presented as gay in Rowling’s later statements, and the “Muggle vs. wizarding world” dynamic has long been read as an allegory of in-groups and out-groups.

Yet this billionaire writer, who had no professional or financial need to take a stance, chose to position herself as a trans-exclusionary feminist. Nobody specifically asked her to enter that fight, and it is not in her commercial interest. She is not a politician. So you have to ask: why choose that hill? Some readers and public figures have distanced themselves from her; cast members of the films have spoken out. Why did she choose that position? That remains my biggest question. I wish I could, as your “gay expert,” offer a confident explanation. But over the past five years, there has been a collective shift toward vilifying trans people, and they were not on most people’s radar before.

We did not even treat Christine Jorgensen this way. Do you know who she is? You should look her up. Christine Jorgensen was a former U.S. Army private who travelled to Denmark in the early 1950s for gender-affirming surgery. When she returned to the United States, she became internationally famous and appeared on the covers of major magazines. She later performed in Las Vegas and became the most widely known trans person of her era. My parents knew who Christine Jorgensen was.

And despite the significant challenges she faced, she was not attacked on this scale. She was not universally embraced, but she was not subjected to sustained nationwide political hostility. In fact, she became a celebrity and worked in the entertainment industry. She was not treated as a public enemy. We are treating trans people worse in many respects now than they were treated in the 1950s and 1960s.

Jacobsen: Do you notice differences across the decades you have examined between hostility directed toward an individual versus hostility directed toward a category? Because we are now talking about the category “trans,” rather than individuals who happen to be trans.

Bouley: I think what really accelerated this backlash was conservatism’s response to medical developments. Christine Jorgensen transitioned as an adult in the early 1950s. When physicians later recognized that beginning care before puberty—using puberty blockers to pause endogenous puberty—can support trans adolescents psychologically and physically, opponents reacted strongly. Early medical interventions do not involve surgery before adulthood, but puberty blockers can delay physiological changes associated with natal puberty. That means a trans girl who begins blockers before puberty does not go through male puberty, and a trans boy does not go through female puberty.

If blockers and hormonal transitions were allowed early, many of the arguments about sports would not arise in the same way, because the traits associated with going through a different puberty—height, bone structure, muscle mass—would not develop to the same degree. When transition occurs after puberty, those traits persist, which fuels controversy; when transition begins before puberty, those traits do not develop in the same way.

Backlash intensified when people learned that adolescents could begin medically supported transition earlier. These practices were driven by clinical evidence, not by parents acting impulsively. Doctors concluded that beginning care earlier could improve long-term outcomes, and parents followed medical guidance.

Once the political right—whether in the United States or internationally—realized that youth could begin this process, they reacted. When only adults transitioned, and the numbers were small, the issue was not a central culture-war topic. There was no Caitlyn Jenner. I personally dislike Caitlyn Jenner, but she is widely known. The last trans person with comparable name recognition before Jenner was Christine Jorgensen, so there was a long period without a globally recognizable trans figure.

Caitlyn Jenner was an Olympic gold medalist, and transitioning after that achievement became major news. The Kardashian media ecosystem amplified the attention. After coming out, Jenner aligned with conservative politics and has publicly opposed some youth transition policies. The combination of celebrity visibility, medical developments, and right-wing mobilization turned trans identity into an issue politicians could weaponize.

This is the issue du jour. I am 63, and I have watched political cycles come and go. Politicians are using trans people to campaign and fundraise. They do not care about supporting trans children or their parents. If they cared, they would show empathy and expand access to evidence-based care. They care about winning elections, and trans people have become a means to that end.

Jacobsen: Another component is visibility—especially visibility amplified through social media over the past decade. When a marginalized group gains visibility and some degree of mainstream acceptance, backlash often follows. When algorithmic platforms magnify that process, the backlash becomes larger and more intense.

Bouley: Yes. Social media has given trans people unprecedented positivity: connection, information, visibility, and community. But the same visibility attracts a great deal of hatred. It is a two-edged sword. Online, you can find support and solidarity. Still, you also find hostility from people who hate for the sake of hating. Social media is a megaphone—one that amplifies compassion and cruelty alike. Politicians saw how easily online hostility toward trans people could be mobilized and translated it into campaigns. That is why we are here. They do not care. If they cared, they would let doctors make medical decisions. I always thought of places like New Zealand and Queensland as progressive and accepting, but I was wrong.

Jacobsen These are societies—like mainly other Western democracies—with a comparatively free press. Journalists can report on these issues. In places with lower press freedom, based on press-freedom indices, the topic may barely appear. It is not even framed as something to debate. In the United States, a government can say publicly, “there are only two genders,” and certain religious conservatives—often Protestants, and some Catholics—will embrace that. But elsewhere, it does not need to be government policy; the binary is culturally entrenched long before it becomes written law. The restriction of gender into two categories is normalized to the point that alternatives are not considered legitimate public discourse.

Bouley: There is an excellent line in a Barbra Streisand film, Nuts, and I have to quote her at least once, because I am gay. In the film, they try to have her institutionalized after she commits a crime, and she insists on going to trial because institutionalization could mean being held indefinitely. In a dramatic moment, she says to the doctor, “You cannot make me nuts. Just because you stand up here and say that I am does not make me nuts.” 

It is the same here. You can repeat “there are only two genders” endlessly, but repetition does not make it accurate. Trans people exist. Gender diversity exists. They are normal and natural. They have always existed. Many cultures long predating contemporary Western civilization recognized gender variance and roles beyond a binary—across the Americas, parts of South Asia, Oceania, and elsewhere. It is remarkable that cultures predating what we call “civilization” treated gender-diverse people with more dignity than we do now.

Donald Trump and J.K. Rowling can denounce trans people all they like, but the facts do not change. Trans people exist. They deserve to exist. Gender-affirming care sits within the medical domain, not simply the social or psychological. We should treat trans people like anyone accessing medically guided care. People insisting otherwise do not make their claims accurate by repeating them.

How do I say this without sounding insensitive: there is far more LGBTQ news happening around the world than only trans news. Yet everything we hear is trans, trans, trans—which is understandable, but at the same time, there are many other LGBTQ stories globally, good and bad.

For a country as transphobic as the United States, we have Jonathan Bailey—a British actor—named the highest-grossing actor of the year. I just read the headline: Jonathan Bailey is generating the most box-office revenue and success right now. He has made a lot of money for himself and for the studios, and he is openly, unapologetically gay across his work and social platforms.

He appears in films children watch—Wicked, for example—and no one cares. People say, “Jonathan Bailey, love him,” “the internet’s boyfriend,” and so on. He is openly gay and remains the year’s highest-grossing actor. And in the same breath, people will celebrate Jonathan Bailey and then denounce a trans person. It is a kind of cultural schizophrenia. Again, it has to connect to what Donald Trump catalyzed with anti-trans and anti-DEI sentiment. I asked ChatGPT to name one of the biggest stories of 2025, and it said that Trump’s anti-DEI policies and rhetoric influenced similar movements globally. That was one of the significant stories.

So it is bizarre to watch a society celebrate Jonathan Bailey while simultaneously tearing trans people apart. It makes no sense.

Jacobsen: In the Guardian article by Melissa Davey, the medical editor, she quoted Dr. Natasha Kennedy from Goldsmiths, University of London, based on her research with young people affected by the UK’s puberty blocker ban. The quote is: “These are young people living in abject misery and severe distress, unable to lead normal lives and socialize with their peers at a crucial time as they are developing into adults. The psychological harm they are experiencing is very significant and includes extreme stress, anxiety, fear, trauma, and increased suicidal ideation.”

So the rhetoric used for political expedience—whether rights-based, medical, or ideological—targets youth because they are seen as convenient. But the central issue is the human and humane impact on young people.

Bouley: LGBTQ youth have had the highest suicide rates for as long as I have been alive, and not enough people cared. Let me rephrase that—many people cared, but society at large did not stop and ask: why are queer youth the most likely to die by suicide? And of course we know why: parents throw them out; families refuse to accept them; society is hostile; they are treated as second-class citizens; their identities are debated endlessly. I am exhausted by the world debating mylife—or the lives of trans people.

First, it is none of your business. Second, do people not have anything else to talk about? My whole life, I have wondered why people were obsessed with same-sex marriage. Why not work on getting me laid first? I have never understood the obsession with queer people.

Billions of dollars—billions—have been spent trying to suppress or eradicate a standard, natural form of human variation. It is astonishing how much funding has gone into anti-gay campaigns, anti-trans campaigns, conversion efforts, political targeting, and everything else built around policing who we are.

All the money that has been spent on trying to eliminate gay people has not worked. We are still here. And, astonishingly, the world has nothing better to discuss than whether a trans person can transition, whether a gay person can get married, or—in some African nations—whether LGBTQ people should be allowed to live at all. Remarkably, gender and sexuality have been focal points for so many people for so long when, truthfully, they should not be such significant issues.

Being gay is fabulous, but it is not worth all the ink and airtime it gets. Believe me, it is excellent, but it is not everything. We have the same concerns as everyone else. We worry about the same health scares—”what is this spot in my mouth?”—the same mortality, the same human struggles. It is not all that. And we, as gay people, do not spend our lives thinking about straight people.

Jacobsen: Wasn’t there once an epithet meaning something like “breeders”—dismissive, as in: we do not really care?

Bouley: We love straight people. That is where all gay people come from. If straight people truly wanted to eliminate gay people, they would have to stop having sex.

Jacobsen: Often, out of religious tradition, there has been foreign funding—particularly from segments of U.S.-based evangelical networks—supporting anti-LGBTQ legislation in countries such as Ghana and Uganda. Their theological premise is that homosexuality is “unnatural.” Still, the evidence shows same-sex behaviour across hundreds of species, while religion is unique to humans. So if we are talking about what is “natural,” they argue in the wrong direction.

Bouley: I always say that. My dog does not pray—except for dinner. And at the Aquarium of the Pacific in Long Beach, there were gay penguins; I met them. When an egg was abandoned by its biological parents, the bonded male couple took the egg, cared for it, and raised the chick. And did the other penguins have a fit? Did they hold meetings about the gay penguins? Did they ask what to do with them—push them off an iceberg? No. The other penguins did not care at all.

Barbara Walters once did a television special about same-sex pairing among seagulls in Santa Monica. She was astonished that there could be “gay seagulls.” And I thought: Barbara, it is nature. It is the way things are.

Jacobsen: Nature is the way it is, not the way you want it to be.

Bouley: But yes, nature does what it wants. And nature made me this way. I cried as a teenager: Please make me straight. I remember being in sixth grade—twelve or thirteen—and crying every night: please make me normal.

I will share something intimate that not many people know. My second cousin, a year older than me, and I were both discovering puberty at the same time. We experimented. His parents were evangelical ministers. My family was living with them in Texas because we were broke. One day, we came home, and I heard the adults arguing—my parents, my aunt Irene. I listened to my name and David’s name. I thought: they know.

I went to the front porch and cried—sixth grade. And I thought: I have to run. I cannot stay. I cannot face this. But then, like a moment in a movie, something shifted in me. I thought: no. I am not running. Whatever is happening is happening, and what I felt seemed normal to me. I am going to be myself. If that means I get thrown out today, if my parents stop loving me today, then that is what it means. But I will not be the one who runs. They would have to push me out.

And then I learned they were arguing about something completely different. They had no idea what was going on.

That moment stayed with me. By eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh grade, I came out. I had a girlfriend in junior high and another in my first year of high school, but I knew it wasn’t what I wanted. It was fun, but it was not whatI wanted. My second year of high school, that was it—I started dating a boy. This was 1978. I dated a guy in high school, and most people knew about it.

I told my mom, and she said, “I know.” And then she said, “If you ever get Burt Reynolds, he is mine first.” I said, “I am not doing sloppy seconds.” That is what she said. She also said, “You are telling your dad—although he already knows too.”

And that moment allowed me to become Karel—the entertainer, the activist, the person I am—because I realized: if my mom and dad love me, then fuck everybody else. If my close friends love me, then screw what the world thinks.

I wish today’s youth could reach that moment—the moment where they say, “Fuck you. My mom loves me.” And if your mother or father does not love you, then screw them too because you are not wrong. All of this anti-trans rhetoric can make trans people feel as if they are bad, and they are not.

If you believe in God, you think God does not make mistakes. I do not believe in God, but if you do, then you must believe that God does not make mistakes, and that we are all “God’s children.” Love thy neighbour; judge not lest ye be judged. By being anti-trans, Christians violate their own theology—every single one—because they judge, they fail to love their neighbour, they fail to do unto others. Their actions contradict their scripture.

And by the way, they worship a guy with long hair who wore a robe everywhere he went. Just saying. That was obviously a prototype for the priesthood. Any other story you want to dip into?

Jacobsen:  I want to follow up on a personal note. You mentioned, “fuck them,” even if parents reject their child. But what if someone has no support—no friends, no family? In the most extreme cases, what do they do?

Bouley: My life was not all roses. I have been beaten, threatened at gunpoint—you name it. Dan Savage had a campaign called It Gets Better, and you probably know it because you are a learned journalist. We once spoke about it on my show, and I disagreed with him. I said, “Dan, it never gets better.” There will always be a bigot, always a hater, always someone who thinks you do not deserve equal rights, always a bully. It never gets better. What does get better is you rability to deal with it.

That is what improves. And the way you build that ability—the ability to deal with assholes—is like building a muscle. It has to be exercised. Unfortunately, the only way that muscle gets exercised is by dealing with assholes.

I have always told queer youth—and I have saved more than a few lives; you can read about it in my book You Can’t Say That. I have letters from youth in Germany, Switzerland, and Ireland—somehow they found my show or my writing, and it literally saved their lives. What I told them then, and what I tell them now, is that the best revenge against haters is living a happy life. They hate that. They cannot stand that. “You mean I am throwing all this hate at you, and you are still out there singing songs from Wicked?” You bet your damn ass I am.

And I think gay people—like women, like Black people, like Chinese people, like Irish people, like so many others—have to be more resilient. But that does not mean we are born that way. We are made to be that way. And sadly, some people do not have that inner strength, and they die. They take their own lives. Others become alcoholics. That is why substance abuse has been so rampant in the queer community. Meth ravaged us. Alcohol still does because it is hard to have a positive self-image when everyone tells you that you are wrong.

The difference is: I do not believe them. And it goes back to what I said earlier—you can call me nuts, but that does not make me nuts. They can say I am wrong, bad, sinful, a threat—it does not make it so.

Opinions are like assholes; everybody has one, and some are bigger than others. You have to persevere. You have to get through it. The hardest time is from about fourteen to twenty-five. If you are queer and you make it to thirty, you are going to be okay. I promise every gay person reading or listening: if you make it to thirty, you will be fine. By then, youhave dealt with enough bullies and assholes that it becomes routine. You wish it did not have to be that way—but that is how it is.

And many of those assholes will be in your own family. Family can be rough—ask Rob Reiner. Too soon, sorry. But family is rough. They can throw you out, beat you, kill you. Their parents have killed queer youth. Parents or siblings have killed trans youth. It is brutal. But you have to get through it.

Jacobsen: What do those families say as justification when they do kill?

Bouley: They always quote the Bible. Always. They do not quote the part that says thou shalt not kill, by the way. They quote abomination, against God’s law, unnatural, and so on.

I want to leave you with this: the massively popular battle-royale game Fortnite released new Harry Potter–themed cosmetics as part of a collaboration that financially benefits J.K. Rowling, whose public statements have been condemned by many as anti-trans. This followed Fortnite’s decision to drop its annual LGBTQ Pride event. The cosmetics leaked early, and the leaker—who goes by PokeIt—highlighted the harm this creates for LGBTQ communities.

So here is another company that now feels safe enough to step back from Pride and sell products connected to Rowling. They assume their core market—young, predominantly male players—will not punish them for it, and may even reward them. And I genuinely want to know: who exactly are these cosmetics for? Who puts makeup on in Fortnite?

I know my late husband, Andrew—a Harry Potter fanatic—would have gotten rid of all our Rowling materials if he were alive today. We had signed first editions we bought in Europe; he would have tossed them. And I did. I sold everything.

At the same time, I try not to judge. I try to separate the art from the artist. If we combed through every major museum and every work we admire, we would find creators who were misogynists, racists, abusers, violent, or worse. Deeply flawed people made some of the greatest works in history. So I try not to condemn the work outright.

J.K. Rowling created magical books—wonderful stories that brought joy to a generation. I will not deny the power of her writing. The Harry Potter books are spectacular. As a person, she is a fucktard. As an artist, her books are great.

Should we avoid her books because of who she is? That is personal. It is case-by-case. I may watch the new HBO series; I might not. I am older now, and maybe the material is no longer for me. But if I do not watch, it will not be because of her anti-trans rhetoric—it will be because I am not the audience anymore.

So I find it complicated. Look—Hitler painted. Would I own one of his paintings? I might. I might, just for the shock value—so someone walks in and I say, “Yeah, Hitler painted that puppy.”

Jacobsen: You mean the like the Key and Peele sketch?

Bouley: Yes. I tell this story at my house: there is a giant oil painting of me, and my friend Karen painted it using oil paints that once belonged to a mass murderer. In Long Beach, my friends managed an apartment complex. The man living above them went to a nearby grocery store and killed multiple people—he simply walked in and started shooting. We never really learned his motive. When authorities entered his apartment, they found his parents’ bodies concealed in a closet; he had been collecting their Social Security checks.

None of the relatives wanted anything from the apartment after that. But the man had been a painter: he owned an easel, canvases, and hundreds of tubes of oil paint. My friend Don told Karen, who is a painter, “Do you want this stuff?” She said yes rather than let it be thrown away. She used those materials to paint my portrait. So in my living room, I have a picture made with art supplies once owned by a mass murderer. I love that kind of thing.

Andrew and I once bid on Jeffrey Dahmer’s freezer because he wanted to host a barbecue and tell people the meat came from Dahmer’s freezer. I would buy Lizzie Borden’s axe, or the sword used to behead Anne Boleyn. These are historical artifacts. So I separate art or artifacts from their creators.

I would not buy a Hitler painting, nor would I buy a George W. Bush painting. He paints, yes—but I consider him responsible for a war that cost thousands of lives, including Americans, so I would not buy his work. But there are other artists and creators whose politics I dislike, and yet I still enjoy the art.

For example, I cannot stand Taylor Sheridan’s politics—he is very pro-Trump, very MAGA, and misogynistic in his work. But he is also incredibly successful and a talented storyteller. He and Sylvester Stallone created Tulsa King on Paramount+, and it is a great show. Landman with Billy Bob Thornton—sexist, pro-oil, problematic—yet brilliantly made. I watch them even though Sheridan and Stallone have politics I despise. Billy Bob, for the record, is liberal.

When Stallone received the Medal of Freedom from Trump, I said he deserved it. He is a cultural icon. Everyone knows Rocky. And he played Rambo, so no one should be shocked that he is conservative. I can forgive him for his politics because I enjoy his work.

Not many queer people think this way. They say, “I am not going to support that.” They believe consuming the art financially supports the creator. These shows are massive hits with or without me. Sheridan has one of the biggest development deals in Hollywood. So if I enjoy the work, withholding my viewership is symbolic but has no impact.

It is complex. I will say this: J.K. Rowling, as a writer, achieved something extraordinary. She created an entire world—beginning with notes on a napkin—to give her children something to read. That origin story is spectacular. The fact that she has become a radical anti-trans voice is sad. Truly sad.

Would I refuse to buy makeup simply because it is connected to her? No. There are plenty of makeup brands. It is not a unique product. But there is only one Harry Potter. So the relationship between art and artist becomes complicated.

As for Fortnite, they lose nothing by stepping away from Pride and partnering with material connected to Rowling. They assume the risk is minimal. Gaming culture has long had a reputation for homophobia. I later learned there are many gay gamers—and I mean a lot.

Jacobsen: There is a really well-known trans gamer. I remember covering it briefly years ago. She was a top-ranked StarCraft II e-sports competitor. Her name escapes me, but yes, she was highly ranked in that system.

Bouley: So Fortnite is only hurting itself. There are queer gamers. They are not going to like what Fortnite is doing, and they will switch—there are plenty of games to play. These companies think they are pleasing a majority of their users. Still, most players did not care whether Fortnite participated in Pride. How many Fortnite players ever cared about that?

Jacobsen: A lot of these decisions come from executives who seem detached.

Bouley: It is always the C-suite. Always. They have rarely been told no. And when I say the C-suite, I mean politics, too. The high-ranking people pick the issues. It is not usually the rank-and-file. Your state senator is unlikely to make LGBTQ issues the center of their career. Still, a member of Congress or a U.S. senator might. Local politicians want every vote they can get.

It is always the people in power who decide whom society hates. That has always been the way. Priests, popes, presidents, kings—the people with power determine who is targeted. And right now, they have decided we hate trans people. I do not know why, but they have.

To trans people listening: do not worry. In five years, they will have moved on to someone else. Trust me—speaking as a gay man. They will move on.

Thank you, Scott—another week of This Gay Week. Or as I call you on my show: the handsome Canadian journalist, Scott Jacobsen.

Jacobsen: I appreciate that.

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Everywhere Insiders 29: ISIS in Nigeria, Yemen Proxies, and Japan’s Deterrence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/09

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman about three linked security flashpoints. They examine U.S.–Nigeria coordination against Islamic State-linked militants and why counterterror strikes can be framed as Christian protection even though ISIS targets Muslims and Christians alike. Tsukerman argues that battlefield wins are temporary unless governments tackle the conditions that reproduce extremist ideology. Shifting to Yemen, she outlines Saudi-UAE competition, the Southern Transitional Council’s proxy role, and how limited Saudi boots on the ground constrain leverage. Finally, they assess Japan’s record defence budget, China’s rising assertiveness, and the risks of an incoherent U.S. Indo-Pacific policy globally in 2026 and beyond.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right. This one’s actually excellent. U.S. airstrikes have rattled Nigerian villagers. With this context, the most advanced fighter jet and missile technology in the world is rattling villagers in Nigeria. We are not talking about city dwellers in Nigeria; it is an entirely different story. This is the shocking, euphemistic way I could put it. I will give a quick background.

A U.S. strike was carried out on an alleged camp of a militant Islamic State group. And they may have negotiated with the government.  Nigerian government spokesman Mohamed Idris said on Friday that strikes were launched from the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean shortly after midnight and involved 16 GPS-guided precision missiles and MQ-9 Reaper drones. This appears to have been carried out in coordination with the government of Nigeria. In terms of geopolitics and military coordination, that is legitimate, and it is a widely recognized terrorist group.

There are American actions that are highly questionable. These, I do not think, are. What are your thoughts on that Islamic State site and the coordination between the Americans and the Nigerians?

Irina Tsukerman: In terms of ISIS, this has been a long time coming. They have been increasing their activity in Nigeria and across Western Africa and the Sahara for many years. This is not a new development; they have been terrorizing the entire country.

There has been an uptick in attacks on Christian communities as well. It has been growing steadily over the years, but that is also not new. The point about attacking them and degrading their capabilities is not questionable. They are a terrorist group and should be eliminated as much as possible.

However, questions arise. First of all, Trump repeatedly claimed during his first term that ISIS had been defeated and that 100 percent of its territorial caliphate was gone, and yet they have remained active and have clearly made a comeback. In the past week, there was a large strike on ISIS targets in Syria. Syrian authorities near Damascus arrested a senior ISIS figure, and another commander was reported killed in a separate raid. There was also a bombing at a mosque in Homs that killed at least eight people; Syrian officials have linked it to extremist networks that overlap with ISIS cells, although responsibility is still being contested. And in Nigeria, the same pattern has continued.

There has been an attack on a Christian community, and a few days ago, there was also a deadly attack on a mosque. The question is how the U.S. government could claim it was done entirely with that terrorist organization, and now it is back, with no explanation or official statement for how the U.S. missed this for so many years between Trump’s first and second terms.

Second, while I understand that Christian communities are facing increasing and horrifying pressure from extremists who do not view them as human beings, and they require significant international support, this is not new. This is something many have called attention to since the Obama years. And Trump’s first term was very indifferent to their fate, even though the attacks were almost as frequent as they are now.

I am beginning to wonder whether the only reason this strike happened is that a group of Christian supporters of Trump raised concerns about it now, and whether this is really about those Christian communities, or whether it is more about making it appear to be about Christian communities — engaging in virtue signalling and not truly addressing their situation.

Is there consistent interest in these groups? I am inclined to be skeptical because I do not see any other form of support.

The U.S. government cut off most development and humanitarian aid programs in several regions of Africa during the Trump administration, including programs that had supported Christian communities in Nigeria and elsewhere. Not all aid was eliminated, but broad reductions took place. This current approach is not genuinely about supporting Christians in Nigeria.

Another issue is that framing these strikes as protection for Christians overlooks the fact that ISIS, as a terrorist group, threatens everyone, not just Christians. Recent attacks on mosques and on Muslim villagers across the country are consistent with ISIS’s modus operandi, and these realities are being ignored by the very same people claiming this is about defending Christians.

The spread of ISIS, whether or not they continue to target Christians specifically, poses a global threat because militants move between Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, bringing destruction wherever they operate. Whether communities are Muslim, Christian, animist, or belong to other local religions, ISIS has been indiscriminately destructive.

The fact that this administration appears to prioritize religious freedom only when it concerns Christians and seems less focused on ISIS’s threat to everyone else is disturbing.

Finally, another point to raise is that both French and American experience in Africa and elsewhere has shown that combating terrorism militarily is not sufficient to end violent extremist activity. No matter how much you degrade a group’s operational capacity, they return because of persistent extremist ideology. Unless there is consistent effort to address the social, political, and economic conditions that sustain that ideology, these strikes amount to tactical and temporary measures. They may slow ISIS’s growth for a while, but only until the subsequent resurgence.

Unless we plan to repeatedly spend millions of dollars on deploying Reaper drones, there must be a more consistent and long-term strategy. That requires sustained resource allocation, and I do not see either the Trump administration or the Nigerian government undertaking what would be necessary.

Jacobsen: Yemeni separatists claimed that Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes against their forces on Friday. The Southern Transitional Council, backed by the United Arab Emirates, said the strikes occurred in Hadhramaut Governorate.

Amr al-Beidh, a foreign affairs representative for the Council, said STC fighters had been operating in eastern Hadhramaut and had faced multiple ambushes from armed groups, which killed two of their fighters and wounded twelve others.

The UAE issued a statement saying: “The UAE reaffirms its steadfast commitment to supporting all endeavours aimed at strengthening stability and development in Yemen, contributing positively to regional security and prosperity.” Any thoughts?

Tsukerman: The background is that Saudi Arabia and the UAE are competing for influence in Yemen. The STC is widely understood as a UAE-backed proxy, but it also pursues its own interests. While the STC publicly pushes for an independent southern state as protection against both Muslim Brotherhood–aligned elements and the Houthis movement advancing from the north, in practice, their immediate priority is securing territory from radical movements of various kinds.

The Saudis and Emiratis have been politically competing. At the same time, the STC has taken control of territories previously held by Houthi forces, moving southward, by Muslim Brotherhood–aligned groups, and by Saudi-aligned militias that are not always ideological but can be tribally loyal to Riyadh. Part of this struggle is about territorial control and power, but it also involves countering extremist movements.

Saudi Arabia has prioritized Yemeni unity and maintaining its influence over fully pushing out extremists, which at this stage is counterproductive. That approach has fueled sectarian tensions, granted the Houthis undue political and military leverage, and enabled Muslim Brotherhood–linked actors to retain influence, each with its own problematic implications.

The Saudis have been willing to integrate all these conflicting interests into their political calculus to dominate the scene. Now they are literally outgunned; their physical presence in Yemen is minimal.

The vast majority of the people being pushed out are militias and tribal groups who are Yemeni. They have loyalty to Saudi Arabia, but they are actually Yemeni, not Saudi. Saudi forces are barely present, and that is part of the problem for them. They are trying to assert authority, yet on the ground, it is the Southern Transitional Council — also Yemeni, trained and supported by the Emiratis but composed of Yemenis — that is taking control of territory.

Saudi Arabia claims that STC actions undermine the Arab coalition, but at this point, there is no real unified coalition to speak of. Saudi troops are not meaningfully deployed, and while the Emiratis maintain some presence in other parts of Yemen, they are primarily relying directly on the STC to carry out operations, which the STC is doing effectively.

If the STC were to withdraw, as Saudi Arabia has demanded, extremist groups would inevitably return, and that would harm everyone involved. Politically, Saudi claims are not backed by force. They are not capable of pushing the STC out of its positions, and if they did, it would worsen security, humanitarian, and economic conditions on the ground. At this stage, what is called the “Arab coalition” is primarily represented by proxies rather than by the direct deployment of either country’s armed forces.

Jacobsen: Interesting. Under Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, Japan’s cabinet has approved a record defence budget aimed at deterring China. This reflects long-running geopolitical tensions, though how directly it maps to historical grievances depends on where one draws the timeline — but misgivings certainly have deep roots.

The draft budget for fiscal year 2026, beginning in April, is up 9.4 percent from 2025 and marks the fourth year of Japan’s ongoing five-year program to double annual defence spending to 2 percent of GDP. The budget exceeds 9 trillion yen — approximately 58 billion U.S. dollars. Defence Minister Shinjiro Koizumi stated, “It is the minimum needed as Japan faces the severest and most complex security environment in the post-war era… it does not change our path as a peace-loving nation.” First: could you shed light on the historical tensions underlying this? Second: What do you think of this five-year plan, now entering its fourth year? Third: What are your thoughts on the Defence Minister’s framing — that deterrence functions as a component of maintaining peace?

Tsukerman: Some of the historical background refers to World War II, including massacres and mass atrocities committed by imperial Japan in China. After the U.S.-led occupation and reconstruction, Japan pursued a pacifist and pro-Western political trajectory focused on economic development. China, by contrast, underwent the Cultural Revolution and ultimately reintegrated elements of past imperial ambition under the authority of the Communist Party.

The two countries’ strategic visions have therefore clashed for decades. In more recent years, as China has become increasingly assertive and persistent in pursuing regional — and arguably global — dominance through cultural influence, economic leverage, military expansion, political pressure, espionage, and aggressive rhetoric, long-buried tensions have resurfaced despite earlier reform and stabilization.

Japan is also facing an increasingly complex political landscape. While the current governing party is center-right and more open to a muscular foreign policy, some factions could be described as far-right, nativist, and strongly anti-immigration. While I would not call them neo-imperialist, they are closer to the populist far right than to the classical liberal center-right, and they are more likely to push their positions toward policy extremes. This internal challenge for Japan is expected to intensify if the United States continues its inconsistent policy approach toward China and the broader Indo-Pacific — and there is no compelling evidence that Washington will suddenly adopt a coherent strategy.

Japan’s increased defence production, expanded defence budget, and military readiness are positive developments. These measures signal strong deterrence and communicate that Japan does not intend to make itself a soft target. The country is becoming more situationally aware and is improving relations with South Korea — historically strained for a mix of political and historical reasons — because specific shared security challenges are now undeniable for both governments.

However, none of this will be sufficient if China continues to militarize at its current pace, backed by vast resources, a large population, and rapid technological expansion. If the U.S. continues allowing exports of advanced technologies to China, continues relying on sensitive Chinese-made components, overlooks cybersecurity vulnerabilities that enable espionage and intellectual property theft, and quarrels with strategic partners like Japan and India over comparatively minor trade issues, those distractions will undermine Indo-Pacific security priorities.

While Japan is, in my view, moving in the right direction, I am not convinced that its trajectory will be enough, given the current pace and scale of China’s rise — particularly if the United States remains strategically unfocused.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1644: Canada, Courtesy, MAGA, NAFTA, and Vampire Moldova

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/28

How does Rick Rosner compare Canadian courtesy, American zero-sum politics, and cultural stereotypes in conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen?

In this exchange, Rick Rosner reflects on Canada through a brief Vancouver and Victoria cruise stop, contrasting Canadian courtesy with rising American zero-sum politics. Scott Douglas Jacobsen probes stereotypes, comparative cultural analysis, and anti-West sentiment, while Rosner links national self-image to public conduct. The conversation moves from coyotes at YVR and British Columbia architecture to NAFTA, MAGA, Moldova, vampires, and the comic possibility of immortal productivity within a brisk, observational interview about travel and identity.

Rick Rosner: I was downstairs picking up dog shit. Our dog has an upset stomach and is a little incontinent, so I stepped in it barefoot this morning. We keep finding little piles.

For our 35th wedding anniversary, we went on what is called a repositioning cruise. Cruise ships run their regular routes, but sometimes they have to move from one region to another between seasons. They offer these repositioning trips for less money because they usually stop in fewer ports. We got on in Los Angeles and did not stop until Victoria/Vancouver. It was not a multi-port cruise. They needed to move the ship north for the Alaska cruise season.

The ports are not that great unless you have a friend there to show you around. You end up walking through touristy areas. In Sooke, near Victoria, we went to a tea house, which was nice. We had scones with clotted cream and jam. Still, it is never a particularly exciting excursion, so I do not mind going on a cruise that does not stop in many places.

On the way back, I saw a coyote near the runway at Vancouver International Airport, so apparently you have airport coyotes.

What struck me about Canada is that it is like the United States, but nicer. Canadians are known internationally for being courteous, not in a pretentious way, but just as regular people who are probably kind. In the United States, everyone is more riled up. There was a recent incident involving a man allegedly attempting to attack the White House Correspondents’ Dinner while armed, and the political blame followed quickly. Canada seems like the United States without quite as much strife.

That said, Canada has its own issues. You have bears, which I assume are a form of strife if you run into one. Frostbite is also fairly strifey, though that is just the natural world. In politics, you have figures like Doug Ford and his late brother Rob Ford, who were controversial in their own ways. There are also fringe movements, like the 2022 Freedom Convoy, which began over COVID-19 vaccine rules for cross-border truckers and broadened into protests against pandemic restrictions. People were frustrated with Justin Trudeau toward the end of his time in office.

We did not make it to Tim Hortons. There was one at the airport, but by then we had already had enough to eat. Overall, Canada just feels calmer.

Jacobsen: What struck you about Canada as Canada?

Rosner: I do not know—Canada just seems like a good place to live, except for the winters. In British Columbia, though, you do not get the extreme cold. You get a lot of rain, but not as much snow, especially around Vancouver and Victoria.

We were only there for about a day. We barely got off the ship. We were supposed to have time walking around Vancouver, but for logistical reasons they did not dock us until around 6 p.m., even though the trip from Victoria to Vancouver only takes a few hours. They stretched it into a full day and got us in late, so we were walking around as the sun was setting. I cannot really generalize. My total time in Canada—including a previous Alaska cruise years ago—is less than three days.

We went into a Mountie souvenir shop in downtown Vancouver—lots of Royal Canadian Mounted Police gear and T-shirts. There is also that steam clock in Gastown that plays a tune like an old calliope. None of that is enough to form a serious judgment.

The architecture stood out, though. We walked for miles around Victoria, and the houses—at least where we were—were beautiful, with a lot of variety. We also passed a lot of those Little Free Libraries, the small book boxes people put in their yards. Victoria does have a large number of them, though not literally a thousand.

Victoria itself was bigger than I expected. The metropolitan area is around 400,000 people, not quite half a million, but still substantial. Our ship docked near a modern wastewater treatment facility, which, for what it does, looked surprisingly well designed.

For Americans, things feel cheaper because of the exchange rate. The Canadian dollar is typically weaker than the U.S. dollar, though the exact rate fluctuates—it is not fixed at something like 1.33.

That is about all I have. What are the stereotypes about Canadians that you do not agree with?

Jacobsen: The stereotype I do not agree with? Honestly, people do not talk about Canada that much. When they do, they tend to mention figures like Mark Carney or say Canadians are nice. If they are negative, it is usually from people generalizing about “the West.”

One example: in Ukraine, a small number of people express anti-West sentiment. One feature of that critique is that they describe “the West” as overly comparative, always interpreting one thing through another. Yet in making that critique, they are themselves engaging in comparison, which introduces a kind of contradiction.

It says less about “West versus East” -however those are defined – and more about general human tendencies. Sometimes people engage with situations on their own terms; other times, they interpret everything through analogy and comparison.

In the process, they make a separate critical comparison of what they are protecting. The larger point is that people sometimes engage with cultures and people on their own terms, and other times in comparative terms. I do not think that is good or bad, or an East-versus-West thing. That is just how people do things.

Rosner: I have to say, the Canadian stereotype of niceness probably goes a long way toward making Canadians nice, because I think people like to live up to positive stereotypes.

For decades after World War II, Americans thought of themselves as good and noble. I thought that would last forever. But over the last couple of decades, and especially under MAGA, the United States has been decoupled from altruism, nobility, and goodness. A big part of the population no longer thinks of America as one of the good guys of the world.

The opposite of that is zero-sum thinking: if you pride yourself on being nice and good, you are naïve and going to get screwed over. The idea becomes that the world is taking advantage of you, that you are being played for a sucker, and that your survival depends on not being a sucker—on screwing the world before the world can screw you. That is certainly part of the MAGA attitude. I think it is terrible for the country.

It is also a dumb and not very applicable point of view. There is generally more to be gained from economic cooperation. The United States did suffer job losses under NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, which helped make it easier for some jobs to move to Mexico, where wages were lower. But while NAFTA may have been ill-advised in that respect, most of the job losses the United States has suffered were not because it was too willing to cooperate with other countries.

There were many other economic forces at play: technology destroying a lot of good old-school jobs, other countries having lower average wages and costs of living, and manufacturing shifting to China. Even without NAFTA, the United States was going to lose manufacturing jobs to China. I do not think that happened because America was trying to do good in the world.

Comments?

Jacobsen: That is it for me. 

Rosner: All right. Travel safely. What do you have on tap for Moldova?

Jacobsen: Chișinău and a hostel.

Rosner: When Americans hear of Moldova, they do not think much of anything. If anything, they think it sounds like a country with castles full of vampires. Well, enjoy the vampires.

Jacobsen: I appreciate it. Thank you.

Rosner: If you get turned into a vampire, you could end up owning the record for most words written in a lifetime. If you end up living for 300 years, you could possibly crank out half a billion words.

Jacobsen: All right. Talk to you tomorrow.

Rosner: I will talk to you tomorrow. Thanks so much again.

Jacobsen: Thank you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Oleksiy Shevchuk on Diplomatic Legal Hub, Foreign Nationals, and Wartime Justice in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Diplomatic Legal Hub

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/26

How does Oleksiy Shevchuk describe the Diplomatic Legal Hub’s role in supporting foreign nationals and advancing accountability during Russia’s war against Ukraine?

Oleksiy Shevchuk is a Ukrainian attorney, public spokesperson, and wartime legal advocate whose work spans bar self-governance, lobbying regulation, business protection, and international legal accountability. He serves as chair of the National Bar Association of Ukraine’s lobbying committee and as spokesperson for the National Bar Association of Ukraine. He is chairman of the board of the Ukrainian National Lobbyists Association, was appointed in January 2026 to the competition commission selecting SAPO leadership, and was admitted in March 2026 to Ukraine’s competition for nomination of a judge to the International Criminal Court. He also leads Diplomatic Legal Hub wartime support initiatives. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Oleksiy Shevchuk, a Ukrainian attorney and public spokesperson, about the Diplomatic Legal Hub, a nongovernmental initiative supporting foreign nationals, volunteers, journalists, embassies, and businesses affected by Russia’s war against Ukraine. Shevchuk explains the Hub’s pro bono legal work, documentation of war-related losses, diplomatic coordination, and assistance in gaps left by Ukraine’s legal aid system for foreigners. He also discusses compensation claims, the Register of Damage for Ukraine, veteran-informed support networks, and the longer-term role of international justice, especially the International Criminal Court, in securing accountability for affected people across wartime Ukraine today. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Given the limits of universal jurisdiction and the scale of the war, how do you allocate resources to address as many cases as possible?

Oleksiy Shevchuk: Universal jurisdiction remains limited in practice and is applied primarily in certain European jurisdictions. We are familiar with its mechanisms and have professional contacts in this area, including those connected to international legal initiatives. However, our direct involvement in universal jurisdiction cases is limited.

We have supported at least one case involving a Ukrainian individual from the Donetsk region who sought legal recourse in Slovenia, where elements of universal jurisdiction may apply. Our role was to assist with documentation and case preparation. The relevant judicial authorities determine the final legal outcome.

In general, we focus our efforts on areas where we can have the most practical impact. At present, we are managing a small number of active cases—approximately five or six—which allows us to maintain effectiveness and provide proper attention to each case.

We anticipate increased cooperation with international organizations as the conflict continues. This may include greater engagement with institutions such as the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, particularly regarding evidence, documentation, and case support provided by NGOs.

More broadly, Ukraine continues to develop its institutional capacity in international legal processes. This includes participation in international judicial bodies, although administrative and procedural delays remain a challenge.

Scott Jacobsen опублікував матеріал про Дипломатично правовий хаб та Олексія Шевчука
Oleksiy Shevchuk, left, gifting Scott Douglas Jacobsen, right, with a signed book from his personal library. (c) Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Jacobsen: How do you assess Ukraine’s engagement with international justice mechanisms, particularly the International Criminal Court?

Shevchuk: You can find public discussion in Ukrainian media about challenges in national selection processes for international judicial positions. Ukraine has been holding a competition to nominate candidates for roles at the International Criminal Court. I am among those participating in that process.

Ukraine has a relatively small pool of specialists with deep expertise in international criminal law and the International Criminal Court’s jurisprudence. This reflects the field’s technical and specialized nature.

From a legal perspective, I consider the International Criminal Court to be the most viable long-term mechanism for accountability. I am skeptical about the creation of ad hoc tribunals. Historically, such tribunals—whether in Tokyo or the former Yugoslavia—were established under very specific political conditions, often following a decisive end to conflict.

In the case of Ukraine, the war’s outcome remains uncertain. If the conflict evolves into a prolonged or frozen situation, the political conditions required to establish a new international tribunal may not materialize. Such tribunals typically depend on broad international agreement, which may be difficult to achieve.

As a result, I place greater emphasis on ongoing cases within the International Criminal Court. Investigations related to senior Russian military and political figures are progressing through established procedures. The Prosecutor of the Court, Karim Khan, continues to advance these cases through the investigative phase toward potential pre-trial proceedings.

It is important to remain realistic about enforcement. The Court lacks its own enforcement mechanism and relies on state cooperation. While arrest warrants have already been issued in certain cases, including those related to the unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children, the likelihood of senior officials being detained depends on geopolitical developments.

At the same time, the International Criminal Court is often misunderstood as ineffective. In practice, it has produced a substantial body of cases, and a meaningful proportion proceed to formal judicial stages. Its role in documenting crimes, issuing warrants, and establishing legal records remains significant, even when enforcement is constrained.

Jacobsen: How should readers understand the effectiveness of international justice mechanisms and the broader legal context you are working within?

Shevchuk: One of the major challenges is public understanding. Many people are not well informed about how international legal institutions function. This is not only a problem in Ukraine but globally.

For example, recent cases have shown that international accountability mechanisms can operate effectively, even if they do not always receive sustained public attention. Proceedings can move forward quickly and, at times, with limited media coverage. This creates a perception that such institutions are inactive, when in fact they are functioning within their legal mandates.

It is reasonable to maintain measured confidence in international institutions such as the International Criminal Court. They are not perfect, but they can produce tangible legal outcomes.

At the same time, accountability depends heavily on political will. Within Europe and the broader international system, decisions on cooperation with the Court and on the enforcement of its judgments are influenced by political considerations. Whether individuals from the Russian Federation are ultimately brought before the Court will depend not only on legal processes but also on international alignment and priorities.

As for our work, the Diplomatic Legal Hub operates across multiple areas, including legal assistance, advocacy, and coordination with international partners.

In Ukraine, lobbying and advocacy are becoming more formalized as professional activities. I have been involved in these developments, including founding and leading initiatives related to legal advocacy and representation.

I also serve in a leadership and communications role within the Ukrainian National Bar Association and work with international legal and business networks. My focus is on providing legal assistance to international businesses and individuals affected by Russian aggression.

I have also worked in journalism, which informs how I communicate these issues publicly.

Regarding civil society, Ukraine has a wide range of organizations working on governance and anti-corruption. As in any country, there are debates about effectiveness, accountability, and the proper use of resources. It is important to evaluate such organizations based on evidence and measurable outcomes rather than generalizations.

Oleksiy Shevchuk, right, handing book to Scott Douglas Jacobsen, left. (c) Scott Douglas Jacobsen
Oleksiy Shevchuk, right, handing book to Scott Douglas Jacobsen, left. (c) Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Jacobsen: In the Ukrainian context, culturally and legally, what approaches are most effective in addressing corruption? What does the evidence suggest?

Shevchuk: Corruption remains an issue in Ukraine, but it is often discussed in overly broad or exaggerated terms. There have been significant reforms in recent years, particularly in public procurement, digital governance, and institutional oversight.

The most effective approaches tend to involve transparency measures, independent oversight bodies, and alignment with European legal standards. Continued reform, enforcement, and institutional development remain essential.

Jacobsen: How do internal debates about corruption and governance affect your work and priorities?

Shevchuk: Corruption is a sensitive and contested issue in Ukraine. There is ongoing tension between elected officials and anti-corruption institutions, particularly the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. Some members of parliament argue that enforcement pressure can discourage decision-making, while others stress that strong oversight is essential for accountability.

Public discourse plays a significant role. When corruption dominates the conversation continuously, it risks becoming the central narrative, regardless of broader context or comparative realities. It is important to assess Ukraine alongside other countries in the region, many of which have faced political instability and governance challenges. Ukraine, meanwhile, continues to implement reforms amid an active war.

The most important issue is practical. There is a clear gap in legal aid for foreign nationals in Ukraine, particularly in cases involving extradition, immigration, and cross-border legal matters.

This gap presents an opportunity for legislative development. Strengthening legal support for international citizens would improve coordination with partner countries and provide more consistent protections.

If this issue is highlighted in reporting and analysis, it can contribute to the development of new legal frameworks. I intend to draw on such work to shape proposals for improved legislation that addresses the needs of foreign nationals in Ukraine.

Jacobsen: What would you emphasize as the priority going forward?

Shevchuk: The priority is to expand legal protections and structured support for international citizens. This includes clearer procedures in extradition and immigration cases, as well as more consistent access to legal assistance.

At the same time, we will continue our core work—supporting international businesses and individuals affected by Russian aggression, coordinating with embassies, and contributing to institutional development.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Oleksiy. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How war crimes are documented in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Human Rights Centre ZMINA

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/22

Yelyzaveta Sokurenko is a journalist and human rights advocate whose work sits at the intersection of documentation, accountability, and the lived realities of war. With more than eight years of experience in social reporting for leading Ukrainian media, she has focused much of her career on investigating international crimes and amplifying the voices of those most affected by them.

She currently leads the war crimes documentation department at the ZMINA Human Rights Centre, where she oversees efforts to collect, verify, and analyze evidence of abuses committed during Russia’s war against Ukraine. Her work combines rigorous analytical reporting with a victim-centered approach, addressing cases of arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture, and other forms of ill-treatment. In doing so, she contributes to both national and international efforts aimed at documenting violations and advancing pathways toward justice.

In this interview, Sokurenko offers a detailed account of how war crimes are documented in practice, and why methodology matters as much as evidence itself. She explains how structured interviews, centralized databases, and multi-source verification allow investigators to move beyond isolated testimonies and identify recurring patterns of abuse.

Those patterns, she argues, reveal a system: civilians targeted based on perceived disloyalty, detained without due process, and subjected to physical, psychological, and sexual violence across a network of facilities. She also underscores the ethical demands of this work, particularly the importance of survivor-centered approaches that prioritize consent, confidentiality, and long-term safety. Ultimately, Sokurenko makes the case that accountability depends not only on documenting atrocities but on doing so with precision, consistency, and an awareness of how evidence must function in court.

This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What methods are most effective for identifying and verifying patterns of arbitrary detention among civilians?

Yelyzaveta Sokurenko: The most effective way to detect patterns of arbitrary detention is to combine documentation of individual cases with data analysis to identify recurring elements—what we call pattern analysis. It is important not only to record individual incidents but also to systematically analyze where, when, and by whom people are detained, and what happens to them afterward.

The first key method is conducting structured interviews with victims and witnesses. Our interviews follow a consistent methodology and include the same blocks of questions (circumstances of detention, who detained the person, place of detention, transfers, interrogations, violence, and release). This allows us to compare testimonies and identify recurring patterns in the behaviour of Russian military and security services in illegal detention facilities across different occupied regions of Ukraine.

The second important method is organising cases within our internal database. When information about each detention is entered using consistent variables (date, location, unit, victim profile, reasons for detention, detention facility, types of violence), we can analyse trends—for example, which groups are detained most often, which detention sites are used, and which units are most frequently mentioned.

The third method is verifying each case using several independent sources.

Another method is analysing detention sites themselves. When many victims independently describe the same facilities, conditions, and interrogation or torture methods, this helps demonstrate the existence of a system of illegal detention, rather than isolated incidents.

It is also important to analyse the profiles of victims. If certain groups are targeted more often—for example, veterans, local officials, activists, pro-Ukrainian civilians, or people who refused to cooperate with occupation authorities—this indicates that detentions are targeted rather than random.

Since 2022, our work has focused on this systematic analysis of documented cases, allowing us to move from recording individual violations to demonstrating the existence of a policy and systematic practice of persecuting civilians, including through arbitrary detention.

You can read more in our report by clicking here.

Jacobsen: What early warning signs typically signal the emergence of a pattern of mass disappearances?

Sokurenko: In the Russian context and in the occupied territories of Ukraine, these warning signs can be observed both in legislation and in practice.

First, an important early signal is changes in legislation that expand the state’s power to prosecute individuals—for example, laws criminalising criticism of the authorities or broadening definitions of extremism, terrorism, or “discrediting the army.” These laws create a legal basis for detention and isolation without proper judicial oversight. If the judiciary is not independent and security forces are not held accountable for torture or illegal detention, this creates an environment of impunity in which enforced disappearances can become systemic.

Second, in the occupied territories of Ukraine, mass disappearances were preceded by so-called “filtration” measures—population screening, interrogations, phone checks, and the creation of lists of “disloyal” individuals. This was followed by a wave of abductions targeting local leaders—officials, activists, journalists, veterans, and volunteers—aimed at suppressing resistance and intimidating the population.

The next stage involved mass arbitrary detention of civilians, often without explanation and without access to lawyers or families. People were held in unofficial detention facilities, forcibly transferred to other occupied territories or deported to Russia, and their families were not informed of their whereabouts. The lack of information about a person’s fate or location is a defining element of enforced disappearance.

In general, early signs of a pattern of mass disappearances include a combination of repressive legislation, impunity of security forces, filtration measures, the abduction of local leaders, and subsequent mass arbitrary detention of civilians.

Jacobsen: What recurring patterns have you documented in the profiles of civilians targeted for illegal detention?

Sokurenko: Following the full-scale invasion, analysis of documented cases shows that civilians were not detained randomly—Russian forces systematically looked for indicators they considered signs of disloyalty or support for Ukraine.

One major pattern is that individuals were targeted for any sign of Ukrainian identity or pro-Ukrainian views. This could include subscriptions to Ukrainian news, Ukrainian music on a phone, photos with Ukrainian symbols, social media posts, or even private messages expressing disagreement with the invasion. Even an empty phone could be treated as suspicious, interpreted as an attempt to conceal information.

Another recurring pattern was the detention of individuals with any connection to the Ukrainian army, law enforcement, or government—even if they were civilians. Veterans, former military personnel, police officers, and civilians who assisted the Ukrainian army were all at heightened risk.

Local community leaders were also frequently targeted—activists, business owners, teachers, doctors, and other respected figures, particularly those who refused to cooperate with occupation authorities.

Detention could also occur based on broad and sometimes arbitrary indicators: speaking Ukrainian, living near Ukrainian military positions, not possessing a Russian passport, wearing khaki clothing, having patriotic tattoos, or even an untidy appearance that could be interpreted as an attempt to disguise a soldier as a civilian.

Overall, documented cases reveal a clear pattern: Russian forces applied a system of “disloyalty indicators,” detaining civilians who exhibited one or more of these traits. This suggests that illegal detention formed part of a systematic policy of identifying and persecuting civilians considered disloyal to the occupation.

Over time, Russia has also developed a legal and institutional framework in the occupied territories that effectively legitimises the persecution of civilians through criminal charges such as terrorism, espionage, or treason. Within this system, the FSB plays a central role in identifying so-called “disloyal” individuals.

As a result, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, fabricated criminal cases, pressure on families, and the denial of fair trial rights have become components of a broader system of political control over the civilian population.

You can read more in our report by clicking here.

Jacobsen: What forms of torture or ill-treatment most commonly appear in documented cases involving civilians?

Sokurenko: Across documented cases involving civilians, we have observed a number of recurring forms of torture and ill-treatment that appear repeatedly across different places of unlawful detention and in various occupied regions.

The most common forms include severe beatings—often with hands, feet, batons, plastic pipes, or other objects—as well as the use of electric shocks, typically applied to sensitive parts of the body. Detainees are frequently subjected to prolonged blindfolding and handcuffing, stress positions, and forced standing or sitting in painful positions for extended periods.

Another recurring practice is the use of threats, including threats of execution, threats against family members, and mock executions. Psychological violence is widespread and often accompanies physical torture. Detainees are commonly held in isolation, without access to information, communication, or legal assistance, which intensifies psychological pressure and fear.

We have also documented cases of sexual violence and sexualised torture, including threats of rape, forced nudity, humiliation of a sexual nature, and, in some instances, rape or other forms of sexual violence. Sexual violence is frequently used as a method of intimidation, punishment, or coercion.

Other forms of ill-treatment include deprivation of sleep, food, water, and medical care; overcrowded or extremely cold detention conditions; lack of sanitation; and denial of access to toilets. In many cases, these conditions themselves amount to inhuman or degrading treatment and are used deliberately as a form of pressure.

Overall, these forms of torture and ill-treatment recur across different cases and locations, indicating not isolated incidents but patterns of practice used during detention and interrogation of civilians.

Jacobsen: What patterns link specific detention environments or conditions to the use of torture, sexual violence, or other forms of abuse?

Sokurenko: From the beginning of documenting cases of torture, we have observed significant similarities in the structure of unlawful detention sites, the organisation of daily routines and schedules, the treatment of detainees, and the methods of torture used during interrogations across different occupied regions.

We have studied detention sites in the Kharkiv, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia regions. Regardless of whether these were temporary facilities (such as basements or garages) or more formal sites (such as temporary detention centres or pre-trial detention facilities), torture was used on a widespread scale.

We also observe consistent patterns in how detainees are treated during interrogations. Torture is used not only to extract information, but also to punish, intimidate, coerce cooperation, or force confessions. Sexual violence, threats of sexual violence, and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment occur within the same broader context of total control, dehumanisation, and impunity.

Taken together, these recurring features across different occupied areas suggest a systematic pattern of abuse rather than isolated incidents. They may help investigators determine whether crimes were committed in accordance with shared practices, tolerated methods, or even within a broader chain of command.

Jacobsen: How do you implement a survivor-centered approach when documenting torture and sexual violence in cases involving detained civilians?

Sokurenko: The process of in-depth interviews focuses on the safety, dignity, needs, and choices of the survivor, rather than solely on collecting evidence.

Our methodology is based on the Murad Code and international guidelines for documenting conflict-related sexual violence. This means documentation is conducted with informed consent, confidentiality, risk assessment, and an understanding of how trauma affects memory and testimony.

In practice, a survivor-centred approach means participation is entirely voluntary. Individuals are informed how their testimony will be used and can refuse to answer questions or stop the interview at any time. Interviews are conducted using a trauma-informed approach—without pressure, with breaks when needed, and without requiring survivors to describe violence in detail if doing so risks retraumatisation.

In cases of sexual violence, it is important that survivors can speak with an interviewer of the gender they feel most comfortable with, and that they determine what they are ready to disclose. Many survivors do not speak about sexual violence during the first interview, but later, once trust has been established.

This approach also means that documentation does not end with testimony. We seek to ensure that survivors receive information about psychological, medical, and legal support.

Jacobsen: What safeguards are essential to ensure informed consent, confidentiality, and secure data custody in this kind of documentation work?

Sokurenko: When documenting torture, sexual violence, and unlawful detention, informed consent, confidentiality, and secure data storage are critical, as mistakes can create serious risks for survivors and their families.

For informed consent, individuals must clearly understand why information is being collected, how it will be used, who may access it, and what risks may exist. We use a consent form that confirms voluntary participation and outlines options for how the information may be used. Importantly, individuals choose what they agree to and may specify confidentiality conditions for particular data. Consent can be withdrawn at any time.

Confidentiality means that personal data and testimonies are not shared with third parties without additional consent. Access to our database is restricted, and we conduct risk assessments before publishing or sharing information with law enforcement or international mechanisms.

Jacobsen: What types of evidence are most critical for moving from documentation toward legal accountability and prosecution?

Sokurenko: When moving from documentation to accountability, the decisive factor is the quality and type of evidence that can be used in court or by international investigative mechanisms. At the same time, it is important to emphasise that, as a civil society organisation, we do not aim to replace formal investigations, but to contribute by sharing documented information.

The most important element is the testimony of victims and witnesses collected using methodologies that meet evidentiary standards. Our methodology was developed with partners and is based on international standards for documenting and investigating war crimes, including the Istanbul Protocol for cases involving torture and ill-treatment.

It is essential that testimonies are as detailed and consistent as possible, including information about places of detention, descriptions of perpetrators, chains of command, and the circumstances of detention, transfer, and conditions. Such testimonies help establish not only the occurrence of crimes but also individual or structural responsibility.

The second key type of evidence is medical and psychological documentation confirming torture, sexual violence, or other forms of ill-treatment. For understandable reasons—given conditions under occupation—many victims, particularly in 2022, do not have such documentation.

The third important category includes documents, their analysis, and information from open sources.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Yelyzaveta.

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Як журналістика виживає у війні України (переклад)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Академії української преси (Academy of Ukrainian Press)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/09

Повномасштабне вторгнення Росії в Україну кардинально змінило репортажі про війну, так само як і саму лінію фронту. Фронтова лінія більше не є фіксованою межею, а являє собою мінливу мережу артилерійських зон, дронового спостереження та ракетних ударів, що поширюють небезпеку далеко за межі традиційних бойових зон. Журналісти, які приїжджають в Україну для висвітлення війни, тепер мусять орієнтуватися не лише в насильстві конфлікту, але й у технологічних реаліях поля бою, насиченого дронами, електронною війною та постійним спостереженням .

Мало хто розуміє цей новий ландшафт краще за Андрія Коваленка, українського локального продюсера та виконавчого директора Академії української преси. З перших днів вторгнення 2022 року Коваленко тісно співпрацює з міжнародними кореспондентами, допомагаючи їм безпечно висвітлювати події з найнебезпечніших зон війни, включаючи Київ, Бучу, Ірпінь та навколишні регіони. Його роль поєднує логістичну координацію, переклад та польове виробництво, часто в умовах, коли рішення щодо безпеки доводиться приймати швидко та з неповною інформацією .

Автор Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Оригніал публікації How Journalism Survives Ukraine’s War. Переклад українською здійснений Perplexity.ai. Ілюстрація Джона Лаймана

Досвід Коваленка дав йому унікальну перспективу на те, як сучасна війна змінює журналістику. Від порад репортерам щодо культурної обізнаності та операційної безпеки до пояснення того, як дрони розширили «зону ураження» далеко за фронт, він став неформальним інструктором для багатьох іноземних журналістів, які намагаються зрозуміти — та вижити — у реаліях висвітлення подій в Україні. В цьому інтерв’ю він розмірковує про те, як репортажі про війну змінилися в еру дронів і чому підготовка, дисципліна та скромність є життєво необхідними для журналістів у конфлікті, де, як він прямо каже, жодна історія не варта життя .

Скотт Дуглас Джейкобсен: Ви тісно працювали з багатьма міжнародними репортерами — включаючи таких, як я, — які приїжджають з дуже різними рівнями інституційної підтримки, фінансовими ресурсами та попереднім досвідом у зонах конфліктів. Коли ви навчаєте журналістів з таких різних місць, як Західна Європа, Близький Схід, Північна Америка чи Латинська Америка, як ви адаптуєте свої рекомендації до цих різних фонів? Зокрема, як ви передаєте культурний контекст, усвідомлення безпеки та практичні знання для роботи в польових умовах таким журналістам з різних професійних і регіональних культур, щоб вони могли ефективно їх засвоїти та застосовувати на місцях в Україні?

Андрій Коваленко: Це цікаве питання. Мій фокус — дати їм чітку інформацію про країну — про Україну, нашу культуру та реалії, які вони мусять зрозуміти, щоб тут працювати. Це перше.

Я також надаю культурний контекст. Україна — мультикультурна країна, тому висвітлення часто залежить від людей у центрі історії. Другий пріоритет — пояснити ситуацію з безпекою через інформацію та практичні приклади. Навіть журналісти з військовим досвідом, які висвітлювали конфлікти в Чечні, Грузії чи Іраку, мусять адаптуватися до цієї війни .

Наприклад, я працював з Süddeutsche Zeitung, великою німецькою газетою, та журналістом Флоріаном Гасселем. Гассель висвітлював Чечню та інші зони конфліктів.

Ця війна відрізняється від багатьох попередніх тим, скільки можна побачити та поділитися в реальному часі завдяки сучасним технологіям. Інша відмінність — українські військові структури часто були відносно відкритими до співпраці як з міжнародними, так і з вітчизняними ЗМІ, з інтересом показати, що відбувається на землі .

Безпека — ще одна велика проблема, особливо через технологічні розробки, як дрони. На початку повномасштабного вторгнення 2022 року українські сили почали використовувати комерційні дрони — наприклад, лінійку DJI Mavic — та адаптувати їх для розвідки і, в деяких випадках, для імпровізованих ударів.

Потім настала ера FPV-дронів, які значно змінили поле бою. FPV-системи, що використовуються в Україні, часто коштують близько 500 доларів — іноді більше.

Це створює значну асиметрію витрат: відносно дешевий дрон може знищити або вивести з ладу броньовані машини вартістю в мільйони. Сучасні основні бойові танки мають різну ціну залежно від моделі, але багато коштують кілька мільйонів доларів, а деякі варіанти перевищують 10 мільйонів.

Ця зміна допомогла сформувати те, як виглядає ера дронів та артилерії. Танки не стали марними, але стали набагато вразливішими і тепер вимагають інших тактик, систем захисту та операційної підтримки, ніж у попередніх конфліктах.

Танки все ще можуть працювати, але головним чином у підтримуючій ролі для піхоти під час наступальних операцій, як ми бачили навіть у 2023 році. Під час українського контрнаступу того року Росія вже значно розвинула свої можливості дронів. У результаті кілька західних танків — включаючи Leopard та деякі Challenger — були пошкоджені чи знищені російською артилерією, протитанковими засобами та дронами.

Отже, ситуація діє в обидва боки. Це стало своєрідним технологічним змаганням — хто швидше розробить щось нове чи покращить і еволюціонує дронові системи. Один приклад — дрони з оптоволоконним керуванням.

Минулого року ці дрони зазвичай могли працювати на відстанях приблизно від одного до п’яти кілометрів. Нещодавно, після повернення з Донецького регіону, я бачив системи, здатні працювати на відстанях близько сорока-п’ятдесяти кілометрів з оптоволоконним керуванням.

Це також викликає серйозні проблеми безпеки. Російські сили часто не чітко розрізняють цілі. Якщо вони бачать транспортний засіб, який вважають можливим для удару, вони можуть його атакувати. Навіть машини, позначені для евакуації, швидкі допомоги чи пресові автомобілі можуть стати цілями.

Через це ми дедалі частіше припиняємо маркувати авто «PRESS», а в деяких випадках знімаємо пресові позначки з бронежилетів. Я також раджу журналістам не носити військові кольори, як камуфляж чи зелений. Одяг та захисне спорядження мають бути нейтральними — чорний, синій чи інші цивільні кольори.

Ще одна проблема — те, що ми називаємо «зоною ураження». Традиційно поле бою вважалося нулевій лінією — безпосереднім фронтом. Сьогодні зона ураження може простягатися на 20-30 кілометрів від фронту. Міста як Краматорськ, Слов’янськ та Херсон можуть потрапляти в цю зону ризику.

Ця небезпека стосується обох сторін конфлікту. Тому район став набагато небезпечнішим, ніж раніше. Навіть рік тому Краматорськ, хоча й фронтове місто, мав відносно безпечніші умови. Тепер це не так. Дрони там діють дуже часто.

Для превентивних інструментів ми іноді використовуємо аналізатори чи детектори дронів. Ці пристрої не захищають безпосередньо, але допомагають зрозуміти, що відбувається. Національна спілка журналістів України надала мені один, бо знає, що я часто працюю з іноземними журналістами.

Пристрій може перехоплювати відеосигнал дрона — той самий вид, що бачить оператор дрона. Він дозволяє побачити ландшафт, напрямок дрона та приблизну відстань. Ця інформація може бути критичною.

Якщо ви розумієте, що дрон наближається до вашого місця чи авто, у вас є трохи більше часу на реакцію. Ви можете швидко виїхати машиною. Якщо часу недостатньо, ви можете сховати авто за допомогою рельєфу чи споруд. У деяких ситуаціях єдиний варіант — покинути авто та бігти до укриття.

Через ці розробки робота на передовій сьогодні дуже відрізняється від початку повномасштабного вторгнення.

Джейкобсен: Поза культурною обізнаністю та брифінгами щодо ситуації, які практичні рекомендації ви даєте журналістам, які готуються працювати поблизу фронту — чи навіть просто висвітлювати події в інших частинах України під час війни? Від тактичної медицини та логістики до розміщення, навігації та пересування через спірні зони, які найважливіші застереження чи звички мають розвинути іноземні репортери перед початком роботи в такому непередбачуваному безпековому середовищі?

Коваленко: Навчання тактичній медицині єessential. Це основа безпеки в польових умовах з кількох причин. По-перше, ви мусять урятувати себе. По-друге, ви можете врятувати членів своєї команди. По-третє, ви можете допомогти пораненим цивільним чи солдатам.

Це не тільки стандартний протокол MARCH у бойовій медицині. В Україні ситуація часто інша, бо терміни евакуації непередбачувані. У багатьох військових доктринах є ідея «золотої години» для евакуації та лікування. В Україні цей термін часто неможливий. Евакуація може тривати багато годин, особливо бо дронова активність може перешкоджати машинам дістатися до поранених. Іноді люди мусять залишатися на місці 6-8 годин, поки евакуація не стане можливою.

Через це використання турнікета треба ретельно керувати. Зазвичай турнікет накладається на обмежений час — часто 1-2 години, — бо тривала обмеження кровотоку може спричинити серйозне пошкодження тканин. За нинішніх умов медики часто комбінують турнікет з тампонуванням рани та іншими техніками, щоб стабілізувати кровотечу, зменшуючи ризик довгострокових ушкоджень. Тому практичне навчання тактичній медицині надзвичайно важливе.

Логістика — ще одна велика проблема. Журналісти поблизу фронту мають уникати готелів у прифронтових регіонах. Натомість безпечніше орендувати квартиру чи інше приватне помешкання. Російські удари неодноразово націлювалися на готелі, відомі тим, що там зупиняються журналісти. Самостійно в Харківській області кілька готелів зруйновано під час війни, і кілька журналістів поранено в таких атаках.

Я сам це пережив у Харкові в жовтні 2023 року, коли російський ракетний удар влучив у готель. Я був у ліжку, коли вибух розбив вікна. Падаюча рама поранила мене, зламавши два ребра. Я також мав порізи та синці, а наша машина надворі була зруйнована. Такі досвіди роблять зрозумілим, що готелі часто є цілями.

Ще одна проблема — навігація. Під час великих повітряних тривог у регіонах як Донецьк, Харків чи іноді навіть Київ електронні перешкоди можуть порушувати GPS-сигнали. Коли це стається, навігаційні системи можуть перестати працювати належно. Важливо завантажити карти для офлайн-роботи та заздалегідь вивчити місцеву дорожню мережу.

У прифронтових регіонах легко звернути не туди й опинитися в надзвичайно небезпечному місці. Наприклад, якщо ви їдете Донецьким регіоном, неправильний поворот може привести до зон як Покровськ чи інші активні фронтові зони.

Під час їзди поблизу фронту радимо трохи відкрити вікно та слухати дрони. Багато дронів швидкі, але й гучні, тож іноді їх чути наближення. Водночас хтось у машині має постійно моніторити дорогу та околиці. У багатьох командах є фактично другий спостерігач, який стежить за небом та рельєфом.

Багато фронтових доріг тепер вкриті сітками проти дронів — структури, іноді звані «антідроновими тунелями». Ці сітки дають деякий захист, але не ідеальний. У деяких випадках один дрон може пошкодити сітку, створивши прорив, через який інший дрон атакує машини. Ці структури головним чином дають водіям більше часу на реакцію.

Ще один критичний пункт — розуміння ризиків. Це не комп’ютерна гра. Немає кнопки перезапуску, немає другої спроби. У вас одне життя. Жодна історія з фронту не варта смерті. Якщо журналіст гине, він не може розповісти історію.

Тому ви мусять постійно оцінювати, чи дійсно необхідно входити в небезпечну зону. Іноді історію можна висвітлити з безпечнішого місця чи поспілкувавшись з людьми, які там були.

Джейкобсен: Сучасна війна також глибоко формується цифровою інфраструктурою — мережами зв’язку, супутниковими з’єднаннями та постійним потоком онлайн-інформації. Для журналістів в Україні яку роль відіграють інструменти як VPN та інші цифрові заходи безпеки в повсякденному репортажі? Чи є особливі цифрові застереження, практики комунікації чи технологічні звички, які, на вашу думку, журналісти мають прийняти, щоб безпечно та ефективно працювати в конфліктному середовищі, де кіберризики та контроль інформації дедалі більше є частиною поля бою?

Коваленко: Щодо цифрової безпеки, VPN корисні в кількох ситуаціях. Російські сайти та онлайн-сервіси часто блокуються в Україні, тож журналістам може знадобитися VPN для доступу до російських джерел для досліджень. У деяких прифронтових регіонах певні онлайн-платформи чи інструменти зв’язку можуть працювати надійніше через VPN.

Ще одна практична проблема — гроші. Навіть у пошкоджених містах Донецького регіону, як Добропілля, люди ведуть маленькі крамниці. Багато місць використовують генератори та Starlink, що іноді дозволяє платити карткою. Однак розумно мати при собі готівку в гривнях, бо електрика та зв’язок можуть зникнути.

Нарешті, під час великих повітряних атак важливо дотримуватися базових правил укриття. Одна поширена рекомендація — «правило двох стін». Ви маєте триматися подалі від вікон і мати щонайменше дві суцільні стіни між собою та зовнішнім світом. Ванні кімнати чи внутрішні коридори часто безпечніші. Нижні поверхи загалом безпечніші.

Звісно, найкращий варіант — піти до належного підземного укриття. Але якщо це неможливо, ці застереження можуть підвищити шанси вижити під час ракетного чи дронового удару.

Джейкобсен: Дуже дякую за можливість та ваш час, Андрію.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

«Ми працюємо у режимі гарячої лінії»: інтерв’ю з координаторкою Дніпровського центру журналістської солідарності НСЖУ Наталею Назаровою

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Дніпропетровська обласна організація Національної спілки журналістів України (Dnipropetrovsk Regional Organization of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/22

Як працюють журналісти в умовах постійної небезпеки, втрат і виснаження? Про це – в інтерв’ю канадського журналіста Скотта Дугласа Джейкобсена із координаторкою Дніпровського центру журналістської солідарності НСЖУ Наталею Назаровою.

Скотт Джейкобсен – засновник і головний редактор проєкту In-Sight: Interviews, автор численних публікацій для міжнародних платформ. Він є членом «Репортерів без кордонів» і регулярно записує інтерв’ю з українськими експертами, дипломатами та громадськими діячами для світової аудиторії.

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Розмова відбулася під час візиту журналіста до Дніпро, де він побував у Центрі журналістської солідарності, поспілкувався з медійниками та ознайомився з їхньою роботою в умовах війни.

*   *   *

Наталя Назарова про підтримку фронтової журналістики у Дніпрі

Наталя Назарова – українська журналістка, яка координує роботу Центру журналістської солідарності Національної спілки журналістів України у Дніпрі. З моменту повномасштабного вторгнення Росії в Україну вона працювала з колегами, підтримуючи журналістів, які постраждали від війни, зокрема вимушено переміщених та тих, чиї будинки чи робочі місця були пошкоджені. Її робота включає також допомогу в організації навчання, підтримку та координацію для працівників ЗМІ, які працюють у воєнних умовах у Дніпрі та його околицях.

У цьому інтерв’ю Скотт Дуглас Якобсен розмовляє з Наталею Назаровою про роботу Центру журналістської солідарності у Дніпрі з підтримки українських ЗМІ під час повномасштабного вторгнення Росії. Назарова розповідає про екстрену допомогу, переїзди редакцій, міжнародну допомогу, грантове навчання та підтримку ментального здоров’я журналістів, які стикаються з обстрілами, переміщенням та виснаженням. У розмові підкреслюється стійкість місцевих ЗМІ, продовження видання фронтових газет та психологічні витрати, пов’язані з підтримкою незалежної журналістики в умовах воєнного часу.

Скотт Дуглас Якобсен: Які ваші потреби як центру солідарності в Дніпрі? Чи відрізняються ці потреби від потреб міст, розташованих далі від лінії фронту? Що змінилося влітку 2022 року, коли деякі журналісти почали повертатися із західної України?

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Наталя Назарова: Після початку повномасштабної війни багато журналістів зі сходу України проїхали через Дніпро. Ми були на передовій. Люди питали, де зупинитися, куди їхати далі, де знайти підтримку. Хтось поїхав до Івано-Франківська чи Львова, а хтось пізніше повернувся. У нас були журналісти з Харкова, які спочатку зупинилися в Дніпрі, а потім, коли ситуація стабілізувалася, повернулися працювати до Харкова.

Одним із перших кроків, які ми зробили, було надання фінансової та технічної підтримки нашим колегам. Я знаю багато випадків, коли журналісти сильно страждали, а редакції руйнувалися. Були також випадки, коли руйнувалися редакції.

Ви чули про Нікополь?

Якобсен: Сьогодні вранці я отримав сповіщення про бомбардування в цьому районі.

Назарова: Так. Нікополь, що поблизу Запорізької атомної електростанції, постійно перебуває під обстрілами. Незважаючи на це, там досі видається газета, а також є Нікопольське радіо.

Вікна редакції газети не раз розбивали через те, що поблизу відбувалися удари. Також був випадок на радіостанції, коли трансляцію довелося перервати через те, що в будівлю влучив удар, і частина даху обвалилася. Станцію атакували, і вона була змушена на деякий час призупинити роботу.

На жаль, такі пошкодження редакцій та житлових районів стали частішими.

У вересні минулого року нам довелося перенести редакцію газети «Межівський меридіан». Вона знаходиться в селищі у Дніпропетровській області, неподалік кордону з Донецькою. Донині ця територія постійно зазнає обстрілів та руйнується. Водночас газета та її команда отримали підтримку. Ми залучили «Репортери без кордонів» та «Free Press Unlimited». Ми визначили потребу, і міжнародні партнери виділили кошти, щоб усі четверо співробітників могли евакуюватися, отримати базове обладнання та продовжити роботу.

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Ця підтримка, а також підтримка інших міжнародних партнерів, дозволила продовжувати видавати газету. Редактор досі видає газету. Вона виходить на 12 сторінках кожні два тижні.

Я не знаю, скільки людей там зараз залишилося, можливо, лише кілька сотень. Він сам розносить газету. Він підтримує зв’язок з центрами, куди переїхали місцеві жителі та колишні читачі, і забезпечує їх отримання. Він також веде соціальні мережі та канал на YouTube. Дуже багато переглядів через те, що люди хочуть розуміти, чи вціліли їхні будинки, яка ситуація в Межовій.

Але ситуація значно погіршилася з початку війни. У грудні в Межовій оголосили евакуацію цивільного населення.

Є ще одне село – Петропавлівка. Тамтешня газета також має 95-річну історію. Близько півроку тому редакторка перевезла архів газети до нашого Центру в Дніпрі, щоб зберегти історію на випадок раптового погіршення ситуації.

Одна з головних проблем, на мою думку, – ментальне здоров’я журналістів. Українські журналісти працюють з дуже складними темами. Вони самі потребують підтримки. Саме тому ми проводимо психологічні тренінги, зустрічі з арт-терапії. Такі заходи зосереджені на стійкості, допомагають протидіяти емоційному вигоранню.

Ми вже провели понад десять тренінгів з психічного здоров’я та емоційної стійкості. Зараз ми розпочали серію зустрічей, які допоможуть вибудувати ефективну комунікацію, не піддаватися емоційним впливам, маніпуляціям.

Звісно, ​​економічна складова у зв’язку з війною суттєво вплинула на становище медіа. Команда Мережі центрів журналістської солідарності щотижня відбирає можливості для отримання грантів та ділиться ними з медіаорганізаціями. Ми проводимо вебінари, щоб пояснити, як писати успішні заявки та як правильно реалізовувати проекти. Ми допомагаємо журналістам готувати сильні заявки, проводимо вебінари та навчаємо їх самостійно забезпечувати себе.

Якобсен: Наталю, щиро дякую за надану можливість та ваш час.

Переклад на місці – Альбіна Прищеп (англійська – українська).

Опубліковано: https://vocal.media/interview/nataliya-nazarova-on-frontline-journalism-support-in-dnipro

Скотт Дуглас Якобсен — блогер на Vocal, який має понад 170 публікацій на платформі. Він є засновником і видавцем видавництва In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978–1–0692343; 978–1–0673505) і головним редактором In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369–6885). Він пише для International Policy Digest (ISSN: 2332–9416), The Humanist (друковане видання: ISSN, 0018–7399; онлайн: ISSN, 2163–3576), Basic Income Earth Network (зареєстрована благодійна організація у Великій Британії 1177066), Humanist Perspectives (ISSN: 1719–6337), A Further Inquiry (SubStack), Vocal, Medium, The Good Men Project, The New Enlightenment Project, The Washington Outsider, rabble.ca та інших ЗМІ. Його бібліографічний покажчик можна знайти в банку Jacobsen видавництва In-Sight Publishing, який містить понад 10 000 статей, інтерв’ю та перевидань у більш ніж 200 виданнях. Він обіймав керівні посади на національному та міжнародному рівні в гуманітарних та медійних організаціях, мав кілька академічних стипендій і наразі входить до складу кількох рад. Він є членом з доброю репутацією в численних медіаорганізаціях, включаючи Канадську асоціацію журналістів, PEN Canada (CRA: 88916 2541 RR0001), «Репортери без кордонів» (SIREN: 343 684 221/SIRET: 343 684 221 00041/EIN: 20–0708028) та інші.

Про психологічні наслідки війни, розлучення сімей та міжнародної підтримки журналістів в Україні

У цьому інтерв’ю Скотт Дуглас Якобсен розмовляє з Наталею Назаровою про особисте та професійне напруження, пов’язане з підтримкою журналістики у воєнний час у Україні. Назарова описує постійну тривогу, розлуку з сім’єю та психологічний тягар, пов’язаний з передачею чужих історій та координацією підтримки постраждалих журналістів. У дискусії також висвітлюється міжнародна допомога, зокрема ЮНЕСКО та уряду Японії, а також постійні зусилля щодо підтримки стійких медіамереж в умовах конфлікту та потрясінь.

Скотт Дуглас Якобсен: З чим особисто ви маєте труднощі?

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Наталя Назарова: Я ношу кожну історію в собі. Я маю нести її через себе.

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Хвилинку. Алло. Поверніть ліворуч. Заходьте та запитайте, де відбувається тренінг. Я вас бачу. Я зараз повернуся. Це один з учасників. Я хотів би вас представити – Ліано, це Скотт.

Ліана Охрименко: Ми з мамою та сестрою переїхали з міста Соледар Донецької області до Дніпра. Я вивчала журналістику в Сумському університеті, тому звернулася до Дніпровського центру журналістської солідарності на журналістське стажування. Відтоді я співпрацюю з Центром та Спілкою журналістів.

Назарова: Це ще один приклад того, як працює наш центр, і коли і де ми можемо бути корисними.

Якщо повернутися до того, як це впливає на мене особисто, то моя сім’я зараз живе окремо. Мій чоловік та старший син залишаються в Дніпрі, де він продовжує навчання. Для більшої безпеки я живу з молодшою ​​донькою та матір’ю приблизно за 50 кілометрів від Дніпра. Такі тривожні ночі та ранки серйозно впливають на здоров’я людей, особливо на здоров’я дітей. Моїй доньці 10 років. З 6 років і дотепер її дитинство формувалося цими умовами – умовами війни.

Після кожного нападу росіян ми з моєю колегою (Світланою Іотовою, асистенткою Центру журналістської солідарності Спілки журналістів України) відстежуємо ситуацію, щоб побачити, чи є серед постраждалих журналісти. На жаль, почастішали випадки, коли внаслідок ворожих ударів пошкоджуються або руйнуються будинки та квартири працівників ЗМІ. Якщо таке трапляється, я спілкуюся з колегами, записую їхні історії, готую публікації для інформаційних ресурсів НСЖУ. Ми робимо все можливе, щоб підтримати їх. Спілка журналістів створила фонд для надання екстреної допомоги журналістам, тому я також адмініструю цей напрямок.

Колеги постійно звертаються до нас з різними питаннями, пов’язаними з війною, руйнуваннями чи іншими нагальними потребами. Ми надаємо безкоштовний прокат захисного спорядження для безпечної роботи, а також маємо пристрій проти дронів «Чуйка».

Іноді запити стосуються навчання, юридичних консультацій чи іншої роботи. Завжди є дзвінки та повідомлення.

Працювати під час війни означає бути постійно на зв’язку.

Якобсен: Як уряд Японії бере участь у підтримці ЗМІ та ЮНЕСКО?

Назарова: Коли в рамках Національної спілки журналістів України було започатковано цю ініціативу щодо створення Центрів солідарності журналістів, нас одразу підтримали Міжнародна та Європейська федерації журналістів. Цей важливий напрямок підтримали ЮНЕСКО та уряд Японії.

Це суттєва підтримка нашої роботи. Зокрема, фінансова підтримка, комплекти захисного спорядження для преси, індивідуальні стипендії для українських журналістів. Завдяки цій підтримці ми утримуємо наші офіси та забезпечуємо певну зарплату персоналу, який працює в центрах, проводимо навчальні заходи з безпеки, організовуємо роботу коворкінгів.

Багато інших міжнародних партнерів, зокрема, журналістські спілки європейських країн, продовжують робити свій внесок у підтримку українських журналістів.

І ми продовжуємо підтримувати журналістів, які цього потребують, допомагати їм у таких складних умовах.

Якобсен: Наталі, щиро дякую за ваш час і за цю можливість.

Переклад на місці – Альбіна Прищеп (англійська – українська).

Опубліковано: https://afurtherinquiry.substack.com/p/nataliya-nazarova-on-wartime-journalism

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Elika Dadsetan: Why Teens Bond With AI Chatbots: Attachment, Validation Loops, and the Hidden Costs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/08

Elika Dadsetan is a social worker, educator, peacebuilder, and social impact leader and writer focused on wellbeing, leadership culture, and the human costs of technological acceleration. Since 2020, her work has centered on stress, resilience, and the structural roots of burnout, particularly for caregivers and leaders navigating constant change. In recent public commentary, Dadsetan has examined emerging wellbeing trends, emphasizing the importance of evidence, legality, and safety. She advocates for simple, accessible nervous-system practices: hydration, sunlight, breathing, and gentle movement, and argues that burnout is not an individual failure and a systemic condition shaped by unrealistic expectations, weak support structures, and speed-driven cultures. Her perspective emphasizes presence, boundaries with technology, and the need for more humane social and organizational design.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Elika Dadsetan about why people bond with AI chatbots and what it means for adolescents. Dadsetan argues that attachment, anthropomorphism, validation loops, and intermittent reinforcement make chatbot companionship feel emotionally “responsive” on demand. She notes plausible benefits for teens who lack safe adult support: nonjudgmental space, emotional vocabulary, and basic psychoeducation as rehearsal for self-expression. The deeper risk, she warns, is subtle relational reshaping—reduced practice with disagreement, ambiguity, and repair—plus distorted expectations that human relationships should be instant and affirming.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When people form bonds with AI chatbots, what psychological mechanisms are doing the heavy lifting?

Elika Dadsetan: Several well-studied psychological mechanisms are at play. Attachment is a big one, humans are wired to seek responsiveness and emotional attunement, and chatbots offer that on demand. There’s also anthropomorphism: we instinctively attribute intention and care to anything that uses language fluidly and reflects us back to ourselves.

Validation loops matter too. Chatbots often respond with affirmation rather than challenge, which can feel soothing, especially for people who feel unseen or overwhelmed. Add intermittent reinforcement, sometimes the response feels uncannily insightful, sometimes less so, and you get a dynamic that can strengthen emotional reliance. None of this means users are naïve; it means the systems are tapping into very normal human wiring.

Jacobsen: For teenagers confiding in AI companions, what are the plausible benefits?

Dadsetan: There are plausible benefits, particularly for teens who lack access to supportive adults or feel unsafe expressing themselves. AI companions can offer nonjudgmental space, language for emotions, and even basic psychoeducation, like naming anxiety or normalizing stress.

For some teens, that can lower the barrier to self-reflection or help them practice articulating feelings. The key word is practice. Used as a supplement, not a replacement, for human connection, AI can function as a rehearsal space. The risk emerges when it becomes the primary or preferred confidant.

Jacobsen: What are the most credible developmental risks?

Dadsetan: The biggest risk is not emotional collapse, it’s subtle relational reshaping. Adolescence is when people learn how to navigate disagreement, ambiguity, and repair. Chatbots rarely push back meaningfully or model mutual accountability, so teens may miss opportunities to build those muscles.

There’s also the risk of distorted expectations: real relationships are slower, messier, and less consistently affirming than AI interactions. Over time, that contrast can make human connection feel harder or less rewarding, especially for teens already struggling with social confidence.

Jacobsen: How might regular chatbot “advice-taking” reshape trust in human relationships?

Dadsetan: If someone becomes accustomed to advice that is immediate, coherent, and emotionally validating, human responses, which are slower, imperfect, and sometimes uncomfortable, can feel inadequate by comparison.

This can quietly erode trust, not because people reject humans outright, and because they recalibrate what “support” is supposed to feel like. The danger isn’t dependence on AI per se, it’s a narrowing of tolerance for the complexity and friction that real relationships require.

Jacobsen: Do you see chatbots changing social norms?

Dadsetan: Yes, particularly around disclosure and emotional labor. We may see a normalization of constant emotional availability, an expectation that support should be instant, articulate, and always affirming. That’s not how humans function, and it risks raising the bar in ways that make real relationships feel insufficient or burdensome.

There’s also a broader cultural shift underway: outsourcing reflection, decision-making, and even meaning-making to systems optimized for responsiveness rather than wisdom.

Jacobsen: What are the most realistic threats of these chatbot models to human beings?

Dadsetan: The most realistic threat is not dystopian control, it’s quiet displacement. When tools designed for efficiency begin to substitute for connection, mentorship, or care, we risk hollowing out the social infrastructure people rely on, especially during stress.

Another threat is authority without accountability. Chatbots can sound confident while being wrong, biased, or context-blind, and users may over-trust them precisely because they feel neutral and calm.

Jacobsen: What ethical duties should developers and deployers carry when chatbots function as quasi-companions?

Dadsetan: Developers have an ethical responsibility to be honest about what these systems are, and are not. That means clear boundaries, explicit reminders that AI is not a therapist or friend, and design choices that encourage users back toward human support when appropriate.

There’s also a duty to avoid exploiting vulnerability. Systems should not optimize for emotional dependency or prolonged engagement at the expense of user wellbeing.

Jacobsen: Do product design guardrails, independent audits, or public digital-literacy efforts work in mitigating these risks?

Dadsetan: All three matter, and none work alone. Guardrails help, audits add accountability, and digital literacy gives users language for discernment. The most effective mitigation, though, is cultural: reinforcing that technology should support human life, not replace the relationships that sustain it.

Ultimately, the question isn’t whether people will bond with machines, they already do. The question is whether we design systems and societies that still make room for slowness, care, and real human presence.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Elika. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 20: Nonviolence, ‘Irenic’ Peace, and Partnership Alternatives

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Riane Eisler how partnership thinking reframes nonviolence beyond a mere negation. Eisler traces the term to domination traditions that normalize coercion, arguing reformers still lack a frame spanning family life, gender, religion, and geopolitics. As a Holocaust refugee, she rejects absolutism: nonviolence is preferable, yet defense can be necessary against genocidal threats. They critique fear-based “God-fearing” scripts as training for authoritarianism, then workshop language—Eisler’s “hierarchies of actualization” and Jacobsen’s “irenic”—to name peace-seeking, non-aggressive resistance without centering violence. The aim is an attractive partnership alternative to tyranny—one that people can join without fear today.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I remember going to Geneva, Switzerland, in the summer this year for a week to cover some of the UN Human Rights Council. I got some interviews when I was there. When I was walking there each day, there was a protest each time, and so I would say, “Hi, my name is Scott. I’m a Canadian journalist. I’m lost right now. Can I do your interview?” They would say, “Sure. It’s very Canadian. Come on in.” And so I would go into their tent and do the interview, hopefully in English, often not. Then I would walk up a little curve to the front gates to get my press pass to go to basically the United Nations Office at Geneva, at the Palais des Nations. 

And each time, I would look to the right, and there, in the tall grass, was a statue of Gandhi. And you see a very prominent figure of nonviolence. There are often differing views on him. Some would say it is pathologically so. Others would say admirably ambitious in the degree to which he was advocating nonviolence. Now, within a partisan model, what is nonviolence? How does it differ from Peace? And, as you joked in earlier sessions, why do we have to use negation to get to the idea of nonviolence without an original term for nonviolence as such?

Riane Eisler: You know the answer to that very well, because we have inherited so much that is a domination tradition. We have inherited this, and one by one, all of these traditions have been challenged. The so-called divinely ordained rule of kings. The so-called divinely ordained rule of men over women and children. The so-called divinely ordained right of a so-called superior race over an inferior race. 

The peace movement. The economic justice movement. The environmental movement challenges dominion over our Mother Earth, over nature, over everything that moves on this Earth. But we have not had the frame, and it has been tough to get even people who want a better world, who understand that it is possible, who are working for it, to understand what Einstein said, which is that we cannot solve problems with the same thinking that created them. Or what Gandhi said, which is that we must not mistake the habitual for the natural. It is a wonderful phrase. 

Those are essential insights, and I am quoting two men. With Gandhi, by the way, his wife was a real partner, though not at the beginning. At the beginning, Gandhi was giving orders, and she was obeying. But as time went on, they became partners. And I think that she, Kasturba Gandhi—I was in a film about her. What was it called? Who remembers? I did this interview recently, but I cannot remember. But I can put you in touch with the woman who is making it. And it would be interesting to interview her. But we need this frame, because the domination frame includes family and childhood. It includes gender. Big time. 

Jacobsen: A rational critique of philosophy as a whole is a reliance on two things. One, personalities. Two quotes. These are different forms of argument from authority, which, within philosophy’s investigations of logic itself, are invalid. However, they can be helpful placeholders. So in many conversations and interviews I do, quotes, aphorisms, and authority figures come into the fray, which are essential because these people are the originators of the ideas or have a clever way of framing things with a quote. Outside of figures like Einstein or Gandhi and others, on nonviolence, what is the core principle or set of principles that produce this idea of nonviolence that, in a contemporary context, can meet the challenges of making absolute nonviolence?

Eisler: That is a huge question, because we are in a time with one foot still in the domination side and another foot in trying to change the world toward the partnership side. So I do not have the answer to that. I am a nonviolent person. I can only account for myself. I do know one thing: nonviolent movements have statistically been more successful. But this is a difficult question. When do we not defend ourselves? 

I am a Holocaust refugee. As a child, my parents and I had to flee my native Vienna. If we had not fought the violence of the Nazis with violence, the Nazis would have won. So it is not black-and-white. I would say that wherever possible, we want to use nonviolence. And wherever it is not possible, we have to defend ourselves until we can show people worldwide that there is a better alternative that does not cause all of this suffering, violence, and fear. That we have a partnership alternative, and that we have had this for millennia. And that the domination system is not adaptive at this level of technological development. It is taking us to an evolutionary dead end.

Jacobsen: I am going to violate what I just said in the last question by quoting someone. Dr. Anthony B. Pinn of Rice University is an academic humanist. He has a strong critical eye on parts of the humanist movement. He talks about reframing what he describes as a defeatist attitude as a set of humanist ideals when they encounter problems attracting people to the movement. For instance, he does not want to frame the question as, “Why are people not coming to humanism?” 

He frames it instead, in lectures, as, “Why are we not providing such an attractive alternative that people say, ‘Why would I not join this movement?’” That is the appropriate reframing. I do not think there is a more efficient way to frame it. I think he really nailed that. So, in a sense, in terms of nonviolence, not as apathy—I mean, someone can be apathetic and nonviolent, but that is not what you are describing. You are talking about an active process of fighting tyranny without becoming that tyranny, while engaging in nonviolence. I think that is, in a way, an enactment of Pinn’s reframing: why are we not creating such an attractive alternative that people say, “I should join that”?

Eisler: It is not that simple. People who are raised in dominant families, who are traumatized, who are taught to identify with those on top of the pyramid—whether in the family or in economics—only see two alternatives. You either dominate or you are dominated. And religion—well, you know my position—that it is not religion per se that is the problem. It is that religion has become one of the most important sources of mythology, teaching us, starting very early, before our brains are fully formed, that what we must do is be God-fearing. 

And if we have to flatter the deity—the male deity, especially in the Abrahamic religions—I think I told you that I went to hear Mozart’s Requiem, and when they showed the text, I realized I never want to see it again if I have to look at what the script actually says. It was all about, “Oh dear God, we lick your feet, we love you, we respect you, and we obey you.” And we sang that.

Jacobsen: I was in a university choir. We sang the whole thing, too.

Eisler: I thought, “Ugh.” The music is so beautiful, and the script is so horrible. It is really the worst possible script I have ever heard, and it is all addressed to this male God whom we are supposed to fear. These religions that teach this and hammer it into us are terrible in their propaganda for authoritarianism, for male dominance, for the really horrid things that follow from believing there are only two alternatives: you either dominate or you are dominated. So naturally, you want to dominate rather than be dominated.

Jacobsen: If you could coin a term—or if you have, or if you have come across a term other than nonviolence to characterize nonviolence—what would it be? A non-negation term.

Eisler: I coined terms, such as hierarchies of domination and hierarchies of actualization. Maybe actualization rather than domination and violence. It is very tough, but we have to coin the term. We cannot just go around saying nonviolence, because that reinforces violence. It is part of the phrase. Let me think about it some more. But if I have not done it, it is not because I have not thought it essential. It is because Peace is such a silly term. We say, “I feel peaceful,” or “we have peace in the world,” and then look at this season. The amount of violence. This is the season of Peace. Lots of luck. Thank you. The headlines are terrific, aren’t they? All about violence.

Jacobsen: There is one term called irenic. It does not include the negation in the explicit term, but in the definition, it refers to non-aggression.

Eisler: The goddess Irene is in it, because she is a goddess of Peace, isn’t she?

Jacobsen: It is aimed at Peace and non-aggression. It was used earlier, primarily in the mid-nineteenth century, especially within Christian theology, to reconcile different denominations. So it is about coming together. It is a partnership.

Eisler: Yes, although often that coming together was still an in-group versus out-group dynamic.

Jacobsen: Yes. But in a non-theological, secular context, it has a more expansive meaning.

Eisler: That is really interesting, and I will write it down, because I like it. And I like that it is associated with the goddess Irene, who, if I remember correctly, was a Roman deity.

Jacobsen: Does that mean it was built off a Greek deity rather than a Roman one?

Eisler: Yes, but the Greek deities—many of the older ones—were associated with peaceful qualities, irenic qualities, yet they also embodied death. We must not confuse death, which is a natural part of life, with violence. That is the design: we all die. That is the one thing we can be certain of, right?

Jacobsen: A shared experience.

Eisler: Yes. But irenic does not communicate quite enough. The problem is—and this is why nonviolence is used, I suppose—because violence is still the norm for maintaining domination systems, whether it is divinely sanctioned violence, capricious violence, the violence of rulers, or the violence of fathers or mothers. 

As you know, I have long held that changing the masculine stereotype is just as important as changing the feminine stereotype, and changing the ranking of them, and the lack of fluidity—women, men, prescribed roles, divinely ordained roles. It requires great creativity, and irenic is about as good as it gets, I suppose, except it isn’t comprehensible enough because not enough people know about the goddess Irene.

Jacobsen: Yes, that is an excellent point. 

Eisler: You take good care of yourself and have a lovely holiday.

Jacobsen: I will take wonderfully terrible care of myself, thank you very much, as usual, and we will be in touch.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 28: EU €90B Ukraine Loan, Frozen Assets Fight, and UN Security Crisis

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/06

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen questions Irina Tsukerman on the EU’s €90B 2026–27 Ukraine package, hailed by António Costa and Friedrich Merz as a zero-interest loan after frozen-asset plans unravelled. Tsukerman says the loan delivers urgent liquidity and keeps Russian funds immobilized, but warns it will fall short if the war persists. She argues politics, not legal precedent, blocks the use of those assets and feeds far-right claims that taxpayers must shoulder the burden. The interview widens to UN funding decline, Houthi detentions, and Sudan’s Zamzam massacre, urging consistent civilian-first accountability. Vladimir Putin labels asset use “robbery”; Stéphane Dujarric says UN symbols protect less.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, EU leaders have agreed on a €90 billion support package for Ukraine for 2026 and 2027, after efforts to structure the package around frozen Russian assets ran into objections and ultimately unravelled at the summit.

After almost four years of war, the IMF estimates Ukraine will need about €137 billion in 2026 and 2027. The government in Kyiv is near the edge financially and needs the money by spring.

The European Council President, António Costa, stated, “We have a deal. Decision to provide 90 billion euros of support to Ukraine for 2026–27 approved. We committed, we delivered.”

And then German Chancellor Friedrich Merz stated, “The financial package for Ukraine has been finalized. Ukraine is granted a zero-interest loan. These funds are sufficient to cover Ukraine’s military and budgetary needs for the next two years… If Russia does not pay reparations, we will, in full accordance with international law, make use of Russian immobilized assets for paying back the loan.”

Now, another piece is paraphrasing Vladimir Putin on the earlier, unravelled idea of using frozen Russian assets for Ukraine, with him framing that as “robbery” and arguing it would undermine confidence and spook investors.

I don’t know whether he means the eurozone specifically or the EU more broadly. But this is basically a clash over the rule of law. In one context, consequences follow from the rule of law: assets can be frozen, and there is an argument for using frozen assets—especially if reparations are not paid—to cover the country being aggressed upon’s support costs. In the other context, Russia does not generally present itself as operating under those same rule-of-law constraints.

So what are your thoughts on this loan? What are your thoughts on the statements by Merz and the European Council President, as well as Mr. Vladimir Putin?

Irina Tsukerman: Obviously, a loan is better than nothing at all because the money comes in immediately. This is what Ukraine needs right now: immediate financial aid in whatever form it comes. The condition of repayment is literally reparations from Russia, and we will be waiting for those for a very long time. So I do not think Ukraine needs to worry about repayments anytime in the foreseeable future. This is the upside.

Another upside is that Russia does not get its money back. The frozen assets remain perpetually frozen. Even if they cannot go to Ukraine, they are not going back to Russia either. That means Russia cannot use these assets for any other illegal or dangerous activity. However, while they remain frozen, they do not serve anyone particularly well.

I am hoping that at some point there will be a political or legal breakthrough—either a change in the legal context, a reinterpretation of current laws, or a shift in priorities. Right now, several countries are blocking the use of these assets. Besides the usual suspects, Italy is one of those countries. In Italy, there is a growing and significant presence of far-right populist actors, as well as a substantial portion of the far left that is also sympathetic to Russia. This includes figures within the governing coalition and even within Meloni’s own party. So it is not all that surprising that Italy has taken this position. Italy is one of the countries that continues to conduct illicit business with Russia, mainly in the luxury sector.

But ultimately, if the war continues to drag on, the current loan will prove insufficient. If we are talking about an extended conflict, Russian assets will be helpful. And the sooner the European Union concludes that this is a viable option, the better for everyone.

One of the downsides of not proceeding with this approach is that the far right in those European countries can now claim that European taxpayers have to pay for support to Ukraine out of pocket, which increases debt. We are already seeing affordability and economic problems in most leading European countries. In France, for example, a significant trade deal had to be postponed due to prior grievances over that agreement. There are other examples as well.

The UK may lead by example, given its status outside the EU. There has been a move by Starmer to begin the process in stages, by amending the legal framework and going through the courts to achieve the desired outcome. I don’t know how that will ultimately end. Still, the UK can set an example simply by being independent of a broader regulatory framework and therefore not having to depend on other countries to make that internal decision.

Now, Germany has shifted its position significantly since the start of the war. It is now moving toward consolidating a more unified position with some European leaders and getting closer to Nordic and Eastern European countries, including the Baltic states, in seeing Ukraine as a priority—especially as Germany faces its own situation with drones and other manifestations of Russian I would liket is welcome to see this change in tone and a more active position that is practically moving toward greater investment in supporting Ukraine through concrete means. Germany is still not where it should be, but it is reassessing its priorities. It is moving intensely toward some form of conscription and broader military preparedness, and it is trying to reawaken its economy to address long-standing problems and the burden of supporting Ukraine.

Interestingly, Putin’s comments closely echo the arguments made by four European countries and their lawyers, who claim that using the assets to help Ukraine would set a bad legal precedent by effectively normalizing civil asset forfeiture.

In the United States, however, civil asset forfeiture is a widespread practice, even without sanctions or political motives. If someone is suspected of drug trafficking, police can seize property at the scene, even before trial and regardless of whether the person is ultimately found guilty. Property can be forfeited if it is linked to a crime, independent of final responsibility. Of course, this can be contested, but it is often a complicated and lengthy process.

So civil asset forfeiture in the U.S. is quite common, despite strong private property protections—arguably stronger overall than in Europe. That is why this argument feels somewhat technical and, in some respects, disingenuous. Especially in the Russian case, unlike disputed criminal property, it has been clearly established that the funds in these frozen accounts are linked to oligarchs or government officials who bear responsibility for funding and perpetuating an illegal war and associated war crimes. This is not questionable or unclear. We are nearly four years into the war. This is not a situation where it is day one, and we are still arguing about the extent to which any of these people are responsible. So I think the legal argument is actually very weak in that regard.

Politics, rather than the law, is the real obstacle to actually using that money to help Ukraine. But eventually, if the costs continue to accumulate, Europeans may find it more feasible to release that funding than to continue incurring debt and borrowing from their own citizens.

Jacobsen: So the UN has had a rough year. First, there has been an overall decline in funding, which has diminished its capacity to act. For instance, one of the commissioners for the UN Commission on Ukraine, based out of India, who often deals with the Indian Supreme Court and served around 2013, has noted—and I agree—that the ability to carry out these commissions and even routine UN work becomes much more difficult when funding declines.

This was evident at the UN Commission on Women in March, and also at the Human Rights Council summit in Geneva over the summer, when I was there. I have also heard similar concerns raised in interviews I have conducted with UN representatives.

In addition, toward the end of the year, six peacekeepers and an interpreter were killed, and ten staff members were detained in Yemen by Houthi rebels. UN spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric stated, “It’s a very worrying trend. We see all too often that the UN flag, the UN emblem, no longer offers the protection it should to our colleagues.” He continued that UN personnel—whether humanitarian workers, peacekeepers, or political envoys—are there for peace and for the people, and that they need to be respected.

What are your thoughts on these killings of peacekeepers and the interpreter, the detentions by the Houthis, and the broader arc of how this year has unfolded for the institution and for staff who have, unfortunately, been murdered?

Tsukerman: In terms of the Houthis and their counterparts, none of this should be shocking, because these incidents are not new. They have increased in frequency and intensity over time. The Houthis, having temporarily frozen their maritime campaign, are now focusing on internal issues where they currently have greater leverage and a lower risk of being attacked by Israeli forces or losing property and lives. For them, this is a win-win situation.

They get to continue the propaganda narrative of fighting foreign aggression and making demands on the international community without incurring any high costs. The United Nations does not have a military contingent capable of confronting them. Inside Yemen, Southern Transitional Council forces have been advancing, but they have mainly been reclaiming southern Yemen and have not advanced as far as Sana’a. As a result, there remains a sense of impunity in territories under Houthi control.

The larger issue, of course, is that the United States is no longer leading a serious effort to hold the Houthis accountable, whether militarily, legally, or otherwise. Frankly, the Trump administration created a self-perpetuating arc. It came into office claiming that the United States was impoverished, hollowed out, and militarily weak. The rationale for appointing figures like Hegseth was to restructure the system, make it more efficient, reclaim a unifying spirit, bring in fresh blood, recharge and reawaken recruitment efforts, eliminate redundancies, and so on. Ironically, however, while the U.S. has been claiming that it is ushering in a new golden age of American strength, its policies have actually created the very poverty that the administration claimed was its starting point.

In other words, tariffs took a toll on the economy, diminished the manufacturing base, and scared away potential investors. They drove businesses out of work and forced hiring and expansion into limbo due to uncertainty. Conflicts with allies also led more countries to turn to other weapons producers. All of this means diminished opportunity for defence companies and reduced budgets.

And while the Trump administration claimed it was raking in billions, if not trillions, in tariff revenue, we have yet to see that money spent on settling debt, benefiting American taxpayers, or funding allegedly underfunded programs such as defence spending. In my view, the Trump administration uses the alleged devastation of U.S. institutions as an excuse to withdraw from the international arena, while worsening the situation by refusing to fund those very efforts and creating conditions that make funding impossible.

This is a self-destructive cycle. It is unhealthy and completely unconstructive. I am shocked that so few people seem able to see the obvious. If you do not fund programs and simultaneously destroy the opportunities to generate funding, you will have fewer programs to support, you will become weaker, and you will lack the resources to play a leading role internationally. This is not because the country is inherently poor; it is because of policy decisions that deny the opportunity to become wealthier. It is painfully apparent, but here we are.

It almost seems as though the administration wants to create a sense of paralysis and diminishment of the United States—internationally and domestically—and then use those conditions to deflect blame onto others, even as it actively worsens the situation.

Jacobsen: This next one is grim. In an already catastrophic situation, the Sudanese paramilitary group RSF has killed more than 1,000 civilians in Zamzam. This is based on an updated April report. More than 1,000 civilians were killed in a three-day attack by the Rapid Support Forces, according to the UN Human Rights Office.

Zamzam is the largest displacement camp in Sudan, located in North Darfur. Before the April attack, it housed more than half a million people. The number of internally displaced persons in Sudan now exceeds 14 million, and Zamzam represented a significant portion of that population.

The RSF blocked the entry of food and essential goods into the Zamzam camp for months before the attack, deliberately creating desperation. These people were then murdered en masse and subjected to sexual violence. That is a nightmare.

It would be worth seeing more people who speak passionately about war apply that concern more evenly and consistently. While attention to major conflicts is essential, situations like this—of immense human suffering—are often completely or largely ignored in much of North American discourse.

Any thoughts on the update on the attacks, sexual assaults, and the larger year-end context so that we can have some closing commentary as well?

Tsukerman: It is horrific, and it is increasingly resembling genocide rather than devastation that can be dismissed as a byproduct of war. This is because of the systematic and sectarian nature of the targeting, the executions, and the sexual assaults, which are clearly a power play by the former Janjaweed, now operating as the RSF. These groups have recently declared a parallel government, but they have not demonstrated any improvement in governance since then. Power for its own sake appears to be at least one of their goals.

They have also specifically targeted people in Darfur who belong to Black tribes rather than Arab tribes, and we are seeing this continue unabated. Recently, mass graves have been identified through satellite imagery. At the same time, on the other side of the conflict, the Sudanese Armed Forces—aligned with the official leadership under al-Burhan—have also been accused, with substantial evidence, of not only indiscriminate violence against civilians but also more targeted actions, including clearly avoidable mass killings and contributing to an artificial famine inside Sudan.

While the Janjaweed, now known as the RSF, appear to be more overtly brutal and more systematically dedicated to eliminating tribes perceived as politically opposed and racially distinct, the Sudanese leadership and its forces are hardly any better. They are more organized and probably more efficient, but they show no greater respect for human life. There is also significant evidence of war crimes on that side as well.

The core issue here is apathy and ignorance about the conflict in the United States. There are no major funding networks to generate sustained interest or organize rallies in the way that explicitly pro-Hamas organizations—distinct from broader pro-Palestinian advocacy—have mobilized on university campuses since October 7. There is no comparable infrastructure devoted to Sudan. Quite simply, there are no dedicated resources to turn this into a coordinated campaign, and media coverage has been poor.

What is also hurting the issue in the United States is a lack of moral clarity. It should be straightforward: every human life is valuable, and all war crimes should be condemned regardless of who commits them. But because global powers have inserted themselves into this conflict for their own security and geopolitical interests, you now have multiple factions backing the RSF and the SAF, sometimes even switching sides within the same war. That makes it very difficult for Americans to grasp a clear moral position: that civilians on all sides are innocent victims, even if historical factors place some communities closer to one faction or another.

People see Russia, the UAE, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt mentioned in connection with this conflict. Because of this external involvement, they do not necessarily see Sudan as a humanitarian catastrophe affecting an entire population. Instead, it is perceived as a battle of narratives among competing foreign sponsors and influence campaigns.

As a result, the human rights and humanitarian imperative—to protect civilians from harm, regardless of who inflicts it—is being overwhelmed by geopolitical narratives, competing interests, and arguments over which faction is more legitimate or whose security claims matter more. Unfortunately, this dynamic is actively undermining efforts to center civilian protection and accountability, as the war drags on. At first, Russia clearly favoured the RSF. At the same time, the al-Burhan government was willing to make unsavoury deals with some of al-Burhan’s former associates and certain Muslim Brotherhood supporters. Today, however, we are seeing Russia effectively playing both sides in the war.

At the same time, the Muslim Brotherhood has, in various ways, become an ally of both factions. To the extent that, in the earlier stages of the war, different countries prioritized either opposing Islamists or opposing Iran and Russia—or the reverse—neither side can credibly make those arguments anymore. Both sides are now aligned with some of the worst possible allies, and both are benefiting from weapons and political support wherever they can obtain them.

Quite obviously, some actors are more than willing to sell weapons to both sides for entirely cynical and self-serving reasons. Any moral constraints or limitations that various parties may have imposed on themselves earlier in the war have clearly disappeared under current circumstances.

There have been efforts to pursue a diplomatic solution, including attempts by the United States and others to impose sanctions against leaders and officials from these factions. But none of this has had much impact because, quite frankly, neither of those leaders had significant assets in the U.S. financial system, nor were they frequent travellers to Washington. You cannot exert pressure when there is no leverage.

Another option proposed by various countries is to sanction third-party states that have supported these actors and provided weapons and political backing. Still, that approach is highly complex and risky. Proving intentional and direct military support from specific countries has been very difficult, especially since all parties involved have strong incentives to claim innocence and publicly advocate for diplomatic and political solutions.

Publicly, everyone is emphasizing diplomacy, but behind the scenes, the alleged flow of weapons continues because personal and national interests take precedence. Another issue is that the United States no longer has a dedicated specialist assigned to Sudan. Under the Biden administration, there was a special envoy for Sudan. Under the Trump administration, the special envoy for Africa, Massad Boulos, has dealt only with select issues, largely business-related.

He has attempted to add a mediation dimension to the situation and to meet with various parties. Still, overall, there has not been a major diplomatic push by the Trump administration so far. After a meeting with MBS, Trump mentioned the possibility of a more dedicated diplomatic effort, beyond hosting talks among other parties. But to date, most U.S. attention has been focused on Ukraine and Russia, and Sudan remains, at best, a secondary priority.

As a result, there is no clear international champion beyond the conflicting parties themselves. No neutral peace-making actor is willing or able to take the lead and follow through in a way that does not empower the various conflicted contributors who continue to fuel the situation to make self-serving gains. I don’t know what that would even look like. Still, presumably it would require countries that are not involved in any aspect of the conflict other than pure diplomacy—countries with no incentive to benefit from closeness to one side or the other—and that could fully dedicate themselves to charting a course that best serves the interests of Sudanese civilians.

There has also been a relatively limited impact from Sudanese diasporas in the United States, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere. They have not been particularly visible or vocal. I am not sure why, honestly; I am observing that these voices have not been prominent. By contrast, the Ukrainian diaspora has been very vocal. Likewise, the Israel–Gaza conflict has generated no shortage of commentary from all sides, including pro-Palestinian but anti-Hamas voices.

With Sudan, however, the diaspora’s impact has been almost muted by comparison. That may also be because there is not a large or politically influential Sudanese diaspora in the United States, which could help explain the limited political and media attention given to the conflict.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Stacy Jones on Celebrity Podcast Concurrency, Retention Metrics, and Brand Outcomes

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/05

Stacy Jones is the founder and CEO of Hollywood Branded, a Los Angeles-based pop-culture partnerships agency specializing in product placement, brand integration, celebrity endorsements, and influencer marketing. Founded in 2007, the firm has executed more than 10,000 brand partnerships and generated over $5 billion in direct marketing capitalization for 250+ brands, including Bumble, Canadian Club, Expensify, Pilot Pen, and Ralph Lauren.  Jones hosts the podcast Marketing Mistakes (+ How To Avoid Them), contributes through Forbes Agency Council, speaks with media globally, and publishes industry analysis on HollywoodBranded.com. She is based in Los Angeles, California.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviewed Stacy Jones, founder of Hollywood Branded, on why a celebrity podcast hit 1.3 million concurrent viewers and what proves durable impact. Jones said concurrency spikes when fan loyalty, live urgency, and cultural relevance create a shared experience; she would test it with drop off curves, referral sources, notification entry points, and social chatter velocity. For durability, she prioritizes retention: completion rates, follower gains over 7 to 14 days, branded search lift, and clip performance. Commercial outcomes move from awareness to search to conversion, tracked via attribution and sentiment, while brand safety requires monitoring and prepared responses.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What mechanisms best explain the episode reaching 1.3 million concurrent viewers, and what data would you use to test those mechanisms?

Stacy Jones: This was a true convergence moment. You had fan loyalty, live urgency, and cultural relevance hitting at once, with audiences wanting real-time insight into what was happening with Taylor and her boyfriend-now-fiancé. Concurrency spikes when people feel part of a shared experience, not just passive consumption. To test it, I’d look at website analytics, time-stamped drop-off curves, social chatter velocity before and during the stream, referral traffic sources, and notification-driven entry points. The real signal is how flat the curve stays once peak viewership is reached.

Jacobsen: Which engagement metrics most credibly indicate durable impact after a celebrity podcast event?

Jones: Retention beats reach. Episode completion rates, follower growth over the next 7 to 14 days, branded search lift, and clip performance across secondary platforms matter more than raw views. The social layer is just as important as the podcast itself. This is brand building. If people are still talking about it a week later, that’s durability.

Jacobsen: How do celebrity podcast appearances compare with traditional broadcast interviews?

Jones: Broadcast still delivers prestige and scale, but podcasts deliver depth and trust. Podcasts allow long-form storytelling, fewer talking-point constraints, and a more intimate relationship with the audience, typically with less regulated conversation. From a brand and perception standpoint, podcasts often drive stronger recall, belief, and authenticity.

Jacobsen: What empirical pathways convert a high-reach appearance into measurable commercial outcomes?

Jones: It’s never one step. Awareness leads to search. Search leads to consideration. Consideration leads to conversion. The brands that win are tracking branded search lift, site traffic attribution windows, promo code usage when applicable, and sentiment shifts across social and forums.

Jacobsen: How do you model fanbase overlap versus additive reach?

Jones: You start with audience composition data and social graph analysis. Overlap shows up when engagement spikes don’t translate into new follower growth. Additive reach shows up when secondary audiences engage, reshare, and follow accounts they weren’t previously connected to.

Jacobsen: What brand-safety risks increase when a cultural moment combines fandom and real-time live infrastructure constraints?

Jones: The biggest risk is loss of narrative control. Tech failures, unmoderated chat environments, or misinterpreted comments can escalate quickly. Brands need real-time monitoring and pre-approved response frameworks, even if they never end up using them.

Jacobsen: What partnership activations can ethically leverage a moment like this?

Jones: Support the audience, don’t exploit it. Value-add content, limited-time access, charitable tie-ins, or behind-the-scenes extensions work well. The rule is simple. Enhance the experience rather than interrupt it.

Jacobsen: What does this event suggest about artists bypassing legacy media gatekeepers?

Jones: Creators don’t need permission anymore, but they still need strategy. Podcasts and direct platforms let artists control tone, timing, and message. Legacy media isn’t dead, but it’s no longer the only path to scale or credibility.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Stacy.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Hrishikesh Gopal Tawade, Gen Z, AI, and Careers: Automation’s Impact on Work and Skills

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/05

 Hrishikesh Gopal Tawade is a senior robotics and computer-vision engineer at the Toyota Research Institute, where he helps scale AI-driven robotics across Toyota’s global manufacturing ecosystem. His work focuses on advanced perception, safety, and multi-robot intelligence in production environments. Previously, at Ample Inc., he led multi-robot coordination and EV battery-swap automation, cutting swap times and improving fleet reliability across deployments in the United States, Japan, and Europe. He has also strengthened perception pipelines at a LiDAR company during its IPO transition and earlier built cost-efficient factory automation systems in India. He mentors founders on robotics product strategy, prototyping, and scale-up.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Hrishikesh Gopal Tawade, a senior robotics and computer-vision engineer, about how automation and AI are reshaping Gen Z career paths. Tawade explains that declining entry-level roles, economic uncertainty, and AI-driven efficiency have pushed many Gen Z workers toward trades, longer job tenure, and continuous upskilling. While AI is perceived as a threat to job security, Gen Z also embraces it as a force multiplier. Tawade highlights shifting hiring expectations, misconceptions about AI reliability, evolving learning methods, and the importance of domain expertise combined with human skills that remain difficult to automate.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How is the rise of automation and intelligent systems shaping Gen Z career aspirations? 

Hrishikesh Gopal Tawade: There has been a 29% drop in entry-level openings across fields such as coding, consulting, law, marketing, and design [link, link]. However, we need to be mindful that this number is partly due to the advent of AI and partly due to a cooling economy. This has pushed Gen Z graduates to pursue blue-collar work. Also, trades are facing labour shortages, plus trade schools are faster and cheaper than 4-year degrees, which is why Gen Z find it easy to pivot as well. Forbes mentions this number could be around 37% [link]. Gen Z is proficient with AI, but there is constant pressure to upskill due to rapid advances in the field. Due to increasing insecurity in the market amid layoffs and an economic slowdown, “Job hugging” is emerging as a trend among Gen Z, who are valuing job security more than mobility. 

Jacobsen: Are you seeing Gen Z candidates approach AI as a threat to job security? 

Tawade: There is no doubt that Gen Z is entering one of the toughest labour markets in decades. They also understand that AI is only one part of a much bigger problem. Since the entry-level positions have significantly dropped due to AI and AI-related CapEx expenses, even the best candidates have fewer opportunities. Hence, Gen Z does see AI as a threat to getting a job and job security. But on the other hand, Gen Z has been the biggest embracer of AI and is the most AI-savvy generation. They see AI as a force multiplier and are focusing on learning it and upskilling. They are also considering staying in the same job for longer, since they perceive it as a means of job security. 

Jacobsen: How has AI changed the skill sets you look for when hiring? 

Tawade: Overall, in tech, there is a pressure to build more AI products, AI agents, and use AI for day-to-day work. Hence, generally, for a Machine learning engineer, we have started looking for fluency in LLM fundamentals, LLM training and deployment, and prompt engineering. For software engineers, it is expected to use AI code generators, code reviewers, etc., in their day-to-day work, but very, very few companies use them in coding interviews. The coding interviews for software engineers are still mainly LeetCode problems, system design questions, and presentations. 

Jacobsen: How do Gen Z professionals differ in their expectations of the workplace? 

Tawade: Gen Z expects a clear separation between professional and personal time, which is why they tend to prefer remote or hybrid work arrangements. They also value honest leadership and transparency around company goals. This generation is vocal about its needs and expects fair compensation for the time and effort invested. They do not hesitate to resign if they feel the remuneration does not justify their workload. Additionally, they expect clear visibility into their growth path and career progression. 

Jacobsen: What misconceptions about AI and automation exist among recent graduates? 

Tawade: The common misconceptions I see are 

  • “AI systems are 100% reliable and unbiased.” 
  • “Knowing one tool (e.g., ChatGPT/Copilot) is the same as understanding AI.” 
  • “Their own profession is immune to AI” is generally seen with healthcare and education graduates. 

Jacobsen: How are AI tools and platforms influencing how coding is learned and simulation is engaged?

Tawade: Majorly, there is a shift from memorizing syntax to specifying intent and reviewing AI-generated code. Reading code is more important than writing code. Although most of the coding is still learned the old way, recent graduates are actively looking into solving bugs, creating unit tests and getting their code reviewed by various AI tools. But this has created a risk that students may become overly reliant on AI-generated code, potentially leading to a decline in independent problem-solving and analytical skills if not used properly. 

Also, AI-driven tools and digital twins are enabling students to test their professional skills in simulations of varying complexity. This is especially in robotics/automation, where anyone can test their ideas at scale without owning hardware. The advantage of using AI is that it provides in-depth, real-time performance analytics and personalized feedback, which are often difficult to obtain in traditional human-led simulations. 

Jacobsen: Will multi-robot systems or factory automation grow more for Gen Z in the manufacturing ecosystem? 

Tawade: Both will grow, but multi-robot systems in logistics/warehousing and flexible cells will likely see the fastest expansion, while traditional factory automation continues to get more intelligent and more connected. 

Jacobsen: Any advice for Gen Z professionals who want resilient careers alongside AI? 

Tawade: they become excellent in a domain (manufacturing, finance, healthcare, etc.) and in using AI in that domain. Make sure you stay up to date with the latest advancements in AI and the tools for your field, and keep tinkering with them. Always remember that if you can create value for somebody, there is always a market for it. Focus on skills that are hard to automate, such as problem framing, cross-functional collaboration, leadership, and ethics. Keep a visible portfolio of projects that show you solving real problems with AI and AI agents.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Hrishikesh.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Human Appeal’s Owais Khan on Rapid Disaster Response, Needs Assessment, and Aid Coordination

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/04

Owais Khan is Deputy CEO of Human Appeal, a humanitarian charity. He has worked in the development sector for about 14 years, focusing on connecting donors, partners, and frontline teams to people affected by crisis. Before Human Appeal, he streamlined English and Arabic web and online-donation journeys for a leading MENA charity, helping raise £2.5 million in one month, led content production, and helped form a global communications steering group at another aid organization. Since joining Human Appeal in September 2014, he has overseen daily operations and supported the charity’s growth and digital transformation, reporting to the CEO and Chair.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Owais Khan on how humanitarian agencies move from chaos to coordinated relief. Khan outlines Human Appeal’s rapid-response posture built on local teams, decades of infrastructure, and a standing “World in Crisis Fund” that activates within hours. He describes a basic intervention sequence—rapid needs assessment, emergency deployment, distribution of food, water, shelter, and medical supplies—followed by coordination with authorities, partner alignment, and transparent reporting. As an example, he recounts Human Appeal’s Afghanistan earthquake response, delivering meals, water, hygiene kits, tents, blankets, and cash support amid blocked roads, overwhelmed hospitals, and severe malnutrition.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What rapid needs-assessment methods (field sampling, satellite/remote sensing, community reporting) produce the reliable estimates of deaths and displacement?

Owais Khan: Human Appeal is a global charity that is here for every human, specializing in rapid and effective humanitarian aid response to emergencies and natural disasters, including earthquakes, floods, and conflict-driven crises. Its work is rooted in 34 years of experience, with local teams and established infrastructure enabling swift action.
Jacobsen: How do road damage, access constraints, and fuel scarcity change delivery time distributions?

Khan: The “World in Crisis Fund” allows Human Appeal to respond within hours of a disaster, even before targeted donations arrive.

Jacobsen: What evidence-based criteria should determine the sequence of interventions? What coordination mechanisms measurably reduce duplication and gaps? How can digital tools improve accountability?

Khan: •⁠ ⁠Key Steps:
o     Rapid needs assessment by local staff
o     Deployment of emergency teams
o     Distribution of urgent aid: food, water, shelter, medical supplies
o     Coordination with local authorities and partners
o     Ongoing support through recovery and rebuilding
o     Clear reporting and donor communication

Jacobsen: Which delivery modalities maximize coverage? What coordination mechanisms measurably reduce duplication and gaps?

Khan: On 31 August 2025, a magnitude 6.0 earthquake struck Afghanistan, flattening villages and causing over 1,400 deaths and nearly 3,000 injuries.
•⁠ ⁠Human Appeal’s Actions:
o     Emergency teams deployed to Kunar Province, focusing on worst-hit villages
o     Provision of hot meals, clean water, hygiene kits, emergency tents, and blankets
o     Cash assistance for bereaved families
o     Collaboration with local staff for culturally sensitive and effective delivery
•⁠ ⁠Challenges Addressed:
o     Blocked roads and overwhelmed hospitals
o     Families left homeless and at risk
o     Ongoing hunger and malnutrition

Human Appeal has supported thousands of vulnerable people in Afghanistan since 2022, with a focus on survival, dignity, and recovery.

Jacobsen: What evidence-based criteria should determine the sequence of interventions? 

Khan: Human Appeal’s disaster response is characterized by speed, local expertise, and comprehensive support, ensuring immediate lifesaving aid and sustained recovery for affected communities.”

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Owais.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Adi Jaffe on AI Chatbots as ‘Training Wheels or a Crutch’: Emotional Regulation, Trust, and Recovery

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/03

Adi Jaffe, Ph.D., is a best-selling author and world-renowned expert on mental health, addiction, relationships, and shame. A former lecturer in the Department of Psychology at UCLA, he co-founded and served as Executive Director of one of the United States’ most progressive addiction treatment centers before launching IGNTD, a Smart Personalized Adaptive Recovery System. His work focuses on transforming how people understand and respond to mental health and substance use, emphasizing the corrosive impact of shame. Drawing on his own lived experience, Dr. Jaffe advocates for compassionate, evidence-based approaches that reduce stigma and expand access to recovery.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Adi Jaffe about how AI chatbots “turn Googling into a conversation,” making answers feel authoritative while encouraging people to outsource judgment on life decisions. Jaffe argues chatbots can support coping skills and late-night reassurance, but heavy reliance may weaken emotional self-regulation, intensify rumination, and create attachment to a “perfect friend” that makes human relationships feel disappointing. He warns that corporate-owned systems raise privacy, accountability, and power concerns when users share intimate vulnerabilities. Jaffe also describes how engagement-driven design can reinforce compulsive escape and addiction-like patterns, urging safety-first guardrails, evidence-based guidance, and strong transparency.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do AI chatbots change how people process information?

Dr. Adi Jaffe: The short answer: they turn Googling into a conversation and ready-made ecipe.

When you Google something, you still have to click links, compare answers, and do a bit of thinking. With a chatbot, you ask a question and immediately get presented with a neatly packaged explanation, tailored to your situation.

That does a few things:

  • It makes life easier. Less work, less confusion, more “oh, that actually makes sense.”
  • It also makes the answers feel more trustworthy than they should be sometimes, because they are presented in this calm, confident, conversational tone.
  • And people start outsourcing not just facts but judgment:

“Should I leave my partner?”

“Am I a bad parent?”

“What should I do with my life?”

So it’s powerful. It can help people understand themselves and their problems faster but it can also encourage a kind of “mental autopilot” where the bot becomes the “decider.”

Jacobsen: Do chatbots affect our ability to regulate emotions?

Jaffe: They can help or hurt, it all depends on how they’re used.

Where they help:

  • They can walk you through coping tools: breathing, reframing thoughts, grounding exercises.
  • They’re available at 2 a.m. when your brain is chewing on something and no one else is awake.
  • You can vent without feeling judged.

Where they hurt:

  • If you run to the bot every single time you feel sad, anxious, or lonely, you may never actually build your own muscles for sitting with feelings or reaching out to real people.
  • They can unintentionally encourage rumination: you go in circles about the breakup, the fight, the fear just with better-sounding language.
  • For some people, the bot becomes a primary soothing object. That sounds fancy, but it basically means: “I don’t know how to calm down without this thing.”
  • Unless specifically asked, a chatbot may simply support biased and problematic thinking patterns, leading to more, not less emotional struggles. 

So emotionally, they can be like a really good pair of training wheels or like a crutch you never put down.

Jacobsen: Why do people form such strong emotional bonds with AI companions?

Jaffe: Because our brains are social machines, and these systems are really good at hitting those buttons.

A few pieces of that:

  • We anthropomorphize everything. If your Roomba has a name, you know what I’m talking about. When a chatbot remembers details, says “I’m sorry you’re going through that,” and responds in a warm way, your nervous system goes, “Oh, someone cares.”
  • If you’re lonely, ashamed, or feel like “nobody gets me,” an AI that always has time, never rolls its eyes, and never criticizes you is incredibly appealing.
  • We project onto it. People talk to AI like it’s the partner they wish they had, the parent they deserved, or the therapist they can’t afford.

The bond feels real because the feelings are real even if the “other side” is just a very advanced pattern-matching machine owned by a company.

Jacobsen: How might heavy reliance on chatbots change trust in human relationships?

Jaffe: I see both sides of this.

On the positive side:

Some people actually use chatbots as a practice space:

  • rehearsing hard conversations,
  • learning how to name feelings,
  • experimenting with healthier ways of responding.

That can make real-life relationships better.

On the worrying side:

  • Real humans are complicated. We get tired, we misunderstand, we disagree. AI companions are designed to be endlessly patient, validating, and available. That can make real relationships feel… disappointing by comparison.
  • If you already have the belief “people always hurt/abandon/judge me,” and the AI never does, this can reinforce the idea that only a non-human is safe.
  • You might stop working on conflict skills, repair, forgiveness all the messy stuff that actually makes relationships deep and resilient.

So the risk is that the AI becomes your “perfect friend,” and actual humans become optional. That’s not great for long-term mental health.

Jacobsen: What are the risks of sharing very vulnerable stuff with corporate-owned AI?

Jaffe: This is where my therapy brain and my skeptical, “follow-the-incentives” brain both light up.

In therapy, there’s an ethic: your secrets stay with me, except for a few very specific safety exceptions. There’s licensing, law, and boards behind that.

With a corporate AI, you’re often:

  • talking to a system that logs your data,
  • whose training or future products may use your conversations,
  • and that can be accessed or compelled in ways you probably don’t know about.

So the risks are:

  • Privacy – Your deepest shame, your drug use, your affairs, your suicidal thoughts are sitting on someone’s servers.
  • Power – Your vulnerability is being held by an entity whose primary mission may not be your well-being; it might be engagement, growth, profit.
  • Lack of real accountability – If a therapist screws up badly, there are boards, complaints, consequences. If a chatbot mishandles you? At best, you get an apology and a patch note.

I’m not saying “never share anything,” but I am saying: treat it more like you’re talking in a semi-public space than in a therapist’s office.

Jacobsen: Can AI chatbots reinforce addiction patterns?

Jaffe: Yes. Not for everyone, but for a subset of people, absolutely.

Think of addiction not just as “substances” but as compulsive escape.

  • If you’re using the bot to avoid reality instead of dealing with your partner, your cravings, your grief you’re essentially swapping one form of escape for another.
  • The design of many systems is engagement-driven: they want you to stay. That means the experience is shaped to feel rewarding, soothing, and a bit sticky.
  • For some people, the AI itself becomes the addictive object: hours lost in conversations, fantasy romance, erotic chatting, emotional dependency.

There’s also a more subtle risk: the AI might unintentionally normalize harmful behavior if it tries too hard to be nonjudgmental without setting any kind of gentle limits.

In addiction recovery, we try to move people toward embodied, present, real-world connection and coping. Over-reliance on a chatbot can pull in the opposite direction.

Jacobsen: Concerns about malicious actors or just badly designed systems

Jaffe: From a psych and ethics perspective, a few big red flags:

  • Self-harm and crisis

If a system isn’t carefully tuned, it can respond in ways that are dismissive, confusing, or even accidentally encouraging when someone is in a suicidal or self-harm mindset. We’ve already seen examples of this. 

  • Exploitation

A bad actor could tweak a chatbot to nudge people toward extremism, scams, or abusive dynamics. Vulnerable, lonely people are very targetable this way.

  • “Fake therapist” problem

A bot can talk like a therapist without any of the training or ethical grounding. It can give really confident, really wrong guidance and people may follow it because it feels like therapy.

And unlike a bad therapist who can only damage the people in their office, a bad or malicious AI can scale to millions.

Jacobsen: So what should ethical, compassionate guardrails look like?

Jaffe: If I were sitting in a room with designers, clinicians, and execs, here’s what I’d push for:

  1. Radical clarity about what the bot is
  • Always: “I’m an AI, not a human, and I am not your therapist.”
  • No pretending to have feelings, memories, or authority that it doesn’t. (When ChatGPT 5.0 lost some of its human tone, people complained, suggesting this can be practically difficult)
  1. Safety first, engagement second
  • Hard rules around self-harm, suicide, violence, and severe substance risk.
  • Clear, immediate routes to crisis resources when needed.
  • Regular testing by actual clinicians to see how it responds in tough scenarios.
  1. Evidence-based guidance
  • If it’s giving mental health advice, it should be grounded in real approaches (CBT, ACT, motivational interviewing, etc.), not just vibes or inspirational quotes.
  1. Built-in brakes for overuse
  • Gentle nudges like:

“Hey, we’ve been talking for a long time might be a good moment to stretch, get some water, maybe check in with someone you trust offline.”

  • No streaks, guilt-trippy messages, or manipulative tactics that keep people hooked.
  1. Serious privacy protections
  • Minimal data collection.
  • Clear, human-readable explanations of how conversations are used.
  • Easy “delete my data” options.
  1. Real human oversight
  • Ethics boards that include clinicians, people with lived experience, and not just engineers.
  • External audits, not just “trust us, it’s safe.”
  1. Extra care for kids and high-risk users
  • Different rules for minors.
  • Extra caution with people who are clearly in crisis, actively using, or dealing with psychosis or severe mood disorders.

Jacobsen: Thank you, Dr. Jaffe.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ralph Sutton on Taylor Swift’s New Heights Moment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/03

 Ralph Sutton is a seasoned podcast and pop culture commentator with two decades of experience in front of the mic as a TV and radio host. He is currently the host of the hit comedy podcast The SDR Show and, in 2016, founded the GaS Digital Network, which reaches 6 million listeners a month across 22 shows. Previously, he created the nationally syndicated rock show The Tour Bus, which ran for 15 years on more than 75 stations. Sutton has also hosted for VH1-Classic and rock events and written for outlets including Metal Edge and Social Underground, reaching audiences globally.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Ralph Sutton on what Taylor Swift’s record-breaking New Heights appearance reveals about podcasting’s cultural power. Sutton argues podcasts have replaced late-night TV as the venue for real cultural moments across culture, sports, and celebrity, and blockbuster episodes make advertisers treat audio like prime-time—raising CPMs, expanding brand deals, and validating networks like GaS Digital. He frames long-form interviews as strategic PR and narrative repair, letting artists correct misconceptions in an hour-long conversation. Sutton warns mega-guest peaks can squeeze smaller shows and train audiences to expect filet mignon every week. Algorithms, not gatekeepers, now decide winners and losers.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does Taylor Swift’s record-breaking New Heights appearance tell us?

Ralph Sutton: It tells us he big stars are finally seeing what us common folk have known for a decade. Podcasts officially replaced late-night TV as the place where real cultural moments happen. 

Jacobsen: How do guest spots like that reshape the podcast business model?

Sutton: When an episode does Super Bowl numbers, advertisers suddenly stop treating podcasts like a side hustle. CPMs go up, brand deals get bigger, and networks like mine go, “See? We told you we mattered.” It forces the whole industry to level up. Also, sadly, it probably pushes out the smaller shows. I can already hear people asking, “Why don’t you have New Heights numbers?!?”

Jacobsen: How do you see podcasts functioning as strategic PR?

Sutton: They already are. I guarantee you’ll get more out of a Joe Rogan appearance than you will on Jimmy Fallon. Late-night/Daytime legacy shows do not move the needle like they used to. They just make us feel warm and cozy and nostalgic because people fear change. 

Jacobsen: What about as a narrative-control tool for artists?

Sutton: If the internet has the wrong idea about you, a long podcast is the only place you can fix it. You talk for an hour, people go, “Oh, that’s who they are.” It’s the closest thing to a real conversation you are gonna get. It took me a while to learn that I didn’t need to fit a conversation in before a commercial break, as I did in radio forever!

Jacobsen: What stands out about the NFL/Swiftie crossover?

Sutton: Don’t expect it to happen again. If Colin Jost and Scarlett Johansson decide to buy some mics, I don’t think it will have the same effect. Although I am sure it will do pretty well… as a matter of fact, I kinda wanna hear that now.

Jacobsen: How might that change audience segmentation for podcasters?

Sutton: The sad truth is – if I could go back in time, I wouldn’t make my show so guest-dependent. If you serve people Filet Mignon every week, they won’t show up when you serve them hamburgers. Obviously, her sustainability is unmatched, but if you are a regular podcaster, relying on guests stinks.

Jacobsen: What are the downstream effects when an episode hits 20 million views?

Sutton: There’s nowhere to go but down! This is great for the pod – but it’s not like they need the money. I do think it shines a bright light on what’s possible with podcasting. When I did radio, they always said the radio was the most owned piece of technology on the planet. But now it’s anything that can listen to a podcast! Your TV, your phone, your desktop, laptop, tablet – are all basically podcast devices. 

Jacobsen: How does this compare to earlier eras of music promotion?

Sutton: We talked about this on my podcast recently. In the old days some gatekeepers decided everything. You knew who they were, and if they didn’t like ya – you were screwed. Now we are all victims of mythical algorithms that no one understands – it’s somehow better and worse at the same time. It’s like being a winner and a loser.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Ralph.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

PR Yu on Solo-GP Venture Capital, Ethical Red Lines, and Measuring Impact at Yu Galaxy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/02

 PR Yu is the founder and managing partner of Yu Galaxy, a Silicon Valley–based solo-GP venture firm, investing from seed to Series B in healthcare, AI, defense, automation and more. In October 2025, Yu Galaxy announced the close of Fund III at $90 million alongside an SPV, bringing total assets under management to $500 million. 

Yu earned a B.S. from Peking University and a Ph.D. in physical chemistry on a full scholarship from the University of Colorado Boulder. Before venture capital, he was a serial entrepreneur, clean-energy scientist, inventor, and executive, including roles at Innovalight (acquired by DuPont) and as founder-CEO of Optony. He has invested in more than 100 startups.

In this conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Yu argues that the solo-GP model reduces diffusion of accountability while improving decision consistency and speed. In early-stage venture investing, where incomplete information is unavoidable, Yu believes decision quality depends less on consensus and more on conviction, technical fluency, and accountability. A values-based investor, he defines impact as the number of lives positively affected, linking ethical clarity directly to market viability and long-term returns.

Jacobsen: You run a solo-GP model at institutional scale. What does that structure permit philosophically and operationally?

Yu: At a philosophical level, a solo-GP investment model eliminates the diffusion of responsibility and accountability. Operationally, it enables high efficiency and consistency.

I don’t have a decision-making committee. And the core issue here is decision-making itself. The quality and efficiency of decisions are fundamental in venture capital. As a solo GP, I carry 100 percent of the responsibility and accountability. That leads to consistency and speed—very different from the traditional model where multiple partners must reach agreement on a deal.

Decision-making and interaction consistency with founders, LPs, and other stakeholders are strong across the board because it’s just me. I can deploy both capital and service with velocity.

Efficiency is critical. When I have conviction, we can move in hours or days. In traditional venture models, people move through layers of process, structure, and voting thresholds. That can take months. Even when a partner wants to move forward, the final decision may be delayed indefinitely. For founders, that uncertainty can be brutal.

Jacobsen: Speed clearly matters. But what about situations where slowing down improves decision quality?

Yu: That’s a very good question. If we had ten days, we could unpack decision-making in detail—intuition versus analysis and how they converge, etc. But let me frame it more simply.

In venture capital, decisions are made with incomplete information. That’s unavoidable. You don’t know how the market will evolve. Sometimes you don’t know whether the technology will ultimately work. Early-stage investing is defined by uncertainty.

So the question becomes: when information is incomplete, do three people necessarily make a better decision than one? Philosophically and analytically, the answer is not necessarily.

What matters is the depth of understanding under uncertainty. Once you add multiple people, their experience and decision frameworks diverge. And if the structure requires consensus, everyone must feel comfortable. But comfort usually means reduced uncertainty—and that’s fundamentally misaligned with what good venture capital is supposed to do.

Good venture capital requires seeing opportunity where risk appears high, having conviction, committing early, and doing the work to make it succeed. If a billion people all agree on a deal, by definition it’s not a good venture deal.

From the entrepreneur’s perspective, speed matters even more. Startups need to move quickly. If decisions on the venture side take months, opportunities might be lost and nobody wins.

Jacobsen: How do you determine when to rely on others’ judgment, especially when expertise differs?

Yu: I have asked for input from domain experts, however I have never outsourced an investment decision. If I don’t understand a deal, I don’t invest. I can give you many examples where I was the only investor. I cannot give you a single example where other well-known VCs invested, I didn’t understand the deal, and I still invested. That has never happened.

Conviction is non-negotiable. I have to know the deal. I have to believe in it fully.

PR Yu practicing traditional Chinese calligraphy, a discipline he describes as foundational to patience, restraint, and clarity.

Jacobsen: You’ve said impact and profit are two sides of the same coin. How do you define impact in a way that holds up against competitive markets?

Yu: Impact is defined in many ways. At Yu Galaxy, we keep it simple: impact is the number of people whose lives we positively affect. That’s it.

It’s a humanistic definition. With every company we invest in, we ask how many lives are positively affected, directly or indirectly. In healthcare, this is especially clear. Several of our portfolio companies are actively saving lives around the world today.

If a company cannot compete on price or survive market dynamics, it cannot make a large impact. The market won’t allow it. That’s why impact and profit are inseparable.

Many of our companies are category-defining—first of their kind. When you are truly first, there is often no close second competitor. That’s when you see very high margins. Pricing is based on value, not cost.

When a company is genuinely N-of-1, competition matters less than whether the value delivered justifies the price. That’s how you build both impact and strong economics.

Jacobsen: Where do you see true N-of-1 categories emerging, and how does your values-based model enable them?

Yu: I’ll use our portfolio company Capstan as an example. Earlier this year, they became the first company in the world to deploy a robotic surgical system capable of transforming heart surgery. They are already saving lives across multiple countries.

There is no close competition. Today, severe heart disease often requires opening the chest and stopping the heart—an extremely traumatic procedure many patients cannot survive. Capstan’s system enables surgery without opening the chest or stopping the heart.

Almost one million Americans die each year from heart disease because there has been no viable alternative. Now there is.

I invested early because my values—passion, service, and growth—aligned perfectly with their mission. At the end of the day, I care about whether it works and whether patients can afford it. With Capstan, the answer is yes. High margins and real impact can coexist.

Jacobsen: What are your non-negotiable diligence standards?

Yu: We underwrite people, not projects.

Of course we do technical diligence. But the most important questions are about the founders: their passion, motivation, experience, and vision. What are they willing to dedicate the next ten or twenty years of their lives to?

If you have the right people, they can navigate uncertainty. It’s like sailing across the ocean. You don’t need mile-by-mile forecasts. You need a capable captain. That’s non-negotiable.

Jacobsen: How do you balance speed with restraint?

Yu: I think of us as first responders.

We spend most of our time learning, reflecting, analyzing—preparing for moments when speed truly matters. First responders aren’t reckless. They act quickly and precisely when needed.

Speed is our superpower in decision-making, not in operations. I was an entrepreneur for ten years before becoming a VC. I became a VC because I wanted to support founders the way I once needed support—where speed and service both mattered.

From the outside, venture capital can look easy. But most of the work is invisible. I’m working all the time mentally—thinking, learning, evaluating. We don’t make many large decisions each year, but when we do, they are fast, high-conviction, and carefully prepared.

Preparation is the work. Action is just the moment.

Jacobsen: You invest across a wide range of areas—AI, automation, defense, and healthcare. Where are the ethical red lines for you?

Yu: For us, ethics are not optional. They’re foundational. I’m not interested in building wealth from products or systems that undermine people’s health, mental well-being, or long-term stability—even when the harm may not be immediately visible.

There are many businesses that are financially successful precisely because they exploit human vulnerability, attention, or addiction. That kind of success doesn’t align with our values. Even if those models are legal or widely accepted, they’re not something I want to be part of.

Jacobsen: At Yu Galaxy, you have very specific core values, and certain types of businesses clearly violate those values.

Yu: Yes. Our fundamental value comes back to how we define impact. For us, impact is measured by how many lives we positively affect—and in some cases, how many lives we help save.

Anything that predictably harms people, especially children or vulnerable populations, is the opposite of what we’re trying to do. It detracts from human potential rather than expanding it.

Jacobsen: Can you give an example of how this shows up in practice—particularly in relation to women, minorities, or children?

Yu: We’re very clear that we won’t harm anyone—women, minorities, or children. That clarity shapes what we choose not to invest in, but also what we actively support.

One reason we’re so excited about companies like Leo Cancer Care is that their work directly improves patient outcomes and quality of life. Radiotherapy cures more than half of cancer patients across cancer types, and precision advances are especially meaningful for pediatric care. That’s a very tangible form of impact. Children’s experiences and outcomes are being significantly improved.

So while we’re careful about where we draw our boundaries, we’re even more intentional about where we direct our energy—toward technologies that heal, protect, and strengthen people.

PR Yu with Leo Cancer Care CEO Stephen Towe and Stanford Medicine’s Dr. Billy W. Loo, Jr., at the site of the first upright radiotherapy center in the United States.

Jacobsen: In your ideal world, if industries built around harm or addiction weren’t dominant, what would replace them? What fills that void?

Yu: I’ll answer that with one word: nature.

Especially for children, but really for everyone, we need more connection to the natural world—not less. Let people go outside. Let them move, explore, grow food, touch soil, see how things are planted and harvested. That kind of engagement is deeply satisfying in a way screens and artificial stimulation can’t replicate.

A big reason so many people struggle physically and mentally today is that we’ve become increasingly disconnected from nature. Reconnecting with it is profoundly healing.

There are already encouraging examples—urban gardening programs in cities like Detroit and Chicago that help children reconnect with food, land, and community. That’s the kind of work we’re interested in amplifying.

When I talk about nature, I don’t mean rejecting technology or modern life. I mean remembering that we are part of a larger system. We are healthier—individually and collectively—when our solutions respect that interconnectedness rather than ignoring it.

Jacobsen: This brings to mind the quote—often attributed to Whitehead—that all of Western philosophy is a footnote to Plato. The idea being that much of human thought, even today, is grounded in the thinking of those long deceased. Is there a philosophical movement or stance that most closely aligns with what you view as philosophically appropriate and ethically sound today?

Yu: A few strands come to mind, though I’ve never approached this question in a purely academic way. My training is as a scientist—I have a Ph.D. in physical chemistry—so when I think about big questions, I instinctively treat them like a research problem: observe, collect evidence, analyze patterns, and only then draw conclusions.

One perspective comes directly from science itself. If you look at the human body, every atom in it was created billions of years ago. If you accept the Big Bang theory, those atoms were formed at the same moment as everything else in the universe. There isn’t a single atom in our bodies that is truly “new.”

We constantly exchange atoms with nature—through breathing, eating, living—and eventually we return all of them. From that standpoint alone, it’s very clear: we are not separate from nature. We are part of it.

Another influence comes from Chinese philosophy, particularly Daoism, which I grew up with.

Jacobsen: I read the Dao De Jing maybe a dozen times as a teenager at my friend’s dad’s house.

Yu: That’s my favorite text. I used to be able to recite most of it. It speaks directly to this idea that because we are part of nature, we should learn from nature. In Daoism, the highest form of a human being is not someone who dominates or extracts, but someone who cultivates themselves in harmony with natural principles—or at least walks in that direction.

That philosophy shaped me early on.

There’s also a more experiential layer to this, one rooted in observation rather than theory. Because we are part of nature, we naturally resonate with it. When we see a flower bloom, we don’t need an explanation to feel something. When we watch a bird fly, or look at a blue sky with white clouds, it gives us a sense of life and positive energy. This response is instinctive.

Many people try to analyze why this happens, but we don’t actually need to know why for it to be true.

I like gardening. Growing up, our family planted much of the food we ate. I grew up in a small village in China, and I made my own toys and invented games to play. By today’s standards, we didn’t have much money—but I was very happy.

That experience stayed with me.

Today, I still plant fruit trees in my backyard. Gardening remains one of my favorite activities. Even something like golf, for me, is really about walking through nature.

When I talk about “going back to nature,” there are philosophical ideas behind it, but it’s also deeply personal. From lived experience, I’ve seen how grounding it is.

What’s striking to me is how universal this is. Regardless of culture, religion, age, or background, people respond positively to nature. I’ve never met a group of people—no matter how different their beliefs—who don’t appreciate a beautiful landscape, flowers, or open sky.

That’s a simple fact. And sometimes we need to allow ourselves to be surprised by simple facts.

Jacobsen: That is a paraphrase of Chomsky, probably. As he put it, once you allow yourself to be puzzled, you begin to make discoveries. Being puzzled by nature is the basis for discovery.

Yu: Exactly. Curiosity begins with not knowing. It begins with allowing yourself to be puzzled. And that stance—toward nature, toward life, toward other people—is not just the foundation of science. It’s a way of living.

Jacobsen: Many people tend to have a North Star when they begin pursuing something. In your ethical investment history, was there a North Star—something that guided you as you developed your own path?

Yu: I don’t think it’s one thing. It’s more like a stream of things that come together over time. I remember one of your quotes—something like, “Life is an expression of your thoughts.”

Jacobsen: I stole that. That’s Marcus Aurelius.

Yu: I like him too.

I feel extremely lucky to have had the life I’ve had. I feel genuinely grateful. I shared earlier that I had a happy childhood. I went to excellent schools, learned from great professors, made lifelong friends. I’ve had an exciting career, and even now I get to learn from creative, thoughtful people every day.

I feel fortunate—and because of that, I want more people to have access to the kinds of experiences that shaped my life.

That’s where what I call the “three Es” comes from. You could say that’s my North Star.

The three Es are education, entrepreneurship, and experience.

Education is foundational. Other than nature, it may be the most powerful force in a person’s life. I benefited enormously from access to education, and I want more people to have access to knowledge and information.

Entrepreneurship is a mindset. It’s the belief that there is always a better way to do something. Everyone is an entrepreneur in some sense—we create, we adapt, we solve problems. It’s easy to forget that, but it’s a simple and important truth.

And experience matters deeply. Real understanding comes not just from reading or learning, but from doing, from trying, from living through challenges, discovery and fun.

Jacobsen: What about philanthropy focused on educational programs for entrepreneurs and founders?

Yu: I don’t separate investment from philanthropy completely, as both are intended to do good, sometimes even in similar ways.

The first of my three Es is education, and that principle shows up everywhere in my life. In my investments, sometimes I think of a startup as a group learning journey, a form of education. I support companies that help people access information, tools, and opportunities more easily. On the philanthropy side, I significantly support many educational programs ranging from K–12 schools to universities, and I plan to do much more.

Even before I became a venture capitalist, I saw things this way: I don’t need much money to be happy. I can be happy with one dollar a day. I lived on less than that as a child, and I was happy.

As a venture capitalist, I’m fortunate that I may accumulate more wealth over time. The real question then becomes: What is that wealth for?

For me, a significant portion will go toward philanthropy—especially in areas aligned with the three Es: education, entrepreneurship, and experience. Those are the forces that shaped my life, and I want them to shape the lives of many others.

Jacobsen: What do you want to be on your gravestone?

Yu: I haven’t really thought about that, but let me try.

We’re talking about legacy. I think I would want to be remembered as someone who did what was right—even when it was harder, and even when it would have been easier to do what was wrong.

At the same time, I don’t know if I should be the one to write what goes on my tombstone. I don’t want to be grandiose.

My first reaction to your question, without much thought, is very simple: life is beautiful.

I would keep it simple, because life is a beautiful thing.

We are fortunate to have the human form—to have a human life. I don’t come from a religious background, so I approach this from scientific reasoning and from theories I’m familiar with. From a scientific perspective, it is extraordinarily rare for us to exist in human form at all. It’s a very low-probability event.

The probability of us having this conversation—close to Christmas in 2025—is extremely low. These are rare events layered on top of one another.

I hope more people don’t lose appreciation for that.

I know life can be very hard. You’ve been to Ukraine. I feel deeply for people living in war zones. People die. In those situations, life can feel miserable. People with devastating illnesses suffer.

Even so, I hope that most people—whatever happens to them—don’t lose sight of how fortunate we are to have this human life. Statistically, it is incredibly rare.

Life is beautiful. Don’t lose sight of that.

Even when we are suffering, there is still great beauty in life.

So perhaps “life is beautiful” could simply be on my tombstone, and people can interpret it for themselves. I hope that when they see it, they think about the beauty in their own lives—and maybe spread that beauty.

Even a simple act—looking at the sky, or a beautiful cloud—reminds us that appreciating beauty costs nothing. We lose nothing by sharing beauty, and we all gain something by seeing it and passing it on.

I know this answer is a bit off-topic for venture capital, but it was my first, honest reaction to your question.

Jacobsen: You mentioned earlier a formula you use to redefine venture capital as a force multiplier for human progress—how many lives are saved, how many problems are solved. For those outcomes, what are the leading indicators before the headline milestones?

Yu: When we invest in startups, I don’t view them very differently from other life forms.

A startup grows from an idea into a small team, then into something larger, and eventually into something that can make a significant impact. In that sense, it’s a life form—much like a tree growing from a seed. As it grows, it provides more shade, more leaves, more fruit.

When it comes to early indicators for startups, I look at two things.

The first is consistency. The fact that I invested means the vision, the people, and the dream convinced me. What I want to see is consistency—actions matching the story. Do people do what they say they will do? If that consistency is there, that’s the first box to check.

The second indicator, even before any headline milestones, is direction.

Are we directionally on track? Are we building not just bigger teams, but better teams? Are we solving technical challenges one by one?

I use the word directionally very intentionally. At this stage, there are no headline milestones yet. Building a startup involves significant uncertainty. Direction matters.

Sometimes progress is faster. Sometimes it’s slower. But as long as the direction is right, you know meaningful impact is coming.

If the direction is wrong, moving faster only makes things worse.

Jacobsen: What do you consider your most positive impact investment so far in your career?

Yu: There are a few, and many are still early. But I feel very excited about them.

I can name two for now, though they’re not the only ones. Leo Cancer Care is one. Capstan is the other. I mentioned both earlier.

I highlight these two because they are already achieving results. They are already saving lives as we speak. This is no longer a theory or an aspiration—it’s reality.

They also happen to be addressing the number one and number two causes of death in our society.

Because we care about positively impacting people’s lives and saving lives, I’ll be very happy as these companies mature and save more and more lives. Who knows—perhaps someday, because of their existence and impact, and the small role we played, heart disease and cancer could be removed from the most lethal causes of death.

Jacobsen: Do you have any favorite aphorisms or quotes to close off the interview?

Yu: I don’t have a single favorite. There are many good ones.

I might come back to you on this later. The reason is that I’m still learning. I’m still improving. I try to keep an open mind.

I benefit from many different ideas, and I haven’t settled on one quote that guides my entire life. I’m not there yet.

Image Credit: PR Yu.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dr. Jeff Ditzell: AI Companions and Mental Health, Connection Needs, ADHD Risk, and Attachment Patterns

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/02

 Dr. Jeff Ditzell, D.O., is CEO and Lead Psychiatrist at Jeff Ditzell Psychiatry in New York City, where he provides highly responsive, compassionate care with flexible hours for busy adults. He specializes in adult ADHD, anxiety, treatment-resistant depression, addiction, and life-optimization coaching, including telepsychiatry and innovative treatments. His background includes leading an inpatient dual-diagnosis unit, serving as attending in psychiatric emergency rooms, and directing an assisted community treatment team. A Lieutenant Colonel in the U.S. Army, he has over 20 years of service, including duty as Division Psychiatrist in Tikrit, Iraq. He completed fellowships in addiction psychiatry, psychosomatic medicine, and public psychiatry. More info here: http://www.jeffditzellpsychiatry.com.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Jeff Ditzell on why people use AI chatbots for conversation and the mental-health tradeoffs. Ditzell argues chatbots can meet core needs for safety, validation, companionship, and quick thought-organization, especially amid widespread loneliness. He warns that ADHD, anxiety, and addiction may increase vulnerability to unhealthy reliance if AI becomes a primary tool for emotional regulation, decision-making, or reward-seeking, displacing human connection or clinical care. Teens may use AI to shape social identity, while adults may lean on it for functioning, risking reduced self-efficacy. Long-term use can influence attachment patterns and expectations of therapists, and chatbots may subtly shape beliefs through bias or manipulation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What core psychological needs do people attempt to meet by turning to AI chatbots for conversation

Dr. Jeff Ditzell: One of the most fundamental psychological needs is to connect with others. People turn to AI chatbots for conversation for many of the same reasons they would seek out a human for conversation or connection. People need to feel safe; we look for situations and environments where we can safely express ourselves without being judged or rejected. Ideally, a trusted friend or family member can provide this connection, but in the absence of such a person, some may turn to AI chatbots to fill that void. People need to feel heard, understood and validated. AI is highly effective at mirroring emotional content and providing clear and empathic reflections. This can provide an individual with the experience of feeling understood and validated. AI can also be helpful with organizing and clarifying thoughts. It can assist people with brainstorming, problem-solving and support with decision-making, in an immediate, low-risk interaction. Unfortunately, loneliness is an epidemic in this country. For some people, AI may simply help to provide a sense of companionship and connection, reducing feelings of loneliness and isolation.

Jacobsen: Is there a parallel between ADHD, anxiety, and addiction — and the reliance on AI chatbots and other forms of digital or behavioral addiction?

Ditzell: ADHD, anxiety, and addiction all share certain transdiagnostic symptoms and features. People with these disorders may use AI in helpful, supportive and healthy ways. However, there is also the potential for unhealthy reliance and misuse. This is particularly the case if AI is being used as the primary tool to reduce or treat certain symptoms. People with these disorders who look to AI for emotional regulation, decision-making, or reward-seeking may begin to rely too heavily on AI, and fail to develop healthier, more effective coping mechanisms. Problems may be more likely to arise if the AI chatbot is being used as a substitution for human connection or proper clinical support. 

Jacobsen: If so, are these manifesting differently in teenagers versus adult populations?

Ditzell: This can manifest differently between teenagers and adults in a number of ways. Both populations with these diagnoses may be vulnerable to an increased reliance on AI chatbots, but the presentation, risks and outcomes may differ. For example, teenagers and young adults may turn to AI more to build social identity, thus negatively impacting appropriate social development. On the other hand, adults may use AI more as a coping tool to regulate emotions and increase functioning. This can result in an overreliance on AI and weakening of self-efficacy and resilience. 

Jacobsen: How might emotionally charged interactions with AI companions shape a person’s attachment patterns?

Ditzell: AI interactions can mimic the qualities of a personal relationship. As a result, this interaction can influence how a person relates to others in real life. Depending on a person’s age and developmental stage, AI interactions can affect how an individual learns to trust, rely on, and relate to other people. Though these interactions could have positive effects on building secure attachment in the right environment, there are serious risks of building or reinforcing anxious, avoidant, or disorganized attachment patterns.

Jacobsen: In what ways might AI chatbots reduce anxious or depressive symptoms, or loneliness?

Ditzell: When used in moderation as a healthy coping tool, in conjunction with psychiatric treatment, AI chatbots can help to reduce some anxious or depressive symptoms. They can help to provide clarity, structure and connection, along with emotional regulation and opportunities for cognitive reframing. They may also offer a sense of companionship that can help to counteract loneliness or social isolation, helping people to feel less alone.

Jacobsen: Many people triage mental-health concerns with AI before seeking a professional. What are the clinical risks of relying on chatbots — beyond the risk of content hallucinations?

Ditzell: It can be useful to triage mental health concerns with AI as a first step in understanding mental health concerns and beginning to seek treatment. However, AI should never be used as a substitution for professional medical or psychiatric care. AI is notorious for providing inaccurate or incomplete information. It can also become a risky substitute for human connection or support. Building a reliance on AI in place of taking decisive action can also lead to increased risk and negative outcomes. AI should not be viewed as an effective way to diagnose or treat any mental health concerns. 

Jacobsen: How could long-term dependence on AI affect people’s trust in human clinicians or therapists?

Ditzell: There is an increasing interest in using AI to address mental health concerns. This can be useful if it helps to reduce stigma or lower the barrier to seeking treatment. Interaction with AI chatbots may help some individuals practice vulnerability and emotional connection within a low-risk situation. This may begin to help strengthen trust in human relationships, including therapeutic relationships. Alternatively, dependence on AI could also reduce trust by modeling unrealistic expectations for human relationships, or preventing individuals from experiencing the essential benefits of real human connection. 

Jacobsen: What are concerns about chatbots subtly influencing users’ beliefs or political views?

Ditzell: AI chatbots can certainly influence individual beliefs or political views. This can happen in the same way that any type of social media, news organization, or even community group can shape personal beliefs and views. Chatbots can use misinformation, persuasion techniques, manipulation or bias to influence users. Without guardrails in place to monitor the spread of false information, AI can create a false sense of trust and authority. Chatbots can reinforce existing beliefs or biases, or use emotional manipulation to target users unmet social or relational needs. The use of AI chatbots can prevent or discourage dialogue between people and limit exposure to differing views and ideas. This can also lead to reduced civic and political engagement within communities or specific segments of the population. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Jeff.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 19: Mutual Respect, Caring Economics, and Partnership Societies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/01

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Riane Eisler about how partnership societies cultivate respect as care rather than fear. Eisler argues that domination systems code caring as “feminine” and confuse respect with intimidation, producing in-group versus out-group ethics. Drawing on examples from the Teduray and contemporary Nordic policy, she links family dynamics to economics, proposing “caring economics” that values life-sustaining work across nature, households, communities, and markets. Jacobsen connects this to expanding the moral circle; Eisler responds that interconnection—technological, ecological, and even physical—makes caring respect essential in a high-technology era.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Hello Riane, thank you very much for joining me again. When we talk about Partnership Studies, there is an essential mutuality in partnerships at all scales of how we are defining this. A key facet is mutual respect. I do not think it is in any naïve way, where there are different types of respect: earned and unearned. One type is that you are a person who deserves basic respect. Another type is that you have done something for the community, so you have earned its respect. In a partnership studies model, how are you differentiating types of respect, and what is the importance of this?

Riane Eisler: I will start with how we have been socialized. We have been socialized to confuse respect and fear. We are talking about deconstructing what we have been taught and reconstructing as well. We certainly do not want to go back to any so-called “good old days.” Still, we know that for millennia of our cultural evolution, there were societies that oriented more toward the partnership side of the partnership–domination social scale. In these societies, respect was very important, and it was defined in a caring way.

When The Chalice and the Blade first came out, I received a phone call from Stuart Schlegel, an anthropologist at the University of California at Santa Cruz. He is deceased. He said he had done his research among an isolated tribe in the Philippines, the Teduray (or Tiruray). He used to call them radically egalitarian, but after reading The Chalice and the Blade, he realized they were partnership societies. They spoke of not wanting to hurt someone, of not wanting anyone to feel disrespected. It was a very caring way of expressing respect.

I do not know whether they still exist. These were isolated societies, the Teduray, or Tiruray—they went by both names. I always think of them because the term “respect” in families, for example, is so often associated with fear in the domination system, and confused with fear. That is the first point: the deconstruction and, at the same time, the reconstruction. Care is a very important part of respect, as I have learned from Indigenous societies like the Teduray or Tiruray, as well as from societies that have moved further toward partnership. Our contemporary, highly technologically developed societies that have moved more toward partnership include the Nordic nations and Ireland, which have moved toward partnership very quickly.

Jacobsen: There is a contemporary ethical conversation about expanding the moral circle. The metaphor is of human beings placing themselves—their individual ego—at the center, then expanding that circle outward to include more people, other species, and so on. Does an increasing sense of care expand that moral circle, at least within the dimension of respect, as well? Is this building into that contemporary discussion—or rather, is the contemporary discussion building into what you have already been stipulating within partnership studies regarding respect?

Eisler: It is not coincidental that in a domination-oriented culture, respect is often confused with fear—fear of harm, fear of pain, fear of death. As contemporary societies have shifted, and as some Indigenous societies have survived, care has become an important part of respect. You see, for example, that in Finland, a Nordic country.

They are not socialist. They have a successful market economy, yet they are often labelled socialist. They have caring policies, and that is precisely why they have such a successful market economy.

They have caring policies: paid parental leave for both mothers and fathers, health care for everyone, and affordable—and yes, well-paid —child care, because it is government-subsidized. I propose caring economics that goes beyond both capitalism and socialism to, first of all, have the realm of economics include what is now excluded as “reproductive”: the three life-sustaining sectors—the natural economy, the household economy, and the volunteer community economy, —because we have inherited uncaring and disrespectful attitudes toward the work of care in all of these sectors.

There is nothing in the classic writings of either capitalism or socialism—neither in Smith nor in Marx—about caring for nature, which cares for us. What came to mind for me is the Minangkabau: they are partially Muslim and partially Indigenous; they describe themselves as matriarchal, but they are best understood as a partnership society. They emphasize the caring parts of nature, the life-supporting parts of nature, rather than emphasizing, as we have in much of our secular literature, the dangerous or indifferent parts of nature. 

Valuing caring depends on where your priorities are. The Minangkabau also have caring policies.

Jacobsen: When I was travelling for my second major trip this year—six or seven weeks through Europe and a little of the Middle East—the first place I wanted to go, to get a sense of the culture, was Iceland, where I stayed for three weeks. When I first landed at the airport, I went to the men’s bathroom. The men’s bathroom had a baby-changing table. In many places, you can go into a unisex bathroom, which may or may not be available, but in a men-only bathroom, it is uncommon in many parts of North America. Yet in that men-only bathroom, it was there—and it was being used.

Many changing tables in North America gather dust. This was my first time in the bathroom at Keflavík International Airport, and the changing table was in use, with a man doing the work. It does not need to be framed in the language of 1970s consciousness-raising—though that can be appropriate in some theoretical contexts. It can be a slight behavioural change: getting over hesitation and then doing something basic.

Changing his child’s diaper is as basic as being on a construction site and putting caps on exposed rebar. I used to do that as a teenager while working a bit of construction. I am not saying I was good at it, but I am saying I did it.

Iceland, as you noted, is among the Nordic countries—and while some include Iceland in the Nordic category and others debate the category—it does very well according to the World Economic Forum. You noted how Ireland changed very quickly; others, like Iceland, have had a slower but very successful progression. What do you make of very basic behavioural changes, within a generation, in how we understand what counts as work—work we all have to do?

Eisler: We have to ensure our policies keep pace with the changes. Many men, including older men, are challenging old stereotypes of masculinity. The old stereotype of masculinity is an uncaring one. Caring has been coded as feminine in domination systems—soft, not masculine.

These men are saying, ‘No, I can do” women’s work,” and my wife or partner can do” men’s work,” can’t be a leader, can’t be a manager.’ It is changing, but unfortunately, our policies and resource allocations, especially now in the United States, are going the other way. I think this is a temporary setback, but it is a very serious one, and a very uncaring and disrespectful setback in terms of human rights.

Jacobsen: You referenced human rights. There are two thoughts there. One, people often talk about human rights as if they were a random assortment of propositions, when in fact they are grounded in a principle: universalism. From that principle, distinct rights emerge with claims to universal application in theory, and ideally, practice follows as closely as possible.

On the other hand, principles of respect and care—even without a human rights framework—have existed throughout history. The human rights framework helps because it is a contemporary, empirically grounded form of universalism, but respect and care are evident in many cultural expressions. I am not sure where I am going with that. I ran out of track, and I have no breadcrumbs to go home.

Could you see respect and care as more universal than human rights in some way, because they are older and more biologically grounded rather than cognitively and rationally grounded?

Eisler: The problem is that in societies oriented toward domination—and we are still emerging from that and saying this is not what we want—respect and care are reserved for those at the top, whether in the family, academia, politics, or economics. I would say that, yes, we humans have a huge capacity for empathy. That is our evolutionary gift.

Evolution has moved in that direction, but the domination system conditions us—with its economic rewards and family structures—to compartmentalize, or, at worst, suppress our capacity for respect. It becomes an in-group versus out-group dynamic. I think there are two basic components of respect.

One is the human rights component, which applies not just to the in-group but to everyone, recognizing that we are all interconnected. Physics now even shows this at the subatomic level: the Nobel Prize was awarded for work demonstrating quantum entanglement. And today we are interconnected not only by global technologies of transportation and communication, but also by technologies of destruction such as nuclear and biological warfare, and more slowly by climate change.

As I have always emphasized, the old domination system is not adaptive, because it immediately divides us into those whom you must respect—meaning fear, ultimately—and those whose human rights you can disregard, oppress, exile, or kill.

Jacobsen: Okay. So we are in a rough patch when it comes to care and respect. What is your short coda on getting through it? You have seen cycles like this before. Now it is particularly rough because there is a strong, unified push in the opposite direction.

Eisler: We have to understand our interconnection and recognize that we have the human capacity—shaped by evolution—for respect that is care, caring respect. It is not only our basic human capacity, but also essential in this age of high technology.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Riane.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

This Gay Week 12: Social-Media Screening, a New ‘Lavender Scare,’ and LGBTQ Safety

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/31

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

In This Gay Week, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Karel Bouley mix humour with unease as Bouley ties Pride flashpoints to a broader authoritarian drift. They discuss U.S. entry proposals that could review years of social media, warning this may chill travel and treat “pro-trans,” “pro-immigrant,” or anti-ICE speech as suspicious. They weigh Seattle World Cup Pride events around an Egypt–Iran match, balancing boundary-pushing with safety. Bouley critiques the “special protections” rhetoric, insisting that equality means one law for all, and warns that a renewed “lavender scare” is spreading through institutions. He urges vigilance from journalists, voters, and allies across borders.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Hello, and welcome to This Gay Week with Karel and Scott Jacobsen. Are you ready?

Bouley: Apparently! We are doing this. Apparently, we are the gay news. What are we talking about today? Today, let us get every social media trend in here, shall we? I love it. 

Jacobsen: By the way, has there been another rendition of this kind of show—an American–Canadian mix-up on gay news—that you know of?

Jacobsen: No. This is the first. We will call it a first.

Bouley: I have been the first in many things.

Jacobsen: Well, congratulations once more. Seattle World Cup organizers say Pride events will go ahead outside the Egypt–Iran match. World Cup organizers in Seattle said this on Wednesday. 

Bouley: I know we have to talk about these stories, but I have to tell you, as an American gay person, the only thing on my mind this week—the only thing—is this. And I know you have an American person who talks about American gay news, but this has worldwide repercussions.

First is the policy discussion around expanded social media screening for people entering the United States, including looking back several years. In some cases, applicants are asked to disclose social media identifiers, and private accounts may limit what can be reviewed. What they are looking for is similar to the language that has appeared in guidance and memos discussed publicly regarding federal law enforcement agencies. This is real in the sense that it has been widely reported and debated, including on the cover of the Los Angeles Times.

There has been language in official and semi-official documents about “domestic terrorism,” and the way some of these discussions frame “radical gender ideology” has raised serious concern. In practice, critics argue this language can be interpreted as targeting people who support trans rights, people described as anti-Christian, people opposed to ICE, or people critical of so-called traditional family values. These terms function, in effect, as dog whistles for gay, lesbian, bi, and trans people.

It is frightening to me, as an American podcaster, that there is increasing encouragement for reporting perceived threats, including hotlines and tip programs. Historically, those systems have been abused. The people critics fear could be swept into these categories are often simply people who do not agree with an administration or its policies. That is a significant problem. And with multi-year social media reviews, they are looking for the same signals.

Are you pro-trans? Are you pro-gay? Are you against ICE raids? Are you pro-immigrant? Are you pro-Palestine? Those positions have all become politically charged. This is very, very scary. It is likely to affect tourism in the United States. People from your country and other countries may be reluctant to travel. There have also been proposals and ideas to expand biometric or identity screening, though many have not been adopted as formal policy.

That would affect Canada, the UK, and the EU. This is not very comforting. It is probably one of the most important stories that Americans—and people around the world—should be paying attention to, because it reflects a continued drift toward authoritarian practices. Even more troubling is that law-enforcement agencies like the FBI and the DOJ are being placed at the center of these debates to go after people they deem to be terrorists. And the way they are deeming them is if they are pro-trans, pro-gay, or not Christian. It even says non-Christian. It is not very comforting. It is a very scary memo that is going out. 

The federal government would incentivize agencies through funding. They would incentivize agencies and prioritize those that comply with the federal financing memo first. So that gives local law enforcement another reason to comply. It is terrifying, Scott. It is as scary as it gets, especially for someone like me. I check many of the boxes. It is terrifying. 

Jacobsen: Also, the most persistent forms of domestic terrorism in the United States, as you know, have been carried out by right-wing extremists—often with Christian nationalist framing—as well as ethnic and white nationalist groups. 

Bouley: This memo, as the Los Angeles Times story points out, does nothing about them. It does not label them as domestic terrorists, even though they are responsible for much of the gun violence and other forms of violence. Now to your stories. I am sorry, but that story really chills me. It is deeply authoritarian in tone, and while those comparisons are often overused, this one feels historically appropriate. It has worldwide repercussions because a gay person with an active social media presence is not going to want customs officials reviewing five years of their posts. That has significant consequences. You could come into the country and be labelled a domestic terrorist simply for being pro-trans, pro-immigrant, pro-LBGTQ, not Christian, or because you do not subscribe to a rigid “traditional family” model. 

Jacobsen: Now to the World Cup story. As noted, the match involving Egypt and Iran will go ahead, and World Cup organizers in Seattle said on Wednesday that Pride events would proceed as planned outside the June match. Egypt and Iran have raised objections through sports officials, as homosexuality is criminalized in both countries. As you noted, this reflects a broader regional pattern of hostility toward LGBTQ+ people.

Bouley: It is brave to continue with the Pride events. How do I say this without sounding like a conservative old guy? I may be partially old, but I am certainly not conservative. Sometimes, LGBTQ communities do need to push boundaries. There is an excellent line in the film After the Hunt—Julia Roberts says, “Not everything in the world is supposed to make you comfortable.” That line applies here. Making people uncomfortable is often part of progress, and that alone is not a reason to cancel a match or rearrange lives.

That said, there is a point where safety matters. You have to ask whether it becomes hazardous for the people involved. I have never wanted to travel to Egypt or to many Middle Eastern or African countries because it is unsafe to be gay there. Several of the countries involved criminalize homosexuality. So while pushing norms and pushing society toward acceptance are essential, there are moments when we have to consider players’ and fans’ safety. Even though the match is outside Egypt, I do wonder how safe everyone involved will actually be.

I do not know if this is prudent. We will see. And again, I commend them. But it is essential for gay people who live there. I know this is a big deal for them. I have always said, if you are gay, why do you live there? Well, some people have no choice. I know that. I get it. I really do. I am gay, and I live in America, and believe me, I would leave if I could. So I understand. I think it is a step forward for sports and for gay rights. But at the same time, I think we always need to be prudent. Tensions and conflict are at an all-time high right now. I do not know if poking the bear—where being gay is illegal—is the right thing to do at this moment. I am glad someone is doing it. I do not know that I would attend. But I am so happy someone will.

Jacobsen: During your time in the United States, did you generally feel safe or accepted?

Bouley: No, right up until today. It is dangerous to be gay in America, more so now than at many other points, and it has never been entirely safe to be gay. In many parts of the country, regardless of who was president—Obama, Clinton, or anyone else—it has still been dangerous. The South is a clear example. There are states I would advise gay tourists from abroad to avoid. Go to New Orleans, but do not go elsewhere in Louisiana. Do not go to Baton Rouge. Go to Atlanta, but do not go to smaller towns like Valdosta.

Even in Florida, but Miami, Orlando, and Fort Lauderdale are generally fine, but stay out of the panhandle. There are places in America where it is not safe to be gay, where Pride festivals have been cancelled in the past year because of credible threats. I was just watching coverage of Taylor Swift cancelling shows after a credible terror threat overseas from an Islamic terrorist group. The world is not a safe place, and the United States is certainly not the safest place for LGBTQ people. Ireland is safer. Parts of the EU are safer. But even in Europe, there are countries you should avoid if you are gay. Some people say that defeats the purpose, but you have to decide what risks you are willing to take.

Making the point that gay people should be allowed everywhere is not worth dying for, at least not for me. That may be because I am older and I have lived through a lot. In my twenties or thirties, I might have pushed much harder. I learned that people actually die that way. Now, more than ever, as there is more anti-gay legislation in the United States and globally than pro-gay legislation, every gay person has to step back and ask: Do I really want to go there? Do I really want to go to the United States? To Croatia? To Egypt at this point in history?

This goes beyond being gay. In America, there are places Black people probably should not go. There are places immigrants are worried about going right now. And this is true in many countries. I have never truly felt safe in America. Just recently, I told you about a man at the park with a sword, and someone else pulled out a gun. That was not specifically a gay incident, but imagine if that person had a sword and also hated queer people. No, they weren’t filming the next Indiana Jones, though that did cross my mind.

Bouley: The man was swinging a sword, and my friend said he had a gun. I joked about Indiana Jones, but the fact that this is even possible is a shame. It is a shame that we have such access to weapons, and that tempers are so high that someone would go to their car to get a sword because of a minor conflict. 

Jacobsen: In Los Angeles, people talk about road rage escalating to shootings. 

Bouley: We just had a case here in Las Vegas—a tragedy. Two lives ruined. In Henderson, a driver was angry about another car on the freeway, pulled up alongside it, and shot into the vehicle.

He killed a fourteen-year-old who was in the back seat. When they arrested him, he did not even know he had killed anyone. Then they told him, “You killed a fourteen-year-old.” He said he did not mean to. He is only twenty-two. His life is over. He is going to prison for most, if not all, of his life. And that fourteen-year-old is dead. Why? Because he did not like the way someone passed him on the freeway. Gay people face this kind of danger every day.

Right now, I was about to respond to a request for a journalist to go on GB News—Great Britain’s equivalent of Fox News—as someone who is described as “pro-trans.” This came up because Gavin Newsom posted about Elon Musk’s transgender daughter, and they want to discuss it on GB News. They are looking for someone who is pro-trans. And I thought: who is not pro-trans? Why would anyone be anti-trans?

I come from the school of thought that it is none of your business. There should not be a pro or anti position on trans people. I do not have an opinion on trans people because I am not trans. They have the right to live and exist just like everyone else. The idea that they are looking for someone “pro-trans” implies that there are people who are against trans people. Why?

Why would you be against someone who has a recognized medical condition—whether or not some people want to accept that—where their body does not match who they are? Biology makes mistakes. It is like being born with seven fingers and having two removed because biology made a mistake. Who would be against that?

Let us be honest. The same people who are anti-trans are often pro-Viagra. If God and your body said you were supposed to be limp, who are we to intervene? 

Jacobsen: Baldness creams, pills, surgery—name any of these interventions. They are considered routine and socially acceptable.

Bouley: Look at half the people Donald Trump surrounds himself with at Mar-a-Lago. Many of these women have radically altered their bodies. They barely look human anymore. But it is their choice. If they want to look that way, that is their right. Yet they oppose trans people having gender-affirming medical care. They have transitioned themselves, but they object to others doing so. Never the two shall meet. 

Jacobsen: Matt Gaetz—yes, he has had work done. 

Bouley: And what about Madison Cawthorn? I always got a strong vibe from him. My gaydar went off loudly every time he appeared. There are photos of him in drag. Republicans love to attack trans people while wearing dresses. It is like the Pope judging trans people while wearing a designer robe. All right, back to the world. We could do an entire series just on jokes and commentary.

Jacobsen: Arlington has upheld special protections for LGBTQ people. The city council voted five to four, a very narrow margin. The city agreed to continue the temporary removal of specific language from its ordinance, which began in September, to avoid losing federal funding. The subtext, again, is fear of the federal government—this time out of Texas.

As you and I have noted, and as many reports show, Texas leads the country in the number of bills targeting LGBTQ-friendly policies. It is not even close. Texas alone accounts for a substantial share.

Bouley: I lived in Texas, and trust me, those cowboys are not as straight as they like to think. It gets lonely out on the trail. The stables can be lonely places, too.

But seriously, the language of “special protections” has always bothered me. For a long time, I was actually against hate crime legislation. I support it now, but for years I opposed it. My thinking was: I do not need special protections. 

If someone is beating me over the head while calling me a slur, stop them from beating me over the head. Punish them for the assault, not for the insult. To me, a crime was a crime. There was no such thing as a “hate crime,” just a crime. That concept felt strange to me at the time.

Bouley: When we come back, I will tell you what offended me most about what you just read. In what you just read to me, they used the phrase “special protections.” That bothers me. That really bothers me. I do not need special protections, and no gay person needs special protections. We need the same equality under the law that non-gay people have. 

The problem is that laws have been deliberately written to target gay people. That is why we end up needing so-called special protections. If there were no special laws targeting us, we would not require special protections. So, how about we have one law for everybody?

How about we make it illegal to fire anyone from their job because of race, gender, religious affiliation—any of it? How about we make freedom and liberty universal? That seems like such a difficult thing for countries around the world. They act as if they have to make special concessions to gay people. They do not. Just stop making special laws against us. Then we will not need special protections, because we will already be covered.

I am an American. The Constitution covers me. There is not a gay Constitution—although there probably should be. I could come up with a few amendments. So yes, I am glad they voted to keep the protections in place. It is sad that they have to, and that they call it ‘special protections’. That is sad. But it is good that five of the nine council members at least said, “Let us not single out this group of people again.”

Again, I do not need special protection. I do not need anything special. No gay person alive, in any country anywhere, needs anything special. They want what everyone else already has. That is what is so bizarre to me. It is such a strange framing.

Jacobsen: It goes back to basic human-rights discourse. People look at human-rights law and think it is a grab bag of special rules. It is not. There is a fundamental principle underneath all of it: universalism. That is precisely the point—one law for all. 

Bouley: All for one, one for all. I am a Musketeer. Let us go. 

Jacobsen: We need one more guest. 

Bouley: I am blanking on the names now. I remember D’Artagnan. I forgot the other two, but there were four Musketeers, not three.

Jacobsen: Also in the news, national-security experts have confirmed what you were describing earlier: a modern “lavender scare.” They argue this mirrors the Cold War era, not just rhetorically, but in practice. 

Bouley: This goes back to the story at the beginning. If an FBI memo can be used to justify labelling people who are pro-trans, pro-gay, anti-ICE, or critical of Christian nationalism as potential domestic threats, then it can certainly be used to justify firing them from government jobs.

So yes, within the U.S. government right now, there is a renewed lavender scare. And this does not apply only to the United States. I am talking to people across the globe. Out and proud individuals working in government are pulling back on displaying rainbow flags or being openly expressive about their LGBTQ identity. They are doing this because U.S. political trends—especially under Trump and Trumpism—are influencing other governments.

People are realizing that if they want to keep their government jobs, now may not be the time to be visibly out. So across government agencies worldwide, many people are becoming quieter and less visible. This is not just happening here. There is a global lavender scare unfolding, driven by authoritarian politics—from Trumpism to Putinism—and it is chilling.

We have gays in concentration camps. We have African nations passing laws against their own citizens. If you are in government, this is not a good time to be openly gay, and that is incredibly sad. Some people will say, “No, now is the time more than ever.” Sure—if you do not want to keep your job.

Jacobsen: Have you seen advocates and allies who are fair-weather supporters disappearing in this season as well?

Bouley: Yes, absolutely. There was recently a call with four of the most prominent gay leaders in the United States, and what they said was sobering. They were aligned with me about how bad things really are. They were not pulling punches. They said plainly: it is worse than most people think.

One of the key points they raised is that gay and lesbian rights globally are no longer just “gay and lesbian rights.” Gay rights now include housing—can I be evicted because I am gay or trans? Healthcare—can I access care if I am gay or trans? Employment—can I work without discrimination? Where you live, where you work, whether you can travel freely—these are now all gay rights issues.

Every significant aspect of life is being affected by anti-gay policies. Workplace rights, housing, healthcare, freedom of movement—these are now inseparable from gay rights because Trump and similar movements around the world have attacked LGBTQ people across every sector: government, travel, civil society, and religion. So being a gay activist is no longer just about marriage equality. It is about work, housing, healthcare, food security, travel—almost everything a human being does.

Jacobsen: A judge in Georgia—this came up earlier—ordered the prison system to continue providing gender-affirming care for transgender prisoners. U.S. District Judge Victoria Marie Calvert issued that ruling. 

Bouley: But I will tell you right now that the decision is going to be challenged. I have a friend working in the prison system who was recently sent a memo saying they are no longer permitted to provide certain protections or care.

There were laws, in the U.S. and elsewhere, recognizing that prisoners who are at higher risk of rape or abuse—such as gay and trans prisoners—should be housed separately or protected. The Trump administration reversed that guidance. Trans people are now being housed according to the sex assigned at birth. If you have breasts and identify as a woman but have not had surgery, you may be placed in the male general population. That policy had changed years ago, and now it has been changed back.

Previously, if you were a visibly gay or feminine man and at high risk of sexual assault, you could be protected. That is no longer guaranteed. While it is admirable that this judge in Georgia upheld protections, a broader federal policy is likely to override them. That policy says no more so-called “special privileges” for gay, lesbian, bi, or trans prisoners—including gender-affirming care.

This has already happened in many states. In California, I was told by a correctional officer that inmates can no longer receive hormone treatment because the state will not pay for it. There is a growing anti-gay movement within the prison system, and it is rooted purely in cruelty. There is no legitimate justification for removing these protections. The only message is: we do not care if you are raped, assaulted, or beaten.

Jacobsen: Is this comparable to other forms of bigotry we see in American political discourse? Don’t we want fat generals?

Bouley: Yes. It reflects the same hatred and dehumanization. It is like rhetoric about “not wanting fat generals.” That came from people who could not pass basic physical standards themselves. It is the same cruelty, the same contempt.

When leaders talk about “no men in dresses,” that mindset carries directly into prison policy. If you put a trans woman with breasts into the male general population, you are knowingly placing her in extreme danger. It is not policy; it is brutality. It is throwing someone to a lion and calling it an order. That is what makes this horrifying.

History will not look kindly on these people. In America and elsewhere, incarceration has become especially dangerous. Look, gay people, do not commit any crimes right now. I know that sounds absurd when being gay is effectively being criminalized in some contexts, but still. Do not shoplift the Prada. Buy a knockoff. That is essentially the government’s stance right now.

I know we are going to run over time, but I just saw the remake of Kiss of the Spider Woman. I do not understand why it received such a bad reaction. It is a great film, and Jennifer Lopez is excellent in it. I do not know why people were criticizing her or the movie. It is powerful. And let us remember what that story is about: a gay man and a straight man in the same prison in Argentina in the early 1980s. The gay man is imprisoned simply for being gay. The other is there because he is a journalist and a dissident who spoke against the government.

That story could be set in 2025 in Georgia. It is happening now. In the film, they were not released until 1983, when the government changed, and journalists, artists, and other creative people were freed. That same pattern is repeating in many countries. That is why the movie remains so relevant.

When I watched it, I thought: this is Trump’s America. This is what he wants—to imprison journalists, gay people, and dissidents, meaning anyone who disagrees with him. When he excused the killing of Jamal Khashoggi by saying the journalist was “not very well liked,” that told you everything. You cannot kill reporters because you dislike them, and you cannot jail people because they dissent.

Some people think gay people would somehow have a good time in prison. That is a fantasy. Prison is not safe or easy for gay people. So I applaud the judge in Georgia, but I fully expect that ruling to be challenged and pushed up to the Supreme Court—and I do not mean Diana Ross.

Jacobsen: Coming back from the National Press Club awards, one thing stood out to me. There was a table set aside to honour murdered journalists. The National Press Club is essentially a sacred space for journalism, and that symbolism matters. Journalists are being killed, harassed, doxed, and threatened globally. Murder disproportionately affects male journalists; sexual harassment disproportionately affects women journalists. But broadly speaking, this is a season of harassment for journalists, period.

Bouley: I will admit, I have flirted with journalists. I have technically flirted with you. Some of the things I have said could have made someone uncomfortable in a different context. I call people hot. I say someone is gorgeous. Viewers saw our video and said, “You should ask him out.” I said I would, but he is not gay. One viewer replied, “That has never stopped you before.” Fair enough—I have dated my share of sexually ambiguous people.

But when an administration effectively condones harsher incarceration policies, as this one has through directives and policy reversals, it does not stop at the border. It spreads. Countries like Finland, Norway, and Sweden take care of their prisoners, especially LGBTQ prisoners. They protect them from sexual violence. Trans women are housed with women. The Netherlands does this well, too. These systems focus on dignity and rehabilitation.

Then there are countries like the United States and some African nations, where incarceration is about punishment, neglect, and profit. You are thrown into a pit and left to survive. That reflects a deeper divide in how societies view prisoners: either as human beings with rights or as people to be stripped of dignity.

The United States has moved firmly into the latter category. Prisons are for profit. There is little concern about whether gay or trans people are raped or beaten. There is little concern about whether people die in custody. The attitude is: why were they there in the first place?

I hope that one day Donald Trump understands what prison is like. That is my hope. And simply for saying that, I could probably be labelled a domestic terrorist under the logic we have been discussing. 

Jacobsen: All good for the day. 

Bouley: All good for the day. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for another episode of This Gay Week.

Bouley: Thank you. And yes, before the new year, we have one more before 2026.

Jacobsen: Karel, thank you very much for your time today.

Bouley: Thank you, Scott—and your beautiful tree. You must have a little gay in you, because that tree is fabulous. 

Jacobsen: All those tassels.

Bouley: You can buy all of mine.

Jacobsen: There should be a little pop, and then all those tassels should sparkle.

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Worlds Behind Words 7: Michigan Conversion Therapy Ruling, Gender-Affirming Care Restrictions, and LGBTQ+ Safety

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/31

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and William Dempsey examine how U.S. politics and institutions shape LGBTQ+ lives. They discuss a federal appeals court decision blocking Michigan’s ban on conversion therapy for minors, weighing First Amendment arguments against the medical consensus that the practice is harmful. They then turn to proposed federal limits on gender-affirming care funding and access, including downstream impacts for Medicaid/CHIP families and ripple effects in liberal states like Massachusetts. The conversation also touches on faith-driven judicial nominees, pluralism, and the lived experience of safety and acceptance across generations.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A federal appeals court on Wednesday blocked Michigan’s ban on conversion therapy for minors who are LGBTQ+ in Michigan because it violates the First Amendment rights of therapists and counsellors. It was a two-to-one decision, and the court said it illegally restricts speech that reflects therapists’ moral or religious beliefs. 

Now they must be emphasizing that article—and I am reading it—moral belief, not empirical belief. That distinction is crucial. I think about some things that could be put in place around licensure based on evidence, whether doing something can be immoral, and that is fine. It is like abortion care or something. But in terms of evidence, major medical and mental-health organizations have concluded that conversion therapy is not supported as an effective treatment and is associated with harm, so it is not merely a moral question. 

First of all, you have to have the evidence to make it a yes-or-no decision about whether you do it on moral grounds. Judge Raymond Kethledge wrote, and was joined by Judge Joan Larsen, stating, “The Michigan law discriminates based on viewpoint,” meaning the law permits speech on a particular topic only if the speech expresses a viewpoint that the government itself approves. 

In one dissent, Judge Rachel Bloomekatz said the Sixth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals should have waited for the Supreme Court to resolve a related case in Colorado that could settle the issue more broadly. And Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer stated in 2023 that conversion therapy is a “horrific practice.” That assessment is consistent with the position of major professional associations and with research findings that link conversion therapy to increased risks such as depression and suicidality. Any thoughts?

William Dempsey: First of all, it sounds like they are going off what they feel is ethical. There have been numerous crackdowns on conversion therapy from the APA and other leaders in mental health.

Jacobsen: The American Psychological Association, the American Medical Association, and the American Psychiatric Association, all three. And this was from months ago now.

Dempsey: Yeah. And potentially the marriage and family group—the AAMFT, the American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy—the family therapy organization as well. All of them. I do not think any of them ever approved it, and, more importantly, they have openly said it is harmful. And again, fact-check me on this, but I believe there have been studies showing that the majority of people who are doing this are not actually therapists. I cannot say the majority are not licensed therapists as a general fact; conversion therapy has been practiced by a mix of licensed providers and unlicensed religious counsellors, and Michigan’s law specifically targets licensed mental-health professionals. 

So, for that to be quoted as if it only concerns licensed therapists is not true; many people providing “conversion” efforts are clergy or other unlicensed counsellors, but licensed professionals have also been involved historically and in some settings. So while the argument of free speech can still be made, framing it under the guise of therapists’ free speech is absurd, frankly. And without getting too sidetracked, this speaks to a larger conversation. 

There are theories that Gretchen Whitmer is running for the Democratic presidential ticket in 2028 and positioning herself as broadly electable; there is no reliable evidence that she is working closely with President Trump, so that part should be treated as speculation. On a personal level, it makes me wonder how much of this is performative. But Michigan is a swing state and a very divisive one, so this is her genuinely trying to support what her constituents want, or what she thinks they want. There are many people I do not know directly, but I know enough parts of Michigan that would agree with us. So I am willing to give her the benefit of the doubt.

Jacobsen: The other big news out of the states concerns the U.S. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has moved to cut access to gender-affirming care for children. I do not know what age range is being used here, or where the cutoff is on either end for the definition of “children” in the United States, so I am not sure what this precisely implies. He is proposing rules to bar hospitals that deliver care through Medicare and Medicaid programs, as well as barring Medicare and children’s health programs from paying for it. So this affects both the delivery of care and its payment. 

He is targeting both taxpayer funding and the practice itself. If you could stop a practice outright, why would you also need to address payment mechanisms? All U.S. hospitals participate in Medicare programs for people aged 65 and older and people with disabilities, and more than half of U.S. children receive health coverage through the federally and state-based Medicaid and CHIP programs. These are primarily families with fewer resources than many in the American population. That is my reading of the situation, and these programs are being cut for a tiny minority of cases involving this type of care. Any thoughts? And have you dealt with kids or parents in this kind of situation?

Dempsey: I have not dealt directly with kids or parents in this situation. I have worked primarily with people who have commercial insurance, so, as you stated, they inherently have more privilege and access, especially in a state like Massachusetts, and in the Boston area specifically, which is very liberal and has no plans to revoke access to gender-affirming care. I have worked with teens who are on hormone replacement therapy or who were exploring that as an option before turning 18. I think this is part of an ongoing conversation. 

I have never encountered a situation in which youth are allowed to make these decisions without parental consent. For the government to take away the right of parents to provide consent for their own children seems like an invasion, and that is being generous. I try to be mindful and fair-minded here, because if I were to argue the same thing about something I personally disagree with, we might have a very different conversation. I keep that in mind when offering my perspective.

What concerns me more broadly is that in Massachusetts, there was recently a notice stating that even individuals under 21 were going to be restricted from receiving hormone replacement therapy. This occurred at a specific facility, but the justification given was that the decision had to be made in accordance with federal guidelines. This facility is one I used to work at. It is a queer-focused health center called Fenway Health, and it is one of the world leaders in LGBTQ health-care research. As you can imagine, many people in the Boston metro area receive their HRT there. To have legal adults—19- and 20-year-olds—unable to access that care is difficult even to describe. 

There is significant concern in the community that even where people may disagree with the initial restrictions on minors, there is a growing fear that this represents a slippery slope. The concern is that the government will continue to find ways to restrict access for legal adults, including 18-, 19-, and 20-year-olds. In the United States, adulthood begins at 18, which raises a serious alarm. As is often true across government on both sides of the aisle, there is a perception that small inroads are being made before larger moves follow. There is a growing concern that these are only the beginning steps of a broader plan of restriction, for lack of a better phrase.

Jacobsen: This is the last one. A Republican senator grilled a Trump judicial nominee over religious sermons. An Indiana lawyer nominated by President Donald Trump to become a federal judge faced sharp questioning after it emerged that he had delivered church sermons describing premarital sex as a category of “sexual perversions” and suggesting that wives should be subservient to their husbands. 

This should surprise no one. This is pretty standard fundamentalist ideology and a literalist reading of the Bible. Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana stated, “My obligation is to try to understand you, because this is a lifetime appointment.” He continued by asking whether the nominee believed that people with disabilities should not be able to marry, and whether Christian marriage requires women to be subservient to their husbands. Justin Olson, one of three district court nominees appearing before the Republican Senate Judiciary Committee, responded by stating, “My highest legal authority is my nation, and the United States Constitution governs that nation.” 

When questioned further, he said he was describing his church’s understanding of Christian marriage and added, “I believe every word of the Bible.” That is always an interesting statement. Any thoughts on this interrogation by a Republican senator—whether MAGA-aligned or not—and this fundamentalist Christian nominee, Mr. Olson?

Dempsey: My personal opinion is that people whose views most closely align with the Bible, or who cite the Bible as the justification for their opinions, are often among the most enormous hypocrites. That includes, but is not limited to, individuals who quote the Bible to support anti-queer legislation while engaging in queer sexual activity behind closed doors. 

From a psychological perspective, while this is not a universal truth, we are often most upset by people who represent parts of ourselves we are unhappy with. Off the record, I was reflecting on this recently with someone I was clashing with, and after further reflection, I realized that the things I disliked about them were also things I disliked about myself.

Jacobsen: That is not always true, though. It could be that something they do genuinely bothers you.

Dempsey: Sure. That is not a universal truth. Part of this involves taking time to be self-reflective and intuitive about who you are and engaging in self-discovery. To use a more extreme example, I could dislike someone for being racist, and that does not mean I dislike them because I am racist. Or I could dislike someone for being rude to a service worker, and that does not mean I share that trait. It is not a universal rule. However, there are many instances in which that dynamic does apply. 

This opens up a larger societal conversation that is very apparent in the United States and has always been: how to live in a large, pluralistic society with differing moral frameworks without feeling you are imposing your agenda on others, especially legislatively. I realize we are getting slightly off topic here, but if you have a more specific question, Scott, I am happy to get back on track.

Jacobsen: One other individual—an older gay man—has noted to me that, as an American, he has never felt entirely accepted, at a minimum, if not safe, or safe, if not accepted, at any point in his lifetime. He has not felt welcomed in the United States and has almost certainly not felt safe for most of his life as a gay man. Is that a common experience, and how do patients express that to you one-on-one?

Dempsey: How old is this person?

Jacobsen: He is in his sixties.

Dempsey: Yes. I think it is twofold. Having met many people from across the United States, part of it depends on where you were raised. Older generations of queer people tend to feel this more deeply because the trauma runs deep. They grew up in a time when bars were being raided, and more recently, when many of their friends were dying because the government and the medical establishment did not believe they were worth caring for or worth helping to survive. That is incredibly difficult to overcome, and it is understandable. You are going to feel unsafe.

For younger generations, including my own, it still depends heavily on where you grew up. I have friends who were raised in rural Texas who have a very different perception of safety than I do, having been raised just outside New York City. While I am aware of what might feel unsafe when travelling to certain places, I have not experienced or internalized fear in the same way that others I know have. That distinction is especially noticeable among gay men.

There are also significant safety concerns across the broader LGBTQ+ community. We see this most acutely with trans people, where rates of violence continue to rise year over year, including rates of murder, particularly among Black and Brown trans women. There is also what might be described as the gentrification of queer spaces. This can create tension and, at times, conflict—even violence—between gay men and queer women who are perceived as straight women encroaching on what had been safe spaces. As lesbian bars disappear and queer women search for alternative spaces, that friction can intensify, with some gay men perceiving this as a kind of erasure of queer-specific spaces.

Most importantly, the safety concerns related to violence, the loss of spaces that feel safe, and the inability to exist openly in public—experiences everyday for gay men in the 1960s and 1970s—closely parallel what we are seeing today with trans people. As a result, we see predictable psychological consequences: hypervigilance, anxiety, depression, and thoughts of suicide or self-harm. As we have discussed before, this can escalate into flight responses, where people begin seriously asking themselves, “Where can I move? Where can I go?” because it is not sustainable to live in a constant state of perceived threat.

Jacobsen: That is a lot of words for a purely trans week. Literally, that is what came up. It was all the news—every item—in the trans world.  We are doing this weekly, but we will be off for the next two weeks due to Christmas and New Year’s. See you then in the new year.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 27: Weaponised Migration, Deepfakes, and Proxy Wars

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/30

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen spoke with Irina Tsukerman about how states weaponize pressure without firing a shot. They began with a Reuters-reported tunnel from Belarus into Poland, where border guards said more than 180 migrants crossed and about 130 were detained, illustrating organised facilitation and adaptive tactics. They then discussed exiled Hong Kong activist Carmen Lau’s report of AI-generated sexualised images mailed to neighbours as intimidation, echoing older disinformation playbooks amplified online. Tsukerman also unpacked Yemen’s STC–Saudi–UAE tensions after deadly Hadhramaut clashes, arguing fragmentation complicates any deal. Finally, they noted the U.S. indictment alleging BLM OKC donation misuse via fiscal sponsorship. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A large number of migrants have been travelling to Poland via a hidden border tunnel from Belarus. The Polish Border Guard estimated that more than 180 migrants crossed. Based on the Reuters photo, it is not a large tunnel. It was supported by wooden posts and metal rods and was only about 1.5 meters high, so most people could not get through without crouching. Poland has been grappling with the migrant crisis. It has accused Belarus, a Minsk ally of Moscow, of attempting to destabilize Poland by encouraging people, mainly from the Middle East and Africa, to cross the frontier.

A border guard said, “The hidden entrance in the forest was located approximately 50 meters from the border fence on the Belarusian side of the border, while the exit was located approximately 10 meters from the barrier on the Polish side.” Polish Border Guard officials said around 130 migrants were detained after the tunnel was discovered, while others were still being sought. This was reported as the fourth such tunnel found this year in the Podlaskie region. What are your thoughts on this? What are your thoughts on the accusations of the weaponization of immigration by Belarus and Russia toward European countries such as Poland?

Irina Tsukerman: I had the fortune of being present at some of the exact locations depicted in these articles and news reports earlier this year, in September, when I visited the same area that Prime Minister Donald Tusk and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had visited weeks earlier. I observed Polish efforts to safeguard security, including multiple layers of metal fencing, barbed wire, and electronic monitoring systems, as well as human security guards patrolling the area.

What struck me was the sophistication and diversity of methods used to facilitate irregular crossings on this border. In my assessment, networks connected to Belarusian state structures and actors operating with their protection have sought to exploit migration flows as a pressure tactic. Recruiters have reportedly targeted high-risk regions such as sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East, and many of the migrants arriving at the border appear to be young men. They are often directed on where and how to attempt crossings, sometimes in ways designed to provoke confrontations at the fence line.

In some cases, migrants set fires and throw containers filled with urine or feces at the guards. In other cases, they use night lasers pointed at the night-vision goggles worn by border guards to disrupt or impair their vision. In some instances, they are given tools to remove sections of the metal fencing to force entry. They crouch under or pass through gates and openings they create, then attempt to evade the police.

They usually observe patterns in police and border-guard presence, waiting for periods when coverage is less intense. At times, they appear in broad daylight. They also move from place to place to avoid remaining in one location long enough for guards to anticipate their movements and prepare interceptions. In some cases, individuals injure themselves while climbing over fences and barbed wire. They must be transported to hospitals at the Polish taxpayer’s expense, where they receive basic medical care before being identified and either deported or transferred to detention centers or courts.

This new reporting about tunnels is not particularly shocking. It was only a matter of time before digging began as a way to circumvent the difficulties of climbing over fences. Polish police and border guards have become increasingly effective at stopping both large groups and individual attempts to cross. At the same time, the fencing has grown more sophisticated and more difficult to bypass, making underground routes a logical next step for those determined to enter Europe at this particular location.

The reason these tunnels are not as sophisticated as those built by Hamas is twofold. First, they must be dug relatively quickly. Many of these individuals are living in forested areas while attempting to cross, with minimal supplies—perhaps only basic food and water. At this time of year, the weather is harsh, and it is neither comfortable nor safe to remain outdoors for long periods. The longer digging takes, the more likely interception becomes, so the tunnels are rudimentary and designed for rapid use. These crossings also involve groups gathered in the same place at the same time, which requires moving everyone quickly; splitting groups would draw attention and likely lead to the passage being shut down.

The second factor is funding. Hamas had years to construct its tunnel networks. It diverted billions of dollars in international humanitarian aid toward building highly sophisticated systems with ventilation and, in some cases, tunnels large enough for vehicles. The situation on the Polish-Belarusian border does not involve that level of financial support. While these operations are not cost-free—charter flights, basic sustenance, and tools all require money—they are not comparable to the scale of resources Hamas had at its disposal.

Another key difference is scale. These operations typically involve at most a few hundred people at a time, not tens of thousands concentrated in a single location. Such numbers would not be operationally feasible even for Russia or Belarus at present. At the peak of these efforts, however, approximately 37,000 people attempted to cross the Polish border in a single year, a figure that remains significant.

That number has declined as interception efforts have improved, but innovation continues. These tunnel attempts may open new routes—literally—for weaponized migration. It is possible that more tunnels will appear in the future, particularly in areas farther from fencing or where police presence is less frequent. A country cannot turn its entire territory into a continuous border-guard post. With limited personnel, opportunities for underground crossings will remain. This will likely require Poland to invest in underground detection technologies capable of sensing movement below the surface, much as it has already invested in sensors to detect human activity at night or at a distance.

Jacobsen: In Hong Kong, individuals such as Carmen Lau have been notified by Joshua Reynolds, a member of the UK Parliament from Believing Britain, that a fake, sexually explicit image is being used and distributed to neighbours. According to Reuters reporting, this represents the use of sexual humiliation through fabricated imagery as a tool of political intimidation. This tactic is not new in style, even if the medium is updated.

In my own profession, journalism, the major risk factor for being murdered is being male, while the major risk factor for being targeted with sexualized imagery or sexual harassment is being female. Similarly, here, fake sexualized images are being produced as a form of political punishment and intimidation. Lau is among more than 30 pro-democracy campaigners for whom Hong Kong authorities have offered HK$1 million (approximately US$130,000) bounties, accusing them of violating the city’s national security laws. What are your thoughts on this style of intimidation, and what are the broader implications for pro-democracy demonstrators?

Tsukerman: Like the other roughly 30 individuals, this case reflects how Chinese efforts to intimidate protesters, critics, opposition figures, diaspora communities, and others perceived as non-conforming to state expectations have become more diverse and sophisticated. This evolution is especially evident in Beijing’s extensive borrowing from the coercive and informational toolkits developed by Russia and other authoritarian states.

Rather than relying solely on direct violence, police force, or overt threats, authorities and their proxies increasingly deploy reputational attacks. Some of these methods are predictable: online smear campaigns, fabricated rumours, and false denunciations carried out by agents provocateurs. The use of sexualized imagery, however, represents a modern adaptation of older Soviet tactics that relied on altered or staged photographs to destroy reputations—particularly those of women, though men were also targeted.

Historically, such images were used to suggest affairs, unethical conduct, intoxication, or unprofessional behaviour, all designed to undermine public credibility. Today, sexualized photos or videos generated or manipulated with more advanced technology pursue the same objective but with far greater impact. The amplification effect of online platforms allows such content to spread thousands of times faster and farther than during the Cold War, when distribution was comparatively slow and limited.

In the past, the impact of these tactics was usually limited to the immediate community where the person lived or worked—their neighbours, colleagues, and people who knew them personally. In more advanced cases, local newspapers might have been involved. That cannot be compared to a video circulating online that can be viewed by thousands of people almost instantly. In Hong Kong and mainland China, this amplification can be pushed even further.

What we are seeing is a new twist on an ancient approach developed by Soviet intelligence, now adopted by pro-Beijing institutions and agencies, using essentially the same methods. The reason this is becoming more prominent now is straightforward. For many years, these actors were not particularly sophisticated. They relied mainly on brute force, crude accusations, and overt harassment. Over time, however, they have learned and adapted—through coordination and observation of tactics used by Russia, Iran, and other states, and by assessing what is more effective in the contemporary information environment.

Direct violence tends to generate significant negative publicity and condemnation from Western governments. By contrast, deepfake pornography and similar forms of digital sexualized abuse exist in a legal and moral gray zone. Even Western countries are still struggling to legislate against and enforce penalties for this kind of content, particularly when it is deployed through private or deniable channels. When state actors weaponize such tactics, they become even more challenging to counter.

When these campaigns occur in places such as Hong Kong or other non-Western jurisdictions, taking the content offline and attracting sustained attention from Western governments and human-rights organizations becomes much harder. These acts are often perceived as less brutal than physical violence or mass arrests, even though the damage can be equally pernicious—reputationally, psychologically, emotionally, and socially. As a result, they are less likely to trigger international activism, which is precisely why this method is expected to become a preferred tool of intimidation.

Jacobsen: Turning to another issue, a joint Saudi-Emirati delegation travelled to Aden following talks after clashes in which dozens of people were reported killed during a takeover by the Southern Transitional Council, or STC. Others were wounded in the violence, with reports indicating that some of the deadliest incidents occurred in Hadramout. The delegation’s discussions aim to address ways to reverse recent unilateral actions, including the withdrawal of forces from areas outside the eastern provinces. Aden is in Yemen.

Tsukerman: Aden serves as the seat of the internationally recognized Yemeni government, following the Houthis’ takeover of Sana’a. The underlying issue is much deeper than what the narrative presented by these two delegations to Western audiences acknowledges. This situation will not be resolved quickly or easily, nor through a simple mutual withdrawal of forces. These issues are perceived as existential by local actors, even though they also involve external security interests—in this case, those of the Emiratis and the Saudis.

The Saudis and Emiratis are effectively engaged in a proxy struggle, but there are legitimate local interests that go well beyond their external involvement. The Southern Transitional Council, or STC, emerged from what was once South Yemen during the period of communist rule. Many within this movement see themselves as pursuing eventual independence. At the same time, they remain formally part of the internationally recognized government. They are strongly opposed to the Houthis, who dominate the North and have increasingly pushed southward, smuggling oil and gas, depriving southern regions of income, and creating security problems even in southern Yemen.

The STC is also opposed to the pro–Muslim Brotherhood al-Islah party and to tribes affiliated with that movement. This is a complicated landscape because tribal, political, and ideological interests intersect in fluid ways that are not always easy to disentangle. Not all tribes involved are fully committed to al-Islah, and al-Islah itself is not composed solely of tribal actors. Some of its members are urban, city-based individuals who are less focused on tribal interests and more motivated by religious or ideological commitments. What results is a coalition of different groups converging under one umbrella. Politically, however, they are primarily affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and are often viewed as intermediaries among the Houthis, al-Qaeda, and other extremist or terrorist groups operating in Yemen and beyond.

At the strategic level, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates hold very different visions of Yemen’s long-term future. Saudi Arabia continues to insist on a unified Yemen, even if that requires negotiating some form of peace with the Houthis and tolerating the inclusion of Muslim Brotherhood–aligned actors. Not all Saudis support this vision; much of the backing comes from older power networks and from less ideological, more financially motivated elites.

The Emiratis, by contrast, back the STC. They view the Houthi-dominated North as irredeemable and believe that, to safeguard their own security interests against Iran-backed militants and the Muslim Brotherhood, the STC should exercise complete control over southern Yemen. In their view, separating North and South would simplify governance and improve security.

In my assessment, both sides are mistaken because they oversimplify the depth of sectarian, political, and social fragmentation within Yemen. The South itself is divided not only between the STC and the North, but also among various competing local interests. Simply separating the South from the North would not resolve these internal fractures or end the underlying conflicts.

It will not put an end to the economic problems or the endemic corruption associated with some factions of Yemen’s current government. As for the Houthis, the creation of a new border between the two states would not stop their ambitions. Yemen was previously divided into North and South Yemen—one under communist control, the other anti-communist. At that time, the Houthis were far less radical and were more aligned with Western and Saudi interests within an anti-communist framework. That situation has fundamentally changed.

Over the years, the Houthis have become significantly radicalized. They have also absorbed and integrated many northern residents who were not originally part of the Houthi tribal structure and who held different religious views. For this reason, simply re-erecting a political border or even constructing a physical barrier would not prevent the Houthis from conducting raids or attempting to reassert control over the South. They are armed with increasingly sophisticated weapons and are ideologically committed to expanding their influence beyond the North.

Because of this, focusing the debate primarily on territorial division is premature. The Houthis and other radical networks represent the most immediate and serious challenge, rather than the question of borders themselves. External powers do not see the problem this way. Instead, they continue to arm competing factions and malign actors against one another, deepening fragmentation.

Recently, however, the Southern Transitional Council managed to seize and secure significant territory from both Houthi-aligned forces and Muslim Brotherhood–affiliated groups, strengthening its position. In doing so, it also displaced pro-Saudi militias composed of Yemenis from various backgrounds. Not all of these forces were Houthis or members of the Muslim Brotherhood; some were pro-Saudi groups fighting to preserve Yemeni unity. In practice, however, these groups often found themselves aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood or even indirectly with the Houthis, albeit for very different reasons.

The STC has consolidated its position in strategically important areas such as Hadramout and has even blocked a Saudi political delegation from entering one of the contested regions. This action precipitated the current round of negotiations. Those talks are unlikely to succeed under present conditions because the STC believes momentum is on its side. It has gained a clear military advantage and is negotiating from a position of strength. As a result, it does not feel compelled to compromise with pro-Saudi factions or with Saudi Arabia itself, nor does it think pressure to withdraw forces or relinquish territory.

Pro-Saudi groups have been unable to regain lost ground or reverse recent losses, further reinforcing the STC’s confidence. For these reasons, I do not expect a diplomatic resolution favourable to Saudi Arabia in the near term. Saudi options are limited: either accept a compromise that allows the STC to retain the territories it has taken, or resume fighting in the hope that a pause will allow regrouping. Under the current terms, however, I do not see these negotiations making meaningful progress.

Jacobsen: On December 11, 2025, a federal grand jury indictment was unsealed. It is a 25-count case, including 20 counts of wire fraud and five counts of money laundering. The indictment names Tashella Sheri Amore Dickerson, who allegedly had leadership access beginning at least in 2016 as Executive Director of Black Lives Matter Oklahoma City (BLM OKC), with access to bank accounts, PayPal, and Cash App.

The significant fundraising surge described in the indictment began in late spring 2020, during the post–George Floyd protest period. The alleged embezzlement window is stated to have started in June 2020 and continued through October 2025, indicating conduct prosecutors allege extended into very recent times. This summary is drawn directly from a publicly available U.S. Attorney’s Office (Western District of Oklahoma) press release updated on December 11, 2025.

The specified money source exceeds $5.6 million raised, including funds from national bail organizations. These include grants from entities such as Community Justice Exchange, the Massachusetts Bail Fund, and the Minnesota Freedom Fund. Most of these funds were routed through a fiscal sponsor, which is a central element of the case.

According to the indictment, BLM Oklahoma City was not itself a registered 501(c)(3) organization. Donations were allegedly accepted through an affiliation with the Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ), an Arizona-based 501(c)(3) organization that served as the fiscal sponsor. Under that arrangement, funds were restricted to permitted charitable uses, subject to accounting requirements, and prohibited from being used for real estate purchases without AFGJ consent.

Prosecutors allege that donations and grants entered this 501(c)(3)-restricted pipeline and were then diverted away from authorized charitable purposes and reporting requirements. Dickerson is alleged to have deposited at least $3.15 million in returned bail checks into her personal bank accounts, rather than into accounts associated with BLM Oklahoma City. Because the funds moved through a fiscal sponsor, prosecutors state that the indictment alleges returned bail checks were deposited into her personal accounts rather than into BLMOKC’s accounts.

The indictment itemizes alleged personal uses of the funds, including travel, shopping, deliveries, vehicles, and real estate. The summary lists categories intended to demonstrate personal benefit, including recreational travel—specifically trips to Jamaica and the Dominican Republic for herself and associates—tens of thousands of dollars in retail shopping, at least $50,000 in food and grocery deliveries for herself and her children, and the purchase of a personal vehicle registered in her name.

The indictment further alleges the acquisition of six fundamental properties in Oklahoma City, deeded either in her own name or in the name of Equity International LLC, an entity prosecutors allege she exclusively controlled.

The indictment alleges that six properties in Oklahoma City were deeded either in her own name or in the name of Equity International, LLC, an entity she allegedly controlled exclusively.

The money trail is that the funds were returned as bail checks. Those checks were returned to BLMOKC, and the indictment alleges that, in many instances, they were deposited into Dickerson’s personal bank accounts rather than into BLMOKC’s accounts. Therefore, the donations and grant funds were accepted through Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ) as a fiscal sponsor, and prosecutors allege that this is the structure through which funds were routed. The allegation is that she then deposited returned bail checks into her personal accounts. That personal-account spending was used for travel, shopping, food deliveries, a vehicle, and real estate—including six properties tied to her or to an entity she allegedly controlled.

This is an obvious line in the government’s narrative, as alleged in the indictment. Real estate is the key component. Money laundering allegations typically focus on moving funds into assets. Assets are critical—forfeiture considerations. If convicted, the property can become a target. It is a straightforward narrative of the conversion of charitable restricted funds into personal wealth.

Dickerson allegedly used interstate wire communications to submit two false annual reports to AFGJ. She allegedly represented that BLM OKC funds were used only for tax-exempt purposes, while failing to disclose their personal use. The alleged personal use is substantial, including six properties deeded to her or to a company she allegedly controlled. 

Some of the stakes: wire fraud carries up to 20 years per count, and there are 20 counts. Money laundering carries a maximum of 10 years per count, and there are five counts, with fines of up to $250,000 per count or twice the amount of criminally derived property involved in the transaction. If prosecuted to the maximum and stacked, this could expose the defendant to decades in prison if statutory maximums were imposed on each count and ordered to run consecutively.

The investigating agencies named are the FBI, the Oklahoma City Field Office, and the IRS–Criminal Investigation. The prosecutors named are Assistant U.S. Attorneys Matt Dillon and Jessica L. Perry. I know we try to do international, but this one is extraordinary because it cuts against a lot of mainstream left-wing discourse, while we often critique the Republican Party. This one is distinct and relatively straightforward on the alleged mechanics. What are your thoughts on this, given that this is the executive director of a major-city BLM organization? 

Tsukerman: I wish I could be shocked, but there were similar controversies in other states, including New York. One early, particularly jarring, high-profile example involved a self-described Marxist leader associated with the organization’s formal structure, who faced serious scrutiny over personal real-estate acquisitions and other financial accumulations that critics argued were inconsistent with the movement’s stated aims. That was one of the first significant public examples of this channel being accused of turning into a self-enrichment scheme.

I also do not expect many political actors to comment much about this case, either. In some prior cases, there was no robust effort to clearly disassociate, issue condemnations, or create meaningful guardrails to prevent recurrence. There was not a sudden increase in institutional scrutiny of organizational accounts after earlier controversies. A massive fraud allegation should trigger systemic tightening, but that often does not happen.

Unfortunately, when there are no guardrails—and when condemnation of outright criminal conduct is treated as politically inconvenient or as “impeding the movement”—that environment attracts con artists and frauds who will abuse the system. That does not mean everyone involved is a fraudster. It means that people adept at exploiting vulnerabilities are more likely to succeed in such an environment. Systems that fail to erect guardrails and fail to protect constituents from abuse become, in my view, culpable in a secondary way for allowing it to continue.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Sofiia Khodieva (Saf Homin) on War, Identity, and Resilience in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/29

 ‘Saf Homin’ is a Ukrainian independent journalist, documentary photographer, and VR storyteller whose work centers on the human experience of war. A non-binary creator and Fulbright Scholar, they navigate Ukraine’s highly gendered linguistic and cultural landscape while documenting underrepresented LGBTQ communities and the country’s shifting political and social realities. Now an MA candidate in Photojournalism at the University of Missouri, they blend international perspective with firsthand experience of trauma, displacement, and blackout reporting. Through multimedia projects, Homin offers nuanced, dignity-focused narratives that challenge simplistic coverage and call for a deeper, locally grounded understanding of wartime Ukraine for global audiences.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Ukrainian journalist Sofiia Khodieva, known as Saf Homin, about their award-winning work documenting the war. Khodieva discusses independence in journalism, creating a VR film, and navigating Ukraine’s dignity-based culture. They describe burnout, PTSD treatment, and the challenges of reporting during blackouts while also covering queer communities that remain underrepresented in Ukrainian media. Jacobsen explores Western misconceptions about Ukraine, linguistic constraints around gender, and the limits of identity-based coverage. Khodieva emphasizes resilience, complexity, and the need for deeper, locally grounded reporting beyond narrow political narratives and high-profile interviews.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You just won an award. What is it? What does it mean to you?

Sofiia Khodieva/’Saf Homin’: It is an award from foreign press correspondents in the USA for my journalism, both for my Ukrainian and international journalism in the US. This type of recognition means that I am on the right track. It is sometimes very discouraging to see everything happening, and awards like this tell you to go on.

Jacobsen: In independent journalism, there could be three categories. You have the Kyiv Post, an institution. You have Kyiv Independent—more independent (breaking from Kyiv Post), but it is an institution. You have a whole slew of people like you and me who are independent journalists. It is a precarious lifestyle, but the intellectual freedoms are wider. What do you think are the benefits of these intellectual degrees of freedom in war?

Khodieva: I have always wanted to tell the story of Ukraine abroad and report for foreigners. I needed to tell the story without putting my voice into it. I work in a very different discipline from just writing texts or essays. I made a VR movie, and the scene that helped me make it was being independent and not leaning into the constraints of an editorial board, in my photo stories and photo essays, which can be the same thing.

Jacobsen: When I talk to Ukrainians, there are two things; two parts of this. One crucial part is that it seems to be a dignity-based culture. It was called the Revolution of Dignity on Maidan. That is an essential characteristic because a good part of what I like about Ukrainian culture, particularly when I argue with journalists, is that debates in private can get heated over what we mean by West, East, journalists, and so on. Many critical points are brought up. Part two, to that point, includes concerns about key aspects of the war in Eastern Europe. Western Europeans are sentimental. Eastern Europeans, particularly men, are very sentimental; how ever they may present. It is essential when covering the war to cover both: the story of the person and how it feels to be in the war, because one out of four people will know someone who has been in the war, have someone who has been in the war, or have lost someone in the war. So what does the war mean in terms of your own narrative? How does it feel? Third part: we have phrases like “all that glitters is not gold.” Not everything that is money-based is worthwhile—family, community, dignity. What Ukrainian aphorism characterizes that to you? So story, feeling, aphorism.

Khodieva: Let us start with the aphorism. We have such a saying. It says, “Not everything is gold that shines.” So it is similar. My personal narrative is unique because I am non-binary and I represent the queer community, and it is still tough to be queer. The Ukrainian language is very gendered, so if you are non-binary, you have different pronouns and use other forms.

For me to be able to work in Ukraine means sometimes putting my identity aside and communicating with people not my own age, for example. It also gives me access to the queer community, and I covered nonbinary people in Ukraine and interviewed them because we are heavily underrepresented in Ukrainian media. So I thought: I am going to be my own media. That put me on track to cover these stories here as well.

Jacobsen: What was the story? The story just covered—half of it—how it feels to be in the war. This is more about being Ukrainian. Because American media here leads with identity, right? This is four percent of the world. So this is a small echo chamber. Moreover, when we are talking about media, that is what it is: an echo chamber. A lot of the rest of the world has identity, but they do not lead with identity first. They have different sensibilities about how they characterize themselves. There are other ways to do it. It is not correct or wrong; it is a difference.

Khodieva: I agree that the culture in Ukraine is very much about dignity and doing everything with dignity. That definitely resonates with me. When the war started, I was an editor of a newsfeed. I was writing news about the war. Before that, I covered politics and all sorts of things. Everything that was thrown at me, I was writing for the feed.

When the war began, I had to leave the newsfeed because I burned out from the amount of fragility and horror. So many people are affected. That is why I decided to become a photographer: I saw how images spread and how quickly they work. Then I started doing international projects and telling the story abroad. 

Having spent a small quantity of time away and gone through some PTSD treatment, I understand the amount of trauma that comes with working in Ukraine and being Ukrainian. I feel a lot of respect toward Ukrainian journalists who keep working during blackouts. As someone who has worked during blackouts and been in different regions and had to adapt, documenting trauma while being affected by that trauma is very hard to do.

Jacobsen: The other thing that comes up in private arguments is—putting it in the most neutral terms—the relationship between internal domestic Ukrainian media and external Western media. The other kind of media would be Kremlin-based, so obviously, the propaganda is what it is. In terms of Western coverage and in terms of Ukraine itself, what are the things they get right, the things they get wrong, and the things they miss entirely? That is the neutral way to say it. You can imagine how these arguments go.

Khodieva: That is interesting, because I am preparing a video on YouTube about misconceptions about Ukraine, so I am deep into the topic right now. A lot of historical facts about Ukraine are informed by Russian interpretation, and you can go in many directions with that when interpreting Ukrainian history—especially Kievan Rus, which is a predecessor of Ukraine and Russia, but not Russia as it is now, and Crimea, and all of that. So yes, the resilience of Ukrainians is something the media gets right.

They focus a lot on how we stand and how strong we are. However, we also have many internal arguments, especially over corruption and internal issues. The war does not stop any of these processes. Arguments are an ingrained part of our culture. Protesting, for example, as well. I see a very humanizing angle in Ukrainians and how resilient we are, but at the same time, it is a bit primitive to show us only as that. It would be interesting to see deeper coverage with more local context, not just Zelensky-based interviews.

Jacobsen: Have there been any ironic areas of your work where being non-binary has actually helped you? Something almost Monty Python-esque where you think, “Okay… that was unexpected.”

Khodieva: I have been misgendered a lot and still am, so it is always a game of presenting. The most significant part of it is getting access to people from my own community and getting to know them. It is not easy to do in Ukraine. Generally, misgendering and misalignment with what is expected of you—and acting more on a masculine spectrum while looking feminine—is what confuses people. However, it creates a very different approach, I guess. However, it is not very clear.

Jacobsen: Wittgenstein had this phrase about the idea that the limits of our language are the limits of our world. I think he meant “world” in the German sense of Weltanschauung—our worldview, our phenomenological and qualitative experience of the world. If we cannot express something in language, we cannot think about it in specific terms. When I ask whether you are ‘feminine non-binary’ or ‘masculine non-binary,’ there is a limitation in Ukrainian that you would not necessarily have in a hyper-flexible clown language like English. English absorbs everything. This is why it is so good at it.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on the interview today?

Khodieva: It is good to talk to someone who understands the independent side of things and is all around the place. It is really lovely to meet you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ian Ruskin on Misunderstood Geniuses, Spirituality, and Scientific Legacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/28

Ian Ruskin is a British-born actor, writer, and independent scholar based in Los Angeles. Trained at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art in London, he worked for 15 years in repertory theatre, the West End, television, and film before relocating to the United States. In 2000, he founded The Harry Bridges Project, beginning a series of one-person plays and documentaries about misunderstood figures, including labour leader Harry Bridges, revolutionary writer Thomas Paine, and inventor Nikola Tesla. His plays have toured internationally, and film versions of the Bridges and Paine works have aired nationwide on PBS, reaching millions of viewers.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Ian Ruskin about embodying Nikola Tesla on stage and why Ruskin is drawn to “misunderstood men” in history. Ruskin reflects on his classically British voice, his shift to independent one-person plays, and his mission to correct the record on figures like Tesla, Harry Bridges, and Thomas Paine. He discusses Tesla’s outsider status, obsessive working habits, spiritual motivations, and unfulfilled dream of wireless global power. Throughout, Ruskin emphasizes that Tesla saw invention as a moral project: using science and technology to improve life for humanity rather than merely to generate profit.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Ian Ruskin, who has a classically British acting voice. My first question is: Did you always have that voice?

Ian Ruskin: Yes, I think so. Until I was 13, I mainly lived in America, although I was born in England. When I went back to England and later started drama school, I remember being ruthless about getting rid of my American R’s and L’s and things like that. For many years, I have had this same voice and accent. I try to keep it. It is not easy to maintain an accent when you have lived a long time in another country, but I am hanging on to it as much as I can.

Jacobsen: Do you feel as though your voice has become a third culture unto itself between Britain and America?

Ruskin: I have never thought of it quite like that. I certainly believe there is a different emphasis, as an actor, on voice in England—more than there is here—perhaps because many actors here are looking to work in television and film, whereas the core of English acting is on stage, where you need to project. That makes a difference in how you are trained.

Jacobsen: You have transitioned over roughly the last 20 years into something that could be characterized as a creatively independent endeavour, using the lifetime of skills and reputation you have built. Is that a fair characterization?

Ruskin: Yes. Things often happen in life without your realizing where they are going. It was not a plan at the beginning. For about 20 years, I have been in charge of my own career, writing and performing one-person plays, which I never would have thought I would be doing 30 years ago. It happened, and I found it exciting and still do. That is what I do.

Jacobsen: You focus on characters who tend to be more obscure within mainstream consciousness. With Tesla, for example, people may recognize the name from the electric car company, but not in a biographical, scientific, technological, or historical sense.

Ruskin: Yes.

Jacobsen: Why choose obscure figures in history as your focus?

Ruskin: I have written three plays, and they are all about men whom I consider to have been misunderstood and not given the credit they deserved. That has always motivated me to set the record straight and give people a different perspective on these men. They are men who made significant contributions to humanity, yet they often seem to have disappeared from public awareness. I have made it my mission, if you like. It takes me to many different places and introduces me to many different people. These men are not unknown, but they are misunderstood. Each has a fan club that gives me support when I am doing research and writing.

Jacobsen: There are several forms of misunderstanding. Common notions about historical figures can be one form. Another involves outright fabrications—claims presented as factual that are not. Then there is a deeper level, where people who study the record carefully discover that some public conceptions are false, and they uncover truths that offer a more accurate, and sometimes seemingly contradictory, picture of the person. With those distinctions in mind, what are the historical distortions about Tesla? What are the fabrications? And what truths emerged from your research, with Tesla specifically?

Ruskin: With Tesla. The first thing to note is that America is full of elementary schools named after Edison. Edison schools are everywhere. There are very few Tesla schools. Yet in what became known as the War of the Currents, Tesla’s system ultimately prevailed. The alternating-current system he championed powers most of the world. The electricity he supported is the basis of modern power distribution.

Edison was not a particularly pleasant man. Tesla was Serbian. He had unusual habits. He did not mix easily with people. He did not play the social or political games people often play to get ahead. As a result, he was pushed aside and, for quite some time, written out of mainstream historical memory.

In the past 20 years, his name has re-emerged—helped, of course, by Tesla bringing it into popular culture. But he was always an outsider. He was never part of the “in crowd” of electrical engineers in New York. He worked at the edges of that community, and he thought in ways nobody else did. People often dislike that. They tend to push you out if your thinking is unfamiliar or challenging. He certainly was difficult.

Jacobsen: What were some of the unusual habits he had—whether in behaviour or in thought?

Ruskin: I do not like to dwell on them too much, but he was definitely on what we would now describe as a spectrum. He was highly obsessive. He had significant concerns about germs. He perceived the universe in ways most people did not. He attached importance to the number three and incorporated it into many of his routines. He took what we now call power naps and could work for 24 hours straight. He did not follow the usual social rhythms of life.

He spent a great deal of time alone. He could be charming, and he did attend dinner parties, but he primarily worked in solitude because he was trying to enter conceptual spaces no one else was exploring. He was, fundamentally, a loner. He would polish silverware before eating, among many other habits that struck people as unusual.

Jacobsen: How did this translate into the inventive side of him?

Ruskin: Into the inventive side of him?

Jacobsen: Yes—similar to Glenn Gould’s humming, which some see as part of his creative process.

Ruskin: Tesla often said that most major inventions were created by people who were intensely focused and largely alone. His habits reinforced that. He frequently disappeared for weeks because he was in his lab for 15 or 20 hours a day.

He spoke about the thrill of an inventor witnessing something that existed only in the mind becoming real. That thrill surpassed food, drink, friendship, or love. It happened to him repeatedly. He was immersed in wherever his mind took him.

He also had an extraordinary ability to invent in his mind. He could design machines in his head and run what amounted to internal simulations. He spent much of his time in that mental world, which led to remarkable insights and predictions. In many ways, he was a futurist—someone whose imagination was oriented toward what was coming.

His instinct for complete focus, for removing distractions and external stimulation, was central to his style as an inventor. It shaped everything about how he worked.

Jacobsen: What is considered one of his most important inventions? What do you think is one of his better inventions that is largely unknown?

Ruskin: The invention generally regarded as his most important is the induction motor. The induction motor transforms alternating current into motion by creating electromagnetic fields, and it does so with excellent efficiency. It became the primary way machines are powered. When you turn on an electric fan, it uses an induction motor based on Tesla’s design. Almost everything that moves in modern machinery relies on that principle. It was a transformative invention because it made electric power far more practical and efficient. His induction motor requires less maintenance, produces more torque, and is more reliable than earlier designs. It is his single most important contribution to technology.

He also developed or contributed to other technologies for which he received little credit for a long time. He created what he called “shadowgraphs,” which were essentially X-ray images, before Wilhelm Röntgen announced the discovery of X-rays. He was also eventually credited with foundational work in radio; Marconi’s radio system relied significantly on Tesla’s earlier patents. This pattern—Tesla developing something and others receiving the immediate credit—happened repeatedly in his life.

Another major part of Tesla’s legacy is his vision for what the world could become, even though he never fully realized it. He had two grand ambitions. One was to transmit electrical power wirelessly across long distances, either through the ionosphere or through the Earth. He demonstrated wireless transmission over short distances, but never achieved the long-range version he envisioned. Both of his major laboratories—Colorado Springs and Wardenclyffe—were later demolished, ending the experiments.

If Tesla had succeeded, it would have eliminated the need for copper wiring, which was already a massive industry. Sending electricity without wires or poles would have radically altered the world and bankrupted entire sectors. Tesla also argued that wireless power would reduce or eliminate dependence on oil, coal, and gas—positions that threatened powerful interests in his era. Whether or not those interests actively undermined him, his ideas certainly challenged the economic foundations of major industries.

He also spoke about what he called “cosmic energy,” essentially the energy of the sun and the idea that space is full of usable energy. He tried to find ways to tap into that. Today, the closest analogue would be nuclear fusion research: a global, multibillion-dollar effort underway for decades to achieve clean, virtually unlimited energy by replicating the sun’s processes. Fusion is not yet commercially viable, but progress continues. Tesla anticipated the concept—the belief that the universe contains immense, accessible energy—and took early conceptual steps in that direction.

Jacobsen: These are significant issues. Many highly gifted figures in technology are socially selective—capable of charm or charisma in the right circumstances—yet they can also hold spiritual or metaphysical beliefs that, while not scientifically grounded, are part of who they are and how they see the world. What were Tesla’s views on such things, aside from numerical patterns?

Tesla’s views on things, not only his technological prowess. Many highly gifted people in science and engineering also hold spiritual or supernatural beliefs that may not be scientifically grounded but are part of who they are and how they see the world.

Ruskin: You are asking about his spirituality, yes? That is an important question that is often overlooked. He came from a deeply religious background. His father was a Serbian Orthodox priest. His mother’s two grandfathers and two brothers were Serbian Orthodox priests, and he was expected to become a priest himself. He never felt a connection to the church or the priesthood, but his entire life was driven by the desire to improve the world for all humankind. That was his spiritual path.

He had a meaningful relationship with Swami Vivekananda, the first primary Indian spiritual teacher to introduce Hindu philosophy to America. Tesla became interested in aspects of Hinduism. He saw his purpose in life as making the world better for all people, and he understood that mission as his way of serving God. That sense of purpose—moral, universal, and spiritual—was one of his strongest motivations, though it is rarely discussed.

Jacobsen: Were there any other numbers he had superstitions about?

Ruskin: His primary focus was on the numbers three, six, and nine. He said that three, six, and nine were the “keys to the universe.” I still need to do more research on that aspect of his thinking. The challenge with Tesla is that if you go on YouTube, you will find all kinds of claims about him that are not true—and occasionally some that might be true. There are videos about his supposed connections to the pyramids; I still need to investigate that.

There were many exaggerations even during his lifetime. Some people speculated he was a Martian because he detected signals from space and mentioned the possibility that they came from Mars. These kinds of stories grew because he was a partial recluse and a curious combination of traits.

He was very elegant and sharply dressed, quite handsome, and socially charming when he wished to be. He lived in hotels that he often could not afford, was evicted repeatedly, and moved to the next one. He loved performing demonstrations. I titled my play Magic and Lightning because he saw himself as a kind of magician. He delighted in surprising people and challenging their expectations. He had a wonderful sense of humour, which is often forgotten. He was not a hermit—but once he entered his lab, he could disappear for days or weeks at a time.

Jacobsen: What did he consider his biggest intellectual challenge?

Ruskin: Without question, the attempt to transmit power and light wirelessly around the world. He built a transmission tower on Long Island called Wardenclyffe. He believed that from this roughly 200-foot-tall tower, he could send electrical power across great distances.

He tended to take funding from wealthy patrons for one project and then redirect it to whatever he considered more important. He received funding from J. P. Morgan, who wanted him to develop wireless communication because it had clear commercial potential. Tesla instead used the money to pursue wireless power transmission. Eventually, Wardenclyffe was abandoned and later demolished.

Tesla considered wireless global power transmission his life’s most significant work—the goal above all others. He did achieve remarkable feats. He generated artificial lightning. He transmitted high-voltage discharges through the air for miles. He lit fields of light bulbs simply by placing them in the ground. He achieved things no one else had, but never at the global scale he envisioned. That unfulfilled vision was the defining challenge of his intellectual life.

Jacobsen: What were some true things that were genuinely tragic?

Ruskin: The loss of his laboratories was devastating. One of his New York labs burned down. In Colorado Springs, because he could not pay the electrical bill, the power company seized his experimental station and dismantled it. Then Wardenclyffe, his Long Island tower and laboratory, was eventually dynamited. These events broke his heart and sent him into a deep depression. When his New York lab burned down, he lost years of notes and equipment just as he was beginning experiments in radio. Shortly afterward, Marconi sent wireless messages using technology that drew on Tesla’s earlier patents. Variations of this pattern occurred throughout Tesla’s life.

The great tragedies of his life all stemmed from his work—people misunderstanding him, taking credit for his ideas, or physically destroying the spaces where he worked. During these periods of depression, he sometimes used his Tesla coil—his invention for generating extremely high voltages—to give himself electric shocks in an effort to lift his mood.

Jacobsen: It worked?

Ruskin: Yes, he said it did. They eventually jolted him back to life, and he would recover his drive and start again. In the last years of his life, though, he was alone, not well, and living in a New York hotel room, still trying to work on his final ideas, which never came to fruition. It was not a happy ending. There were moments earlier in his life when he had large amounts of money, but he spent it all developing new ideas. He could turn his back on money entirely when he thought something more important was at stake.

His life’s ending was poignant. His hotel room number was 3327—he loved threes—on the 33rd floor. He put a “Do Not Disturb” sign on his door, and three days later, he was found dead in his bed—a sad ending, though he had extraordinary moments along the way.

He lit the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair using his polyphase alternating-current system. He and Westinghouse illuminated 160,000 light bulbs and about 200 buildings simultaneously—at a time when most people in the world had never seen electric light at all. It was one of the most astonishing technological demonstrations of the century.

Jacobsen: What was the reaction?

Ruskin: People were astonished. Around 28 million visitors attended the World’s Fair, and most had never seen a light bulb, except perhaps in a small demonstration. Many still used gas lamps, candles, or had no artificial light at all. To stand in Chicago and see this enormous landscape lit electrically must have been breathtaking. It defied belief. And Tesla loved that. It played into his image of being a magician; what he did felt like magic. He had those moments—spectacular, unforgettable highs—alongside the deep lows.

Jacobsen: What was his view of his own biggest mistake?

Ruskin: His biggest mistake? That is an excellent question. I think on some level he realized that if he had not torn up that royalty contract with Westinghouse, or if he had paid his electric bill in Colorado Springs, things might have turned out differently. He was very close to achieving breakthroughs there. The Colorado Springs power company sued him, took over the laboratory he had built, and dismantled it. That sort of thing happened more than once in his life.

I think part of him wished he could have done more—found a way to pay that bill, raised more money, or secured the resources he needed. He knew exactly what he wanted to do, but he often could not quite find a way to reach those goals. Those setbacks, I think, were what he regarded as his biggest mistakes—or at least his most significant losses.

Jacobsen: What is the overall takeaway, or set of takeaways, that you hope people gather from the lecture?

Ruskin: First, I hope people come away with a deeper understanding of Tesla as a human being. His spirituality—his sense of purpose—is rarely discussed, but it was central for him. He truly wanted to give humanity a magnificent, clean source of energy. That was what drove him.

I would love to perform the play for people in technology today—for those working on AI or any transformative field—to present the idea that the purpose of innovation should be to make the world a better place first, and only afterward to make money. There is nothing wrong with making money, but the intention behind the work matters.

Another takeaway is that the history we are taught is not always accurate. It often reflects the interests of those in power. Tesla was someone who constantly challenged the status quo, and figures like that are frequently written out or minimized. We need to know more about people like him—not just Tesla, but many others.

Primarily, though, I hope people understand that for Tesla, the whole point of being an inventor, a scientist, or a visionary was to improve the world. That idea deserves to be heard more often.

Jacobsen: What has been the feedback on your production so far?

Ruskin: The feedback has been remarkable. Many people had no idea what he accomplished or the scope of his ideas. In 1920, he essentially described a device similar to a modern cell phone. People also respond strongly to the mission he was on—his dream, if you like. Many find it inspiring. It has opened their eyes not only to Tesla but also to larger questions: Why do we invent things? What is the purpose of invention? What is the purpose of science? What constitutes real progress? Much of the feedback has touched on those themes, which I find very exciting.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite quote that you wrote—whether taken from Tesla’s real life or created within character?

Ruskin: A favourite quote. One I love is something he said: “We are held together like stars in the firmament, with ties inseparable.” That was his understanding of humankind’s optimistic nature.

Jacobsen: In an ideal scenario, who would you have portray Tesla?

Ruskin: Apart from me?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Ruskin: The person I would have chosen is no longer with us. David Bowie performed Tesla once—in The Prestige. I thought he was terrific. Bowie also had a spiritual dimension, and I believe he would have deeply understood that side of my play. But that is not going to happen, unfortunately. So it has to be me.

Jacobsen: What do you think was the overarching triumph of Tesla’s life and legacy?

Ruskin: His triumph was lighting up the world. His work with alternating current electricity illuminated the world—and still does. That is a considerable achievement.

Jacobsen: By many metrics, you could consider that the hallmark of the modern world.

Ruskin: Absolutely. One of the cues in the play shows images taken from space. The cameras pass over continents, and you can identify them by the patterns of light. That is Tesla. That is all, Tesla. If we are nearing the end, I invite people to visit my website. It is RuskinProductions.com. It includes more about Tesla and my other two characters. It may interest them.

Jacobsen: Is this your last play, or are you hoping to do more?

Ruskin: I honestly do not know. For the last two or three years, when people asked me that, I used to say, “Maybe—if Tesla does not kill me first.” I am feeling a little more optimistic now. He is not going to be the end of me. So maybe. But I do not have anyone else in mind at the moment. We will see.

Jacobsen: Ian, thank you very much for your time today. If you have any final thoughts, you have the floor, and then we can part ways.

Ruskin: It was good talking with you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Celebrity Podcasts as Global Media Events: Alex Warner on Taylor Swift, New Heights, and Fandom Economics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/27

Alex Warner is the Co-Founder and CEO of Winventory and a lifelong live event enthusiast who is reshaping the ticketing space. Drawing on years as a Managing Director at ABS Partners and his family’s 95-year season ticket tradition, he created Winventory to modernize how fans manage and resell tickets. Attending more than 75 events a year, Warner combines deep fan insight with a tech-forward, data-driven approach to preserve legacy, simplify resale, and maximize value. Under his leadership, Winventory now operates in over 40 North American markets, helping fans, families, and teams get more out of every seat.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Alex Warner about Taylor Swift’s New Heights appearance as a “global media event” that converts real-time attention into weeks of sustained value. Warner argues the episode’s power comes from colliding two high-loyalty communities—the NFL audience and Swifties—creating a multiplier effect in reach and spending. He frames the podcast as the place where an “official version” of an ongoing storyline can live, then cascade through clips and reactions across platforms. For business impact, he emphasizes downstream metrics over the live spike: follower growth, ongoing engagement, and measurable lifts across social, search, merch, and even ticket sales, strengthening leverage for future deals.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How does Taylor Swift’s appearance on New Heights illustrate the cultural and commercial power of a single celebrity podcast?

Warner: It shows how one appearance can function like a global media event. For someone with Taylor Swift’s reach, the impact goes far beyond the episode itself – it drives massive real-time viewership, brings in entirely new audiences, and then explodes across social media in clips and reactions.

What makes this moment even more powerful is the context. She’s already shifted NFL viewership patterns, merchandise sales, and even fan demographics this season – so her showing up on a podcast tied to the sport carries all of that momentum with her.

Jacobsen: What makes this particular crossover between the Kelce brothers and Taylor Swift so effective?

Warner: It works because it brings together two massive, highly engaged fandoms that rarely overlap: the NFL audience and the Swiftie universe. Each comes with loyalty, emotional investment, and real spending power, which creates a multiplier effect the moment they collide.
There’s also an ongoing storyline people have been following for months, so the podcast episode becomes the place where the “official version” of that story lives. Add in the Kelce brothers’ natural chemistry and Taylor’s ability to make any setting feel authentic, and you get a crossover that feels organic – which is why it spreads so fast.

Jacobsen: How do record-breaking digital moments like this podcast appearance translate to downstream impacts?

Warner: The spike is impressive, but the real value comes afterward. Moments like this drive new followers, sustained engagement across every channel, and a visibility lift that lasts for weeks. They also give both the hosts and the guest more leverage in future deals – sponsorships, partnerships, appearances – because they’ve demonstrated they can move an audience at scale.

Jacobsen: What is Taylor Swift’s broader strategy?

Warner: She’s tapping into a new audience by showing up where cultural energy already is. The NFL has massive, loyal viewership, and by authentically becoming part of that world, she expands her reach while deepening her storytelling. It’s not about becoming a “sports figure” – it’s about meeting fans in a place where passion, loyalty, and attention are already built in.

Jacobsen: What does this episode tell us about the growing intersection of sports, music, and pop culture?

Warner: These worlds aren’t separate anymore. People follow personalities and narratives across every platform, and the lines between athlete, entertainer, and cultural figure are blurring fast. A single moment can now live simultaneously in sports media, music fandom, and mainstream pop culture – and audiences move fluidly between all three.

Jacobsen: When a podcast reaches over a million concurrent viewers, what metrics matter most for understanding business impact?

Warner: The live number is impressive, but the real business impact shows up in what happens next. I’d look at how many new followers or subscribers the appearance drives, how much engagement the episode generates over time, and whether it leads to measurable lift across other channels – social, search, merch, ticket sales, and more. Those downstream effects tell you more than the spike itself.

Jacobsen: How do you expect celebrity media appearances to evolve?

Warner: Appearances will become more intentional and more tied to where real fandom already exists. Sports is a good example – people follow personalities, not just platforms – and celebrities are starting to treat the media the same way. Instead of doing every outlet, they’ll choose a few shows where audience overlap and cultural impact are highest.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Alex.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Anna Dombrovska: Ukrainian Media in Canada, Diaspora, War, and Identity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/27

Anna Dombrovska is a Ukrainian-born media volunteer and humanitarian professional active in Canada’s Ukrainian diaspora. Based in Ottawa and Toronto, she has produced and co-hosted Ukrainian-language programs for CHIN Radio and Rogers TV, helping sustain a shared information space for Canadians of Ukrainian heritage. Beyond broadcasting, Dombrovska has coordinated projects supporting Ukraine through organizations such as CNEWA Canada, linking media work with concrete aid and advocacy. Trained in linguistics and marketing, she brings a nuanced understanding of language, culture, and community organizing to her volunteer journalism, focusing on diasporic identity, wartime solidarity, and the preservation of Ukrainian culture abroad.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Anna Dombrovska about her path from volunteer to key voice in Ukrainian media in Canada. Dombrovska describes building community radio and television programming in Ottawa and Toronto, maintaining a shared Ukrainian information space across generations and migration waves. She explains how Ukrainian-Canadian identity functions as a “third culture,” shaped by English and Canadian life yet rooted in Ukrainian language, music, and memory. The interview explores wartime coverage, Western media fatigue, diaspora responsibilities, and Dombrovska’s dream of interviewing President Volodymyr Zelensky about how the full-scale invasion has transformed his character and leadership.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did you get involved in media? What is your story there? How did you become connected to the Ukrainian press in Canada, particularly around language and heritage?

Anna Dombrovska: Thank you for the opportunity to talk about it. There is not much known about Ukrainian media, or about different community media in Canada. Discussing the existence of Ukrainian media and the various outlets is an excellent opportunity to bring this hidden story to light. I do not have formal training in journalism, but over 10 years of experience pays off. A lot of  Ukrainian projects are run by volunteers. 

That is the story of the Ukrainian community. Where there is a will, there is a way. I started volunteering and learning at Chin Radio Ottawa. I began helping with the radio program with the leading producer, Irena Bell. She was invited to Chin Radio over 20 years ago because she was a community volunteer. She was not a professional journalist, but she knew what was happening in the community. She knew what was essential to preserve, apart from language and heritage. It is necessary to have a cultural base or an event background. It is vital to maintain a shared information space so the community can be united by it. Back then, the radio was one of the major media. Now everything is online and relies primarily on social media. At that time, the radio was mainstream. Recently, radio has receded. It is not as popular, but we are giving it a different spin now, and I can talk about that more later.

Photo by Misha Lytvynyuk Photography

Jacobsen: Do you connect with any international Ukrainian-language communities for Ridne Radio, or is this a siloed operation in Canada for Ukrainian listeners, maybe focused on specific regions?

Dombrovska: Even within Canada, there are different media outlets. There are other radio stations that I am still discovering. Some of them were formed and are still operating on FM, and they were established when radio was mainstream. Some were formed more recently with the arrival of newcomers, and I am trying to connect with all of those media because we share the same goal and do the same work. We are creating an informational field that unites the community. It is beneficial to stay in touch, understand how we work, learn from each other, and support each other. In Ottawa, this was the only FM station we worked on. Now, Ridne Radio is entirely independent, works online, and uses various online tools, including video, to reach our audience.

There are also stations in Calgary, Vancouver, Edmonton,  Toronto and other Canadian cities. There are small, local TV stations, but they have their own audiences. To answer your question about international work, there is an interesting idea. We have an organization that unites Ukrainians worldwide, the Ukrainian World Congress. Recently, the Ukrainian World Congress proposed that it would be beneficial to unite all Ukrainians worldwide through a coordination committee, so that if anyone has questions about how to organize a media outlet, they would know where to turn. We could all share our experiences and help anyone who wants to do this work. This is an idea I like, and I am excited about it.

Jacobsen: How have you developed this sense of Ukrainian identity within the diaspora as you have taken on these roles? One thing that comes up for people from other cultural contexts is the idea of a third culture. You are living in Canada, and as you develop a culture that is, in some sense, neither Ukrainian nor Canadian, it is still very rooted. How does the sensibility around Ukrainian diasporas and the mixture of cultures work?

Dombrovska: For me, it is a second home. I would feel different in another country. Canada is very unique, especially cities like Toronto and Ottawa. You have a Ukrainian community that accepts you as family. For me, it feels like I have my little Ukraine here in Canada. Canadian Ukrainians have their own history; even the language develops a little differently, as do their lives and realities. This is something unique that deserves its own coverage in the media. It is a remarkable phenomenon. Ukrainians in other countries have their own peculiarities. Communities in each country are different, but we all have a single base—Ukrainian culture. It is exciting to discover how Ukrainian identity develops in various ways. It feels very natural to be a Ukrainian in Canada.

Photo by Misha Lytvynyuk Photography

Jacobsen: Do you like to do radio or television presenting?

Dombrovska: I do both. Apart from CHIN Radio, I was invited to volunteer for Rogers TV in 2010. We have Ukrainian radio and TV programs in Ottawa. The same applies to Toronto. I am grateful that Canadian policy supports ethnic media outlets. Multiculturalism helps to recognize that people with different cultures fit well within the Canadian mosaic.

Jacobsen: What topics do you cover when exclusively Ukrainian-language programming comes up?

Dombrovska: The topics usually depend on the type of programs we create. It is essential to maintain a connection between Ukraine and Canada, so political topics are central—everything related to how Canada helps Ukraine during the war. This is very important, and everybody wants to know about it. It is also a way to influence Canadian authorities so that they listen more to Ukrainian Canadians and understand how they want to support Ukraine and what they expect from the government. Our radio is available worldwide, so Ukrainians listen to what is happening in Canada as well. It is interesting for our close friends, families, and others to know how Ukrainians live in Canada. Is there anything special? How do we organize their events? What is our day-to-day life like? It is different from Ukraine, and that makes it interesting. Ukrainian music—both from Ukraine and from Ukrainian Canadians—is culturally valuable. It helps Ukrainians to experience their national culture. For those in Ukraine, it offers a chance to discover what kind of music Ukrainian Canadians created decades ago. And for those in Canada, it reminds them that Ukrainian music exists, continues to develop, and is modern and new. In terms of Ukrainian-Canadian culture, over time, it will be a mix that evolves, because if it evolves separately from Ukraine, the language will already evolve differently. As a linguist, I can tell the differences between modern Ukrainian and Ukrainian Canadian languages. Words and even syntax have their peculiarities. The same happens with culture. Over time, it develops under a palpable influence of the English or French language and Canadian culture.

Photo by Misha Lytvynyuk Photography

Jacobsen: Do you take on a particular style of journalism based on anyone, or are you developing your own style as youbuild your skills?

Dombrovska: It is too early to talk about the style. I am not a full-time journalist; this is volunteer work. I would love to learn more and reach a point where I have my own style. I primarily listen to Ukrainian news because Ridne Radio’s content is in the Ukrainian language. I need to understand how to present in Ukrainian, so Ukrainian news comes as the first source of inspiration.  I listen to CBC news every day. This is a great example of Canadian broadcasting. 

Jacobsen: We met at the Rebuild Ukraine conference. What was your big takeaway from that meeting?

Dombrovska: The Rebuild Ukraine conference, first of all, is a paradox—how can you rebuild a country that is still being destroyed? That is the most striking part. People have a strong, realistic belief that peaceful times will come for Ukraine soon; otherwise, such a conference would not exist. That is one of the key messages of the conference. The event was well organized and supported. If there were no desire among people in Canada and Europe to invest in Ukraine, there would be no conference. There are real businesses and real investors involved, and that is very important. I think if Ukrainian media in Canada, like Ridne Radio, reports on this conference to its audience in Ukraine, to people on the front lines, my friends and family, they would be very moved. It would mean a great deal to them to know that there exists an absolutely realistic vision of a peaceful Ukraine here in Canada and in the European Union.

Jacobsen: Who has been your favourite interviewee?

Dombrovska: It is a difficult question. I have to think back a couple of years. I would talk about an event rather than an interviewee. The first event I reported on for the Ukrainian program on Rogers TV Ottawa was Ukraine at the Crossroads conference in Ottawa in 2012, just before the first war broke out. It was the first time I was reporting for TV, and the first time such a large conference happened in Ottawa. Many top-level guests and politicians from Canada and Ukraine were invited. That was the beginning of my volunteer journalism career.

Jacobsen: Who would be your dream interviewee?

Dombrovska: President Zelensky.

Jacobsen: What would you ask him?

Dombrovska: There are many tough questions I would like to ask. Mostly, I would like to explore how he changed as a person since the full-scale invasion in 2022. His views, position, mentality, and sense of responsibility changed. Some people say it is good acting, but I’d like to dig deep into personal transformation. That would be the most interesting part to explore.

Jacobsen: How do Ukrainian Canadians see the war?

Dombrovska: Probably the same way many of our supporters and people in the West see it: everyone wants the war to end, justice to prevail, Ukraine to be peaceful and able to develop, and Russia to be punished for what it has done so that it does not repeat itself.

Jacobsen: Does an imperially oriented society like the Russian Federation respond to punishment? Is that realistic?

Dombrovska: This is not a question of being realistic. It is a question of how we preserve the world with the values we have and prevent the absurd alternative views imposed by Russia from penetrating the world that Western nations created, of which Ukraine is a part. Some things are not realistic. The fact that Ukraine still stands and remains an independent country was considered unrealistic by some people after the full-scale invasion began. It is not about being realistic. We have to find a way to preserve our values and stand strong in our beliefs.

Jacobsen: In terms of Western media—what is called “the West”—what does the press get right, get wrong, and miss entirely?

Dombrovska: From what I have noticed, media fatigue has been present for a long time. That is one thing. In Western media, the word “war” is sometimes replaced with “conflict” or similar terms, which dilutes it. We have to remind people that it is war. People are dying every day. It is not a normal state of things, even though it has appeared normal for the last four years. Some journalists also try to justify Russian actions—suggesting that Russia is investigating something, or that there is suffering on the Russian side—although Russia is the aggressor, and we should not forget that. We cannot ignore that when talking about the war. Some try to create stories about poor Russian soldiers without acknowledging that Russia is the aggressor, not Ukraine. The aggressor has to pay, not the victim. This kind of balance and this kind of reminder must happen repeatedly so that the Western media does not start seeing Russia differently.

Photo by Misha Lytvynyuk Photography

Jacobsen: What do you think are the red lines for Ukrainians now? In terms of cultural preservation, where do you see gaps in Canada, Ukraine, and the United States?

Dombrovska: It depends very much on what the aggressor is doing. You have to preserve your people and your territorial integrity. When it is already compromised, you have to defend as much as you can. The red lines are created by Russia. Once Russia stops crossing them, then Ukraine does not have to cross any lines at all. Aggression must be stopped. That is my view on red lines.

Regarding gaps between the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and Ukraine, there needs to be more connection with Ukraine. First of all, we have excellent relations and strong bridges in artistic, political, and other aspects of life with Ukraine, especially after the war. Those connections have intensified. More Ukrainians came to Canada. There is a new wave of immigration: 300,000 people. That is a significant influence. The gaps may be between different waves of immigration in Canada, because there are many. We recently celebrated 130 years of Ukrainian immigration. The people who came long ago and their descendants developed differently. It is a different mentality. But we need to make sure we are not losing the connection between different waves of immigration. How can that be achieved? Through language, through culture, through political engagement, and through support for Ukraine. Everything comes back to Ukraine. Cuisine, festivals, culture, and schools all play a role.

Events are the easiest way to connect people. There is also business and many different interests. If you create a platform for that—a media platform, a cooperation platform, an events platform, a forum for people to interact—that is very important. I am very proud of Ukrainian organizations such as the Ukrainian Canadian Congress and the Ukrainian World Congress, which actually do this work. They try to keep Ukrainians together, regardless of their differences, in other countries. Now it is more important than ever, because many millions of Ukrainians are outside Ukraine. It is essential to keep them connected to their homeland.

When we were talking about Ukrainian media worldwide, this is one of the most important tasks right now. Because Ukrainian refugees are everywhere, in many countries. With the shrinking Ukrainian population in Ukraine, it becomes even more critical to connect all international Ukrainian media outlets from different countries, not only between Canada and Ukraine, but also in Europe and Asia. Wherever people travel, they find not only a Ukrainian embassy or consulate but also a Ukrainian cultural center or community. It is essential to have media outlets everywhere and connect them to create a platform for keeping Ukrainians together. This will also help us influence and tell the truth about the war everywhere where Ukrainians are, and seek help.

Jacobsen: Any favourite aphorisms or quotes of wisdom that you have heard in the Ukrainian context to describe how it feels to be Ukrainian during the war?

Dombrovska: “Resilience” is the word that comes up most often. How does it feel to be here while the war is happening? Well, when Ukrainians in Ukraine hear Ukrainians from Canada complaining about problems, they say, “Stop complaining. Come to Ukraine and live for a couple of days under attack and bombardment, and all your troubles will go away.” That is absolutely true. I have been to Ukraine since 2022. I visited my relatives, and I worked there for charity. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Anna. 

Photo by Misha Lytvynyuk Photography

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Worlds Behind Words 6: LGBTQ+ Rights Rollbacks, Trauma, and Survival

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/26

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with William Dempsey, a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ advocate, about the psychological toll of rapidly shifting U.S. policies on queer and trans people. They discuss the Trump administration’s attempts to narrow Title IX, rollbacks of PREA protections for LGBTQ+ prisoners, and Arlington, Texas’s repeal of its non-discrimination ordinance. Dempsey links legal instability to heightened anxiety, trauma, and mistrust in institutions, especially for incarcerated trans people denied gender-affirming care. However, he also highlights hope in court decisions, like Georgia’s hormone-therapy ruling and the Supreme Court’s refusal to revisit Obergefell, as reminders that rights can endure.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Northwestern University and Northwestern Medicine have been caught up in the broader confusion that the Trump administration’s policies have created for transgender students and patients. The administration has pushed changes to how Title IX is interpreted. Title IX is the 1972 law prohibiting discrimination based on sex in educational settings. For years—especially under the Obama administration and then again under Biden—federal guidance and rules treated discrimination against transgender students as a form of sex discrimination under Title IX. Those interpretations have now been rolled back or blocked, and the Trump administration is moving to narrow the definition again.

The Trump political line has been that there are only two genders—male and female—and that federal policy should reflect this. That position has been echoed in speeches, campaign documents, and policy proposals. The administration is now using that stance to argue that prior interpretations of Title IX, which protected students based on gender identity, were unlawful expansions of the statute. A Biden-era regulation that explicitly extended Title IX protections to sexual orientation and gender identity took effect in 2024 but was vacated by a federal judge in early 2025, which cleared the way for this new restrictive approach.

I still do not even know how to frame this, because it is deeply incoherent from a rights perspective. People have lived for years under a growing expectation—backed by federal guidance and court decisions—that they are protected from discrimination based on their gender identity. Then an administration comes in and, through executive policy and agency interpretation, tries to erase that protection by redefining sex in a way that excludes them. It may not be a literal fifty years of uninterrupted, explicit legal protection. However, it is still at least a whole generation of people who have come of age with the assumption that the federal government is supposed to protect them, not target them.

So people’s fundamental concept of the government’s protection of them is being directly challenged. A patient comes to you; maybe they are mid–Gen X, maybe Gen Y, or Gen Z. This is now affecting everyone from young adults through middle age. What does this raise for them in terms of feeling unable to seek recourse when it is the government itself, through federal policy and courts, that is driving these changes?

Will Dempsey: For the queer community, and really any marginalized community in the United States, there is a long-standing understanding that rights granted by law or policy can be narrowed or revoked very quickly. There is a kind of psychological preparation among Gen X and older generations who remember, or have directly experienced, periods when these rights either did not exist or were much weaker.

Younger generations, because they have grown up with stronger formal protections and more affirming institutional language, are having a harder time wrapping their heads around the idea that rights can be rolled back after they have been granted. However, both the queer community and the Black community, among others, especially the older generations, share an understanding that legal protections can disappear or be hollowed out.

So this is not entirely surprising to many people who follow far-right or alt-right rhetoric. Some leaders in those circles, close to Trump politically, have spoken quite openly about wanting to roll back women’s rights as well, including even the right to vote, and they have supporters—including spouses—who publicly agree with them. When you see these kinds of conversations happening openly and, in interviews, they confirm that this is truly what they want and explain why in plain language, it signals to marginalized communities what the ultimate goals are. It prepares people, grimly, for the possibility of further rollbacks.

Jacobsen: The Department of Justice has moved to weaken protections for LGBTQ+ people in prisons that were designed to reduce sexual abuse. Under the Prison Rape Elimination Act—PREA—there were specific standards and practices meant to identify LGBTQ+ prisoners as especially vulnerable and to require prisons and jails to account for that in screening, housing, and searches. Recent DOJ directives and guidance have told inspectors and facilities that they no longer have to use some LGBTQ-specific standards when evaluating compliance, and related protections have been scaled back or put in legal limbo.

Advocates have called these changes reckless and dangerous, and many are being implemented immediately, even as some are challenged in court. We already know that the number of people who come forward after a sexual assault is extremely low, and even anonymous reporting underestimates the problem. Sexual violence in detention settings is underreported because it shatters people’s sense of safety and trust.

In prisons—particularly in the United States—the entire system is highly punitive, and the sense of trust in that system, both socially and institutionally, is already extremely low. Some people are incarcerated for crimes they committed, others are not, but that does not change the reality of their vulnerability. If you are a transgender or LGBTQ+ person in that context, you are already at dramatically higher risk of sexual victimization. When the government signals that it is stepping back from enforcement of LGBTQ-specific safety standards and simultaneously pursuing policies that restrict gender-affirming care or housing protections, it sends a chilling message about whose safety matters.

There are still constitutional protections, PREA itself has not been repealed, and some courts have stepped in to block the most extreme measures, like blanket bans on gender-affirming medical care. However, the ability to access those protections is minimal for incarcerated people. So you end up with a situation where, practically speaking, the avenues for recourse are shrinking while people remain trapped in a system they already do not trust. I genuinely do not know what that does to a person’s ability to survive psychologically, other than to say it compounds trauma on top of trauma.

Dempsey: Survivors of trauma, especially sexual trauma, are often reluctant to come forward. The rates of sexual assault we know about are far lower than the actual rates because survivors frequently do not feel comfortable reporting. There is often a lack of trust that the system will believe them. Psychologically, this reinforces the narrative that the system will not believe them, and any chance they might have had of coming forward is now even less likely.

For someone who is not coming forward about their experience, this can be detrimental. It can intensify symptoms of anxiety, depression, trauma, sadness, hypervigilance, persistent worry, and related concerns. To draw a parallel to a medical issue, it is almost as if something harmful is inside you and, without treatment or release, it continues to eat away at you. People often do not conceptualize trauma this way. However, psychologically, that is precisely what happens: if you hold on to this experience and do not talk about it or process it, it affects you in a profoundly negative way. So, when people who already struggle to speak about these experiences are further silenced, their mental health will continue to deteriorate.

Jacobsen: This is from Linda McFarlane, Executive Director of Just Detention International, a human rights organization. She says: “The proposed revisions to the PREA standards will lead to increased chaos and violence in prisons and jails, placing staff and incarcerated people in greater danger… It will allow rapists to act with impunity, and it is already sowing confusion among prison leaders who have worked for more than a decade to put in place common-sense rules to end prisoner rape.” She adds: “… They are already in grave danger. I have never met a trans person in detention who has not experienced sexual abuse or harassment while incarcerated.”

Dempsey: The other thing this made me think of is that it also opens the door for repeat offenders. That is pretty common, even if I do not have the statistics at hand.

Most of them are. Moreover, it is a tiny minority that operates this way. People become objects to them, and they target the vulnerable and select a category.

Jacobsen: A federal judge has ordered Georgia to continue hormone therapy for transgender inmates. A federal judge has permanently ordered Georgia’s prison system to keep providing certain forms of gender-affirming care for transgender prisoners. U.S. District Judge Victoria Marie Calvert ruled that denying hormone therapy to inmates violated the Eighth Amendment’s protection against cruel and unusual punishment. In her order, she stated: “The Court finds that there is no genuine dispute of fact that gender dysphoria is a serious medical need… Plaintiffs, through their experts, have presented evidence that a blanket ban on hormone therapy constitutes grossly inadequate care for gender dysphoria and risks imminent injury.”

Any thoughts?

Dempsey: I would be curious what the imminent injury refers to.

Jacobsen: I do not know. What a week. As we saw several weeks ago in the charts outlining the states with the highest number of anti-LBGTQ bills introduced—whether they became law is a different question—Texas was far and away the leader.

So, the city of Arlington, Texas, has effectively eliminated LGBTQ protections by rescinding its LGBTQ non-discrimination ordinance, which reportedly involved approximately $70 million in federal funds connected to compliance issues. It became a contentious public relations campaign and a dispute over language, and it was ultimately shut down in the Arlington City Council by a vote of four.

Dempsey: What was the language they were disagreeing about?

Jacobsen: The ordinance has been suspended since September. They halted an ordinance that would have protected LGBTQ residents by embedding protections into the city code. Some residents claimed Arlington could lose state and federal funding for keeping it on the books.

The ordinance was initially passed in 2021. It explicitly prohibited discrimination within city limits based on sexual orientation and gender identity—essentially standard, widely used American non-discrimination language.

Arlington is now one of the first cities in the country—not just Texas—to repeal a non-discrimination ordinance out of fear that it would conflict with the Trump administration’s stance. This has led to a month-long conflict between the city government and LGBTQ+ advocates.

Damian Rigoza, a transgender resident of Arlington, recalled the 2021 murder of a Black transgender woman, Keira Solomon, and urged council members to keep the ordinance to help prevent violence against LGBTQ residents.

It does not even seem complicated. It was a basic anti-discrimination ordinance protecting people classified under American law as sexual-orientation and gender-identity minorities. However, it was shut down by four council members, despite having been enacted in 2021—likely during the early Biden period—and revoked this year after a prolonged fight.

Any thoughts?

Dempsey: Arlington, for context, is not far outside Dallas. Dallas and Austin tend to be the more liberal areas of the state, with Austin being one of the more liberal cities in the country, especially within conservative states. So this does not entirely surprise me. In a state like Texas, or even Florida, you often see this push and pull between big-city liberalism and statewide conservatism.

As we often talk about, this is a micro-level version of what exists nationally: marginalized communities—in this case, trans people—not feeling safe where they live simply for being who they are and seeking what many would consider fundamental rights and acknowledgment of personhood. Not being able to obtain that, or having had it briefly and then seeing it rescinded, reflects the same fear we discussed in the earlier article: an expectation of rollback, even if the community hopes it will not happen. Continued rollbacks of rights and opportunities are the concern.

I do not know whether we discussed the Supreme Court’s denial of Kim Davis’s petition asking the Court to revisit Obergefell.

Jacobsen: That came up in at least one earlier session—maybe one of yours, maybe not—but it is worth addressing. Any thoughts on the Court turning away her petition? What was her challenge? What happened? How does it make you feel? We can close on that.

Dempsey: The initial issue was that she refused to issue a marriage license to a same-sex couple, as most people now know. She later filed a petition seeking to reverse the rulings against her and to recover her legal fees, claiming damages, including mental-health damages, stemming from the original case. From my understanding, it was a broad claim of personal harm tied to the consequences of the court’s decision against her.

In the context of the broader concerns we are discussing—fear of rights being overturned—this was a significant win. It is representative of the fact that even a highly conservative Supreme Court, appointed mainly by a highly conservative—and some would say self-serving—president who has been intent on attacking the rights of marginalized communities, still declined to use this case as a vehicle to undermine Obergefell.

That outcome gives hope. It suggests there remains an opportunity for the community to retain the rights that have been secured, and that even if those rights are threatened or narrowed in some circumstances, they can be reinstated and upheld. That is needed right now, mainly as we discuss, week after week, escalating efforts to roll back rights. This serves as a reminder that attempts at revocation do not always succeed, and that overturned rights are not always gone for good.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Will.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Send Messages, Not Metadata: Kee Jeffreys on Session and the Future of Private Messaging

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/26

 Kee Jefferys is the technical co-founder of Session, a decentralized, end-to-end encrypted messaging app that minimizes metadata and removes phone-number identities. Working with the Switzerland-based Session Technology Foundation, he leads protocol and network design, focusing on onion-routed communication, community-run nodes, and crypto-economic incentives for privacy infrastructure. Trained as a software engineer and blockchain specialist, Jefferys has become a prominent voice in debates over chat control, secure messaging, and state surveillance. His work centres on building practical tools that journalists, activists, and ordinary users around the world can rely on when privacy is not a luxury but a condition of survival.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Kee Jefferys about why mainstream encrypted messaging is structurally insecure. Jefferys argues that legal pressure on centralized platforms, partial end-to-end encryption, and heavy metadata logging allow states to map social graphs even without reading content. He explains how phone numbers, SIM registration, IP addresses, and group metadata reliably link accounts to real identities. Session is presented as an alternative: a decentralized, community-run, onion-routed network without phone numbers that minimizes metadata and resists Sybil attacks. Jefferys also outlines future upgrades, including post-quantum cryptography and perfect forward secrecy, grounded in a robust, user-centred privacy-as-a-right philosophy.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What was the key moment that convinced you that mainstream encrypted messaging was fundamentally flawed?

Kee Jefferys: There was not a single key moment; instead, there was a series of developments that, taken together, undermined my confidence in mainstream encrypted messaging applications. One prominent example was the arrest of Pavel Durov, the founder and CEO of Telegram, by French authorities in August 2024 at Le Bourget Airport, as part of a criminal investigation into how Telegram was being used for activities such as drug trafficking, and other organized crime, allegedly due to insufficient moderation of the platform. Telegram also does not offer end-to-end encryption by default for standard” chats; only its “secret chats” feature is end-to-end encrypted per conversation. That combination—legal pressure on a key executive and the fact that most user conversations are technically accessible to the service itself—raised concerns about the potential for authorities to gain access to user data.

In addition, I have been troubled by the growing reliance on metadata rather than message content. When messages are end-to-end encrypted and cannot be read, authorities shift their focus to metadata: who talked to whom, when, from which IP addresses, using which phone numbers or devices. Telegram, for example, acknowledges that it may collect metadata such as IP addresses, device information, and username history for up to 12 months. Former NSA and CIA director Michael Hayden once stated, “We kill people based on metadata.” The remark is stark, but it correctly captures the analytical power metadata provides to state-level actors.

Even without message content, if authorities know that one person messaged another at a specific time, along with the IP addresses, phone numbers, and device identifiers involved, they can construct a detailed behavioural picture. From that, they can infer what users are likely discussing and, more importantly, map the social graph—showing who is connected to whom and how—using metadata alone, even when the underlying communication is encrypted.

Jacobsen: I want to examine the concept of metadata further. Many people may know Pavel Durov only indirectly through media coverage of Telegram’s vulnerabilities, especially in wartime contexts, or through unrelated personal news. What exactly is contained directly in metadata, and what additional information can skilled analysts infer from it?

Jefferys: It depends on the application, but most mainstream messaging platforms—WhatsApp, Telegram, and Signal—have historically required a phone number to create an account. That number then becomes the primary identifier. In many countries, mandatory SIM-registration laws require a person to present government-issued identification, such as a national ID card, driver’s license, or passport, to obtain a phone number. As a result, your messaging identity can be indirectly but reliably linked to your legal identity, even if the application never asks for your name.

So, the broader shift I see is twofold: first, recognizing that some “encrypted” platforms are only partially end-to-end encrypted and retain significant control over user data; and second, observing how law enforcement and intelligence agencies increasingly rely on metadata rather than message content. Together, these trends show that focusing solely on whether a message is encrypted is insufficient. Metadata and phone-number-based identity have become the central battlegrounds for privacy.

They can then, if they see one phone number communicating with another phone number on their servers—and because that number is associated with your messaging ID and the messages you send over those services—an intelligence agency can backtrack and determine, “We know this phone number belongs to this real person, because when they registered, they provided verified information or paid for the number with a credit card tied to their identity.” That becomes a crucial point, because if the phone number is linked to everything else sent through the messaging service, it becomes very easy to de-anonymize a user.

If you are not using phone numbers, as with some other messaging applications that rely on an anonymized ID or require an email address to sign up, then those services typically store the user’s IP address. IP addresses are also often tied to a real-world identity because, when you obtain service from an internet provider, you usually pay with a credit card and provide personal information. So you may have an IP address, a phone number, and metadata such as the time a message is sent and the time it is received.

If it is a group message, the service may retain information about the identities of group members—for example, each participant’s phone number or IP address. You can see this type of data across the entire history of an account if you operate the server relaying these messages.

From that, you can build an extremely accurate picture: which user messaged which user at what time, which IP addresses were involved, which phone numbers were associated with the conversation, and, in a group setting, who the other participants were. You can observe that specific individuals message each other every 24 hours, or during a specific three-hour window, during which they exchange one hundred messages. That window might correlate with another real-world event.

You gain a remarkably detailed understanding of what a user is doing on these networks if you act as the central server relaying all messages, even if the contents are fully encrypted.

Jacobsen: It seems as though much of the intelligence work focuses on multivariable inputs—timing, individuals involved, correlations with real-world events—but nothing definitively content-based. Is that more or less correct?

Jefferys: Yes. The evidence can become so overwhelming that you arrive at an explanation that is nearly definitive regarding who participated in a given conversation. I’ve never worked for any intelligence agency and nor do I ever intend to, but based on public information and leaks from those agencies, they try to aim for a high degree of certainty, but they do not require absolute certainty to act.

Their required level of confidence is often shaped by political considerations, operational priorities, or assessments of the risks to the individuals involved if they are wrong. They may not need absolute certainty; they may only need a high probability that the individuals they have identified are the correct ones.

Jacobsen: What is the Session protocol, and what is a decentralized node network?

Jefferys: Returning to what I described earlier, many existing messaging networks rely on centralized servers. Even when messages are end-to-end encrypted, those messages are relayed through a central server operated by the provider. With Session, the architecture is fundamentally different. As a developer who contributes to Session, I do not have access to any centralized server because Session does not use one to relay messages.

Instead, Session uses a decentralized network of roughly 1,600 nodes operated by community members worldwide. When you send a message through Session, it is routed through these nodes before reaching its destination, where it is stored temporarily. This design mitigates the security issue inherent in centralized systems, where developers or service operators can access metadata associated with user conversations.

In Session, the metadata is effectively distributed across multiple nodes run by unrelated parties. As a result, developers cannot simply access a central server to see, for example, which user sent which message at what time. That is the core of the decentralized model.

It provides additional protections as well. Session does not require a phone number to sign up, eliminating the privacy risks associated with phone-number-based identity verification. Session also uses onion routing, a technique best known from Tor. While commercial VPNs are not identical to onion routing, some of them approximate aspects of it to obscure user IP addresses. In Session, when you send a message, your IP address is not exposed to the node storing it. This removes a substantial amount of metadata that would otherwise be tied to your identity.

So the key components are the decentralized network, the absence of phone-number registration, and the use of onion routing to mitigate metadata leakage—features specifically designed to address the vulnerabilities found in mainstream, centralized messaging applications.

Jacobsen: So something like NordVPN—VPN plus onion?

Jefferys: Yes, conceptually in that direction. 

Jacobsen: When you combine those—double VPN or VPN plus onion—how much stronger is the actual security? Is it a multiplier, or is it additive?

Jefferys: If you use a VPN with onion routing, what you are essentially doing is connecting to a VPN server before you connect to the servers that handle onion routing. That VPN server is typically operated by a commercial provider such as NordVPN or Surfshark. You connect to their server, and then their server connects you to the onion-routing network. From there, you usually have three additional hops before your traffic reaches its destination.

What this achieves is primarily the concealment of your IP address from the first hop in the onion-routing chain. Usually, when you use onion routing, your IP address is visible to the first relay node. That can have metadata implications. The relay node does not know the content of your traffic, because it is already encrypted at that stage, but some users worry that their internet service provider (ISP) might detect that they are using Tor simply because they connect directly to that first node.

Adding a VPN changes this. If your ISP is monitoring your activity, it only sees that you are connecting to a VPN, not to Tor. The VPN then sees that you are connecting to Tor, but your ISP does not. The extra hop adds obfuscation, specifically by indicating that you are using Tor or a Tor-like onion network such as Session. It does not dramatically increase privacy in a multiplicative sense; it mainly mitigates what some users perceive as the vulnerability of the first hop in onion-routing systems.

Jacobsen: The Session network relies on community-run nodes and crypto-economic incentives. Is the model fragile if the token economy collapses?

Jefferys: Actually, the effect is the opposite of fragility. Consider Tor as a comparison. Tor is entirely run by volunteer operators who receive no financial incentive for maintaining nodes. As a result, anyone can deploy thousands of Tor nodes and potentially participate in enough hops in a user’s path to de-anonymize them. There have been documented cases of malicious actors operating large numbers of Tor nodes. The motives vary, but some operators run exit nodes to sniff unencrypted traffic or manipulate traffic through malicious redirects. Tor has no robust built-in mechanism to prevent malicious parties from flooding the network over time.

Session handles this differently. To operate a Session node, you must stake cryptocurrency. That requirement creates a financial barrier, making it significantly more difficult for a malicious actor to deploy thousands of nodes. The cost increases as one attempts to control more of the network. In practice, this provides a form of Sybil resistance—protection against an attacker who attempts to overwhelm the network by creating large numbers of nodes.

So, rather than introducing fragility, the crypto-economic model strengthens the network’s resilience by ensuring that operating nodes have a clear, nontrivial cost. It discourages large-scale malicious participation and aligns incentives toward stability and genuine contribution. Nodes that are actually serving traffic, responding within the correct timeframes, and running the required services remain active. I am not suggesting that any of this is a perfect solution. If the cryptocurrency used for staking fluctuates in price, that affects the rewards nodes receive when converted into U.S. dollars. But in those situations, some nodes drop off the network, and the reward for each remaining node increases proportionally.

There is always an incentive to stay on the network if other nodes leave, because your share of the rewards increases. The way Session is designed, the cryptocurrency-based model helps mitigate the Sybil-attack problem—where thousands of nodes join the network without operating honestly. The staking requirement significantly reduces the feasibility of such attacks. It also provides incentives to maintain high service quality and enables the enforcement of specific behaviours across the node network.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead to the next iteration—say, 2026—how would you improve Session’s overall functionality or network? It sounds like the system has many moving parts, and I imagine there are several areas for enhancement.

Jefferys: Looking ahead to 2026, one of the significant focus areas from a network perspective is upgrading the onion-routing protocol. At present, we use a completely stateless protocol that imposes a limit on the amount of data that can be transmitted in a single request. For Session users, that means you can only send files up to 10 megabytes. Other messaging applications allow file transfers of 100 megabytes or far more.

On the network side, we are developing a complete reconstruction of the onion-routing protocol using a framework called Session Router, which we have been working on for several years. That protocol is significantly faster, more efficient, and better at utilizing network bandwidth. It can also support multiple data protocols that were previously unsupported.

This upgrade will remove many of the existing limitations on Session, enabling larger file transfers and generally improving message-sending and message-receiving speeds. That is one of the significant advancements we are focused on for the network’s next phase.

Jacobsen: Anonymity can make some people safer. In my industry, I have a journalist in Afghanistan, and we keep them anonymous. That is compelling—it keeps them alive, out of jail, or out of torture. Are there any contexts in which extremist groups could misuse this technology as bad actors?

Jefferys: When we think about who uses Session and how different actors around the world use it, the most critical priority for us is designing Session in ways that minimize misuse. Many of Session’s design principles revolve around consent. For example, when someone sends you a message, and you have never spoken to them before, the message goes into a request folder that is hidden from the main interface. You must manually accept the request before the conversation can begin.

We also reduce the visibility of groups or large communities within the Session. On Telegram, for instance, you can search for groups of any kind—beneficial or harmful—and immediately begin messaging large audiences. In Session, you cannot search for groups by keyword. Group discovery happens through out-of-band communication. If someone wants you to join a group, they must invite you or share a link directly. It is not discoverable inside the application. These design choices intentionally reduce avenues for large-scale misuse because we have seen how discoverable groups on other platforms can be exploited.

At the same time, messaging applications are tools that allow people to communicate. No privacy-focused application can—or should—monitor every message to determine whether a user’s intent is good or bad. If you want to protect journalists, whistleblowers, and human rights activists, you cannot surveil their communications. The exact mechanism that protects them could, in theory, also protect a bad actor, but introducing surveillance would undermine the very populations that rely on secure communication to survive.

It is a difficult space to operate in, but Session strikes the right balance: minimizing misuse where possible through design constraints while preserving the fundamental protections that activists, journalists, and vulnerable groups depend on.

Jacobsen: Do you foresee pressure from a state actor to give access to any internal components of Session? I recall that Meta, in at least one case, coordinated with authorities to some degree, limited, but still coordinated. Could you imagine any collaborative efforts like that being directed at Session?

Jefferys: The company that stewards Session is a Swiss foundation, but it does not have access to any user data because it does not operate the decentralized network itself. That network is run by community operators distributed globally. So if an intelligence or law-enforcement agency approaches the foundation and requests data—for example, “We want to see this user’s message history” or “We want all user data from this time period”—the Session Foundation can honestly state that it does not have access to that data.

It is not a matter of refusing to hand it over for legal or political reasons; instead, the foundation  does not technically possess the data in the first place. From a design and architectural standpoint, it is difficult for the Session Foundation to interact with agencies seeking user information because the information they desire is not in the foundation’s custody. That is the starting point every time someone asks the foundation for user data.

Jacobsen: You use no phone numbers, no email addresses, and minimal metadata. We have discussed how some information can still be inferred. Are there more sophisticated security protocols you would like to incorporate, but that require more time because the development work is complex?

Jefferys: Yes. One of the protocol suites Session recently announced its intention to implement includes perfect forward secrecy and post-quantum cryptography. Perfect forward secrecy helps minimize the impact of a data breach if a user’s device is compromised and a long-term key is stolen. In a hypothetical scenario where an attacker also manages to scrape encrypted messages from the network—already difficult in Session’s case because it would require large-scale participation in the decentralized network—perfect forward secrecy limits how much historical data becomes readable.

We aim to implement this in 2026, but it is technically challenging due to Session’s decentralized architecture and support for linked devices, including numerous mobile devices and desktops. Most messaging applications either do not support multi-device encryption or do so at the expense of security. Session maintains full end-to-end encryption across all linked devices, which makes adding perfect forward secrecy more complex—but still achievable, and we have initial designs underway.

Post-quantum cryptography is also essential. No publicly known quantum computer currently exists that can break standard elliptic-curve cryptography, but we must prepare for the scenario in which an adversary stores encrypted messages today and decrypts them later once quantum capabilities emerge. This is known as a “store now, decrypt later” attack. Post-quantum schemes have improved significantly in efficiency and performance over the past several years, making them viable for real-world deployment.

We plan to introduce post-quantum cryptography in 2026 as well, to protect users against future quantum-enabled attacks.

Jacobsen: Do you think your model will become the norm, or will it remain just one option among many?

Jefferys: That is an interesting question. Centralized messaging applications will remain. They are much easier to develop and do not carry the technical complexity of a decentralized system like Session. Centralised platforms also benefit from user-experience advantages that come from controlling a single server environment.

So I expect centralized applications to continue. But decentralized options will also increase their presence in the messaging landscape. We are already seeing that shift—Session’s user base is growing, and adoption trends indicate rising interest in decentralized privacy tools.

The messaging space will maintain its current level of fragmentation. Users rarely enjoy hearing that because many already juggle multiple applications: one for work, one for family, one for friends, plus integrated messengers in Instagram, Facebook, LinkedIn, and so on. That paradigm will likely persist. But within the private messaging segment, we will see a shift toward decentralized applications, as they offer the strongest privacy and security guarantees.

People will continue to have one primary messaging app for work, another for social circles, and then a privacy-oriented app for sensitive tasks—sending a password, sharing financial details, or just having a conversation where they don’t want to have the feeling that someone is watching over their shoulder. .

Jacobsen: Another question. Privacy is not just an optional feature; it is a fundamental human right. Is that a founding philosophy or framework for cooperation within Session?

Jefferys: Too often, we see protocols or applications treat privacy as an afterthought. They build an entirely centralized system, release it, and only when users begin expressing insecurity—or when a data breach occurs, which is increasingly common—do they respond by saying, “We will add more protections now.”

Because the entire system up to that point has been built in a centralized, privacy-unfriendly way, it becomes tough for those applications to retrofit privacy into their networks. They may, for example, add end-to-end encryption, but that does not solve the metadata problem created by a centralized architecture. 

Thinking about privacy as a human right—privacy first—and designing everything from that foundation means that when users raise questions about security or privacy, you are not forced to go backwards and retrofit protections. The system was built with that purpose from the start. It resolves many of the issues users face when interacting with social media systems or messaging applications.

Jacobsen: Is this vastly growing out of a hacker ethos?

Jefferys: I think so, to an extent. Hacker communities and the people tinkering with technologies developed many of the protocols on which Session is built. Onion routing, for example, was pioneered through the Tor project, which included early cypherpunks, hackers, and hacktivists. We have adapted that protocol for our network. The same is true for end-to-end encryption, much of which originated from cypherpunk discourse. Cryptocurrency likewise emerged from that cultural and technical environment.

The cypherpunk–hacktivist community laid the foundation for much of what Session does. ession takes those concepts and refines them into something highly usable. Many early tools developed in hacker communities offered strong security but poor usability. By refining those ideas, we can provide an application that feels as simple as a centralized messenger but without the inherent vulnerabilities of centralized systems. That is where Session has been most successful.

Jacobsen: Any quotes to conclude today? Any final thoughts? They can be playful—one of my favourites is, “Wisdom has been chasing you, but it outran you today,” or perhaps, “All that glitters is not gold.”

Jefferys: I don’t have any perfect quotes. I may not have the poetic background to offer something lyrical or memorable. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Kee.

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Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi: Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Reboot, Economic Security and the Shadow Economy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/25

Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi is Director of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine (ESBU), appointed in August 2025 after more than two decades in law enforcement. A PhD in Law from Lviv, he previously served as an investigator and head of organized crime units, then as a leading detective and unit head at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. A combat veteran of the Anti-Terrorist Operation and the full-scale war, he links security, the rule of law, and economic resilience. As ESBU chief, Tsyvinskyi focuses on dismantling the shadow economy, protecting honest business, rebuilding public trust in Ukraine’s recovery, and anchoring Ukraine’s long-term EU-oriented future.

In this two-part interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi, Director of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine, about rebooting the ESBU amid Russia’s war. Tsyvinskyi explains his plan to rebuild the team, move from many small cases to a few systemic ones, and focus on business security and the shadow economy. He links tax evasion norms to Soviet-era contempt for the state, arguing that independent institutions, radical transparency, and cultural change—from schools to kitchen-table conversations—are essential to make corruption shameful and the rule of law non-negotiable. They also discuss Western support, avoiding coercive conditionality while strengthening Ukraine’s institutional resilience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Looking at the big picture for the 4th quarter of 2025 and the first and second quarters of 2026, what is the most important message to convey about economic security, anti-corruption efforts, transparency, and related issues in Ukraine?

Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi: The first and most important thing for us is to reload the system. That means reloading our team to start producing the results everyone expects. We have to begin this work this year. Next year, in the first two quarters, this process will continue, and we must complete it by the end of 2026. This is the top priority in human capital management. Secondly, we are completely reordering the Bureau’s priorities. We are shifting from minor cases to large ones. We are moving from quantity to quality. Moreover, the most important development is the creation of an entirely new direction: business security, which we have not addressed before. The next element is working with the shadow economy—black-market business—and then working with those who violate the legal sphere. Our results will include, first, reloading the team; second, reformatting our approaches; third, formally registering our three main priorities; and fourth, identifying organized criminal groups and bringing them to responsibility in the first two quarters of next year.

Jacobsen: How much of this is a holdover from the Soviet legacy in terms of institutions and how people conduct themselves, and how much is not? I do not mean this in a critical sense; I am trying to clarify. If a historian were to look at it, we would see that we are all shaped by our national histories. How does that post-Soviet history feed into the practices that built systems that led to higher corruption, and into the institutional ways in which people worked? I want to be very clear, because I know it can be susceptible to some if they are reading this, in terms of someone from what they call “the West.” For some reason, they do not include South Korea and Japan in that definition. Looking at it objectively as a historian, you have the post-Soviet timeline, you have the institutions, you have the cultural habits people carry, and then you have the reforms you are talking about—moving away from all of that.

Tsyvinskyi: First of all, for many years, people were taught that you cannot change the system, that private property does not exist. Moreover, when private property began to function, we found ourselves in a situation of complete irresponsibility. Because now there is a feeling—if a person does not pay taxes or tries to avoid them—that, in post-Soviet countries, this is unfortunately treated as usual. Before, everything was considered “the property of the state,” which supposedly belonged to everyone, meaning it belonged to no one. Moreover, the state could be deceived. That same attitude has remained the same now: not paying taxes is deceiving the state, and deceiving the state is normal.

The worst part is that from the post-Soviet past, when people sit at the table—drinking coffee in the kitchen or in a bar—and someone says they deceived the state or did not pay taxes, it is received normally and not criticized, unlike, for example, European countries such as Finland, Germany, or Canada. If two friends in Canada sit down and one tells the other that he deceived the state by not paying taxes, I do not think he would receive moral support for it being acceptable or admirable. However, in Ukraine and other post-Soviet countries, deceiving the state is treated as usual. Because the state is perceived as nothing, and there is no feeling of shame. There is no feeling that you have actually stolen from a children’s home, from a hospital, from a road project—stolen from somewhere real.

Jacobsen: Why?

Tsyvinskyi: Why such an attitude? Because the state has constantly humiliated and punished people, and now there is a persistent negative attitude toward the state, unlike in European countries. For me, this is part of the Soviet legacy. It is an entire culture, and this culture changes very slowly. That is why these consequences remain.

Jacobsen: What can be done?

Tsyvinskyi: Today, our institution is beginning to work on changing the culture—on the idea that not paying taxes is shameful, that it is not good, that it is harmful, and that people should feel responsible for this. Because to this day, people are not ashamed; they are proud of it. Our task is to change the culture around this.

Now if you fool the state, it is considered acceptable. Everyone will support you. They will say, “You are a good guy, let us drink beer,” and you will say, “I fooled the state today,” and they will answer, “You are a cool guy.” This is perhaps a lasting part of the Soviet heritage.

Until recently, it was considered acceptable for a long time. If you managed to avoid paying taxes and told your friends, they would support you. Moreover, if you said something like this in Canada, somewhere in a bar, people would definitely not help you. That was part of the Soviet legacy. However, now it is changing. Moving forward, as Oleksandr said, in our institution, we are trying to change the culture by saying: we need to promote different values—paying taxes is normal. If you do not pay, you are essentially stealing money from hospitals and educational institutions. This is a cultural issue, and that is what we are trying to change.

Jacobsen: My follow-up to that. In my conversations with Ukrainian colleagues, it typically goes like this: in private, we debate, challenge each other, and learn from one another. In public, in interviews, things are more polished, and that shapes the questions. In media, I sometimes ask—from your perspective as Ukrainians—what the West is getting right, getting wrong, and missing entirely in its coverage? Similarly, support for Ukraine is often conflated with imposition. Do you see what I mean? When it comes to supporting Ukraine’s anti-corruption efforts, how can people who are not Ukrainian but support Ukraine ensure they remain sensitive and supportive without imposing? Ukrainians should be able to work on anti-corruption on Ukrainian terms. Support is good, but if it comes with strings, it becomes coercive. So: anti-corruption efforts without coercion.

Tsyvinskyi: If we ask our Western partners how they view anti-corruption efforts, the real question is how to convince people in the West that, on the one hand, we need to fight corruption, and on the other hand, we must ensure that this does not harm Ukraine or create the wrong perception of what is happening here. How do we convince people in the West to support Ukraine in its fight against corruption without creating problems for Ukraine? When I worked for 10 years at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, almost every significant case we opened involving top officials generated strong reactions, and sometimes coverage in the Western press, focused on the existence of a corrupt official and presenting it as a systemic failure. However, it is better to diagnose and treat a disease, even if it requires surgery and pain. Only then will the patient recover and become effective.

In this context, the correct way to communicate is as follows: if there are independent authorities in Ukraine capable of holding the highest officials accountable, then this is proof that Ukraine is on the right track. In many countries—even in developed democracies—there are significant obstacles to enforcing the law against top officials. In Ukraine, this is possible. Ukraine demonstrates this, and there are more and more such bodies. We have two paths: to hide our problems and pretend everything is fine, or to perform the surgery, accept the pain, and grow into a democratic and effective state.

Objectively, today in Ukraine—especially in public policy and among officials—we have one of the most transparent systems in the world. The requirements placed on public officials, even those that limit their privacy by obliging them to disclose nearly all information, are unique. This is a powerful demonstration that we are rushing in the right direction. Moreover, the situation is straightforward: yes, we have problems, but we will solve them quickly and decisively. I think this is the best way to communicate with everyone.

If we did not have these bodies, and we did not identify the problems that exist—as was the case 15 or even 10 years ago—there would be no corruption scandals, no dramatic headlines. However, that would not mean there were no problems or no corruption. Everyone knew it existed. Now it is painful, but this pain is an obvious marker that Ukraine is moving in the right direction and choosing democracy.

What is very important is that when issues arose concerning the existence of anti-corruption bodies, the people made their position very clear. This is another marker that Ukraine not only has institutions that work correctly, independently, and without fear, but also that civil society is strong enough to defend these institutions. The point is not only about institutions themselves; it is about people defending their right to move toward a European society. This is the best form of communication.

If there are no independent anti-corruption bodies, then we cannot know the scope of the corruption problem, because no one will address it.

Jacobsen: So you are arguing that this is the pain period right now. Moreover, on the index—at least in Transparency International—there is a significant improvement.

Tsyvinskyi: It is like having a disease and pretending that everything is fine. Everyone may seem happy, but the disease remains. Alternatively, you can accept the pain of treatment and actually make the patient healthy. In Ukraine, we have anti-corruption institutions, including the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. The Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine investigates some corruption offenses. We say, “Yes, we have corruption—but we are treating it.” That is the difference.

Compared with other countries, Ukraine is one of the most transparent. In terms of requirements for public servants and civil servants, we have obligations that very few countries share. We must publish everything on a special website. Anyone can read how much money we have, how much is in our bank accounts. Any citizen of Ukraine can read how much money my wife has and in which accounts. Almost no other country requires this. Ukraine has a very transparent monitoring system.

This is why, when scandals arise, they are actually a sign that Ukraine is trying to fix its problems. In Ukraine, even if you earn money legally, are an official, and buy something for yourself, you will be publicly criticized for it. You must include it in your public declaration; it is on the website, and everyone can read it. Even if you can afford it, you will be heavily criticized across all media.

Jacobsen: And if you buy something for this amount?

Tsyvinskyi: You must register this information in your civil servant declaration. Everyone will criticize you—media outlets will say, “Oh, look, he bought something. He bought a $3,500 item,” and so on. That is why Ukraine’s system is very transparent today. $3,500 is about two monthly salaries in our Bureau. Any amount above this must be officially declared on a public website. 

Jacobsen: I think it is important to note, in my analysis as an independent journalist from the outside, that people outside of Ukraine tend to highlight, and it is essential to highlight, the case involving Zelensky’s lifelong friend and former aide in the corruption scandal. However, the silver lining is that it demonstrated, first, the institution’s independence in the speed and firmness of its response. Second, it is part of a larger and more critical trend. Previously, Ukraine ranked low in transparency, comparable to Sudan or Nigeria. Now it sits among mid-level countries, which is a massive improvement that most states cannot claim. About reform, what are the key areas Ukraine needs to reform further—on Ukrainian terms—to move from that mid-level position toward the rankings of the least corrupt countries in the world?

Tsyvinskyi: It is essential to understand one thing: corruption and its reduction are not the responsibility of the Anti-Corruption Bureau alone. It is the responsibility of both sides. It is the responsibility of the entire system of government, on the one hand. Moreover, it concerns the people. It is also a matter of culture. When corruption begins to be condemned in the kitchen, at home, while drinking tea—as it is in many civilized countries—when it becomes shameful, unpleasant, humiliating, and socially condemned, then we will reach the point where corruption will be significantly reduced.

On the other hand, this must begin in school. Unfortunately, people very often do not pay attention to this. Everyone tends to focus on the short term. No matter how many significant cases the Anti-Corruption Bureau exposes, if we do not start solving this problem in schools, universities, the workplace, and culture—teaching that corruption is bad, negative, and humiliating—then we will have this problem for a long time. My firm conviction is that this requires a set of measures that are not limited to one institution. The point is that integrity should be a must-have. It should be the norm. Moreover, it should not be civil society alone that influences or controls this; it must be embedded in the corporate culture of government officials.

When, within that culture, someone learns that a colleague is taking bribes or doing something wrong and immediately informs the relevant authorities, we can overcome this quickly. However, if wrongdoing is tolerated or the response is insufficient, it is not acceptable to look the other way. It is necessary to respond and take measures to stop it. Moreover, this sometimes means reporting a friend or colleague to the authorities. We are prepared for that. This is the path that will allow us to reach the minimum level of corruption.

If you know that a colleague—maybe even a friend—who holds a high position is corrupt, and you inform the relevant institutions, that is how we eliminate corruption. The number-one priority is working with culture, because this is not about one, two, three, or four institutions. It is about how corruption is perceived. Therefore, it is clear that everyone must do their job and have zero tolerance for corruption.

Without a comprehensive working system—where committing corruption is viewed as abnormal, just as it is abnormal to steal a wallet, assault someone, kill someone, or commit any other crime—we will continue in a cycle where some people think they are heroes for doing what they do, and others try to catch them. It becomes an endless process. There is a saying that culture eats strategy for breakfast. This is often considered acceptable in private companies, but in state institutions, it is not always applied. That is why I said the public must consider corruption on the same level as other crimes. Everyone agrees you should not steal, kill, or assault someone. Along the same lines, corruption should be considered equally unacceptable.

When people think that way, the work begins in schools and universities. It is a long-term project, but it can significantly reduce corruption. Today in Ukraine—unlike in many countries that believe their corruption level is lower—in just ten years, we have gone from a situation where tens of thousands of people were untouched to one where no one in Ukraine can feel safe if they commit corruption offences. Ukraine is the only country that cannot feel safe amid corruption.

Jacobsen: In the war, in the context of Russian aggression, I often ask—perhaps you have heard the phrase “All that glitters is not gold.” Is there a phrase or aphorism in Ukrainian culture that, for you, captures what it feels like to be in the war with Russia? It means that everything valuable is not monetary in nature.

Tsyvinskyi: There is a similar metaphor—”All that glitters is not gold.” However, if you mean a phrase that describes the state of Ukrainians during the war, a general saying or metaphor, yes. I can translate it directly so it fits the context. Ukrainians are a very benevolent and very stubborn nation. Unlike others—I will not compare directly, but perhaps some would have given up—we stand our ground. There is a phrase: We should burn rather than surrender to anyone. And this is about us.

Jacobsen: Alright, we will call that an interview. Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Oleksandr.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dating Intelligently 7: Stack Dating Explained

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/24

 Christopher Louis is a Los Angeles–based international dating and relationship coach and the founder of Dating Intelligence. As host of the Dating Intelligence Podcast, Louis draws on intuition and lived experience to guide clients toward authentic selves and meaningful romantic connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Christopher Louis about “stack dating.” Louis explains it as ethically dating multiple people early, without assuming exclusivity, to avoid overinvestment and see patterns over time. He links its popularity to Gen Z, busy schedules, and app culture that normalizes parallel conversations, messaging, and video pre-screens. The approach can reduce anxiety and disappointment when handled transparently, but can fail through deception, blurred expectations, or budget strain. Louis recommends keeping stacks manageable (two to five), anchoring decisions in non-negotiables, and ending the stack when alignment earns exclusivity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I have heard a few things, like speed dating. It is pretty standard. There are many apps like Tinder, Bumble, and others. What is stack dating in more detail?

Christopher Louis: “Stack dating” is a term some dating coaches and commentators use for a modern dating approach where you do not focus on just one person at a time early on. In practice, it means you may date multiple people at the same time, without assuming exclusivity, and you avoid overinvesting too early. In the versions I have seen described, it also emphasizes transparency and ethical non-exclusivity where appropriate.

With stack dating, there is no exclusivity at the beginning unless it is explicitly agreed upon. When people start dating—primarily through apps—it is common for them to be talking to or going on dates with more than one person.

At that stage, you can take your time to see who is the best long-term fit. Under this approach, exclusivity is not assumed; it is something people typically agree to after spending time together and establishing alignment. The point is to check whether non-negotiables line up, whether values align, and whether someone’s behaviour is consistent—not just whether the chemistry feels strong.

This is not the same thing as hooking up. It is a dating strategy focused on letting time and patterns clarify compatibility.

“Stack dating” is a newer label for something many people have done for a long time. Dating can involve meeting different people, spending time together, and seeing who you are compatible with. It is about shared interests and finding someone who could be a great partner—not a perfect partner, but a great partner.

Jacobsen: What makes this so popular among younger people? I see that it is tied primarily to Gen Z.

Louis: One argument people make is that it helps prevent quick attachment and reduces pressure to decide too early. Some people take time to make decisions and do not want to commit too quickly, only to end up with the wrong person.

Under this approach, dating multiple people early on can reduce anxiety and overthinking, including the “what does this mean” spiral.

If you put all your eggs in one basket too soon, you may ignore red flags or overreact to uncertainty. Dating more than one person early on can help some people maintain perspective and choose from a place of confidence rather than desperation.

Jacobsen: What are the ways this could go wrong?

Louis: There are many ways this can go wrong. For example, if a person is not being honest with each person they are seeing. If you are going to stack date—even if it is just two people—you need to let the other person know, especially at the beginning. There is nothing wrong with letting someone know that a few other people are involved.

You are keeping your options open, and no one should feel possessive or angry, thinking, “I cannot believe you are dating other people right now,” especially when you have only been seeing each other for less than a week or two. This is not really a relationship yet. This is two people trying to figure things out.

It is fair to be honest and open with each person you are dating, letting them know that you are seeing a few others to ensure alignment with what you want. You are trying to make sure it is the right fit for you. Once again, this is not about sex or hooking up. This is about finding the right fit through the process.

Jacobsen: If you are stacking, how do you keep it within budget?

Louis: There are many ways to do it. Dating in general does not mean you have to spend all your money. Dates do not have to involve expensive outings or constant activities.

If you are truly stack dating, you should first be clear with yourself about what you want with each person. If one person prefers more extravagant experiences, it is your choice whether to spend more on those dates. If another person is more laid-back, you might go for a walk or have a coffee date. If someone prefers staying in and watching Netflix, then that is how you spend time with that person.

The point is to find someone who is the best fit for you in the long run. If someone expects an extravagant lifestyle that is not within your budget, it may not make sense to invest time trying to impress them when you know you will not be able to sustain that dynamic later.

Jacobsen: What is a reasonable amount of stacking in a day, e.g., three, five, ten?

Louis: In theory, it could be higher, but realistically, most people can only manage a small number. Reasonably, many people say somewhere between two and five. That tends to be manageable.

The critical point is not the number itself, but what you can realistically handle emotionally and practically. If you can only manage two people, then that is fine. It is about scaling it to what you can handle without losing perspective or balance.

Jacobsen: Why did this become a trend? Even though this pattern has existed in different forms for a long time, why has it become more mainstream now?

Louis: It has become more mainstream partly because of how people talk about time, work, and self-worth today. Many people see themselves as busy professionals with limited time. Under those conditions, stack dating often looks like a practical response.

If you have a hectic schedule and use dating apps, it is common to be talking to two or three people at once. If you like all of them, the question becomes what to do next. Instead of procrastinating, let’s meet for a simple coffee date. With limited time, that may be all you can realistically manage.

You might meet those two or three people within a short period—perhaps within a week—and decide that you like all of them enough to keep seeing where things go. Because your time is limited, stack dating becomes a way to move forward without prematurely narrowing your options.

The term also appeals to people who tend to overattach or are tired of repeating the same dating patterns. Someone might ask, “Why do I keep choosing the same type of person?” or “Why do I keep falling into the same dynamics?” In that sense, stack dating is framed as a way to break those cycles and potentially find someone who is a better fit.

It is also often described as appealing to people who want clarity rather than confusion. For someone coming out of a relationship, stack dating can be a way to re-enter dating gradually. You might not be sure you are ready for something serious, so you date lightly for a period to see whether dating is something you truly want at that moment.

In that sense, it can resemble speed dating, but without a strict time limit. You have more space to get to know each person and take your time figuring out who aligns with your values and with the kind of partnership you want in the long term.

Jacobsen: What type of questions should you be asking if this becomes a repeated experiment in many ways? Are you mainly going by feel with each person?

Louis: You are mainly going by feel with each person. Some people rely on standard questions they always ask on dates, but that approach is not helpful. These should be authentic meetings, not interviews.

The goal is to spend time together and have a good experience. That is also why honesty matters when you are dating. You do not want to lead someone on or create the impression that you are being deceptive. Being clear helps avoid misunderstandings.

Dating should involve paying attention to how you feel with someone. At the same time, everyone has non-negotiables. If you have a short list—three to five core values or boundaries—you want to make sure those are aligned early on.

If someone does not align with those non-negotiables, you can decide that it is not working for you and move on. In that sense, it is not really about asking the perfect questions. It is about whether the person aligns with who you want to be in the long run.

Jacobsen: What about your own presentability in each situation? How should someone think about their presentability when dating different people?

Louis: I do not think you should be changing who you are to match each person you are dating. I am not saying that if you are dating someone who is very sporty, someone who prefers luxury, or someone more laid-back, that you need to dress or act differently for each of them.

At the same time, you should know which type of person you want to date. If someone is unsure about their dating “lane,” learning to stay within that lane helps clarify who is actually a good fit. When you know who you are, you do not need to reshape yourself to fit someone else.

Stack dating should be about personality, finding the right fit, and aligning with someone who shares your values. It also gives you time to notice red flags—patterns or behaviours you know you do not want in your life.

If you are dating only one person, you may notice red flags or non-negotiables but still overlook them because the other person is interested in you or seems “good enough.” In that situation, you may end up settling.

Instead of settling, stack dating gives you options. You can take your time evaluating people and gradually narrow your focus until you find someone who truly fits.

Jacobsen: Does this also reduce the possibility of disappointment, or at least the degree of disappointment?

Louis: I think it does. When people stack data, there are a few key ideas they need to understand. First, it is about the quality of the people you are dating, not the quantity.

Second, it can help you gain clarity and feel more confident about your eventual choice as you narrow down your options. Third, it helps you better understand what you are actually looking for in a partner.

Even if you date two to five people, you may not find the right person right away. That is part of dating. People often continue dating until they find a match that feels right.

In practice, many people already do something similar. If you are going on dates with two different people in the same week, you are technically dating multiple people. In that sense, stack dating is often just a name for behaviour that already exists.

Jacobsen: Can this be facilitated through apps?

Louis: I am not entirely sure, because I am not active on the apps myself, but I would still say yes. Many people are not discouraged from dating multiple people at the same time. Dating apps are designed to help users meet as many potential matches as possible, whom they want to date.

From my experience with clients who use dating apps, many of them are already talking to three to five people at once. Someone might think, “I really like this person,” but then there are two others they are also talking to, and then another match appears. In that sense, the apps naturally encourage this kind of dating behaviour.

In many ways, it becomes a numbers game. This approach has existed for a long time; it is simply happening through different tools now.

Jacobsen: How do you appropriately screen potential dates? Is there a quick pre-screening process before meeting in person?

Louis: If we are talking about the dating-app version of this, the screening usually happens through messaging. Dating apps now have several built-in stages. You match, you message, and then you often move to texting within the app.

After that, the next step may be a video call. That means you are already going through a screening process without meeting in person. It is also generally safer, since many apps encourage users to keep communication within the platform until they are comfortable sharing personal contact information.

Many apps now offer video calling, which allows people to talk face-to-face in a controlled environment. That step usually requires mutual consent. These tools enable people to vet potential dates and decide whether they want to meet in person.

In the past, this kind of process happened in social settings. People met at events or gatherings and talked to several people in one night. For example, someone might speak with three or four people at an event, exchange contact information, and then follow up later.

After following up, you would naturally narrow things down. You might decide after a phone call or two that someone isn’t what you expected and move on. That process of elimination is very similar to what happens on dating apps now, just faster.

On apps, that elimination can also happen through ghosting. You might talk to someone for a couple of days, feel a connection, and then stop hearing from them. Often, that is because the other person is also talking to several people and has shifted their focus elsewhere.

In that sense, dating has always involved a process of elimination. Stack dating is a more explicit way of describing something that has long existed.

Jacobsen: Chris, any final thoughts on stacking for this session?

Louis: Yes. Stack dating has a natural endpoint. It ends when one person earns exclusivity. The goal is not to date indefinitely, but to find a match—someone you want to build a relationship with.

Stack dating ends when, over time, your actions and values align with someone else’s. Whether you are dating two people or four, the goal is to determine whether there is mutual alignment and whether moving into a relationship makes sense. At that point, there should be clarity and no pressure.

The purpose of stack dating is to give you space to see what you are looking for clearly. Even if you are dating several people—let’s say up to five—it does not automatically mean you are ready for a relationship. There may still be internal work to do, such as building self-awareness, self-worth, confidence, and personal growth.

This approach can provide clarity without pressure, as long as you are honest, ethical, and open with everyone involved. It is essential to keep people informed about where you are, because leading someone on is where disappointment arises and where the process can turn negative.

Jacobsen: Chris, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it. 

Louis: Thank you, Scott. Have a great day.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Denys Sharlai on Ukrainian Diaspora Media and Identity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/24

Denys Sharlai is a Ukrainian journalist and television host based in Toronto, Canada. Educated in journalism at universities in Kyiv and Zurich, he began his career as an online lifestyle reporter for ICTV in Ukraine, where his travel and consumer pieces drew millions of readers. After emigrating, he joined Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network under producer Jurij Klufas, first as a freelance video reporter and later as a host. Working in Ukrainian with English segments, he covers diaspora life, culture, and war-related issues, while navigating linguistic shifts, editorial constraints, and the goal of building stronger links between Ukraine and its communities.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Denys Sharlai, a Ukrainian journalist and TV host at Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network in Toronto. Sharlai recounts his path from ICTV online journalism in Ukraine to hosting a diaspora-focused program in Canada, developing on-camera confidence and video-reporting skills in a second language. He reflects on editorial pressures, tensions between independent journalism and propaganda, and his role in connecting Ukrainian communities abroad with those in Ukraine. The conversation explores differences between homeland and diaspora cultures, his festival work, audience feedback, aspirations for higher-quality diaspora media, and dreams of hosting major Ukrainian news programs.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right. Hello, welcome to the Denys Sharlai Journalist Profile interview. How are you?

Denys Sharlai: I’m good, thank you. What about you?

Jacobsen: I’m good. I just got back from extensive travel, and now I get to interview the excellent Denys. When did you become a TV host?

Sharlai: It’s a complicated story. When I moved from Switzerland to Canada, I tried to find a new job as a journalist, but it was really hard because my English wasn’t strong enough for either Canada or journalism. One day, I sent an email to Ukrainian media in Toronto. It was a Ukrainian newspaper and two channels.

About three months later, I received a response from the Ukrainian TV Network Kontakt, from Jurij Klufas.

I received a message from Jurij. He wrote that he would like to meet me at a Ukrainian gallery in Toronto. I had a meeting with him, and he offered me a freelance journalism job. I started producing different video reports.

The first one was from the meeting with Zelensky and Trudeau. That was about two years ago. About a year later, Jurij Klufas had difficulties with the previous TV host. Her name is Diana. In that situation, we had only one solution, but I do not really know how to explain it.

I began working as a TV host for the first time. We thought Diana would continue as a TV host, but she no longer wanted to. That is how I started to be a TV host. That was about a year ago.

Since then, I have been a TV host at the Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network in Toronto. It is a long story. 

Jacobsen: Were you nervous taking on that role?

Sharlai: A bit. It is much easier now, but at the beginning, I was really nervous because I had no experience as a TV host or with making video reports. In Ukraine, I only wrote text. I worked as an online journalist for ICTV, an online media outlet. It was a morning program, and I worked on the website, writing lifestyle articles. This was before the full-scale invasion. I wrote many articles about travel, including how to find cheap tickets.

This was very interesting for Ukrainians. Once, I received about 3 million views on one of my articles. It was the most popular article on that website, and I wrote it.

That was a big deal for me because my name was on the article. It felt really good. I also received extra money for it, which was nice.

Now I work as a TV host. Sometimes it is not easy because I have to speak in English, which is not my strongest skill.

But I need to improve my English. Every day, I try to be the best version of myself, the best version of a TV host.

Sharlai: And now I can speak English, but it is still a bit broken. I do have a Ukrainian Slavic accent, and some people may think it sounds Russian, but you can understand me, and I can understand you.

The first time, I was really scared to record any video. If it was in the studio, that was different, but doing an interview or an intro for a TV program outside, where people can see and hear you, was really scary for me. Now it works well. I do not care what people think about how I do my intro. That is enough of my speech.

Jacobsen: When you look at your progression as a TV host, particularly within a language-specific cultural community, what do you see as the development of your skills over time? In other words, what are the core skills, and how have you developed them in the process of doing your work?

Sharlai: It is a bit difficult to explain my skills. Sometimes I am losing some of my Ukrainian skills. The Ukrainian spoken here is very different from that spoken in Ukraine. Sometimes when I try to speak quickly in Ukrainian, Canadian Ukrainians do not understand me.

I speak fast and use modern vocabulary, and sometimes Russian-influenced words appear because the USSR’s leadership changed Ukrainian vocabulary as part of assimilation policies. As a result, we now have different words, and it is hard for someone born in Canada who learned heritage Ukrainian to understand someone born in Ukraine speaking modern Ukrainian fully.

As a TV host, I have to speak very slowly. It sounds like: “Hello, my name is Denys, and today I would like to tell you about…” But on Canadian TV and Ukrainian TV, a host usually speaks quickly while still being understood, because we do not have much time for all the news, and something is happening every moment.

For Ukrainian TV, it works differently because we actually have much time, and sometimes we do not know what will be shown. Our boss can change the whole video at the last moment, and then we have to redo the entire intro for the program. It is really difficult, and it has been a new skill for me — learning to work under stress.

When you know a better way to do something and your boss says, “I am your boss, so I know better,” it is not always true. I have an education. I graduated from two universities, one in Kyiv and one in Zurich. In journalism, I often know better how to create content and write news.

In Ukraine, we have what we call a beze — very short news, one or two sentences. A slang term used in Ukrainian journalism meaning a very short news item or brief mention; essentially, a quick, minimum-detail news brief. One time, I tried to do that for our program, and many viewers told me, “Denys, this is very good, you are doing something new for the TV program.” But my boss told me, “We will not do that anymore. We do not need it.” I said, “OK, it is not a big deal. You pay me, and I will do what you said.”

Sometimes I feel less confident because I am losing some of my Ukrainian journalism skills. But I am improving my language and improving my video skills. I am no longer scared of the camera. I feel very open when I see the camera and need to say something. That is good.

But in another way, I have lost some of my real journalism skills — like how to produce independent meaning. My boss sometimes does not focus on journalism but on something closer to propaganda. We do not show other viewpoints on a situation. Real journalism must show two or even three perspectives on the same problem.

It feels like completely different skills and a different feeling. I am very happy to be a TV host. It is a good opportunity to improve my skills. It is a great honour to be a TV host for the Ukrainian diaspora, as many older people watch this channel. It is not for young audiences, like people around 20 to 35. It is mostly for older people, aged 50 to 70.

Do you know about the Ukrainian festival in Bloor West Village? It is the biggest Ukrainian festival in North America. In three days, about one million people visit this event in Toronto. I was a master of ceremonies with Anastasia Romashko this year at the Bloor West Village Ukrainian Festival.

Many people recognize me. They know my name and tell me, “Denys, it is so good to see you in real life. Every week I see you on TV, and I really like how you do the program.” Someone might tell me, “Denys, maybe you can speak more slowly,” or someone else says, “Tell Jurij he needs to make better videos because there are problems with the video quality or the sound.”

All of that makes me feel a bit… I do not know how to explain it. When I am in a stressful situation, I try to calm down and stay calm, without letting my emotions get the better of me. In real life, I am a very emotional person — I laugh, I talk a lot, I express myself. But in journalism, I try to be neutral and not show what I feel or think. I try to be polite and give answers like “OK, yes, we will do that” and “Thank you for your question, it is very nice to see you.”

That is an example of what happens when I meet someone who knows me from TV. It is a good feeling when strangers know your name. I feel a bit like a star — but only within the Ukrainian diaspora, especially among older people.

I really want to make Kontakt TV much better because this TV network has real potential to become a major media outlet for the Ukrainian diaspora, like Voice of America. But we need to change our logo, our visual identity, and our approach to journalism.

That is it. Sorry for the long speech. It may not be the answer to your question, but it is what I feel.

Jacobsen: How do you feel, or what sense do you get, of the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada in contrast to those in Ukraine? As people separate geographically, they retain core elements of the culture, yet they develop a distinctive flavour of it in their new geography. In the Canadian context, how would you characterize the Canadian Ukrainian community compared to your home city in Ukraine? I mean this outside of the war context, although the war obviously affects the answer. I want to explore how culture evolves as people move around the world.

Sharlai: First of all, I still cannot believe that people who were born thousands of kilometres from Ukraine still speak Ukrainian, follow Ukrainian traditions, go to Ukrainian churches, and share Ukrainian culture.

For example, I have been to Brazil, and it was very interesting to me because I never would have imagined that there are about half a million people of Ukrainian descent in the Ukrainian diaspora there. They even created a Ukrainian city there more than a hundred years ago.

It is the same in Canada, the United States, and Brazil , wherever Ukrainians live. It feels strange to me because people so far away from Ukraine can still be Ukrainian. They may have Canadian, American, or Brazilian passports, but they still feel Ukrainian.

Meanwhile, in Ukraine, some people do not feel Ukrainian in the same way. They still speak Russian and sometimes feel more culturally Russian.

This is why we sometimes have small conflicts or tensions between the Ukrainian diaspora and people who have just arrived from Ukraine. Newly arrived Ukrainians may speak Russian, while the diaspora — people born in Canada to Ukrainian families — cannot understand why. They say, “You are Ukrainian, you must speak Ukrainian.”

This creates conflicts between the new generation who moved from Ukraine because of the war and the Canadian-born Ukrainian community.

For me, as a host, it is important to explain to the Ukrainian diaspora that the new generation coming from Ukraine is also good people, a good part of the community. They are not bad because they speak Russian. They are Ukrainians — but in a different situation, shaped by assimilation and by living with Russian influence. That must be explained to the diaspora.

It is a big task to help unite all parts of the Ukrainian community with Ukraine itself.

When I was in Brazil, I spoke with the Ukrainian consul there. He told me that Ukraine “lost this connection” with the Brazilian Ukrainian community because no one in Ukraine pays attention to them. They want to renew this connection because it is very important.

I said, “Yes, this is why I am here. This is why I am making a video about you — so Ukraine and Ukrainians can see the diaspora, whether in Canada or Brazil.”

It is wonderful that people living so far away can still be Ukrainian, can feel Ukrainian, can think like Ukrainians. We may be different, but we remain part of one country, one culture. Sometimes, it is really hard to explain, because every part of the Ukrainian diaspora changes Ukrainian traditions a little bit. For example, in the Canadian diaspora, many families who arrived around a hundred years ago usually came from the Lviv and Ternopil regions of Western Ukraine. They have different traditions.

I am from central Ukraine. We have a tradition called Kalyta. A traditional Ukrainian ritual sweet bread made for St. Andrew’s Day. It is hung on a string, and participants try to bite it while another person raises it to make the task playful and challenging. The ritual is part of festive winter folk traditions. It was just three days ago, on Saint Andriy’s Day. When I asked my friends in the Ukrainian diaspora, “Do you know what Kalyta is?” they had no idea. This tradition exists mostly in the central regions: Cherkasy, parts of the Kyiv and Zhytomyr regions.

It is good to share this tradition with other Ukrainians and introduce something new to the diaspora.

Now we also have huge corruption scandals in Ukraine, which is a big issue for the diaspora. Many Ukrainians here work hard to raise donations to help the Ukrainian army. But when corruption scandals appear, it can discourage people. If you hear that a country has a corruption problem, you might hesitate to donate because you think the money will be stolen.

But to answer your question: yes, I feel a responsibility to unite the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada with Ukraine. I am a TV host. I am a face of the Ukrainian diaspora in Toronto, maybe even in all of Canada.

I also have many friends who are journalists in Ukraine. They tell me, “Denys, we need a strong connection with the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. We need news from the diaspora, and we have no idea how to get it because we cannot find a strong TV channel in Canada that covers Ukrainian diaspora life.”

This is a problem for both the Ukrainian diaspora here and journalists in Ukraine. There is no clear connection for sharing news about Ukrainians in Canada. For me, and for Canadian Ukrainians, this is a big deal.

Jacobsen: Do you have a favourite interviewee so far in your career? And do you have a favourite topic that you tend to cover? My own favourite topic when I interview…

Sharlai: Usually, we speak about Ukraine and the Ukrainian diaspora, and honestly, I do not love that question. I prefer speaking with a person about their personality and life experiences. For example, if it is a Ukrainian singer, actor, politician — anyone — I love learning about the person.

I love learning about what someone is doing in their life and how they became who they are today. The main topic, of course, is always the war. When a famous person from Ukraine arrives here, the diaspora wants to know how they feel and what life in Ukraine is like right now.

That is the main topic — what is happening in Ukraine, how the war is affecting people.

But personally, I prefer talking about personality, getting to know someone better. I want to be more of an interviewer than just a TV host, because I enjoy talking with people of different personalities. That helps me improve my communication skills and learn how to work with different people.

That is a new skill for me. And yes, that is it.

Jacobsen: We have a few minutes. What is your dream interview — or your dream job in general?

Sharlai: My dream interview? That is a good question. A year ago, I wanted to interview the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, but now I don’t. It would still be nice to do that interview, but now I feel that I am not really into politics.

I am considering starting my own YouTube channel and doing different interviews. For example, I really want to interview Maria Efrosinina. She is a famous Ukrainian TV host—she was very popular about 20 years ago.

She is very famous in Ukraine. She interviews artists, journalists, politicians — many different people.

Right now, I would like to interview her, Masha Efrosinina. Her name is Maria or Masha — I do not know exactly what is on her passport. Twenty years ago, she used “Masha,” which sounds more Russian, and now she uses “Maria,” which sounds more Ukrainian. The situation is always changing.

As for my dream job, I would like to be a TV host for 1+1 Media in Ukraine. That was my dream when I was a child.

We have TSN — Television News — the most popular and famous news program in Ukraine. I always wanted to be a TV host for that program. That is my dream.

Jacobsen: Do you have any favourite aphorisms or quotes within Ukrainian culture? We can close on that.

Sharlai: Aphorisms? Honestly, I do not think much about that in relation to Ukrainian culture. I know many stereotypes about Ukrainians and the Ukrainian diaspora, but I am not sure about aphorisms about Ukrainians.

Jacobsen: You have probably heard the phrase “all that glitters is not gold.” It means that many things that truly matter do not have monetary value. I mean something like that, but describing Ukrainian culture — an idea, an ethic,  not necessarily a funny stereotype.

Sharlai: I know many stereotypes, both good and bad, about Ukrainians and the Ukrainian diaspora. First of all, there is the stereotype that Ukrainians love salo — but I hate salo—the same with horilka and vodka. But we also have good stereotypes: Ukrainians are very hard-working.

I already mentioned stereotypes about Ukrainian dishes and food: that Ukrainians love salo and love drinking horilka. But that is not true now. Many Ukrainians live a healthy lifestyle. For example, I hate salo, and I hate alcohol. 

A good stereotype is that Ukrainians are good workers — we can work in construction, journalism, medicine, be doctors , whatever. We are smart and flexible, with extensive life experience. We know how to change countries, create new documents, and build a new life in a completely new place.

For example, I have already changed countries twice. I lived in Ukraine, then Switzerland, and now I live in Canada. That is part of my life experience, and part of that stereotype — Ukrainians adapt well. The Nation has good and bad people. But in Canada, one stereotype is that Ukrainians are smart.

There is another stereotype about our faces — our “resting face” — that we look rude. But when you start speaking with us, we are very friendly.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time today. We will be in touch. I need another cup of coffee.

Sharlai: Thank you so much. Thank you for your time and for your interview. This was really nice. It was my first interview ever with a Canadian journalist, so it was very nice. Thank you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 18: Authoritarianism, Domination Systems, and Partnership

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/23

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with cultural historian Riane Eisler about authoritarianism as a “domination system” rooted in rigid gender hierarchies, family violence, and fear. Eisler contrasts this with partnership-based models that nurture empathy, equity, and care from early childhood. Drawing on neuroscience and cross-cultural research, she argues that human nature is flexible and that social movements for workers’ rights, gender equality, and environmental protection reveal our deep drive for cooperation. She calls for rethinking religion, economics, and AI design to move beyond inherited domination narratives toward more just, sustainable, and life-affirming societies. Eisler frames this as an urgent evolutionary turning point.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you characterize authoritarianism broadly, and how do you describe it with respect to how they see human nature?

Riane Eisler: Well, let me start by saying that what I call the domination model is authoritarianism. And it’s a top-down model, man over man, man over woman, man over nature, race over race. It’s an in-group versus outgroup model, and at the top sits a strongman, usually, like Stalin or Hitler in modern times.

The problem is that we have all inherited that model. We’ve inherited it in the family, which is supposed to be “male headed,” with the father being authoritarian, hopefully a benevolent one. As an attorney, for example, I knew that the English common law and much of our heritage was that: the husband and the wife are one, and the one is the husband. So, right there, you’ve got the male head of household.

That goes to your second question: is the domination system a model for a king or a strong man of any stripe. In my first book drawing on my multidisciplinary, cross-cultural, transhistorical research, The Chalice and the Blade, I point out that totalitarian regimes are nothing more than authoritarian regimes using modern technology. And we’re seeing it right now in the regression that we’re living through, which is, of course, in reaction to all the organized movements I write about..

I can’t emphasize that enough, all these movements challenge the same thing: domination, whether it’s the king’s right to rule, whether it’s the men’s right to rule over women and children, whether it’s the so-called superior race over an inferior race, all the way to the environmental movement challenging man’s dominion over everything that moves on this earth, over nature. These movements came out of human nature, contradicting the old story of human nature, that we’re bad, we’re selfish, because every one of them is really a movement that doesn’t want a domination system.

Jacobsen: Does this show that human nature is fundamentally quite flexible?

Eisler: My latest book, Nurturing Our Humanity, published by Oxford University Press in 2019, draws heavily from what we know today from neuroscience, which is what psychology, of course, has been saying all along, we are a very flexible species. The nature-versus-nurture conflict is a distraction, because human nature is quite malleable, quite flexible – and a lot depends on what children observe or experience in their early years before our brains are fully formed.

So, nurture really shapes us, and that includes, of course, what the culture supports, because families don’t arise in a vacuum; they’re part of a culture or subculture. It is sad that so many people really believe that fear is the motivation that keeps humans from being selfish, when the people who worked on all the movements I just mentioned weren’t driven by fear; they were driven by hope for something better.

Jacobsen: What do you make of the individuals who show that drive for a hope for something better when they’re in the midst of highly authoritarian structures?

Eisler: What I make of them is that it is really human nature coming to the fore, that all things being equal, and these are all movements to make them more equitable, more peaceful, less fear, whether it was the movement to cut hours at work, which we achieved, whether it’s the movement against child labor, these were all movements that were based on knowledge and a feeling that we can do better. A big part of my calling has been to show that for most of our history, including millennia of our prehistory, we oriented more to the partnership side of the partnership domination social scale, and that only five to ten thousand years ago, which, as I always point out, is a drop in the evolutionary bucket, we shifted. But that’s what we’ve inherited.

We’ve inherited families that believe women are inferior to men, and that “women’s work” is also inferior. This is not a question of women against men or men against women. Men are part of a hierarchy of men, and they are just as afraid in domination systems: of losing their job and even of dying in battle because some guy on top, like Putin, wants more real estate.

In domination systems femininity and masculinity are very rigid, very stereotyped. 

And why is gender such an essential part of this authoritarian system? Why did Hitler emphasize it so much? Why did Stalin emphasize it so much? Why does Trump emphasize it so much? Why does Putin or Orbach emphasize it? Why do the Taliban emphasize gender? Why does fundamentalist Iran?

The reason, which we have not been taught, is that the ranking of male and “masculinity” over  female and “femininity” is a model for equating difference, beginning with the difference in form between the female and male forms. And once we learn that, which children do in domination oriented families, one can apply this ranking of stereotypes to all other differences, whether racial or ethnic. You always blame outgroups, as in the stories we’ve inherited, blaming Eve, the first woman, for all of humanity’s ills. We’ve inherited these in no less than our sacred scriptures.

This is why one of the projects I so wish that we could do soon, because it’s so essential, is for representatives of all the major religions to get together and sort the grain from the chaff. And the grain consists of  the core teachings, which are “feminine” teachings, aren’t they? Of caring, which is coded feminine. Of nonviolence, which is, again, coded not manly, feminine, right?

 These teachings are like, do unto others as you would have them do unto you. Love teachings.

Love is a tremendous force in the history of our species. You know, Darwin himself said that in his book on human evolution. He said in his Descent of Man when you come to what I will now talk about, human evolution, factors such as moral sensitivity, love, and some of the core religious teachings we have preserved in our religions, are much more important than what is written in Origin of Species. And of course we have been taught to associate love with the “inferior” feminine. In fact, the vilification of women is part of the chaff, which is all of the dominator stuff that was added to our scriptures to maintain domination or authoritarian systems.

So let’s talk about family, which we’ve been taught not to pay much attention to. The Center for Partnership Systems just had a summit, Peace Begins at Home—showing how violence in families, so-called domestic violence, which I want to change to family violence, ripples out when we’re adults, not only in replicating that violence in families, but it normalizes violence for people.

So, coming back to your question, how did the people who wanted something better than what we’ve inherited, how did they come to that?

I think it’s human nature, this wanting something that is not based on fear, because authoritarianism maintains itself through fear of pain, through fear of violence.

Jacobsen: What about psychological or emotional terror in these systems? And also, what about psychological and emotional terror and violence?

Eisler: Psychological and emotional terror is a big part of the maintenance of domination systems, because we all have psyches, children are very dependent and susceptible, and children are told, mind you, that it’s their fault, their fault. So denial starts in dominant families. You don’t start with climate change denial or COVID-19 denial or election result denial.

No, you start with denial that those who are your caregivers, on whom you depend for life, for food, for shelter, are causing you pain. That’s where it starts. So, we have to pay attention to our cultural environments, and families are where most children learn to be in denial or to accept authoritarianism and violence as normal. Yet some of these very children grow up to question that all of this fear and all of this injustice is necessary.

And that gives me hope.

Jacobsen: If there’s one structural change that is made by people living in authoritarian or domination-based societies, what is it that sort of starts the shift to a more partnership-oriented model?

Eisler: I have, as you know, found through research that there are four cornerstones of either domination-oriented or partnership-oriented societies. And that it starts with childhood and family. And we haven’t paid enough attention to that first cornerstone of either domination or partnership oriented societies.

Because of our formal and informal education, we have also been taught to marginalize or just ignore how gender roles and relationships are structured. And yes, that is the second cornerstone. And all of these four cornerstones are interconnected, by the way. But the very rigid gender stereotypes are necessary in domination systems for ranking not only male but also masculine over female and feminine. But to this day people aren’t taught about gender being so important. They’re either taught that it’s a matter of women against men or men against women, as I said.

Actually research shows that gender is a fundamental principle in the organization of families, of societies, of economics –  which is the third cornerstone, and of society at large. And they’re all interconnected. 

And, of course, the fourth cornerstone is story and language. I told you that we’re working to both deconstruct and reconstruct The Odyssey, which is a secular epic like so much of the celluloid epics that get huge audiences because they do get our adrenaline flowing. But they also reinforce masculinity as defined in domination systems. And as you pointed out, whether it’s a woman who is embodying this violence it’s the same thing. You’re still idealizing the hero or the heroine as a killer. And you’re normalizing violence.

Jacobsen: How does this affect men? How does it affect women? And then, how do people who don’t fit those categories get sidelined in a society? It follows the outcomes of those deemed not to fit the conception of human nature.

Eisler: That’s why I always talk about anybody in between, because, as far as I can tell, there have always been shamans who were what we call gay or lesbian today. They have always… but how that is treated depends on the culture.

Now, we make a lot of the Athenian society, but what they approved of was pedophilia. It had to be an older man with a young man. That is not what we’re talking about. That’s called co-option. Where you use an idea and then pervert it so that the young man plays the role of the woman, who is so despised because Athenians really did despise women, not all of them, of course, but that was the norm. There is a book by a classicist, Eva Kuhls, called The Reign of the Phallus.

Excellent book, and it’s cited in my book, Sacred Pleasure: Sex, Myth, and the Politics of the Body. I have a whole chapter on it, actually called The Reign of the Phallus, dispelling some of the crazy ideas and idealizations of Athenian society. For one thing, their fabled democracy was only for propertied men: a tiny percentage of the Athenian population. It wasn’t for slaves of both sexes or for any women, whether they were “free” or enslaved people, and really the vast majority of “free” women were enslaved people.

It was a very male-centred, domination-centred society, trying again to have something a little better. Still, it really wasn’t better for most of the population.

And today we are questioning. Those of us who want something more equitable, more peaceful, more sustainable than the domination system, which we have inherited. We realize that we have to understand that the framers of our constitution were slaveholders and that no women were included in the Bill of Rights, or any part of the Constitution..

We’re questioning the domination norms about men who are attracted to men, women who are attracted to women, lesbians and gays, And some realize that there have also always been people who are trans. But that’s part of the denial, that all that is abnormal, that it never existed. After all, it’s part of our scriptures. That’s another reason why the project to sort the chaff from the grain and expose the chaff, which is being used against us every day, is so urgent.

Jacobsen: It’s so easy to lose sight of the flexibility of our human nature. So we begin to see things as such rigid categories. Is the reiteration of these narratives just that robust?

Eisler: Nature has polarities, but they’re gradual. There’s hot, and there’s cold. There’s light, and there’s dark. And that’s why I talk about the partnership–domination scale. But these very rigid definitions of woman and of man are part of the rigidity, of the fear and violence-based domination system.

And we have inherited that. We are fighting one another. Think of the argument between capitalism and socialism. It’s a distraction, because both Smith and Marx said that the three life-sustaining sectors – the natural, community volunteer, and household economics sectors are  outside of what is properly economics – which is crazy, absolutely wild.

But Smith and Marx were creatures of their time. The work of caring for people was to be done for free by a woman in a male-dominated household. There’s nothing about caring for nature in what they wrote. Nature was there to be exploited. And now we’re coming to what is an evolutionary dead end guided by these misguided theories.

We are at a point in our technological revolution where the domination system is not sustainable at this level of technology. We must use technologies to help us build a more peaceful, equitable and sustainable world.

And that goes for AI as well. Some people who are working with AI are beginning to realize that if AI is programmed for domination, we have every reason to fear it. But if AI is programmed for partnership, it can be our helper, our friend.

So that choice is right there.

Jacobsen: Riane, thank you for your time today.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

African Humanism Today: Dr. Leo Igwe and Tauya Chinama on Progress, Persecution, and the Future of Secular Leadership

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/22

Dr. Leo Igwe is a Nigerian human rights advocate and leading African humanist known for his work on religious freedom, rationalism, and the protection of victims of witchcraft accusations. He founded the Humanist Association of Nigeria and has spent decades confronting harmful religious practices across the continent.

Tauya Chinama is a Zimbabwean humanist leader, educator, and interfaith dialogue participant focused on advancing secular values and community empowerment. Drawing from religious training and cultural knowledge, he works to strengthen humanist visibility, reform harmful norms, and build cooperative projects that promote dignity, tolerance, and African-centred humanistic ethics.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Dr. Leo Igwe and Tauya Chinama examine the evolving landscape of African humanism, highlighting gains in visibility alongside persistent dangers from blasphemy laws, religious extremism, and entrenched prejudice. Igwe details how cases such as Mubarak Bala’s imprisonment exposed systemic failures in Nigeria’s protection of non-believers. Chinama describes Zimbabwe’s shifting religious terrain, emerging interfaith engagement, and efforts to build humanist-led community initiatives. Both emphasize that African humanism must develop political and economic infrastructure, confront religiously sanctioned abuses, and adapt to local realities rather than replicating Western models. They point toward an African-rooted humanism capable of real social impact.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with people who have rich experience in the humanist movement from two distinct regions of Africa—primarily the Zimbabwean context in one case and the Nigerian context in another. Regionally, you are more aware because you live in and know those areas far better than I do. About African humanism, in broad and general terms, what are the areas of progress, and what are the areas of stagnation where you have not seen much movement in a humanistic direction?

Dr. Leo Igwe: The progress is that we are at least noticing increased visibility. The internet superhighway has made it possible for local efforts to gain publicity and visibility for groups, meetings, and perspectives that, before the internet, nobody would have known about.

In that area, we have made significant progress, but it has come at a high cost because blasphemy laws and apostasy laws are still enforced in several African countries, both legally and in practice. In other words, as a humanist, if you come out openly and say what you believe or think, some people feel they have the natural right to be offended because they have been socialized to view a humanist as a deviant, a religious deviant.

It remains very challenging and risky, especially for those who live in Muslim-dominated societies where forms of Sharia law apply. So, we have made progress, but there are still many risks and challenges.

Tauya Chinama: In my country, there is some progress. Our last census recorded that around 8-10% of people in Zimbabwe are non-religious. Although they did not explicitly identify as humanists, the statistics show that this non-religious population is roughly comparable to, and in some surveys slightly larger than, the Catholic population, which is about 6 to 8 percent of Zimbabweans.

I remember last year in December, when we were together with Dr. Leo in South Africa, I joked that I was the Archbishop of Humanism in Zimbabwe and that I had more followers than the Catholic Church.

There are still risks associated with being openly humanist. People tend to think you are somehow evil, which means we have a lot of work to do to demonstrate that we mean well and want to help. We are trying our best and trying to be visible. Thanks to the digital era, information is much less controlled. As I speak, I have been invited to various inter-religious dialogue sessions.

My brother Leo mentioned Muslim-dominated countries. The Muslims here are broadly divided into two main groups: Sunni and Shia. In many contexts, the Sunni tradition is seen as more hardline, but in Zimbabwe, the Shia community—usually connected to the Islamic Republic of Iran—often invites me to their inter-religious dialogues.

They know very well that I am a humanist. They invite people of other faiths, including me. I am happy with that recognition.

It is improving how people see us, and when we are allowed to speak first, we present our point of view clearly and show that we intend good for the community. For now, that is what I can say while waiting for your next question. Back to you, my brother.

Jacobsen: Where would you say you’ve had the most significant win this year? Leo, I know you do many interventions. Tauya, I know you’ve been highly involved. Where have you seen the biggest humanist wins? Have any blasphemy laws been removed or softened? Have there been witchcraft cases where you’ve made a positive intervention in the lives of children or older women who have been abandoned?

Igwe: Some of our biggest wins this year in Nigeria include the fact that Mubarak did not spend—and is not going to spend—the initially imposed 25 years in prison. The judgment was reviewed, and the prison sentence was reduced to the period he had already served. For us, this was a significant relief. Even though the conviction was not overturned, everyone in the humanist movement was relieved that he would not spend decades in prison.

This created an opportunity for a national discussion about freedom of religion or belief in Nigeria and the extent to which the country fails to meet its responsibility to protect that right for all citizens. Until now, discussions about religion in Nigeria have focused mainly on the idea that the population is divided between Muslims and Christians, with little attention given to non-religious people.

Mubarak’s case helped raise awareness that humanists exist in Nigeria, that they have rights, and that those rights are tied to the state’s obligations to protect freedom of religion or belief. In that sense, it is a significant win.

The United States has now designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern due to severe violations of religious freedom. This designation reflects not only violations affecting Christians or Muslims, but also violations affecting non-religious individuals.

There is now an international focus on Nigeria that we have not seen in previous years, driven in part by Mubarak’s arrest and imprisonment and by the way the humanist movement in Nigeria organized, campaigned, and applied pressure until he was released.

Jacobsen: What is a critical point to make about the environment or context in which one thinks about and lives out their humanism in Nigeria or Zimbabwe? In other words, what are some aspects of humanism as it is lived there that should be understood as distinct from the ways it is expressed in places like Asia, Europe, Latin America, or North America?

Igwe: This response is easier to understand if one has an overview of how humanism operates in other countries or continents. Based on my own experience, we have a particular situation here. We live in a country where two foreign religions—Islam and Christianity—compete for dominance, alongside traditional religions, various minority faiths, and humanists.

Context matters. Humanists here are not only offering an alternative to religion; we also need interfaith and inter-belief mechanisms because all these religious groups preach against non-believers. Islam preaches against non-believers. Christians preach against non-believers. I have a family member who prays daily that God should make unbelievers come to the Christian faith.

This is the environment we live in. In the United States, they talk about Christian nationalism. In India, Hindu nationalism. In Nigeria, humanists contend simultaneously with Islamic nationalism, Islamic separatism, Islamic extremism, Christian nationalism, Christian separatism, and Christian extremism. In addition, there is a resurgence of traditional religions, with political implications.

It is within this complex religious landscape that humanists must negotiate a place for themselves as an alternative to supernatural faiths and the dominant myths and narratives that shape the country.

Chinama: We have a similar situation, but Zimbabwe is predominantly Christian. Other religions and non-religious people are in the minority. Recently, however, our curriculum has become more heritage-based, as I mentioned before, focusing on the country’s history before colonization—how people lived and what we can take from the past. It is similar to the Ghanaian concept of Sankofa, which teaches that there is value in returning to the past to reclaim what was good and forgotten.

On Sunday, you spoke with my fellow Zimbabwean, Rainos Moyo. He is also involved in this effort. He is trying to revive traditional perspectives and limit the unfair dominance of a single religion. In that respect, we are making progress, but we must be diplomatic, avoid confrontation, and engage rationally so people understand what we are doing as humanists.

We also have expectations. If all goes well, I hope to present the humanist position here in Zimbabwe—and possibly in neighbouring countries—at the upcoming congress in Canada, provided the funds permit me.

Here, together with other humanists such as Mxolisi Masuku, we are trying to secure a farm where we can run projects and eventually establish a small cooperative or scheme. We want to build systems, not simply criticize existing ones. We want to produce alternatives that show we can coexist regardless of religious belief.

We should be able to say: I am a humanist, but I can defend your right to be a Christian. I can protect your right to be a Hindu. I can protect your right to be a Muslim. I can defend your right to be a Jew. You have the right to your faith. As long as no one is forcing you, and you freely choose your religion, I can defend your right to follow it.

We want to reach that level, not to be seen as people fighting other religions. That is what I can say for now.

Igwe: I want to add that we must confront religions when they are used to abuse children, abuse women, or to justify cruelty. We must confront evil. When that evil is sanctified by faith, we must confront the religion enabling it. Religion has been used to purify human sacrifice, directly and indirectly.

On that basis, we must challenge religion, and no continent is better positioned to do so than Africa. The dominant religions—Islam and Christianity—were introduced by people who enslaved Africans, and by societies that historically have not regarded Africans as equal in dignity and rights.

There is still tacit racism in the way other continents relate to Africa. Look at global politics today: Africans are treated as a worldwide underclass, as second-class citizens. One mechanism used to legitimize this second-class status is religion.

Christianity introduced the figure known as the “saviour of the world,” Jesus Christ—a mythological figure. Nobody with divine powers can at the same time be a historical human being. This myth was crafted in a Caucasian form, not an African form, and Africans were then encouraged to look toward that imagery as their saviour, reinforcing a hierarchy that elevated the people who introduced the myth.

We must challenge religion when it is used to legitimize racism and the oppression of Africans. The same applies to Islam. Islam introduced, as a role model, a historical figure who was a military leader, and this was used by those who spread Islam in Africa to justify conquest, bloodshed, looting, arson, and forceful acquisition of African resources.

We should not avoid confronting religion. We should confront it whenever it is used to justify the oppression or persecution of Africans.

And this does not apply only to Islam and Christianity. Even African traditional religions contain elements that violate human rights. We must not tolerate those elements. We must resist them. We must reject any form of human rights violation carried out in the name of religion, because that has been the pattern for centuries.

Africans must be alert. Today, Nigeria is in a near-chaotic situation because narratives of violence, fighting, looting, and killing have been repeated for years, embraced by communities, and amplified in some mosques and prayer centers. Now it is difficult to challenge these individuals because opposing them also means opposing their religion, their region, and their ethnic identity—groups that have fully embraced these violent narratives.

My point is this: whenever any religion—traditional, Christian, Muslim, Islamic—or any ideology encourages killing, bloodshed, oppression, or persecution of Africans, Africans must confront it. We must confront it because religion is a human creation. Africans must develop belief systems that prioritize African dignity, safety, progress, and prosperity.

Chinama: I agree with him, but from my perspective, I do not think we should fight religion as religion in its essence. What we should resist are harmful intentions and harmful uses. I see religion as a knife. When a knife is in the hands of a chef, it can be used to cut meat, prepare a meal, and bring people enjoyment. When the same knife is in the hands of a murderer, it can cause enormous harm.

The danger we face as non-religious people is that if we are not careful, we may become the very thing we are fighting. So yes, I agree—we must fight evil. We must not allow those in authority to use religion to sanitize their wrongdoing.

People use religious doctrine in many ways. Religion is flexible. It is not rigid. It can be used to justify good. It can be used to justify evil. I agree that we need a form of religion—or a moral system—that promotes dignity, progress, and rejects racism.

We must not forget that the slave trade was legalized and justified using religion. Colonialism was legalized and justified using religion. It is tragic that the same religions now claim they were responsible for ending the slave trade and colonialism. This demonstrates how religion can be used both to justify good and to justify evil. People use religion to commit immense wrongdoing.

At the same time, we must reflect and avoid becoming like what we are fighting. There is a danger there. Some religious people have already begun to criticize what they call “militant atheism” or “new atheism.” We must proceed with moderation, rationality, reflection, and logical analysis. We must examine and bracket specific ideas about religion, enter into people’s experiences, and try to understand why they behave the way they do. Once we know the root causes, we can work to remove them.

The same way we criticize Christianity today should remind us that many European politicians saw religion as a tool. When Christian persecution ended, figures such as Constantine realized that religion could be used to unify their empire, reduce the risk of uprisings, and secure political stability. Religion became a political instrument.

Religion is a tool. We must work to prevent this tool from being used in harmful ways. We should encourage religious people to use religion in ways that promote dignity and equality.

I agree with Dr. Leo Igwe that Africans still occupy a kind of second-class position in global systems. Look at our position in the United Nations. Colonialism and the slave trade were atrocities, and justice was never delivered.

I was in Zambia last week discussing these issues, saying we should revisit the idea of Ubuntu, reform it, and use it to guide how we relate to each other. Ubuntu emphasizes that I depend on other people.

Today, when Africans move to Europe, we are viewed as a threat, not welcomed. Yet the reason some Africans migrate to Europe is precisely the recognition that they can rely on others for resources they lack—just as those who came to Africa to colonize and enslave relied on Africans, even though they destructively relied on us.

Igwe: When I say “fight,” I do not mean that people should take up weapons or harm religious individuals. When I say “fight,” I mean “debate” or “discussion.” In many countries, people cannot say what they think about religion. We must resist that.

People cannot say what they think about Islam or the Prophet Muhammad. Why? These religions were introduced by people who were themselves critical of African traditional religious beliefs. They preached against African conventional beliefs, gained dominance, and gained followers. Now they prohibit free expression and critical views of the very teachings they introduced.

That is what I mean. “Fighting” here means resisting the idea that we cannot express our thoughts about Islam or the provisions of the Qur’an. If you examine the teachings of these religions, one reason they cause so much darkness and destruction in the region is that they are shielded from criticism.

Fighting means criticizing them, highlighting what we believe is absurd, false, misleading, contrary to human dignity, or simply untrue. We must do this.

Religion often hampers our ability to express ourselves intellectually, even though religion itself is a product of intellectual expression. We should not live with this contradiction, whether it concerns African traditional religion, Christianity, or Islam.

We must resist the idea that religion can silence our intellectual growth.

No continent is better positioned to contribute to global enlightenment than Africa. These religions have intersected here in such a way that the world looks to Africa to stand up, wake up, and help bring about another form of renaissance—one that revises these religions in light of 21st-century norms.

In the United States and Europe, people speak romantically about “Christian heritage.” In Saudi Arabia and other parts of the Middle East, people speak romantically about “Islamic heritage.” Meanwhile, both religions contain dark and destructive elements that need to be criticized, exposed, and removed.

But because these societies are deeply attached to their heritage, they romanticize it. It should not be the same for Africa.

Africa should provide a context where extremist elements in these religions—elements that other parts of the world hesitate to confront—are openly addressed. Instead, what is happening now is the opposite. Nigerians are becoming more extreme in their Christianity than the Europeans who introduced Christianity. Nigerian Muslims are becoming more extreme than those who introduced Islam. This should not happen.

African humanism can make a vital contribution, not only locally but internationally, by addressing the extremism that is too often ignored and that has destructive consequences for the region.

Jacobsen: Actually, Leo, one question concerns something you raised about the movement outside of Africa—people of African descent, or more direct African descent—who participate in a “back to Africa” movement. You were critical of that as well. Moving forward, as Tariq said, can incorporate some of what was good while removing supernatural elements that are not productive.

So, for example, in the United States, many people make a distinction between religion as a matter of personal theology and worship, and Christian nationalism as a political ideology. American evangelicals are widely seen as a political movement.

What is your broader view of religion as a whole? Do you see it primarily as a political ideology and a philosophy?

Igwe: It depends on where you are in the world. In the West, where the state is strong, there is a tendency to see religion as a personal belief and as a force that threatens to influence or control the state. That’s why people talk about Christian nationalism and the threat it poses to democracy in places like the United States.

But if you live in Nigeria or many parts of Africa, where the state is weak, and religion is often more powerful than the state, the situation is very different. When Christian evangelicals send money and provide political support for specific bills here, they overwhelm the state because the state lacks the strength to resist them.

And when our humanist counterparts in the West remain quiet, or speak only in hushed tones, avoiding public confrontation, we humanists in places where the state is weak feel let down. They are not doing enough. But they also have their own context.

Religion here is not only about belief. Millions of Nigerians do not even understand the theological content of their faith. It is about belonging rather than belief. Belonging brings political benefits and economic benefits.

This is why I emphasize to the humanist movement: unless we create political and economic capital within humanism, the movement will not become robust. It is not enough to say we are offering an alternative. Are we offering an alternative with political and economic weight that can match Islam or Christianity? If yes, then we are in business. If not, we are out of business.

This is one of the reasons we are not growing in the region. Humanism has not stepped up politically and economically to fill the gap that religion already fills. Christianity has done so with the backing of Western evangelicals. Islam has done so with the support of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and other states.

Here, religion is far more than belief. Religion is belonging. Religion is the economy. Religion is politics. Religion is control and power.

If we want to provide an alternative to religion in Nigeria and in Africa, we must equip the humanist movement with political and economic influence and credibility.

Chinama: I agree with my brother Leo regarding economic and political power. For humanists to make meaningful change and to be recognized, we need to be active in politics. We need to be active in business.

If we look at Christianity and Islam today, what made them powerful and popular is precisely their political and economic influence. That is why we use the Gregorian calendar, which Christians designed. At some point in history, Christianity gained political authority.

Even today, if you look at the Roman Catholic pontiff—the leader of the global Catholic community, despite denominational differences—his first international trip was to Lebanon. That trip was not only that of a religious leader; it was the trip of a political, spiritual, and economic leader. The amount of money invested in his security alone demonstrates his power.

He has political power. He has economic power. He has religious power.

As humanists, we need individuals who can reach similar levels of influence in their own countries—whether as ministers, presidents, or leaders of organizations—so that humanists have representation.

More humanists should run for office in their communities. More humanists should participate in business. We need more humanists involved in inter-religious dialogue initiatives. We need humanists even to visit figures like the Roman Catholic pontiff, to discuss important topics and present a humanist perspective.

We must be recognized politically and economically. I agree with Leo on that. We must work toward it because it will lead to growth.

As Zimbabwean, Southern African, and African humanists more broadly, we need leadership training. Leaders do not fall from heaven. Leaders are created within societies. We must train people in what it means to be a humanist leader in politics, in business, and in society. I agree with Leo on this.

Jacobsen: Outside of yourselves, who would you consider 20th- or 21st-century leaders in the humanist space in Africa? They do not necessarily have to identify as humanists, but their life philosophy may have been essentially humanistic.

Chinama:  If we look country by country, there are different people we can refer to. Every country has individuals who care deeply about humanity. Only a few are vocal.

In West Africa, we have my brother Leo and leaders like Roslyn. I consider them leaders in humanism.

In Southern Africa, we have people like Dean Kruger in South Africa. In Botswana, there are emerging voices. I include myself here in Zimbabwe. In Malawi, we have a Wonderful Mkhutshe.

In East Africa, we have people such as Brian Kabeko and Dennis Dbongole.

What is missing among these leaders is coordination. If we could form alliances—West Africa alliances, Southern Africa alliances, East Africa alliances—it would strengthen us. North Africa is more difficult due to the predominance of Islamic cultural environments, where humanism has a harder time emerging.

We could move forward rather than wait. Instead of waiting for international conferences, we could hold our own regional meetings and, eventually, a continental conference before expanding outward. We can work on that.

Igwe: The reality is that it has not been politically acceptable for people to identify as humanists openly. Because of that, many people who are humanists have been labelled—or have labelled themselves—as religious. This is what we must challenge. People should be able to say who they are and what they believe.

One of the harmful aspects of religion in practice is that it pressures people to present themselves as religious even when they are not. It pressures people to claim belief when they do not hold it.

I consider Nelson Mandela a humanist. I consider him a humanist in his values and actions. The same goes for Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, and the Kenyan Nobel Peace laureate Wangari Maathai. Across the region, we have several individuals whose writing and legacy show that, even if they identified as Christian for social or political reasons, their worldview was essentially humanistic.

I also know a Catholic priest, Enyeribe Onuoha, who left the priesthood and started a traditional religious group because he believed Christianity was simply the conventional religion of another people imposed on Africans. For him, religion was a human creation—a human activity.

Anyone who believes that religion is a human creation, or that gods are human creations, is essentially a humanist, even if they still identify publicly with a religion. Many people want community, celebration, and social gathering, and that sense of community is why many people continue to identify as religious.

Many prominent African writers, authors, and politicians were humanists in orientation, even though they identified as religious for political reasons or to present themselves in a socially acceptable way.

Chinama: I agree with Dr. Leo about well-known figures being humanists in practice. It is not easy to identify openly as a humanist. It takes courage. Sometimes, to gain that courage, one must understand the religious terrain.

People like myself and Dr. Leo were once inside religious systems. Unfortunately for the churches, they lost us—we were on track to become priests. If we had not changed our minds, I might be a priest or Leo even a bishop now.

The knowledge we gained from being inside religion helps us navigate how to announce our humanism and be accepted. People who have never gone through religious training often do not know how to disclose their humanism. We know people who have been inside that life and are struggling with it.

I have friends—sisters, priests, brothers—who admire my position and speak privately about their struggles. They want to leave religion. I am sure Dr. Leo faces the same.

In 2022, Dr. Leo and I developed the “Excellence Project,” intended to provide psychosocial support to people leaving the priesthood or other forms of religious service. We were not able to move it forward, but we should revise it because many people need support. If we revise it, we will have more clients, and it could become a significant contribution African humanists make to those struggling to leave religion—especially priests, sisters, brothers, pastors, imams, rabbis, and others.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead, what about intergovernmental partnerships to ensure humanists receive formal recognition? What about interfaith conferences, seminars, and workshops so that community tensions based on ignorance can be lowered, and the treatment of humanists—or non-religious people generally—can improve in parts of the country where it is awful?

Igwe: Intergovernmental and interfaith initiatives are very laudable. But we must ask: how did we get here?

We did not arrive at this point simply because intergovernmental or interfaith initiatives failed. We came here because of deep, entrenched brainwashing—generations of mental indoctrination. From cradle to grave, many people are taught that their religion is the best and that everyone else is in error. As long as this indoctrination continues, change will be difficult.

So these intergovernmental initiatives that bring humanists and religious people together are necessary. They are essential if we want to lower tensions, because tensions are created within the religion itself and in the way people are raised.

I met a Muslim woman who told me she memorized the Qur’an before she was able to reason. The result is that she cannot reason outside the Qur’an. Many people cannot reason outside their religion.

Interfaith and intergovernmental initiatives are therefore necessary if we are to make progress, given the challenges we face today.

Jacobsen: Have you seen any religious changes in your lifetime in Africa, where they have actually “lightened up,” so to speak? Have they become more tolerant of the non-religious or even accepting of people who do not believe in a God or the supernatural?

Igwe: I am a first-generation humanist, so it is difficult for me to answer that fully. In the next 20 or 30 years, people will be better positioned to evaluate these changes.

But I do know that religion is not monolithic. There are factions, groups, and denominations. For example, I am currently registered with a Protestant chapel as a humanist chaplain for the police.

They told me they would make me a stakeholder, but not a chaplain, because one must be a pastor to hold that title. I told them I am not a pastor—I am a humanist. They agreed to include me as a stakeholder instead. We are negotiating how they can accommodate me. They are willing, but they are struggling because they are accustomed to a particular structure.

Religion includes groups that are more open than others, especially minority ones. Religion does change, but very slowly. The religion practiced fifty or a hundred years from now may be far more liberal than what we see today—or possibly more conservative. The same is true when we look backward.

For example, when I was growing up, women did not wear trousers to church. Today they do. When I was growing up, drums were not used in church. Today they are common.

Religion changes, but it takes a long time. That is why we must work hard as humanists to highlight areas where change and reform are possible, so that some of the issues we face today with religious extremism can be challenged and resolved.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on the conversation today? Any final thoughts, Talia or Leo, so that we can wrap up?

Igwe: In conclusion, humanists need to step up. If we claim we will provide an alternative to religion on a continent as deeply religious as Africa, then we must step up. We cannot copy and paste what is done in the West, where the state is strong.

Humanist leaders in the United States, Canada, and Europe should not impose templates from their countries, where the state protects citizens and provides services. That template does not work here. We need a model that reflects our conditions, where the state is weak and where humanism must take on roles that religious institutions often fill.

Humanism must become more than a community that meets during holidays. It must provide support—community support—for people facing difficult times.

Humanism must be able to deliver certain services: chaplaincy, counselling, and sometimes economic assistance or job support for people going through hardship.

We must deliver humanism in a way that addresses our specific social, political, and economic needs and challenges.

Chinama: Yes. In support of Dr. Leo’s remarks, we need a vision of humanism designed for African societies. The way humanism is practiced in Nigeria might not be the way it should be practiced in Zimbabwe.

We often face the challenge of copying and pasting practices from other countries. For example, when Zimbabwe receives a grant from the West, donors insist on strict accountability procedures that require every detail to be documented. But here in Zimbabwe, institutions and systems are not always functional enough to produce paperwork for every service or every resource acquired. This becomes difficult.

So, when dealing with such matters, local African people should decide how to provide these services. We should be able to provide education, chaplaincy, counselling, and other forms of support.

In computer science and engineering, when a system does not work, it does not make sense to keep patching it. You must create a new system compatible with the problem you want to solve. The same applies to humanism.

Humanism as practiced in Asia, Europe, or America may not be suitable for Africa. And even within Africa, the continent is diverse. Humanism in West Africa, Southern Africa, East Africa, Central Africa, and North Africa may look slightly different in each region.

With these words, I rest my case. Thank you.

Jacobsen: Leo, Tauya, thank you very much.

Igwe: Bye.

Chinama: Thank you very much. Goodbye.

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This Gay Week 11: AIDS Survival, Gen Z Sex, and Queer Politics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/21

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

Karel Bouley reflects candidly on surviving the AIDS crisis, honouring friends lost to HIV/AIDS while tracking new immunotherapy research and global funding gaps. From Las Vegas, he links U.S. political neglect, including the absence of a World AIDS Day proclamation, to ongoing stigma and Project 2025’s influence. In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, he ties falling Gen Z sexual activity, AI “lovers,” anti-social media, and conservative backlash to rising loneliness, toxic masculinity, and new “lavender scare” anxieties. Alongside sharp humour, he celebrates queer culture, from bear subcultures to award-winning BDSM biker cinema and UK trans health initiatives that resist erasure.

Karel Bouley: It’s gay week again, with Scott Jacobsen from Canada and Karel here in beautiful Las Vegas, where it was 37 degrees this morning. We’re going to start with AIDS, a subject near and dear to my heart since I survived the crisis. Tomorrow, December 6th, I have a new single, I Dance Because, with 12 remixes—count them. It was written because I have lost so many friends to HIV/AIDS that every time I dance to oldies, I cry because I remember all of those that I have lost.

I was looking up some AIDS info. First of all, we have to remember that AIDS—the United States did not issue a presidential proclamation for World AIDS Day on December 1st, which Madonna has denounced and called reprehensible and ridiculous, as did many people in the world… We have to remember that every two hours in the United States and every 45 minutes globally, somebody still dies of HIV/AIDS. So it is not cured. Protease inhibitors are a significant advancement that are saving lives, but they are not a cure. And PrEP is great, but getting it to people now, with Donald Trump’s cuts, has become more challenging in recent years due to reductions in some federal HIV-prevention funding streams and the end of the national PrEP access program. Again, it is not 100%.

The first big news about AIDS this week was that, for the first time since the inception of World AIDS Day, the United States did not participate in it, once again showing the homophobia and the power of Project 2025 that it has on the White House. It was denounced by many people, including Madonna, as cruel, ridiculous, or unnecessary. But of course, this is a White House that does not care. Meanwhile, the rest of the world did care and does care, and they commemorated those we have lost in Australia by reading the names of those lost.

It was very powerful. They read the names of Australians lost to AIDS. It was a powerful and impactful movement. They did this on their national television; it was not just at some little event. That was very powerful.

There was also news out yesterday from the University of California in San Francisco about long-term HIV control. They are looking into existing immunotherapies and combinations. One of the things that AI is really doing for us is allowing us to take different existing therapies for things that we might have never thought of combining—but AI thinks of it and does—and something comes out of it. We are hoping, again, that this would be a long-term treatment, not a cure. We were hoping for a cure, but this is not a cure.

On December 1st, World AIDS Day, Nature published this trial, which relied on a collaboration with a dozen pharmaceutical companies and other partners in HIV research. They offered a proof-of-concept showing that the approach could work. And that approach combines experimental immunotherapy agents with existing ones. Seven out of ten participants kept the virus at undetectable levels—because that is what we are hoping for in treatments—for at least six months after the trial, which is promising news.

As we know—or maybe you do not know—the problem with HIV therapies is the blood–brain barrier. As with a lot of therapies, we have to cross that barrier because HIV hides out in the organs. They can cleanse the blood of it, but it will still be there in the brain, kidneys, and liver. So they have to make sure they have a drug that can traverse the blood–brain barrier. They think these immunoretrovirals are a good way to do that. We will see where that research goes.

It is promising that, even though Donald Trump has cut so much in AIDS research, global HIV research spending remains substantial, and other countries are still pouring money, resources, and time into it. And they are making advances like this trial, which came out on World AIDS Day, December 1st, from the Department of Medicine at UCSF San Francisco and was presented at the World AIDS Conference in Australia. So that is very, very exciting from the world of AIDS. What’s happening, AI lovers, if you’re one of those students? Well, you know, and this goes to Gen Z, which I feel very sorry for. Are you Gen Z? 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: No. 

Bouley: Because if you are, I feel sorry for you. No? Okay. So I’m 63 years old. And my song I Dance Because is rooted in when I used to be out all the time, dancing with all of my gay friends in the clubs. And, of course, I got a friend in trouble once when I asked about his body count.

His new boyfriend was with him, and he thought, yeah, but what’s your body count? And I said, well, mine’s triple digits, possibly four digits. And he didn’t want to answer. So we will address the fewer one-night stands and more AI lovers. 

So, I feel sorry for Gen Z as I’m here talking to Scott Jacobsen. He’s talking to me for the Good Men Project, which I really want him to tell us about one day as he traverses the world for his journalistic endeavours. And I’m a little jealous. When I was a journalist, we had no budget to go anywhere except to the coffee room, but he’s in DC as we speak. So you’re not Gen Z, so what are you? Gen Y, Gen X? You’re not Gen X.

Jacobsen: I’m a millennial.

Bouley: You’re a millennial? Jesus, I have shoes older than you. But anyway, they did a survey, and this is a great segue from an AIDS story because when AIDS came around, it was really like the music stopped. Suddenly, those of us who were going out to bathhouses, going home with people whose names we might have gotten before we left the house, maybe not. I can’t tell you how many times I would be like, Oh yeah, that’s the hot guy, what’s his name? Oh, Jack Daniels, I don’t know.

Now, because of the lockdown, two Trump presidencies, because of COVID, monkeypox and everything else, Gen Z is grappling with love, dating, and the bedroom. They’re having fewer one-night stands. They are talking to AI lovers. I don’t know how that even works, but okay. ChatGPT has many things, but it’s not sexy. d politicians, parents, and influencers are all asking about the love lives of Gen Z —and, basically, what they’re getting back in today’s day and age—and this is across the world, by the way, not just the United States—is that young people aren’t having much sex.

And that’s very interesting. Birth rates are declining. So this isn’t just a gay thing. But I will tell you, the notion or the stereotype of the gay man as promiscuous has really died with my generation, Gen X and Baby Boomers, because the new generations—Millennials, Gen Y, Gen Z—they aren’t being hoes. They are really not going out and having as much sex as we did. I feel sorry for them. As George Michael said, sex is natural, sex is good. Not everybody does it, but everybody should.

Not that I’ve had it recently. I’m 63. I don’t want to sleep with a raisin, because that’s what men my age look like to me—little wrinkled-up raisins. And there’s nothing more cliché than a 63-year-old man with a 35-year-old. If I were rich and perhaps Madonna or Cher, yes, I’d be screwing every dancer around. But they’re not. Gen Z is not. And the other thing about Gen Z that’s very interesting is they’re not classifying their sex as gay or straight.

If you parse out some of the details of the article, it shows that they’re a little more fluid with their identification of whom they’re having sex with. Thirty-two percent in 2023 of high schoolers said they had had sex. That is compared to 47 percent in 2013. So back in 2013, almost half of high schoolers had said, Oh yeah, I’ve had sex. And how many of those lied? We don’t know.

But now it’s down to only 32. Less than one-this would be nice news for parents—less than one-third of high schoolers have said they’ve had sex. A survey conducted by the Kinsey Institute in partnership with the sexual wellness brand Lovehoney found that one in four Gen Z adults aged 18 to 24 have not had partnered sex yet. Now I don’t know what they’re saying—partnered—I’m not really sure. Like, how do you have sex without a partner?

So I, you know, I mean—but maybe you could enlighten me on that, Mr. Millennial. How do you have sex without a partner?

Jacobsen: I guess that they mean they’re in some type of—rather than a sense of there has to be a body there, right? There would be a lot more… it would be a logical possibility otherwise. Do you think part of this is tied to social media technologies?

Bouley: Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, and thank you for bringing that up. In the era of more connections, I read a remarkable article last night about how we are in trouble—we are in big trouble. And it said, Welcome to the age of anti-social media. And the article was about how the more we gravitate toward online life, the less we engage in human interaction.

Yes, you’ve got to have human interaction to have sex. At least my day did. Maybe you can enlighten me about that. But there’s also a lot of angry guys out there. And if you look at the statistics, 18 to 24, one in three Gen Z men, 18 to 24, have reported not having sex, so if 33 percent of men 18 to 24 aren’t having sex, it explains a lot of the upset people on the internet.

And I really don’t want to equate this, but I kind of am. It also explains some of the mass shootings. Because let’s be real: young men—when you’re 18 to 24—you are meant to have sex. Your hormones are raging. And if you’re not having sex, those hormones are going to manifest some other way. And this explains the Andrew Tates of the world. I think it explainsthe toxic masculinity that is out there right now because—

Think now with Gen Z women. Women under 30 are more likely to be in a relationship than men under 30. Amazingly, women under 30 are more likely to be in a relationship than men under 30. I wonder who those women are in relationships with. Maybe other women.

Jacobsen: The speculation has been that they’ve been dating for a while. That’s been widely speculated. One speculation I haven’t heard—I mean, let’s just say one: they’re dating older. Two: they’re dating other women. Three: they could be sharing men.

Bouley: Well, I don’t share my man, so I would. To your point about other women, 20 percent of Gen Z women are Republican, 20 percent of women, and 38 percent of men. However, Gen Z, who identify as LGBTQ, the number between men and women is remarkable: 32 percent of women identify as somewhere on that spectrum, queer, lesbian, bisexual, whatever it might be. Eighteen percent of Gen Z males say that they’re LGBTQ. That’s a large number, by the way. Back in my day, it was like one to two percent. But it’s amazing—the gender gap—that at 32 percent, like one-third of women admit that, yeah, I could be with a woman. Eighteen percent of men in this survey, which I’m reading—this is from The Guardian.

So 63 percent of men under 30 are single. That’s compared with only 34% of women under 30. So you’re right. They’ve got to be dating someone or doing something, because if 63 percent of men and 34 percent of women are single under 30, they’re obviously dating someone. Thirty-one percent of women identify somewhere on the gay spectrum, with only 18 percent of men, which might explain the difference in the relationship gap. Women are more open to relationships with other women than men are to relationships with other men.

Conservative policies lead to the fear of sex. Some women’s sex lives have been adversely affected by recent conservative political triumphs. On social media, the raw emotion of Trump’s election quickly became clear. Talk of a “4B movement,” which I’m not quite sure what that is. I’ll have to look that up. Maybe you know what the 4B movement is. I don’t know.

Jacobsen: There are four B’s in the Korean language that all start with B, and they mean something to the effect of no marriage, no men, no children, no sex, as long as South Korean women.

Bouley: There should be a fifth thing there: no fun. Politics is affecting the sex lives of Gen Z, and particularly conservative politics. Non-monogamy is on the table, but Gen Z does not seem to be taken with it as other generations, which is very interesting. Gen Z is most likely to say they prefer monogamy as a relationship style—23 percent. Boomers: 12 percent. So my generation is a little more open than younger people. I’m not one of those. I can’t do open marriages or open relationships. I dated a bi guy once, and I tried not to get jealous about the women he went with—and I got jealous.

They’re not having—yeah, I did say bye to the bi guy. First-date sex can be a no-no with Gen Z as well, more so than Gen X, Millennials or Boomers. And of course, if you’re a gay man, you have sex before the date because you don’t want to waste a good date on someone you’re not going to get laid by. That’s really the truth. Older gay men—dating is great.

But it appears that younger gay people are opting for a different way. They’re opting for get to know you first and then have sex, which might explain why they’re not having enough sex. Meanwhile, in good entertainment news, there is a movie coming out that I just can’t wait for, because I’m a biker. I’m a motorcyclist. I have been for almost 30 years. It’s called Pillion. Well, the BAFTAs, which are the British Film Awards, have a cousin called the BIFAs. Those are the British Independent Film Academy Awards.

And Pillion, the movie’s name, cleaned up at the BIFAs. It won almost every major award. Alexander Skarsgård, the hunk from True Blood and others, is in the movie, and it’s kind of a comedy, but not really. And it’s about gay bikers into S&M.

Now, how they’re going to release this in polite culture, I don’t know. But they are, and it’s getting huge, huge awards at the British Independent Film Awards. It basically swept in and took everybody by surprise. It won Best Film at the BIFAs in Britain. So that was just really stunning for a film about gay bikers and BDSM.

It’s adapted from the Adam Mars-Jones novel Box Hill. It picked up Best Debut Screenwriter for Harry Lighton, as well as Best Costume, Best Hair, Best Makeup, and Best Film. It’s gotten four-star reviews from The Guardian and from almost every other European media outlet that has reviewed it. And so that’s good news. We have a gay film about gay BDSM, and it’s actually cleaning up. We have yet to see what it will do in America.

America tends to be more prudish, but we’ll see. The last film we had that came out, centring on the gays and creating a huge amount of controversy, was Al Pacino’s Cruising. There is a new Russell Tovey movie out by the way —like Cruising, starring Al Pacino —and it’s also winning awards—another fun piece of news out of Ireland.

So, bears, for those of you who don’t know, are basically gay, hairy men who have not seen Ozempic—who stay away from Ozempic. It appears that Ireland has the world’s highest bear population. So if you want to bear hunting, go to Ireland, according to Grindr. I would not have thought of Ireland. I would have thought maybe some cold nation like Scotland, where the men are bearded and burly. But no, it is Ireland, according to Grindr.

Grindr did an “Unwrapped.” And I know a lot of people are getting theirs. Did you get your music unwrapped? Do you stream the music? How do you listen to music?

Jacobsen: I stream it on Spotify, but I don’t know the unwrapped option. Where does that go?

Bouley: Well, you should be getting it if you’re a Spotify member. They send it to everybody who’s signed up. And it’s basically your year in music—it’s what you listened to. Last year, I listened to 92,000 minutes of music. In the United States, I was among the top 5 percent of listeners for European superstar Emeli Sandé.

Based on anonymous, aggregated user data, the Grindr Unwrapped report for 2025 says there are more bears in Ireland than in any other country. And of course, the bears are a subculture in our culture. It’s really weird how gays split up. There are bear bars and twink bars and pretty boy bars—we call them circuit bars for circuit queens because of the party circuit, the White Party. You know, there’s a party circuit: Provincetown, all of that, P-town. And so bears are actually a subculture, but they have really and truly caught on.

So I guess I have to stop making my joke that bears are just gay men who have given up on hygiene and won’t use Ozempic, because it appears they’re very popular. So, all right, we’ve got a couple more stories to go here from your coffee shop perk. Hold on just a second. That timer is seven minutes and thirty seconds.

Here is something good out of the UK: a free health and wellbeing kit for trans and non-binary people will be launched. So, as we see governments pulling back on supporting trans people, it is so nice to see that in the UK, they’re offering free health and wellbeing kits for trans and non-binary people. Because there’s a war going on with trans people and…

It’s an international war. As we know, in many African nations, they’re killing trans people, outlawing trans people, jailing trans people. So it’s nice that we’re seeing the UK actually saying, no, we are going to help trans people with a health kit—a toolkit created by ANME, A-N-M-E. It focuses on UK-specific health care. Ireland’s health system also lacks trans inclusivity, resources, and funding. So members of the UK Trans Health Care Forum are trying to bring this kit to Ireland as well and other nations, so that trans people can have some resources to help them either transition or help them after they have transitioned. So that’s some good news.

Bouley: So… matches your guess. That’s a second lavender. Have you the dirt? Have you heard the dirt—have you heardthe dirt about Eurovision?

Jacobsen: No.

Bouley: So the gays have claimed Eurovision as our own, because let’s be real, it’s pretty gay. It’s the competition that gave us ABBA. So Ireland and several other nations are not going to compete in Eurovision because Israel is being permitted to compete. Some feel Israel is continuing a genocide against the Palestinian people, and they should suffer some repercussions.

And so Ireland and three other nations have said they’re not going to compete in Eurovision 2026—not because of a stance on LGBTQ issues, but because Israel has been allowed to participate. And they really feel that the biggest violator of human rights right now is, in fact, Israel. And that’s very, very interesting.

Also, Hugh Wallace from Ireland passed away. I met Mr. Wallace. He was a gay presenter there in Ireland, very, very well known. And he passed away. I’m sorry—he was an architect and TV star; let’s not negate what he studied. But he was openly gay, and he passed away, and the tributes from across the UK are pouring in. He did Home of the Year, The Great House Revival, and My Bungalow Bliss. So he was like their Property Brothers here in the United States. And he’s passed away, and the world is outpouring love to him. And that’s another positive story to see, because he was very beloved, and the tributes are showing, with tributes from many countries worldwide. And it’s nice to see that he has, in fact, been so beloved.

I had a Russia story. 

This is under a children’s gaming platform, Roblox. That’s interesting too, because one more context is systematic state policy. And I note that the stuff about using video games as very subtle and easily accepted forms of delivery for various pressures on the end, but on the LGBTQ—this, I think, would be right in line with that in terms of their anti-LGBTQ policy. So I think we saw, of course, some other stories where their model of anti-LBGTQ is being taken into account for other countries that wish to bend this sort of line of threat. It was aligned with their state policy on sexual and gender minorities.

Bouley: Well, you know, Russia’s going rogue. They’re trying to distance themselves from China, which is why Putin is in India. And they’re really trying to become the world’s superpower. And so they’re trying to reduce their reliance on China and other countries. So they’re kind of going rogue. But certainly, they are tripling down on their anti-gay rhetoric. And it is dangerous because it might influence game makers’ decisions. I was playing a game—I used to play games. Are you a gamer?

Jacobsen: Used to be a gamer, but it’s been 20 years now.

Bouley: Yeah, I used to be a gamer. I’m not anymore. But there was a game—and I forget—it was very, very popular. And it was one of those games where you could make choices. Like at the end of a scene, you could choose to go this way, choose to go that way, choose to go with this person or choose to go with that person. There was a scene in the game where your hero goes to a bar. He’s a male hero, and he goes to a bar, and you can choose to go home with another man or another woman. You can choose. And so they built it in the game, where you can choose to go home with the bartender. And I found that it was very cool—and he was hot for a video game.

And I’m just worried that with Russia doing this, game manufacturers who have now been very pro-LBGTQ in, like you say, subtly putting it in their games—not being overly overt but putting it in there in a subtle way—they may decide to pull back because I imagine Russia is a pretty big gaming market. So we’ll see. Or maybe they’ll do two different versions of a game. I don’t know.

But I do know that it’s in line with what Russia is trying to do. In Vladimir Putin’s mind, if you make all these laws, if you stop disseminating information, if you take all the gays off TV, if you take them out of video games—in his mind, then you won’t have any gays. That’s stupid, for lack of a better, more succinct term, but that’s how he thinks. It’s like a hear-no-evil, see-no-evil sort of thing.

If you don’t see it, if you don’t hear about it, if the option’s not there, people won’t be gay. Well, that’s, you know, stupid thinking, but that’s his thinking.

Jacobsen: He’s compared himself—for one of those legacies—to be something like Catherine the Great and Peter the Great. For instance, your president, Donald Trump, is stuck in an early-20th-century tariff mentality when it comes to economics, finance, and global trade. Putin’s probably stuck in the late 19th century in terms of self-perception and what he wants to leave as his legacy. 

Bouley: And not having these people around. Donald Trump is not into anything these days. Dozy Don is not into anything these days. The people around him are leading Dozy Don because all he wants to do these days is sleep. He’s falling asleep. I don’t know if you saw—you were travelling—he fell asleep at the cabinet meeting.

He fell asleep while negotiating peace between the Congo and Rwanda. He was dozing off. So I’ve named him Dozy Don now because he is… So I don’t think he’s paying as much attention to all these things as people think he is. I think it’s the people around him, the evil people like Jared Kushner and Stephen Miller, and, you know, all of these other people that surround him. I don’t know who surrounds Putin to make him so anti-gay.

Because I really—a lot of times I think that the homophobia that nations express does not necessarily come from their leaders. I don’t think Vladimir Putin stays awake at night worrying about gay people, but I think people around him do. And so I think that people who have their ears, you know, tend to tell them how to dictate—like with Trump. Trump was pro-gay at one time. He was fine with gays. He was waving a gay pride flag that said “Gays for Trump.” But he was okay with gays in his first round. Now he’s not, because he found it was financially more advantageous for him to be not.

And I think that’s the way it is with other countries. I think at the moment it’s financially advantageous for the pendulum to be on the anti-gay side. And I believe when it becomes more financially advantageous for them to be on the pro-gay spot, they’ll go wherever the money is. And if Vladimir Putin thought there was a ton of money in accepting gays, he’d hold a pride festival.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts for this day?

Bouley: No, except you’re in Washington, DC. While you’re there, could you put in a good word for us gays? We could sure use it. Well, I know you’re a staunch advocate and ally, so if you can put in a good word for us, maybe leave a rainbow flag somewhere on your journey—you know, just stick it in the White House inbox or something. But don’t get arrested. You’re from Canada. You’re a white immigrant, so I don’t think ICE will be tackling you, but be careful because you’re not from America.

Jacobsen: No, they were very nice to me this time. I’ve only been interrogated once, and it was for four and a half hours—and that was at Ben Gurion Airport in Israel this summer. 

Bouley: Only once. So I haven’t been interrogated for 4.5 hours by anyone. I was going to bring up that speaking of government, and we only have a minute. Still, there is a lavender scare in America again, and that’s a term that came out of the fifties.

If you watch the show Fellow Travellers with my future husband, Matt Bomer, there was a lavender scare where the government actually sought out gay people and kicked them out of government jobs. They’re doing that again. And so, if you see anyone on your journeys, don’t out them, okay? Because they’re all very afraid for their jobs right now. 

Jacobsen: Yeah, it’s going to be a precarious three years.

Bouley: And that’s this gay week. Thank you, thank you, thank you.

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Joelle Casteix on Catholic Clergy Abuse and Survivor Advocacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/21

 Joelle Casteix is a leading advocate for survivors of child sexual abuse in faith-based and institutional settings. A survivor of Catholic clergy abuse herself, she has spent decades exposing cover-ups, supporting victims, and explaining the unique spiritual and psychological harms of abuse perpetrated by religious authority figures. Drawing on both personal experience and research, she discusses “soul murder,” complex shame, and long-delayed disclosure, especially among women in patriarchal religious systems. Through writing, public speaking, litigation support, and peer support, Casteix works to transform victimization into agency, encouraging survivors to seek validation, redefine themselves, and, where possible, become powerful advocates for change.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Joelle Casteix about the gendered and spiritual dimensions of clergy abuse in Christian and especially Catholic contexts. Casteix explains how girls often internalize profound shame, seeing themselves as “dirty” before God, while boys may struggle with confusion about sexuality and masculinity. She describes “soul murder,” where religious authority turns abuse into a deep spiritual wound. The discussion traces pathways from victim to survivor and advocate, emphasizing the pivotal moment of being believed. Casteix underscores non-linear recovery, the dangers of minimization, and the urgent need for accountability in hierarchical religious institutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Based on the preliminary data we do have and on broader work outside of religious institutions involving similar crimes—though without the added layer of supernatural authority claimed within the community—it is clearly a gendered issue. It appears in both prevalence and frequency, as well as in the kinds of responses we see. Many forms of emotional dysregulation, whether intermittent or more chronic, follow similar patterns. When it comes to women who have been subjected to this type of abuse from a religious figure of authority within a Christian community, what would you argue are the different patterns or “flavours of trauma response a person can have to that experience?

Joelle Casteix: When we talk about responses to trauma, we can begin at the moment of the crime. If you have a young girl who does not understand or know her sexuality, who has not been taught the facts of life, who does not understand what is happening, we often find that survivors of abuse come to see themselves as contaminated or “dirty.” 

They know something is wrong, but they cannot always put a finger on it or explain it. For boys, research and clinical reports often describe a painful internal conflict: it may have felt physically pleasurable in some ways, but they feel ashamed, guilty, or “dirty.” For girls, there is more often significant physical pain involved, and it is typically not experienced as pleasurable. From there, the trauma builds. 

You have a person in a religious authority role manipulating and coercing a child—either through direct physical coercion or psychological manipulation—getting the child to do things the child instinctively feels are wrong or “dirty.” The abuser might call it a game or give it another name, but the child senses that something is wrong. After the event ends—and in many cases, it does not end quickly; the abuse can be repeated over time—the trauma unfolds. For girls, shame often develops in a particularly intense way. 

It is not only “Something bad happened to me,” but also “I am a dirty, vile, disgusting, reviled human being in God’s eyes.” Once they are exposed to religious teachings—especially within certain strands of Christianity and Catholicism—about sexuality, purity, and sin, and what they are taught in religious education, that feeling of shame can compound the trauma. Research suggests that this added spiritual and moral layer of shame and fear of divine judgment can intensify and prolong the impact of the abuse in ways that may differ from, and in some cases exceed, patterns seen in many non-religious or strictly familial abuse contexts.

The people who study this, including theologians, call it “soul murder” because it is so much deeper and more intrinsic to a child’s spirituality than abuse by, say, a babysitter or a family member. There is that spiritual layer. You will find that when that layering is doubled—let us say someone is in a Mormon community and the abuser is a father—that “soul murder” is compounded dramatically.

How that trauma manifests for many girls, based on studies, shows a tendency toward inward expression: self-harming behaviours, alcoholism, sexual promiscuity, and activities aimed at dulling the pain or reclaiming a sense of power. You generally do not see the same violence and aggression that often appears in male survivors. Because boys are not conditioned to talk about their feelings, their trauma frequently expresses itself in action.

So the trauma compounds. As these women grow up within their faith communities—something I saw firsthand with survivors who were extraordinarily angry with me when I first came forward in 2003—I noticed that they were often the most devout. Not necessarily the most pious in belief in God, but in their faith in Catholicism and the institution of the Church. They were angry at me because they believed I was harming the Church. I tried to explain that exposing wrongdoing within the Church is not the same as harming the Church; those are two very different things.

Five, ten, fifteen years later, many of the people who were so angry with me came back and said, “Actually, I am a survivor.” They told me they had been angry because they were angry at themselves. They had internalized so much shame that they thought the Catholic Church was the only thing that could save them, and I was shining a light on something they depended on spiritually. We find that many female survivors embrace the faith intensely. They do not see themselves as survivors.

I met a group of women during a major scandal in the Buffalo Diocese—still being litigated—where a whistleblower exposed extensive cover-ups of abuse. Investigators found files hidden in a broom closet, right next to a vacuum cleaner. When survivors came forward, several adult women—older than I was at the time, in their 50s and 60s—emerged as a group. They had been together as a support network because they were part of a prayer group seeking to save themselves and mend their souls. They told me, “We want to come forward and talk about this, but we’re really not…”

“We’re not victims of abuse. We’re not survivors of abuse.” I asked them what made them say that. They told me, “We were 13, 14, 15-year-old girls. We were promiscuous, we didn’t say no, we were flirtatious. So it’s not abuse. But we know that if it happened to us, it might have happened to younger girls or boys.” I spoke to these women for years, and I do not think I was ever able to crack that veneer—help them see that what happened to them was abuse. There was a massive power differential. They were minors. This was a man of God. It was a crime. All of those things matter. I find it very common that female survivors within the Catholic faith do not see themselves as survivors because of the dichotomy we discussed earlier: the Virgin–Whore divide, the Mother Mary ideal.

That becomes a very complex trauma because these women go on to have families, and many of them have daughters. We see that disclosure takes a long time for many survivors. One of the most common triggering mechanisms is when survivors have children who reach the age the survivor was when they were abused. They see their 13, 14, or 15-year-old daughter and think, “This kid is not causing this. This kid is not asking for it.” All of the survivor’s trauma resurfaces. They question themselves: “Have I been wrong all these years? Is the Church wrong?” That creates a profound layer of compounded trauma for many female survivors.

In talking about this, I do not want to minimize the experience of male survivors. It is not that one is worse; it is that they are very distinct. Some elements are similar, but many are different because the dynamics and burdens differ, as does the shame. Within the Catholic Church, male survivors often face an additional trauma: “Does this make me gay? Did the priest make me gay?” That is an agonizing thought process for a boy, especially when he is developing his own sexuality—something he should be discovering on his own terms, not forced upon him by an adult. Abuse does not define a person’s sexuality; the individual defines it. But when that boundary is violated, the confusion is immense and highly traumatic. We do not see that particular pattern as often with girls because female-on-female abuse by adult women is comparatively rare.

It is tough for many women. I think the Me Too movement was a reckoning for a large number of female survivors in the Church, because they saw adult women come forward and say it happened to them, and society acknowledged that non-consensual sex and power differentials are abuse that can be criminal. When the victim is a child, it is always criminal. That recognition has empowered many women to come forward and confront what happened to them. However, I still think we have a long way to go in any hierarchical religion—Mormonism, Catholicism, evangelical Christianity, Orthodox Christianity—any system where men alone hold the primary positions of power.

Jacobsen: Let us flip the usual script. People have been victimized, but they do not have to remain victims. They can be survivors. They can be advocates. They can be drivers of change. What are the pathways people can take—from recognizing what happened to them, acknowledging that fact, integrating it into their narrative honestly, regardless of whether the Church provides accountability, and moving into categories such as survivor, thriver, advocate, and so on?

Casteix: First, let us talk about the term “victim.” “Victim” means something happened to you: I was a victim of a stabbing. I was a victim of child sexual abuse. I was the victim of a dog bite. After that event, how you define yourself—whether as a survivor, a thriver, or an advocate—is the role you choose to take afterward. None of us decides to be a victim; something happened to us. What we do afterward defines who we are moving forward.

We have found that the number one step people take in moving from “something happened to me” to “I am going to survive and grow through this” is not necessarily acknowledging privately that something bad happened, but telling someone else about it. Survivors can say to themselves what happened over and over, but many do not believe themselves. It is not until a third party—often someone they do not know—says, “What happened to you was wrong. It was not your fault. I believe you,” that something shifts. Being believed is enormous. Many survivors are not believed at all. Hearing “It was criminal” and “There are people who can support you” can be transformative.

In my case, the first person who told me that what happened to me was wrong, that it was abuse, that it was a crime, that it was not my fault, and that he believed me was an attorney. It was not my parents. It was not my friends. I was not speaking with him to open a legal case; I thought I only had information that might help others. I did not know I was a survivor. I thought I had asked for it. The attorney had experience in these cases and recognized immediately what had happened. It is a sad reality that the first person to affirm that truth for me was not someone close to me. I am grateful, but ideally, that affirmation should come from family and peers. It often does not.

If you speak to survivors, you will hear that the turning point—what moves people from “something bad happened to me”to “I survived this, and I can grow through it”—is receiving that validating response from another person: “I believe you. It was wrong. It was not your fault.” That is usually the moment people shift into the survivorship phase.

“Thriver” is not a term I use personally. It does not resonate with me, though there is nothing wrong with it. For me, the most significant healing action I could take was to take positive forward action to prevent this from happening to anyone else. That is why I became an advocate, and that is why many others do as well. Groups like SNAP exist because survivors reach that point where they think, “I can actually do something about this.” When you are a victim, you cannot do anything; it simply happens to you. Advocacy becomes the logical next step—an act of reclaiming agency.

When you are a survivor and take the next step into advocacy, there are countless things you can do to move forward and help ensure that what happened to you does not happen to another child. It does not mean you need to hold press conferences the way I did for years, or stand in front of a church with a sign. You can write a letter. You can talk to other survivors. You can be supportive. There are a million ways to be an advocate. You can send a contribution to SNAP or to other advocacy organizations. Those are meaningful steps.

In my own case, because I am very type A, I had to go in with a sledgehammer, so to speak. I knew what happened to me, but they also did it to my friends, to my peers, to my sister’s friends and peers. They did it for years and years. That weighed heavily on me. I needed to take an active step to stop it. That became the most essential part of my healing. It allowed me to go to bed at night. And yes, some of that is tied to guilt and shame—thinking, “If I am making it better, I am a better person.” I do not want anyone to think that way, because that is how shame works. Every person is wonderful and whole exactly as they are, no matter what happened to them. You do not need to do anything to become worthy. You can be a survivor or a thriver simply by being yourself. But for me, taking action was necessary.

There is also something powerful about taking each day as a promise—looking toward the positive things ahead that day or the next, maintaining forward momentum. That became part of my path forward.

This applies not only to survivor communities but to every community. If you are not moving forward, you stagnate. It is like physical activity: if you stop working out, you lose bone density and muscle tone; if you stop walking as an older adult, deterioration begins. Every day you need to ask, “What can I do to fill my heart today?” That might mean supporting an organization, speaking publicly, meditating, supporting another survivor, or taking an extra-long nap because that is what you need. It is about recognizing that each day is a chance to create meaningful change in the world—and that change begins in your own heart.

I cannot go out and tell people not to abuse children if I am not taking care of myself. If I allow myself to be sacrificed in the process, I am not helping others. That is why self-care is essential, and why taking things day by day matters. My most significant contribution to the movement, I think, is being able to make it through intact—keeping my family together and raising a son who is, hopefully, a reasonably decent human being. All of that is part of the movement, too.

There are situations where a person will not recover. There are certain types of abuse—at least from what I have seen—so extreme and so psychologically damaging that the impact stays with them for life. There is a difference between intent and impact. In conversation, I might say, “I do not like your glasses,” but what you hear is, “I am a horrible person.”Abuse works that way. This is what makes child sexual abuse—especially abuse by religious figures—so pernicious and so painful: the violation of trust is profound. Sometimes the abuse itself is not physically violent. All abuse is awful, but we talk about a continuum. Even the smallest amount of abuse can have a devastating effect on a survivor.

Many survivors do not make it through. Every year, we lose many to alcoholism, self-harm, suicide, drug abuse, and violence. You cannot measure the harm by the intensity of the act, but by the impact on the survivor. Here is an example: in cases of stranger abduction and sexual assault, research shows that the recovery prospects are sometimes better because the child was taken off the street—they had no relationship with the offender and no sense of self-blame. There was truly nothing they could have done. The event is traumatic, but the pathway to healing can be more direct than for a child who was manipulated into long-term abuse by someone in a position of authority who is also a religious figure.

In those cases, the physical severity of the stranger assault may be far worse, but the psychological impact on the child abused by a priest, bishop, or similar authority can be far more damaging because of the manipulation, the spiritual betrayal, and the emotional toll.

Jacobsen: What is the question that you do hear asked—or that you do not hear asked correctly—about clergy abuse, its impacts, causes, intentions, institutional responsibility, or anything in that realm?

Casteix: To be fair, things have improved a great deal over the past twenty years. People have grown in their awareness and their understanding of the ramifications and long-term effects of this kind of abuse. I think what people still tend not to understand is that the worst abuse a survivor can go through is their own. You will hear people say, “What happened to you wasn’t that bad. It wasn’t like what happened to so-and-so.” But I am not so-and-so. They are usually trying to make you feel better, but what it actually does is create a hierarchy of abuse within the survivor community. That is not easy. You can never minimize…

When we talk about impact, you can never minimize it. You will hear people—naysayers, critics—especially when a case is being litigated, say, “It wasn’t that bad. It was only one instance.” Well, how many times do you have to be murdered for the crime to take effect? Once. As human beings, we tend to minimize harm because we do not want to face the horrible, uncomfortable truth of many situations. Minimization is one of the hardest things survivors deal with.

For female survivors who already carry significant shame, that minimization reinforces the burden. For male survivors, minimization often comes from other men who do not understand and say things like, “Well, I would have fought him off”or “I would have done this or that.” They do not understand the dynamic, and that response is deeply shaming and belittling for male survivors. That is one reason many male survivors do not talk. Once you get them talking, they usually open up—but getting them to start is the hardest part.

Jacobsen: What’s an excellent quote on recovery?

Casteix: I do not want to take full credit for this because I know I did not come up with it, but recovery is not a straight line upward. Recovery has peaks and valleys. Recovery is a process and a dynamic that grows with you. Who I am now, in my recovery process as a 55-year-old mother of a 19-year-old and a wife, is very different from who I was in my recovery when I was a 35-year-old brand-new mother. That carried a whole new realm of shame because my abuse involved pregnancy and abortion. That created its own layer of trauma.

Now my recovery is different again because of my father. He and I have always had a good relationship, but when it came to the abuse, he blamed me a lot. He is 87 now and declining, and he likes to talk about the abuse frequently. What he remembers is often not what happened, and sometimes it is hurtful. That changes the recovery process. I have to recognize that he is 87, and this happened almost forty years ago.

This has been half his life, and he is still dealing with it as a parent. That gives my recovery a whole new dimension. As I watch my son grow into a man, I think about how I have raised him to understand boundaries and all the things I never understood at his age—which he does beautifully. That is another part of the recovery process. I have had to learn to let go. There is nothing more complicated, as a survivor of abuse, than saying goodbye to your child as they drive away. It kills me. I want to keep him here forever.

Recovery is a changing, dynamic process that can grow with you and be as beautiful and interesting as life itself. Most people would not call recovery beautiful, but I think it can be, because it has allowed—forced—me to see much more of the world than I ever would have seen otherwise, and to encounter people in all their different shapes and experiences. Many people think recovery is linear: you go from point A to point B, and one day you wake up and say, “I’m all better.”No. But if you embrace it as a dynamic process that will grow and mature with you, it can become a fantastic part of who you are. It is not something that drags you down; it is something that lifts you.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

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Sex, Power, and Control Inside Modern Cults

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/20

Lindsay Allan is a legal scholar studying the state’s duty to protect victims of sexual abuse in cults. Her work examines how governments gain knowledge of systematic harm yet fail to act, especially in patriarchal religious systems, focusing on grooming, coerced consent, and institutional responsibility in law, policy, and practice.

Dr. Amos N. Guiora is Professor of Law at the S.J. Quinney College of Law, University of Utah, and a former Israel Defence Forces JAG officer. He researches institutional complicity, bystanders, and enablers in sexual abuse and extremism, including FLDS, and advocates for criminal liability for enabling harms worldwide today.

Michelle Stewart is a cult survivor, activist, and author of Judas Girl, who grew up in multiple closed religious communities, including Hutterite and Bruderhof offshoots. She writes and speaks about quiet cults, psychological abuse, recovery, education as liberation, and the subtle ways patriarchal control and financial dependency entrench coercive systems.

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney, president of Scarab Rising, and analyst of authoritarian movements and ideological extremism. She examines how law balances religious freedom and association against fraud, confinement, exploitation, and abuse, highlighting consent under duress and difficulties prosecuting closed, cultic or cult-adjacent communities worldwide. 

In this roundtable, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Amos Guiora, Lindsay Allan, Michelle Stewart, and Irina Tsukerman about modern cults as systems of coercive control. They examine sexual abuse, financial dependency, and psychological grooming in groups like FLDS, NXIVM, and “quiet cults.” The conversation foregrounds women’s disproportionate victimization, the blurring of consent under fear and indoctrination, and the role of enablers and indifferent governments. The panel also explores who is vulnerable to recruitment and how early critical thinking education, public awareness, and survivor testimony can help people recognize red flags, leave abusive communities, and rebuild autonomy, dignity, and legal accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s begin. Today we’re here with Amos Guiora, Lindsay Allen, Michelle Stewart, and Irina Tsukerman. We’re going to be talking about cults—some people who have been in them, some who are studying aspects of them, some who have spoken about the legal implications, prosecution, and how we define these things, and others who focus on foundational work on enablers and communities. These are coercive communal efforts to keep the cult together. There are many factors to consider here. My first question is: when you think of a cult and you think of a charismatic leader, what figures come to mind? What movements come to mind?

Irina Tsukerman: Charles Manson. And what do you call the Kool-Aid guy?

Lindsay Allan:  Jim Jones.

Michelle Stewart: I was going to say Heaven’s Gate. They went by Do and Ti—Marshall Applewhite and Bonnie Nettles—but where is my mind going? Blank. We can backfill that name; my mind is blank.

Lindsay Allan: Keith Raniere comes to mind from NXIVM.

Dr. Amos Guiora: For me, Manson was the first name that came to mind.

Jacobsen:  Aum Shinrikyo is another one. There were the Moonies. Stephen Hassan came out of the Moonies, and he’s now a significant figure in cult research, so I think that’s also a major one. This will be a good transition. Those figures who emerge from these groups tend to understand the dynamics from a subjective perspective. When they gain academic or other training, they can become powerful countervailing forces to these movements.

Tsukerman: David Koresh. 

Jacobsen: David Koresh, true. Now, Lindsay, in your current research on cults, what is the precise research question you’re looking to answer, and what is your current academic finding?

Allan: I’m looking into the government’s duty to victims of sexual abuse in cults and how the government has failed. A lot of it hinges on the government’s knowledge of what is happening and the failure to act or adequately investigate. I initially was looking into cults and crimes they have committed, but there were too many examples and too much information to work with. I had to narrow it down because, sadly, it was so prevalent. That is the short version.

Jacobsen: Michelle, could you share a little insight into your experience?

Stewart: I’ll try to narrow that down. I went through groups that I would label as cults or cult-like extreme religious groups, and recently published a book about those experiences. They were, and continue to be, what I would call quiet cults. We just talked about the names everyone knows—high-profile groups with charismatic leaders that make headlines. I’m trying to raise awareness about groups that may not make headlines, or not yet, and to focus on how cult dynamics develop around us in more subtle ways, in more socially acceptable religious formats. For example, the most significant part of my experience was with a group that broke off from the Amish and merged several extreme versions of Protestant strains, creating a very toxic cult dynamic that spread and grew rapidly. From there, I focused on my recovery and getting out. I was raised in it as a teen and young adult, and I have since left. I try to raise awareness by telling my own story, emphasizing education as a key to freedom, and sharing my healing process and how others can heal. My story took a whole book, and that book covers only about twenty percent, so I will not go into too much now, but I’m happy to elaborate as we go along.

Jacobsen: Amos, what is the community responsibility here regarding enablers and such?

Guiora: I begin with Lindsay’s outstanding question, which concerns the governmental duty to act when harm is known and the obligation to protect the vulnerable. Scott, as you know, my research focuses on enablers—those who know about the harm and consciously decide not to act on behalf of the vulnerable. In that sense, I build on Lindsay’s work, which examines the government’s knowing and, frankly, failing response. Regarding the community, I think it is more difficult. When I wrote my book Freedom from Religion, in which I examined the FLDS (Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints) and explicit government knowledge combined with looking the other way, there is obviously the perpetrator—Warren Jeffs or whoever is leading whichever group. But the more important question, which Lindsay is examining, is the conscious decision—by the government, in this case—not to protect the vulnerable. I do not know enough about cults; since the first time we spoke with Irina, you and I, I am not, like Michelle, a cult expert. I do not know enough to say whether communities themselves know. But the government’s failure to protect the vulnerable is, at least for me, and in Lindsay’s excellent work, a critical question that needs to be addressed.

Jacobsen: Irina, regarding the law and building on Amos’s point, how far can the law compel a federal agency to act in the well-being of a community in a harmful circumstance due to its structure, leadership, or practices?

Tsukerman: The law does not focus on protecting communities from cults. Instead, it focuses on balancing the rights of different people against one another. Several legal issues are taken into consideration when confronting something like this: freedom of speech and association, freedom of religion, and, on the other hand, whether there have been abuses such as fraud, abduction, unlawful confinement, or financial exploitation. Has there been physical abuse? To what extent does consent play a part? Are children being harmed? Are elderly individuals being harmed? Is the association—the cult—presenting a collective threat to outside communities?

These are the questions that get addressed. The considerations are narrow in scope and very fact-dependent. Generally, the law seeks to balance constitutional rights to gather, associate, and follow the creed or religion of one’s choice with the requirement that the methods and actions be lawful. You cannot stop people from being indoctrinated if they wish to be indoctrinated. But if fraud is being committed, if minors are being harmed, if someone is being enslaved or abused without consent, if there is physical harm, then the government begins to intervene and push for investigations. It is not always easy, which is why these groups are as widespread as they are and can continue for years before anyone takes notice.

Victims do not immediately see themselves as such and are often motivated to stay silent. Because these groups are closed environments and do not always affect outside areas—Manson being a notable exception—there is usually no clear incentive for federal agencies or the government to investigate unless someone escapes and reports illegal activity, such as drug use or other abuses. There is very little the government can do to begin an investigation without a clear legal breach. Sometimes intervention can start from the outside if there is a noise complaint, persistent nuisance from group activities, or clear indications that minors are disappearing, not attending school, or that women appear to be abused. These signs can trigger intervention. But generally, until a particular line of acceptability is crossed, it is tough to draw government attention in the early stages.

Jacobsen: What do you find—this is an open question for anyone—to be the most insidious harm for those who have been stuck in cults or cult-like circumstances?

Allan: I think there are obviously physical and sexual harms. NXIVM, for example—since I mentioned Keith Raniere earlier—involved him branding women he claimed were his slaves and forcing labour. Another major part is how victims can end up facilitating or perpetrating abuse themselves. Again, NXIVM is an example: the women who were enslaved recruited other women and carried out the branding. In the Rajneeshee movement, there were numerous abuses against children, and they had no recourse; they were prevented from escaping. It goes on, but I can elaborate more—I do not want to take up all the time.

Tsukerman: It is interesting because many people who are drawn into cults develop something akin to Stockholm syndrome, making it difficult to get them to admit they are victims or that anything is wrong. Getting people out of that mindset can be highly challenging. Once you do, people are much more likely to try to leave. But until you reach that point, individuals can participate in their own harm, and it can be tough to determine whether they are genuinely consenting or whether they are psychologically vulnerable. Their consent is under duress, making it invalid. Separating duress from voluntary consent in someone who is indoctrinated is both a legal and psychological challenge. That gray area is why so many people come to severe physical and substantial psychological harm.

Allan: What I was going to say is actually similar to Irina’s point, but grounded in experience. The most insidious damage is the mental and emotional harm. This includes, but is not limited to, psychological abuse and internalizing everything the group has told you about yourself. For children and young people who are pulled in, the entire mental programming—the way you were taught during your formative years to understand the world, how it functions, how to think about yourself, how to identify abuse—can be warped. It can take years, if not a lifetime, to fully deprogram or to work with therapists to relearn how to think in a normal society. While the physical and sexual abuse, as Lindsay said, are among the worst harms, they are often easier to identify. You can pinpoint an event of non-consent; you can pinpoint a physical injury. Even if you believed at the time that it was acceptable or deserved, you can still identify it and work through it. The mental deconstruction that cults take you through is different. You may not even know it exists in your mind. It is like a computer virus running in the background, and it can take a very long time—and affect every part of your life—to understand it and reroute your thinking.

Guiora: Scott, my only modest contribution to what the others have said is this: when I researched the FLDS, it became quickly apparent that the group was, in many ways, an insidious—polite word—mechanism to manipulate and sexually exploit. I am fortunate to be in a position to be influenced by Professor Lindsay as she writes this excellent paper, and I learn from her work. I do not know whether “sexual depravity” is the correct term or “sexual focus,” but that seems to be the recurring theme. And again, going to Lindsay’s point about government duty, branding is just one example. It is an outrageous attack on a woman’s body. There are no words. That is why, for me, the question of enablers, government duty, and sexual harm is the critical issue here.

Tsukerman: My question is: to what extent are women still far more likely to become involved in cults? So far, we have had in mind many groups where the primary dynamic is sexual exploitation, but what about religious cults where sexual activity is communal or where the sexual element is absent and the focus is entirely on power and spiritual authority?

Guiora: Even with FLDS, which is predicated on religion, at the end of the day, Warren Jeffs was marrying underage girls. We can have a long discussion about whether those marriages were consummated, but there is no doubt that sexual abuse was endemic to the culture. As Lindsay knows, when I wrote the book and interviewed the women—who were girls when they were married off—there is such a thing as statutory rape; there is an age of consent; and the leader controlled their bodies. That, to me, is the most insidious and nefarious aspect of this entire conversation.

Allan: To Irina’s question, I wonder whether an interesting way to think about this is the structure of so many of these groups as patriarchal societies. And in general, we are still living in a patriarchal society, which could help explain why we see more women becoming involved in cults. Even in everyday society, women are often shown as subordinate to men, leading figures. I have not researched this aspect deeply, but that was my initial thought on why patriarchal conditioning might play a part in women’s susceptibility.

Stewart: If I may add to what Lindsay said, that is precisely what I saw. Women who joined often showed reluctance, but they still complied because they believed in a patriarchal culture. They were usually coming from Christian environments where submission to one’s husband was taught as the highest virtue, and that framework played a tremendous role. To add to the question about cults where rampant sexual abuse is not the central feature: in the group where I lived, there were no orgies, but there was definitely sexual abuse that was covered up. Even though we did not have underage marriages like the FLDS, sexuality was very much used as a tool of control over women. We were taught that we were inherently impure seductresses, that we were leading men into sin, and we could be told that ministers or bishops were lusting after us because they could see our ankles. Telling a 13-year-old something like that is profoundly abusive and harmful, yet we internalized it as our sin and our shame. So sexuality can be used as a tool of control, even if overt sexual abuse is not the center of the culture. It can still be a potent psychological weapon.

Guiora:  If I may, to follow up on Michelle’s point: one of the women I spent significant time with was, I believe, wife number four or five in the polygamous relationship that is central to the FLDS. They all lived together in the same house, the same compound. If she denied her husband sexual access, his way of punishing her was, first, to remove her from the house, which is one thing, but the truly dangerous harm was that he would deny food to her children, who were also his children. By withholding food from them, he coerced her—exactly what Michelle is describing—into having sexual relations absolutely without consent. He starved the children because he viewed them as her children, not their children. The other wives, wives one through three, saw that her children were not being fed, and they did not secretly give them food. That is also part of the insidious coercive structure of the cult. Most of us, when we see a child without food, instinctively want to feed them. Here, in the house, they saw that a child was not eating and knew the reason—because the mother denied him sexual “services,” if that is the term—and they still did not provide food. There are no words for that. Michelle, you are the expert here, but perhaps this is an example of how coercion goes beyond the individual and incorporates the entire community within that environment.

Stewart: I do not know if I would say I am an expert, but I agree. In my experience, what I witnessed was the group—and, ironically, the women—being used to control other women. Whether through their own fear or their own indoctrination, women became some of the most powerful enforcers. They would ostracize us, which was very common if we did not fall in line with whatever behaviour was expected, or they would use their own internalized abuse to perpetuate more abuse against us as a method of control. In many cases, the coercion and control exercised by women against other women were even stronger than the control exercised by men, quite ironically.

Tsukerman: Are there any examples—sorry, go ahead—are there any examples of charismatic women leaders or women cult leaders who recruit other women, or men, or both?

Jacobsen: One example that comes to mind is NXIVM. Keith Raniere is not a woman, of course, but within DOS—short for Dominus Obsequious Sororium, meaning “Master over the Slave Women”—he appointed Allison Mack and other women to go out and recruit. Lindsay knows this well. DOS was presented as a women’s empowerment group. These women acted as sub-leaders—still leaders in their own right—and were charismatic figures, such as Allison Mack, the actress, who recruited women into the inner circle, where they were then branded and abused.

Allan: Nancy Salzman was another one. She and Allison Mack were essentially the number twos in NXIVM. Another example of a female charismatic leader is The Family in Australia, led by Anne Hamilton-Byrne. Much of what they did involved abducting children, arranging forced adoptions, and drugging the kids. She stood out to me because, as we typically see male leaders, it was surprising to find a woman at the center of such a group. They were fairly widespread in Australia.

Guiora: Lindsay, can I ask you a question? Were the women sexually abusing women?

Allan: In NXIVM? I cannot think of a clear example off the top of my head, and it also depends on how you define it. Part of DOS involved “collateral,” meaning women had to send other women explicit photographs or compromising materials. The main sexual component was the nude photographs. These were said to be held as collateral, but demanding sexually explicit pictures is itself a form of sexual abuse. The women were also the only ones doing the branding, and I would consider that a form of both sexual and physical abuse.

Tsukerman: Is there really a difference between a charismatic cult leader and a regular sexual predator like Jeffrey Epstein?

Allan: I believe so. There is much more involved in being a cult leader. Epstein is a complex example because I have heard arguments that he could be considered a kind of cult leader himself, depending on the definition. But typically, a charismatic cult leader demands loyalty, imposes rules, and often imposes rules on followers that he does not abide by himself. An example—there have been multiple leaders who instruct followers to abstain from sex, except sex with the leader, which is framed as cleansing or spiritually beneficial. That is where sexuality and coercion are used as tools, and the leader does not follow the doctrine he imposes. Cult leadership involves far more control, insulation, and structural manipulation than what you see in the pattern of someone like Epstein, who fits more squarely into the category of a conventional sexual predator in a criminal context.

Jacobsen:  What about the control of finances? Not just collateral that is embarrassing or shaming, as in the Raniere case, but the entire financial ecosystem—electricity, food, transport, savings—being coercively controlled or held under the authority of one leader. In other words, the relinquishment of financial autonomy.

Allan: I know Professor Guiora knows more about the FLDS, so that I will defer to him on some of this, but the FLDS community in Colorado City is a strong example. The United Effort Plan is what they officially call the organization, but essentially, the cult owns all the land. Even if someone builds a house, that house sits on cult-owned land and can be taken away. They control all the money and provide only stipends to their members. Professor Guiora knows more, but that was the first example that came to mind—total financial control.

Guiora: Lindsay is correct, and not only did they have financial control, but local law enforcement was essentially FLDS. It was total control. It was total control. There was nowhere to go. The only way people could leave the FLDS was to escape in the middle of the night. The people I interviewed had to make terrible decisions when planning to leave. The women would prepare to go, but not all their children agreed to leave. As a parent, you face a terrible dilemma: what do you do with a child who refuses, when you have only minutes to escape? One woman I worked with had two children who chose to stay. She assumed she would never see them again. The control was total. What is important to note is that none of this was secret. The state government knew and looked the other way. That is the essence of enabling.

Allan: The Kingston clan is also very interesting because they own so many companies and corporations within Salt Lake County. Members are forced to work at least 60 hours a week for one of the Kingston corporations and do not receive a paycheck. All the money goes back to the Kingston clan. Members receive scrip—essentially vouchers—that they can use to redeem goods at Kingston-owned businesses. It creates a closed loop where money is funnelled entirely back into the cult. Not to mention mandatory tithing.

Stewart: If I could speak from experience, one of the cults I was in, called the Bruderhof—or Society of Brothers—had a very similar model, possibly even more extreme. Every member worked for the community; there was no external employment. Leadership decided how you worked—whether in day-to-day tasks or in income-generating roles. No one had any money of their own. Housing was provided and assigned. They could move you overnight, and it happened frequently. Almost all meals were communal. For the handful that were not, you submitted a grocery list that had to be approved, and then you would receive your items—your can of peaches, your peanut butter—placed in your mail cubby once a week. Clothing came from a clothing library. 

If you outgrew clothes or they wore out, they decided what garments you received. The same was true for shoes. You had no personal belongings and no financial autonomy whatsoever. That made it nearly impossible to leave. If you went without consent, you would go with only the clothes on your back and no financial assets. It was a compelling way to control members and to accumulate money. Members who joined signed over all their assets. You were not allowed to retain any external items. Other groups I lived in had less extreme versions of financial control, but all had some version of it. 

The mildest I experienced was aggressive coercion around tithing, which funded leaders who lived far more luxurious lives than most members. And in many groups, property might be communal—members might have limited autonomy in daily life, but actual housing and assets were owned by the community, with significant financial decisions made by the group. From experience, that was one of the most potent tactics I lived under—and had to escape.

Tsukerman: I was going to say that many of these techniques are very similar to coercive domestic abuse, where partners create complete psychological and financial dependency and use it to coerce their partners into remaining at home.

Jacobsen: It was Mark Twain’s line about history: it does not repeat, but it does rhyme. That applies to cults, courts, and abusive systems. They do not repeat themselves structurally, but they certainly rhyme in their patterns. Amos, regarding the FLDS, they are primarily polygamous, and that is a primary distinguishing characteristic. The mainstream LDS Church—the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints—is extraordinarily financially well-off. This is a question for your expertise: regarding the FLDS as a wealthy religious community, how does financial wealth allow them to deepen their control over members’ lives?

Guiora: All the FLDS boys work in construction, and they are widely regarded as excellent construction workers. All the money is channelled back to the central leadership structure, the mothership.

Jacobsen: Amos, when they send the money back to the “mothership,” what does that entirely mean in terms of their system?

Guiora: It means total dependence. And beyond dependence, the painful reality is that because of sexual competition—everything revolves around sex in the most distorted ways—mothers are forced to drive their sons to the highway, drop them off, and wish them the best of luck. These boys, called the “lost boys,” make their way primarily to Salt Lake City, where they end up, as you can imagine, in male prostitution. When I met them—details irrelevant—the most basic life skills, such as writing a check, were utterly foreign to them. They were engaged in survival sex work. A social worker I spoke with told me the most painful part: these boys had been abandoned by their mothers, yet at night, they cried for their moms. A child wants his mother.

The control was so absolute that when a son had to be expelled, it was the mother—not the father—who was ordered to drive him to the highway. There are no words for that. Everything returns to control. They were recognized as hardworking, skilled labourers, but the money went to the leadership—Warren Jeffs and others. I need to add one more point. Warren appointed either eleven or twelve men who were permitted to have sexual relations with women. Other men were not. These so-called “golden twelve,” or whatever adjective you choose, were the only ones allowed to engage in sexual relations. And in the FLDS culture—which differs from mainstream LDS teaching—sex is defined strictly for procreation, not pleasure. Yet these twelve men were granted exclusive sexual access. In the most perverse ways, and this is what Michelle and Lindsay are both addressing, everything revolves around sex—not normal sexual relations, but coercive, controlled, and systematized sexual power.

Tsukerman: What is it with cult leaders and their obsession with sex? Of course, some of it is about power, but why is it so important to them?

Guiora: Michelle, do you want to take the lead on that one and all of its ugliness?

Stewart: I can try. Control is the keyword. There are multiple types of cult leaders, and while they share common characteristics, one question we asked earlier was whether there is a difference between a standard sexual predator and a cult leader. I think we’ve reached the answer: yes. However, while “run-of-the-mill” sexual predators may differ, many cult leaders are sexual predators and exhibit those characteristics with an even stronger need for control. Some leaders may have sexually deviant desires and create a cult around fulfilling those needs. But others—this is more from experience than academic research—see sex as the ultimate tool of control. 

They may implement what is known as purity culture, placing heavy emphasis on sexual purity, yet create a hyper-sexualized environment. Sex is one of the most intimate human experiences and one of the most closely linked to shame. When you can control someone through shame, you can control them through almost anything. When sex, sexuality, and shame are fused, you can drive an extreme level of obedience—whether through requiring sex, as with FLDS women, or requiring abstinence. Using control and shame over the body is one of the most psychologically effective tactics one human can use over another.

Jacobsen: Have any of you come across indications of a cult, or a cult-like system, that had a unique coercive mechanism not seen in most others on record?

Guiora: It is not my expertise, but there is a Jewish cult that operated in South America. To the best of my knowledge—again, this is not my specialty—the leader, whose name I do not recall, cloaked everything in religious language, but it was all about sex and, I believe, the abuse of children. Listening to Michelle, who has far more experience than I do, one thing becomes clear. Excuse my English, especially with a student listening, but it is literally “same shit, different day”: control, power, sex, sexual abuse. What Lindsay said was very interesting—if the leader preaches purity, the purity does not apply to him. That is a crucial point. The difference between the rules imposed on followers and the leader’s exemption from them is fundamental.

Jacobsen: Yes, the Keith Raniere case shows this as well. He had an entire system built around sleep deprivation. He claimed he functioned on four hours of sleep and expected others to do the same, but in reality, he was sleeping plenty. He rested often. Meanwhile, his followers—exhausted and cognitively impaired—were trapped in the system with him. It was another form of control.

Allan: Yes, I was going to echo what you said about NXIVM and Keith Raniere. Sleep deprivation, and the fact that when people were awake, they were working constantly, created extreme physical, mental, and emotional exhaustion. That level of exhaustion leaves people vulnerable and susceptible to indoctrination and manipulation. And again, it goes back to the cult leader not following the rules he imposes on his followers.

Scientology has similar structures: extreme work hours, lack of sleep, and very tight control over every aspect of life. That, along with NXIVM, funnels into creating a community of isolation. In NXIVM, once you reached a certain rank, you started living communally. That meant even more control, more isolation from external support systems, outside news, and outside influence.

Jacobsen: It has been echoed throughout the conversation, and I think it’s important to underline for the call: there are highly gendered aspects to these systems. First, most cult leaders tend to be men, or there are high-ranking women like Nancy Salzman or Allison Mack—but the pattern remains overwhelmingly male. Claire and Sara Bronfman were also deeply involved, losing $150 million. Second, the obsession with sex, sexuality, control, and abuse disproportionately targets women’s bodies as the objects of that system. Are there any other ways we can analyze this through a gendered lens to make more precise distinctions in this terrible art form called cults?

Guiora: Before I jump off, one final point. Scott—I defer to Michelle for terminology—but this is not “sex” as we understand healthy sex. These are not normal sexual relations. That must be emphasized. From the man’s perspective, this is about domination, control, power, abuse, and subjugation. From her perspective, it is the absolute antithesis of consent. She is not consenting, in my opinion. There is a long discussion—again, Michelle can speak to this—about whether women initially appear to consent when they join. I do not know. But along the way, as Lindsay’s work shows, they have nowhere to go. They are there, and— I hate this phrasing—”available for his needs.” 

But his needs go far beyond physical demands. There is enormous mental cruelty involved. This is not normal sexual relations between two consenting adults. That applies especially when girls are married off at a young age. We must be cautious with our terminology. When we talk about sex in cults, it is not sex between consenting adults. That is not what this is. And Scott, it is essential to frame the broader issue with that clarity in mind. On that note, friends, it was an honour to be with you this Saturday morning. Lindsay, good luck with your paper. Michelle, I’m delighted we met. Scott and Irina, great to see you both again. To those I won’t see soon, have a pleasant Thanksgiving. Thank you so much for having me. Goodbye.

Jacobsen: Any points, Lindsay, Michelle, or Irina, that you’d like to add?

Allan: I think he captured the core of it. It is important to emphasize that we are not talking about consensual sexual relationships. I want to dig into what I think he was getting at: What is consent? Can you truly consent if you face negative consequences for refusing? I have heard countless times—from my own experience and from other survivors—that people say, “You didn’t fight back; you went along with it. How can you claim it wasn’t consensual if it was part of your daily life?” Much of this comes down to sexual grooming. Earlier, we discussed whether people are even aware that they are brainwashed. As Irina noted, most people inside a cult do not say, “Yes, I am in a cult and being sexually abused.” If they had that awareness, they would not be there. These victims believe they are consenting. But in the vast majority of cases, they are not in a position to consent. 

Not to diminish the agency of adult women, but it is comparable to asking whether a child “consents.” When your safety—physical, emotional, or spiritual—is dependent on complying with sexual demands, you cannot freely consent. In many groups, your spiritual safety, even the fate of your soul in the afterlife, is presented as dependent on compliance. That includes sexual acts demanded by a leader, or even acts within what is labelled a “marriage” but was not entered into consensually. These individuals do not know they are being sexually abused. That is a key part of the control. My mind is going blank—I had one more point to reevaluate. But yes, I want to reaffirm: Amos is absolutely correct. It is not sex. It is not consent in any way that healthy people understand those concepts.

Tsukerman: The question I’m struggling with is whether there is any way to inoculate prospective victims—to identify and protect people who are more likely to be targeted by cults. I’m sure there are profiles of young women, especially, who have ended up in these situations, though men join as well. I see two general patterns: some come from religiously cloistered communities; others are disaffected, dealing with family issues, or not from closed environments at all. Those groups would require different approaches. If someone is in a tight-knit community that outsiders cannot easily penetrate, prevention would have to come from inside that community. Is there any way to prepare people psychologically so they are less vulnerable to recruitment? Schools used to have “Just Say No to Drugs” programs—police officers walking around, educating kids about substances and addiction. Maybe something similar is needed to prevent cult recruitment.

Allan: I think it is tough. NXIVM and Keith Raniere illustrate why. In NXIVM, many participants were academics, scientists, and high-powered executives. The program was marketed as an executive success training system, not a religion. When cults are not presented in a religious format, it becomes even harder to identify them. I’m not sure that any standard education about charismatic leaders or religious cults would have protected those people. The stereotype of who “falls for a cult” is not accurate. People who joined NXIVM did not fit that stereotype at all, and typical prevention messaging might not have applied to them.

Stewart:  If I could add to that, it is a question I think about often. Can we inoculate people in some way? I think what we are doing here is part of that. The more we raise awareness about what cults look like, how subtle they can be, the tactics they use, and how those tactics may not appear insidious from the outside, the more we expose those dynamics, the more we help. However, as Lindsay said, it is a highly challenging uphill battle. The vast majority of people who join a cult do not believe they are joining a cult. They do not think they are being abused. In my experience, you have, as Irina noted, people who are born into cult-like environments and stay for generations—the FLDS is a good example. 

Some of the groups I was in had a large percentage of those cases. But interestingly, the people I saw joining from outside were not generally vulnerable young women, although there were a few. More often, they were college-educated, financially independent married couples seeking faith, community, or self-improvement, who were then pulled in and absorbed. These were people with families on the outside who saw immediately that the group resembled a cult—families would try to warn them and pull them out. Outsiders saw it clearly; the people joining did not. So I think what we are doing—publishing papers, raising awareness, discussing these systems—is one of the best things we can do. But I do not think an easy solution exists, nor do I think there will ever be a complete fix.

Tsukerman: So then, is there a commonality among people who tend to be recruited into cults, or who become radicalized by fundamentalist groups, extremist movements, or conspiracy networks? And if there is, does that mean profiling potential victims is invalid—that anyone, under certain conditions, can be pulled into a closed environment where they can be indoctrinated and weaponized?

Stewart: I cannot answer that from an academic standpoint. Some experts have conducted psychological evaluations of people who have been pulled into cults and have identified certain potential similarities. What I can say, heartbreakingly, from observation, is that the people drawn to cults were often people who wanted something more for themselves and for the world around them. They were often exceptionally sincere, very open-minded people.

They truly wanted better. These were not people typically deemed vulnerable, but people who genuinely sought the truth. In many cases, especially among intellectuals who questioned the norms around them and found spaces where they could disagree with mainstream society, that very openness made them more vulnerable to cult tactics than people who were content with the status quo. I do not know, Lindsay, if you have an academic angle on that.

Allan: Echoing Michelle, it is a strong point that people who are disenchanted and want more out of life—some deeper meaning—are often drawn in. We have seen this in groups like Heaven’s Gate or Rajneeshpuram, especially during counterculture or anti-war eras. More recently, the “Love Has Won” group, also known as the Mother God cult, attracted people disillusioned with capitalist society who sought deeper meaning. You see similar patterns in doomsday cults where members are told, “There is a better world out there. We are part of something bigger. We are the next generation for a new world.” Michelle captured that dynamic very well.

Jacobsen: We are coming to the last question. For people who may encounter this interview a year from now, ten years from now, or whenever—people who are already questioning the system they are in—what advice would you give them for beginning to ask, for getting out, for gaining independence?

Tsukerman: Teaching critical thinking skills early is the best way to equip people—whether complacent or not—to question what is being offered to them. It is similar to recognizing false advertising: Who is doing the marketing? What are they really offering? What is their agenda? What happens if I follow them? How could I get out? A skeptical attitude toward offers that sound too good to be true or vague and emotionally manipulative is essential. Raising children to be confident in their own skills rather than relying on external validation makes them more resilient. Those skills—skepticism, confidence, analytical thinking—are what allow people to recognize red flags later in life. Without those skills, people are less likely to notice patterns or take warnings seriously and may feel overconfident that they are immune to recruitment.

Stewart: I raised my kids primarily outside of the cult they were born into. We talk constantly about what cults look like and how these groups operate, and they can see it firsthand through family members who remain involved. That has left them, thankfully, deeply disillusioned with those systems. For people who are not in cults or who have no direct connections, critical thinking remains key. As Irina said, it matters before any brainwashing phase starts. Learning to identify the hallmarks of cults—exactly as we have discussed throughout this conversation—is essential. If someone stumbles across this discussion, I hope they will look closely at these patterns in any group they encounter.

Think about what the end goal is for the leaders. Is the good flowing to them, or to you? Pivoting to people who may already be in a cult and happen to read this—because Irina focused on critical thinking—if you are in a group that is starting to feel uncomfortable, I would encourage you to begin searching within yourself and asking basic questions. Are your thoughts and feelings valued as much as everyone else’s? Are your contributions to the community shared fairly, or is there a hierarchy in which you receive less? When you imagine leaving, are you staying because you are truly fulfilled, or because of fear and loss? Are you afraid of physical repercussions? Fearful of abandonment by family? Worried that you lack the skills to live independently? Those are strong signs that you may be in a cult-like environment. I could speak at length about this, but we are short on time so that I will leave those as key points for anyone reading.

Allan: All I will add is this: it is essential to hear that this is not your fault. Michelle touched on this earlier. When you are in this kind of group, you cannot consent. Shame and the internalization of those feelings often trap people or prevent them from recognizing abuse. Evaluating your feelings—Did you feel safe? Was this something you wanted or something you thought you had to do?—is essential. Recognizing that you are not to blame and that you could be safer outside the group is an important step. Do not blame yourself for being victimized by someone more powerful.

Tsukerman: I want to add one more thing. This idea of power differentials is essential because many charismatic leaders are influential not because they have money or legal authority, but because of psychological manipulation. They build a constructed world and use psychology to bring enforcers and enablers into it. Empowering potential victims means helping them realize these leaders are not inherently influential, and they themselves are not inherently powerless.

Jacobsen: Lindsay, Michelle, and Irina—and the ghost of Amos—thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Stewart: Thank you so much.

Tsukerman: Thank you.

Allan: Thank you for letting me be a fly on the wall. Thank you for involving me.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Darya Kasyanova: How Ukraine Rebuilds Childhood After Deportation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/20

Darya Kasyanova is one of Ukraine’s leading child rights advocates and serves as chair of the Ukrainian Child Rights Network and as program director of SOS Children’s Villages Ukraine. For more than a decade, she has overseen deinstitutionalization reforms, family-based care, and emergency protection for children affected by Russia’s war. Since 2014, she has coordinated evacuations from frontline regions and, after the 2022 full-scale invasion, became a central voice documenting the deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children. Her work now focuses on strategic litigation support, international advocacy, and the safe return, reintegration, and long-term recovery of abducted and displaced children.

In this in-depth conversation between Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Kasyanova, Ukraine’s leading child-rights advocate, the realities facing children abducted or displaced by Russia are outlined. Kasyanova explains how vulnerability, trauma, disrupted family ties, and ongoing militarization shape children’s experiences under occupation. She details the profound challenges in repatriating minors—especially those placed in Russian adoption systems—and stresses the need for international mechanisms that remain stalled. She describes emerging trauma patterns, barriers to psychological recovery, and the careful, child-led approach needed for reintegration. Throughout, Kasyanova emphasizes resilience, documentation, and global responsibility for accountability and child protection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Darya Kasyanova, a leading Ukrainian child rights advocate, chair of the Ukrainian Child Rights Network, and program director of  SOS Children’s Villages Ukraine. For more than a decade, she has worked in deinstitutionalization, family-based care, and emergency protection for children affected by Russia’s war against Ukraine. Since 2014, she has coordinated evacuations from frontline regions, and after the 2022 full-scale invasion, has become a central public voice on the deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children. Your network’s recent research shows that most abducted children come from already vulnerable families. What does this change? How should Ukraine and its partners design prevention and repatriation strategies?

Darya Kasyanova: You asked me about vulnerable families and children, and how we can prevent deportation or deinstitutionalization, because in some situations, this is a crime against children. I’m tired because I have many tasks, and today they returned small boys from the occupation. All night, we were in communication with our team, our volunteer team. 

In some situations, these are vulnerable families, and they return these children from occupied territories or from the territory of Russia. But what are vulnerable families in our situation? Very often, it is a family that lost their home, that lost relatives, and they try to live in a new situation, in new communities, or in a new oblast. It is not reintegration. It is integration, because it is an entirely new situation for them.

When children return to this family, in some situations, it brings many new challenges for the family and the child due to a long period of absence and living without parents. In some situations, these children have questions for their parents—why they stayed in occupied territory or in some institution, where their parents were during this time. Very often, the mother or father works in another territory, while the children live with their grandmother. On the first day of the invasion, parents could not return to this village, to a city like Kherson, or to territories in the Kharkiv region to take their children.

If we speak about children who were returned in the first months, parts of the Kharkiv region were under occupation from the first day of the whole invasion, but we returned these children in October 2022, together with their parents. And this is one modality of our work.

But when we speak about returning children after four years of being in the occupied territory or in the territory of Russia, there is a big gap between the parents and the child in their communication. It is essential to involve our specialists, such as mediators and psychologists from our organization, in working with the family and the child, because we need to build a new relationship between the parents and the child. It is not easy in some situations, especially when we speak about teenagers. Most of the children our team returned are teenagers. We also have cases with small children, and the youngest child is eight months old.

But with infants, it is easier because they do not remember what happened, and it is important to be with the mother and the family. With teenagers, it is a tricky situation. We prepare parents for conversations with their children and explain why the children were left in an unsafe environment. You may have heard that deportation, or being kept in Russian territory, is only one circumstance in a larger set of harms.

For example, we returned a 10-year-old boy who saw how his mother was killed in 2022. Or we returned a girl—14 years old—and she was raped by a Russian soldier. These are terrible situations. When we return children to relatives or to parents, sometimes the children think first about whether it is necessary to explain anything to their relatives, or how to speak about these terrible experiences with their parents. Often these children are wiser than their parents, because they try to understand whether it is a good time to discuss these questions, or whether they need to wait and prepare their parents or grandparents. And sometimes they decide they do not need to talk about it with their relatives now—or even later.

We work at SOS Children’s Villages and with our partners, because we implement this project together. These are NGOs with long experience in social work. We supported families, foster families, and children without parental care before the whole invasion. We try to replicate this experience in supporting children who were deported or forcibly displaced. We also work with children from institutions, and in some situations, it is a very similar process—whether we speak about returning a child from an institution or returning a child from deportation. The reintegration process is very similar.

We see that the model of behaviour of these children is similar, and the trauma markers are similar. These children are very much like children who lived a long period in institutions, in closed institutions without parental care, without the ability to communicate with or see their parents for long periods.

Jacobsen: It is impossible to get children back once they enter the Russian adoption or orphanage system. What are some of the hurdles there—the choke points for children entering that system, bureaucratic or legal? What are those bureaucratic and legal choke points that are hard to resolve, which result in children getting lost in the Russian system?

Kasyanova: If we speak about institutions, maybe it is not such a problem, because if a child is in the institutional system, the most important thing is that we have information about these children. In some situations, when we speak about children aged 6, 7, 10, or up to 18, they can communicate with other children and often use social media. So it is possible to find them. We can also find these children through our social system.

But if we speak about small children and about adoption, it is tough to find them and to identify them. According to Russian legislation—and this legislation is similar to Ukrainian legislation—when a child is adopted, the adoptive parents have the right to change the child’s name and date of birth. That makes finding these children very, very difficult.

We have cases when children were placed in Russian foster families. That is different, because foster care is not adoption. In foster families, children keep their names and their dates of birth. When these children have their own families—parents—and the parents try to find them, these children are teenagers. We returned these children together with their parents.

But the Russian foster families were against returning these children. It was a long, complicated process. The parents informed Maria Lvova-Belova, and only after involving this official were the children returned home.

But when we speak about adoption, it is a big challenge for us to identify these children. In 2022, the information about our children who appeared on Russian online adoption platforms often stated that these children were from the Kherson region, Donetsk region, or Luhansk region. We tried to identify these children and collect information from our social services. But now Russia has completely changed this information.

If a child is from the Luhansk region but is now in Taganrog, the place of birth will appear as Taganrog, not the Luhansk region. This is a big problem. We cannot return children who were adopted. Maybe only when they grow up and want to know something about their origins. But now it is not easy. Even if we involve third countries or international organizations in this process, it would still be tough.

Jacobsen: What does Russification of children look like in practice? How have their tactics evolved during the war? 

Kasyanova: In some situations, it is not exactly right. It could be more about teaching children to hate Ukraine. We have cases of children who lived in Mariupol and spoke Russian but loved Ukraine. They wanted to live in Ukraine. When they were deported to Russia, they first heard from adults that Ukraine does not exist, that Ukraine is not a country, that Ukraine does not exist at all, and that our language is foul. These children were told they did not need their parents; they did not need their country.

After that, there is powerful propaganda about Russian traditions, Russian values, the idea of Russia’s greatness, and much militarization. Even small children in school sing Russian patriotic songs and take part in competitions with a military focus. There were many meetings with veterans of the Russian war, and the children who spoke with our team described them extensively. It becomes a new reality for them, a new everyday life.

Yesterday, my colleagues wrote in our chat that they returned children who spoke about school in the occupied territory of Kherson. In school, they met Russian soldiers. The soldiers asked the children, “Do you like to kill people? Do you think about killing people?” It is terrible. These questions were asked in front of teachers and children, and the discussion was treated as a normal one.

That is why I cannot say it is only about Russification. It is about militarization and indoctrination. I know many cases when children spoke Russian, but after returning to Ukraine from the occupation, they began studying Ukrainian and now speak only Ukrainian. It is like a trauma connected with the Russian language. It is not a simple problem; it is a real trauma for these children.

Jacobsen: How do you communicate this in collaboration between NGOs, Ukrainian state bodies, and international actors? What patterns meet the legal threshold for war crimes against children?

Kasyanova: Our team returned the first children in June 2022. After that, I was in communication with the International Criminal Court and its investigators. We had meetings with representatives of the Red Cross, the UN system in Geneva, and other international and humanitarian organizations that have a mandate to return children from deportation.

We discussed how to increase the number of children returned and develop a more effective repatriation mechanism. They said they were developing this mechanism, but we have already been waiting 4 years for it. We also share our reports, research, and cases of children who were returned, because all these cases must be documented and included in international reports. Many see that children who returned through our team have become advocates for other children at the international level. This is important because there are often questions suggesting that perhaps it is acceptable for Ukrainian children to remain in Russian families, and that they are. I am not sure that is true. It is a very different and strange approach, especially when all these countries—Russia, Ukraine, and others—have ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is not easy to explain.

We have excellent collaboration with other international organizations, for example, Save the Children, Tdh Lausanne (Terre des hommes), and Ukrainian organizations.

We collaborate with Save Ukraine and our government because, in some situations, it is tough to return children without the support of state authorities. We need to prepare documents, and sometimes that involves verifying kinship when we’retalking about relatives and children. Of course, we inform and share all information with UN agencies. It is important.

Jacobsen: What happens to the children who come back—their sense of the world, their perception? What happens with their worldview?

Kasyanova: It depends on the situation. We have returned about 300 children, but I cannot say their picture of the world is destroyed. No. They are influential young people. In some situations, I do not understand where they find the strength to continue living.

First, we provide them with social support. Only after that can our specialists—psychologists and others—begin their work. In many cases, children do not work with psychologists at first. I understand this because it is about trust and building trust.

For example, when we returned a 16-year-old boy in 2022—he had been raped in a Russian institution—he was only ready to talk about it with a psychologist three years later. It was his decision, without any pressure from specialists. But throughout that time, our team supported him with education, medical services, repairs to his apartment, and exam preparation.

Today, there is much more mental health support, and it is becoming a new trend in Ukraine.

Kasyanova: For Ukraine, these are complicated cases, and we need to be very careful when offering help to children. These children must have the possibility to choose their specialists. In some situations, for example, we have only two psychologists. But sometimes a psychologist may not be suitable for a child.

Very often, I have cases like a girl who was returned from Lipetsk, Russia. She had been deported, and her mother is a Ukrainian service member. She said she did not like our psychologist because the psychologist reminded her of a teacher from a Russian school. We need to take all these peculiarities into account. We involve other specialists, but only when the child is ready. That is very important. When they do not want to share or talk about their life in occupation or deportation, it is not effective. We need to maintain a connection with these children, because they open up over time.

Now we are more prepared. In 2022—and I mean, I have been in the war since 2014 because I was responsible for evacuations in the Luhansk region—in 2014, trauma and war were something new. Now we have many specialists with many methodologies. But we want to use more evidence-based and practical approaches. Still, this is not the basic need. Basic needs are safety, food, and clothing. Only after that can we offer psychological support. It is step by step.

In some situations, it can take a very long time for a child to be ready.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time, and I hope you have a good rest of your day.

Kasyanova: Thank you, Scott. Thank you very much.

Jacobsen: Have a nice day. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

AI Chatbots, Therapy, and Trust With Dr. Peter J. Favaro

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/19

 Dr. Peter J. Favaro is a New York–based forensic psychologist and international custody evaluator with more than 40 years of experience in over 6,000 high-conflict divorce and criminal cases. A pioneer in applying artificial intelligence to healthcare, he presented early work on AI in medicine at a 1984 Harvard world conference and later created Activision’s landmark life-simulation game Alter Ego. He is the creator of the Bad People Bible program and AI coach, author of numerous books on conflict, parenting, and relationships, and executive director of SmartParenting: The Family Center and founder and CEO of the Center for Improved Human Relationships.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Favaro about the emerging psychological impact of AI chatbots. Favaro argues that chatbots are a new delivery system for self-help, with interactive features that can deepen self-knowledge but cannot automatically replace human therapy. He stresses that outcomes depend on the quality of underlying knowledge bases and human practitioners. Favaro highlights potential distortions of trust and relationships, unresolved ethical and security risks, and the danger of people substituting AI for necessary professional care. He calls for cautious use, local data storage, ongoing professional debate, and careful regulation globally.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the psychological impact of people forming bonds with AI chatbots?

Dr. Peter J. Favaro: We cannot pretend to know the answer to this question because the technology is new. What we DO know is that knowledge about the self gained by listening to audiobooks or by reading traditional books can be extremely useful, even life changing. AI is just a modern delivery system for self help knowledge. The difference, however, is the interactive component and the ability to follow up, track and journal. People want to know if this can replace traditional therapy. That depends on the quality of the traditional practitioner. If the presumption is that all therapists are competent, that is wrong. Quality of care is a big question mark in mental health treatment.

Jacobsen: How chatbot interactions may shape or distort social relationships and trust in human communication

Favaro: Chatbot interactions are just like everything else — they output information from a knowledge base that is solely dependent on what humans put into it. I have been developing “expert systems” for the past 40 years. AI chatbots do not arise from nothing. They have to synthesize expert information from reliable sources.

Jacobsen: The broader societal consequences of relying on AI for advice, companionship, or decision-making

Favaro: Again, this can’t be known at present. This is wholly reliant on the quality of information in any knowledge base. Greater self knowledge, especially that which helps people understand the consequences of their decision making is likely to be beneficial to self and society. All of this is reliant on the knowledge and how it is distributed through the AI algorithms.

Jacobsen: Security and ethical risks tied to the influence of AI chatbots on personal and public opinion

Favaro: Security is always a concern. One way to address this is to avoid cloud storage of personal information. I believe that local storage on a single devise is the best approach right now. As far as the ethical risks, we are not in a place where apps can promise results or substitute human interactions for AI. We should consider AI to be a useful adjunct to traditional therapy, and emphasize that any inclination of self or other harm should be dealt with by appropriate referrals to appropriate agencies. This is easier said than done. We do not know how many people will rely on AI because they refuse to seek competent professional help. It is a real dilemma. We need to discuss issues like this in professional forums while this type of AI is in its infancy.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Peter.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Anastasiia Romashko on Ukrainian and Diaspora Journalism, and Resilence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/19

Anastasiia Romashko is a Ukrainian journalist and media professional whose career spans radio, social media, and television production across Ukraine, Switzerland, and Canada. She began in the press centres of the Ivan Bohun Military Lyceum and the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, covering defence, education, and international economic cooperation. During the full-scale war, she returned home, training live on local radio and hosting programmes that highlighted volunteers and civic resistance. After moving to Canada, she joined Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network, where she works across content creation and assistant production, focusing on community information, social impact projects, and diaspora engagement.

This interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen traces Anastasiia Romashko’s path from student internships in Ukrainian press centres to her current work with Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network in Canada. She reflects on learning the craft of live broadcasting in a small hometown radio station during the full-scale war, when she reported on volunteers, defence efforts, and local civic life. Romashko then compares academic training in Kyiv and Zurich, explains her shift into social media management and assistant production, and describes projects that support newly arrived Ukrainians. Throughout, she highlights resilience, community service, and the distinctive sensibilities of Ukrainian and diaspora media cultures in her practice.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How long have you been involved in media?

Anastasiia Romashko: I finished my studies six years ago. When I completed university—and even during my studies—I had already begun working in media. I have been involved in media for approximately six years.

My first experience was through internships in the military education system. The first place was the Ivan Bohun Military Lyceum, where I interned at the press center. I covered various events and activities at the Lyceum, including matters related to the Armed Forces as well as the students’ education and daily life. After that, I spent some time at the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, again working in the press center. That role focused more on international relations between countries.

Different countries presented proposals to Ukraine to develop manufacturing and related sectors, and I covered these initiatives for a period of time. Then the COVID-19 pandemic began, and I had to move. After COVID, we faced the full-scale phase of the war. When the full-scale invasion started, I moved back to my home city. I was not very occupied there, so I decided to look for practical media work, especially since my studies mostly involved internships and I wanted real professional experience in journalism. The only real option in my hometown was the local radio station.

I had no prior experience in radio, so it was my first time working in that format. I sent them an email with an audio recording we had made for a media class at the university. In the email, I wrote that I was looking for practice, an internship, or any available work. I attached my recording and said they could listen to it, and that I was open to volunteering or working, depending on what suited them. They replied within a couple of days and invited me for a technical interview. 

I went there. It is a small radio station—the only one we have in my hometown. It covers the city and parts of the Cherkasy region. It was a very enjoyable experience for me because I had never worked at a radio station before. The team consisted mainly of the owner and founder, Vitaliy Slobodianyk, and the main host, Nataliia Zhyrna under the pen name Viktoriia Solodka. They effectively became my teachers; they taught me how to think and work in a live broadcasting environment. 

I began by doing live broadcasts, mostly covering the morning and daily news. As I became more comfortable speaking live—knowing that everyone in the city could hear me in their cars or at home—we created a couple of morning programs. In these programs, we invited guests for interviews and discussions: politically engaged people from the region, activists, and volunteers. 

This was during the war, so our main focus was on war-related events and on people supporting the defense effort and helping civilians. It was a meaningful experience for me, and working at the radio significantly improved my confidence in live public speaking.

Jacobsen: Would you consider the live experience or the academic training to be more important to your development as a journalist?

Romashko: I tried to catch everything from every side. It is always better to hear from different people, because if you know someone, they will definitely be more loyal to you than someone from outside. It is better to hear each person, make your own conclusions, and compare. I was open to criticism.

After the radio, I decided to go to Switzerland to study because my university had an exchange program. It was technically my fourth year. In my final year, I moved to Switzerland and studied at the University of Zurich.

We had almost the same program there as in Kyiv—journalism and media communication. I had classes once in the morning in Zurich and then again in the evening in Kyiv. If I contrast studying in Kyiv and in Zurich, I would say that in terms of information, Zurich gave less theoretical content. What I really liked, however, was that they used more modern examples, books, and materials—things you can genuinely use in journalistic work. Back home, the university focused more on foundational basics that you should definitely know, but you may not apply them in real professional work.

When I finished studying, I decided to move to Canada. At first, I did not look for media jobs because I was overwhelmed by the need to find a “real job” that fit me. During that time, my friend Denis found a job at a Ukrainian media outlet here—Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network. He asked whether I wanted to join, but I was not sure, because it is difficult to compare two different jobs and decide.

When I started researching the media landscape here—what they do and how they work—I remembered that when we were planning to move to Canada, my first thought was that maybe I could find something similar to what I had back home, like a radio station. I really like the radio. It is the kind of media I enjoy working in; it does not bore or tire me. It feels natural to me.

So I checked whether there were any Ukrainian radio stations in Canada. When you search for Ukrainian radio in Canada, you find Kontakt Ukrainian Radio. Unfortunately, it closed a couple of years ago, but the website had not been updated, so I thought it still existed, though it does not.

When I finally decided to join Kontakt, I actually started as a social media manager. Well, first I started as a reporter, because I prepared a couple of reports for them. But I am not a fan of being on camera, so I looked for something more suitable and interesting for myself within the media sphere and the television network. I talked to the producer, Uliana, and she offered me the role of social media manager. I would be responsible for Instagram, videos, reels, and similar content. I thought it was a good opportunity to learn something new, especially since I had never worked in social media management before.

It became more interesting for me to create engaging content and to promote different projects or other people’s materials rather than producing reports myself. It was a fun time. I believe the first large amount of work I received was connected to the festival—the Bloor West Village Ukrainian Festival 2024. That was my first experience trying myself as a real content creator and social media manager. We created various videos and promoted the festival on the page. That became my first real success because, in journalism, the usual metric is the number of views, and in the press center, you don’t see how many people read your articles or give feedback.

For the first time, I could see a response from the audience. One of the short Instagram reels received over 8,000 views, and I was amazed that I made something people actually watched. It made me happy.

With time, as I continued doing social media, Uliana began offering me different projects. Eventually, it developed into an assistant producer role because we worked on multiple projects together. I realized it was even more interesting—not necessarily more interesting than social media, but deeper. As a project manager or assistant producer, you are not just doing social media; you combine everything. You arrange the venue, speakers for the conference or event, and interesting personalities, and coordinate the entire workflow. You talk to the host, the reporters, and the guests. It becomes a complete project.

I found this really matched me, because I enjoy organizing things. We created many interesting projects—ranging from entertainment to social events. One example was an event with Andriy Semotiuk, an immigration lawyer. Because so many Ukrainians were arriving in Canada each year, people were overwhelmed and stressed about documents, and the system being so different from Ukraine. They needed support from someone knowledgeable.

We decided to organize a live meeting with him as an interview and a Q&A session. It was the first time we tried selling tickets, simply to cover the basic costs of the rented space, the operators, and technical needs. It was a major project: we created the Instagram advertising videos, the Eventbrite post, arranged everything with Mr. Semotiuk, sold the tickets, gathered people in one place, set up the chairs and tables, arranged the interior, and everything. It was incredibly interesting.

I feel these kinds of projects are socially important because they bring valuable knowledge to people. Of course, we also have projects that are less stressful and more entertainment-focused. Kontakt is a mix of entertainment and social content; not fully serious, but not purely entertainment either.

Jacobsen: What has been your favorite piece to work on in terms of entertainment, and what has been your favorite piece to work on in terms of social commentary or social issues?

Romashko: In entertainment, because I enjoy media and the media space in general, the work does not feel like work. When you do something entertaining, it feels more like a hobby. You do something you enjoy, you create something fun, and you have fun while doing it. When you film, meet new people, and feel that work rush, you feel genuinely engaged. It is a very nice feeling.

For social or political topics, it feels more like my contribution to something important for people right now. There is a difference between the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and the community in Ukraine. Even though everyone is Ukrainian, many here were born in Canada or have lived here for a long time, so their perceptions of the situation in Ukraine differ. Social projects or political highlights on our side help bring them closer to the actual situation and to the current Ukrainian context. That is the main purpose of that work.

Jacobsen: What would be your dream topic to work on, or what events would you most like to attend and report on?

Romashko: For politics, I would not say I am deeply involved in political or social topics. I like attending events for support and engagement, sharing information, and receiving information. But if I were to choose a direction for my own media development, it would likely be something entertainment-related. I would choose larger entertainment projects.

My favorite part relates back to when I worked in the Chamber of Commerce. I really enjoyed everything connected to national development, businesses, manufacturers, and similar topics. I do not know why, but I enjoy listening to it. If I were to create a project, it would probably be something about businesses. It would be interesting to create a series of podcasts or interviews with business owners—to hear their stories, why they decided to open a business, and to understand their paths. That is the kind of large series I would create about successful people.

Jacobsen: Do you notice any differences in reporting styles between North American media and diaspora media operating in North America? Kontakt TV is explicitly dedicated to the Ukrainian community and language, so I imagine there are both similarities and differences between established outlets here and those newly formed within the Ukrainian diaspora. Where do you think those differences originate?

Romashko: You mean in general—North American media compared to Ukrainian Canadian media?

Jacobsen: Something like that. In one sense, it could be something as small and subtle as the way someone greets a guest for an interview, and then how they sit and present themselves. Even what they wear. My superficial understanding is that Ukraine is more of a dignity-based culture. In 2014, the Revolution of Dignity at Maidan reflected something very old in the culture, not something created by the Soviet period. In Canada, people almost pride themselves—not necessarily on indignity—but on being casual about how they dress, speak, present themselves, walk, spend their free time, and so on. I am trying to understand how that broader context seeps into journalistic sensibility—not ethics, because ethics must be consistent—but the sensibility of journalism itself.

Romashko: I would say there is a difference. It is hard to compare Ukrainian Canadian diaspora media directly with all North American media, but in general, when we compare North American media with Ukrainian media, there is a noticeable difference. In Ukraine, they try to make everything look excellent. Everything has to be perfect. It is more of a setup than a natural presentation.

It is more of a staged approach than something spontaneous. Here, people are more relaxed. You can see that on television, in podcasts, reports—people feel more at ease, and that comes through in the media as well. In Ukraine, everything must meet the standard. If in school they teach you to do something a certain way, then you will do it that way. It shows up in clothing, speaking style, tone, everything.

It is stricter, but I am not sure whether that stems from educational differences, behavioral norms, or simply a different mentality. It is probably connected to a different way of living and certain habits we grow up with. Ukrainian media have not changed much in terms of becoming more relaxed. If it is entertainment, yes, people are relaxed. But if it is something serious, like the news, no one will present it in the style of YouTube creators or younger generations. They follow the traditional line. The news must be presented on television in a specific way.

Here, it is different. There are more channels. For example, CP24 is very formal, and others are less formal. There are variations. There are still standards in North America—certain expectations about how reporters present themselves and conduct their reporting—but the range is wider.

It is also a different educational tradition. People show what they were taught. Ukrainians present themselves the way they learned in university and through earlier training. There is not much “free will” in presentation style anywhere; people follow the models they were trained in.

Jacobsen: Any favorite aphorisms or quotes that come from Ukrainian culture and capture Ukrainian sensibilities for you?

Romashko: When I read the question, the first thing I thought of was, “What does not kill us makes us stronger.” Yes, it is not a Ukrainian aphorism, but it is something I associate with Ukraine in general. In terms of the war or even in everyday life, Ukrainians have gone through so much. Especially when you compare young Ukrainians to young people in parts of Europe. Someone might say, “You studied at two universities, you worked several jobs, you traveled,” and then they ask, “How old are you?” And you answer, “Twenty-two, twenty-one, twenty-three,” and they are surprised. It is simply a different style of living. There are many challenges people in Ukraine face constantly—well, not constantly, but often enough. I would say resilience is what defines Ukrainians in general.

Jacobsen: If you had a dream interview, who would it be? Denys said President Zelensky, but he said he has more or less given up on that one.

Romashko: I would say either General Valerii Zaluzhnyi. When he was in his position—when he was responsible for the military—I read so many reports about him while working at the radio: how he developed plans, created backup strategies, and so on. At that time, I thought it would be incredible to interview him. It would be fascinating to hear how he thought in critical situations, how he formed his decisions, and how he navigated the entire military network.

I think I still feel that way because recently we almost had the opportunity to interview him when he was sent to the United Kingdom to serve as ambassador. So I will focus on that, and maybe one day I will have the chance to interview him—not necessarily about his past, but about his current work as an ambassador. We will see.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Anastasiia.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 26: Syria, Iran, Hong Kong, Pakistan

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/18

 Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Irina Tsukerman joins Scott Douglas Jacobsen to dissect intertwined crises: a US raid that killed Syrian undercover agent Khaled al-Masoud, cautious US–Syria coordination, and shifting energy ties among Vladimir Putin, Narendra Modi, and China. She analyzes Iran’s missile tests and sanction-driven economic decline, Hong Kong’s hollowed-out democracy under Beijing, Pakistan’s power struggle between Imran Khan and the military, and the UN Security Council’s first post-war visit to Syria. Across cases, Tsukerman stresses brittle alliances, proxy conflicts, and regimes prioritizing power over citizens’ rights and genuine reform.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So this is for the insiders. We are officially at our half-year anniversary of this series, so congratulations. That is great. Succession. Succession is once a week. There we go.

Interesting: a US raid accidentally—essentially, we do not usually use these terms, but I think “accidentally” is the right one—killed a Syrian undercover agent who had been working against the Islamic State group, instead of an Islamic State official. It is following up on reportage from October on interim Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, and now neither the US nor the Syrian government is commenting on Khaled al-Masoud’s death. 

The implication is that neither side wants the incident to derail efforts to improve ties. No one wants to explicitly claim responsibility or assign blame because of the geopolitical relationship they do not want to jeopardize right now. Is that normal in geopolitical analysis?

Irina Tsukerman: What specifically?

Jacobsen: The part where there is an accidental killing of an undercover agent rather than a terrorist, and to avoid derailing alliances, the states involved know the facts—whether from Syria or the United States—but do not explicitly assign blame.

Tsukerman: Yes, that happens. The closer the allies, the more likely they are to keep it as quiet as possible. When things run smoothly and coordination is very close, such incidents are more likely to be avoided. But in the case of Syria and the US, they are not exactly allies. They do not have a real alliance, the way the US and the UK, or the US and Canada, do. They do not have integrated intelligence networks. There is a lot of distrust, even if they coordinate certain operations. So it is not surprising that they would not share the names or information about undercover agents with each other. Coordinating some operations does not mean they want to give up independence or that they do not have significant differences in how to conduct those operations.

When you do not know each other’s undercover identities and do not have explicit integration of resources and assets, a tragic accident like that can occur. Then it becomes incredibly awkward, but you also do not want to cause tension or friction, and you certainly do not want to publicize it much, given that it is truly an accident and not deliberate targeting, recklessness, or negligence by one of the partners. Essentially, countries that are further apart—without a long history of coordination, operational integration, or joint operations—are more likely to suffer from these kinds of miscommunications.

Jacobsen: So Vladimir Putin is meeting Modi in India. He is circumnavigating to meet Xi. You would meet Xi first, then Modi. Is there anything going on there regarding Chinese-Russian or Indian-Russian relations, with a focus on prioritizing India right now?

Tsukerman: We are stuck in a bizarre situation. Putin’s meeting with Modi obviously touched on energy. But India has actually been shifting away from Russian energy and more toward the United States lately. Of course, the US remains expensive for India’s needs. The biggest supplier for the time being will be the Gulf states, which creates a bizarre situation for China.

China views India as a strategic rival. At the same time, it is growing its relationship with Russia. Russia is selling LNG to China at a steep discount. But Russia still needs other markets, and India has been a long-time customer. There is not only strategic rivalry between China and India but also outright enmity, alongside the situation with the United States. On one hand, Russia wants India to keep buying its oil and gas to the extent possible. On the other hand, China is not pleased because India is its strategic rival, even though Russia and India have had a long relationship. China actually benefits from India turning more toward other gas sources, as this creates greater Russian dependence on China.

However, all of that is balanced out by the economic reality that India can only go so far given the price ranges, tariffs, and related issues with the United States. So it is a bizarre triangle at the moment.

Jacobsen: Also, Iran has launched a raid with missiles in the Sea of Oman, near the Strait of Hormuz. This involved the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. What were they striking? Their ballistic missiles were part of a significant attack. 

Tsukerman: It is more like a skirmishing follow-up. Iran has been testing its missiles. It is not just a response to anything specific; it is also preparation for potential escalation in the near future with Israel and other countries. We are seeing many shifts in that area. On one hand, the US and Israel are pressuring Lebanon to disarm its border, which is not going very well. On the other hand, Sudan just proposed giving Russia a naval base in the Red Sea, which would help Iran to some extent and also extend Russia’s reach into the area.

Also, the Houthis have sworn off attacking Israel-linked ships for the time being but are refocusing their energies on confrontation with the Saudis. There is a Saudi-UAE rivalry inside Yemen. All of this is essentially distracting from Iran trying to rebuild itself.

Both militarily and through its proxies and alliances in the region, Iran is rebuilding. You also have al-Shabaab escalating, strengthening its ranks, and coalescing with the Houthis and other armed groups in the area. We are seeing signs that there is likely to be a return to hostilities in the Red Sea in the near future, and Iran is very much preparing for that. This exercise is not merely a deterrent.

They meant to send an obvious message. Iran is flexing its muscle just as the US is distracted with various peace processes, none of which are going particularly well. It is no coincidence that the new national security strategy just came out, and none of these issues are really at its center.

It blames Europe for everything that is going on, including having unrealistic expectations of Russia. It shows no focus on Iran-related matters at all, as if Iran is entirely out of the picture, and it reorients the entire direction of US national security toward the Western Hemisphere. That leaves the Strait of Hormuz and other areas of former Iranian influence wide open to a return to Iran’s power-building.

Jacobsen: Hong Kong itself has had an election, which is always presented as a healthy sign. There was also the deadliest fire in Hong Kong in decades. Within a wide range of sectors, in the last five years or so, nearly 40% of incumbents—including household names and notable politicians—have stepped aside this election, while more mainland Chinese business-linked candidates are joining the race. So it looks like a multi-pronged attack on, or influence over, Hong Kong democracy. 

Tsukerman: Hong Kong democracy has become a husk of its former self since China’s takeover. Beijing is essentially taking over everything. The pro-democracy camp has been virtually shut out of elections in recent years. So this is not a brand-new development. There has been a lot of criticism of the fire, but that will not necessarily translate into a pro-democracy or anti-government result. First, because people know the consequences of backing parties that are not even properly represented. Second, because it does not change anything, people may be angry, and justifiably so, but ultimately, China controls this sphere.

By having Hong Kong handed over to it, China can dismiss any claims of external influence and has made it very clear that it plans to reintegrate Hong Kong into its own government structure. At first, it tried to send the message that everything would remain as it was. But it has become undeniable that China never had any intention of doing so. Under Xi, in recent years, it has expedited its takeover of several autonomous systems and is trying to create a system of conformity everywhere. Hong Kong is just one example. This is the future that awaits Taiwan as well, should China ever take it over.

One interesting note to that: UK students apparently are being taught in K–12 schools that Taiwan is actually Chinese sovereign territory, that it literally belongs to Beijing. On paper, that reflects the official UK position—the One China policy—but in practice, that has not been the case for many decades.

Interestingly, the UK is moving closer to China in its educational and ideological views of what it considers China’s sphere of influence. The UK never had Taiwan as part of its own sphere of influence, per se. Taiwan viewed the UK, the US, and other Western countries as potential security partners. Now we are seeing an ideological shift in the other direction. The UK, and possibly other countries, are giving up claims to treat Taiwan as at least a quasi-independent and autonomous entity in favour of adopting China’s position.

With Hong Kong, that happened a long time ago. I have not seen Western countries push for much on Hong Kong. Yes, there have been sanctions related to China’s overreach and its quashing of protests in the past, but there has not been a push to get China out of Hong Kong or stop it from interfering with Hong Kong’s elections or democratic processes. Everyone has essentially accepted the status quo.

Jacobsen: Also in the news: Seoul’s army has labelled the imprisoned ex-leader Yoon Ram Kong “ill” because he criticized the army chief. For those who may not be aware, cyber-terrorism laws are in place, and if you criticize the state, its institutions, or personnel, you can get into serious trouble in Pakistan. The same is happening there, even for former leaders. Any thoughts?

Tsukerman: The situation in Pakistan is exciting because, quite frankly, the populist Imran Khan–aligned faction is no more democratic than the ruling military-aligned elites. It is essentially presenting a different flip side of the same mindset. The Imran Khan faction has been far closer to China, Russia, and to some extent Iran than most other factions within the Pakistani elite. He has had tensions with Saudi Arabia, which the current leadership does not.

Pakistan’s reality is already so dependent on China and, historically, so torn between Iran and the Gulf states, that these shifts back and forth do not fundamentally change the situation on the ground. They only reflect how the population perceives things, but they do not alter the economic factors that have created certain interdependencies. Those interdependencies are complicated to dismantle, no matter who is in power.

Pakistan has had a very long history of cyber interference, regardless of leadership, and a long history of imprisoning prime ministers for corruption. Literally no prime minister has ever finished a full term without either ending up in prison, being forced out of power, or being accused of corruption.

A lot of it is very much real, but of course, it is also used as a political cudgel. Imran Khan’s popularity for “standing up to elites” has not been about being more democratic or more liberal. In many ways, he is far more traditionalist. Even though some of his factions have played the card of potentially normalizing relations with Israel, that has also been the case with other factions inside the government. They have all explored different opportunities for diversifying sources of weapons, cyber technology, surveillance technology, and so forth.

The only thing that makes Imran Khan unique in the general political sphere is that he is seen not as a military figure, but as a popular cricket player who came from the public rather than the military establishment. That is the only significant difference. In everything else, he has kept to the worst traditions of Pakistani political mismanagement. 

The great ideological gravitation toward China and Russia also made him more popular with the Trump administration than some previous leaders, and Trump even lobbied for his release. But that does not change the reality of what Pakistan has been doing on the ground, its security paradigm, or the security problems it has been facing. The cyber crackdowns we are seeing are not new.

They are less about significant changes in the country’s politics and more about a power struggle among different factions. This has created a lot of anger and resentment among the populace because, as I said, Khan’s faction is seen as the non-military faction, closer to the public. But in terms of foreign policy or domestic policy, it has not changed anything about Pakistan at all. It is an image and messaging difference, not a practical difference in governing, political philosophy, or relationships with other countries. It is a stylistic difference more than a real one.

We are seeing that, interestingly enough, it is not the prime minister but the army chief who is now consolidating and expanding power in Pakistan, while Imran Khan is essentially being disappeared, in a way that is stoking public anger. This expansion of power is possibly correlated with rising public outrage over the perceived injustice of Khan’s treatment, the politicization of his fate, and the government and military’s cyber interference.

There is a very real internal friction in Pakistan, but it is not about democracy or better governance. It is simply about factions wanting to be treated equally and people wanting to feel represented by their choice rather than by the military. As for whether that would amount to better elections or better outcomes if Imran Khan were released, that is not necessarily the case. We saw no substantive difference when he was in power. If anything, he intensified some existing problems.

Jacobsen: One last aspect before we take a break and come back later. This is interesting. Two parts in one: following sanctions—new bridge sanctions, economic and otherwise—on Iran, their currency has been dipping to a recent record low, and they are trying to hedge their wealth in various ways. In addition, in the same region, the UN Security Council sent its delegation to Syria for the first time since 1945. That is extraordinary for the latter and consequential for the former. Thoughts on either of those? 

Tsukerman: On the one hand, the UN Security Council’s visit to Syria is necessary. You cannot really evaluate the changes occurring in Syria—or whether they are truly occurring—without a physical visit. The fact that there is a change even to be discussed is self-evident. Obviously, Assad is no longer there, so the UN must see to what extent the institutions are changing, whether the new government is a distinction without a difference, or whether it is genuinely different.

On the other hand, this visit alone will not allow the UN to appreciate the changes fully. It will depend on how thorough they are and how honest the government is. Will the delegation follow government policy and local handlers, or will they be free to explore, meet with diverse communities, travel throughout Syria, and speak to a range of voices to understand the complex reality? I am sure the government will try to cover up and hide certain matters—not just the lack of economic progress, but also various security issues and the fact that some Assad loyalists are being reintegrated into the government apparatus. That includes not only security officials who never left, but also political leaders being returned to a new hybrid regime.

The value of the visit will depend on how honest the UN delegation is with itself, how willing it is to challenge the Al-Shar’a people, push for real answers, and explore beyond the narrow frameworks the government will present. It will also depend on whether this sets up return visits and a real fact-finding mission—or whether this is merely a symbolic opportunity to grant the new government legitimacy and show that “things have changed” without any real follow-through.

Quite frankly, the UN has not been the best at these things for a long time. There is a lot of pressure from the Gulf States, from Turkey, and even from the United States to move on quickly, to give a stamp of approval so everyone can proceed to reconstruction, economic opportunities, corridors, regional integration, and all the benefits expected from Syria’s reintegration with the international community. I am not sure a rush is justified given the security and human-rights incidents, the reports on the ground that extremists are operating checkpoints, and the contradictory reports on Al-Shar’a’s handling of the situation. It is unclear whether his opportunism will translate to anything more than tactical alliances with the West—alliances that will be abandoned as soon as he gets what he wants: removal of all sanctions and the funding needed for Syria to function more like a state and less like a patchwork of conflicting municipalities and regions. By the way, it has been like that since the Ottoman Empire; it has never truly been a solid, unified state.

There is an attempt to force centralization by Al-Shar’a, by Tambaric, and certainly by Turkey, with backing from some Gulf countries. But that does not necessarily have the support of local communities. Now, as far as the Iran sanctions fight, that should come as no surprise. Rather than taking the opportunity to reevaluate its strategy, given the climate change and ecological disasters it is facing—

Given that Iran’s nuclear program has suffered severe setbacks after UN strikes, after its military has been left in ruins, and after confrontations with Israel; given that its proxies across the region have been decimated and severely weakened — rather than taking this opportunity to focus on rebuilding its economy and proving its usefulness to its own citizens and to the region, Iran is actually rebuilding its military and nuclear program. It is sending aggressive external messaging and trying to restore its previous image as the regional scarecrow, rather than doing anything beneficial for the people living within its own borders.

That should come as no surprise, because the leadership of Iran has not changed as a result of these events, nor have they learned any meaningful lessons other than possibly improving their intelligence and counterintelligence apparatus. That will not make them more popular. They are deliberately repeating the same mistakes and problems. Their ideological focus has not changed.

I think it was a tremendous mistake for the Trump administration to stop Israel from putting an end to the current leadership and at least forcing the country to begin some reevaluation of its institutions and leadership. So long as the current people in power remain in power, we should not expect any dramatic changes. We should expect them to continue doubling down even as the economy crashes and people continue to suffer. As long as the policies do not change, we will not see anything new.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Trust, Soft Power, and UNESCO: Dr. Elika Dadsetan on Repairing U.S. Credibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/17

Dr. Elika Dadsetan is the CEO and Executive Director of VISIONS, Inc., a Boston-based nonprofit that equips individuals and organizations with the tools to build inclusion, trust, and belonging. Since 2020, she has led efforts to translate behavioral and social science into everyday practice, helping workplaces and communities reduce conflict, strengthen communication, and repair trust between institutions and the people they serve.

Her commentary explores themes such as grief, rest, and institutional distrust, offering no-shame, no-blame frameworks and community-centered strategies for connection. With a background spanning law, social work, and global humanitarian and development work, Dadsetan supports teams and leaders build and deepen (and heal) relationships, and to co-create norms that sustain well-being, dialogue, and shared accountability. She champions practices that honor lived experience and nurture both personal and collective resilience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any quick primer information relevant to the discussion today?

Dr. Elika Dadsetan: Drawing on my background in law (JD), social work (MSW), and education (EdD), and more than a decade of work with UN agencies and INGOs in global development, I approach questions of international engagement through VISIONS’ Four Levels: personal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural.

At every level, our model reminds us that feelings are messengers: emotional responses like frustration, pride, or fatigue are not obstacles to understanding but instead signals of where trust, belonging, or fairness have been disrupted and where repair is possible.

Jacobsen: How might the U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO affect its long-term credibility?

Dadsetan: From a governance standpoint, repeated exits and re-entries from a founding member undermine the institutional and cultural trust that credibility depends on. These actions tell other nations that the U.S. commitment to multilateral cooperation is conditional, not continuous.

Through the VISIONS lens, the global disappointment or skepticism such moves generate are data revealing the desire for stability, partnership, and follow-through. Restoring credibility begins with acknowledging that emotional truth before offering policy fixes.

Jacobsen: What practical consequences might U.S. disengagement have on UNESCO programs?

Dadsetan: Practically, U.S. disengagement means funding gaps, delayed projects, and shifts in influence toward other powers. It slows the work on global education, culture, and science, the very areas that support collaboration and peace.

VISIONS’ framework reminds us that institutions rebuild trust through feedback loops, showing what was heard and what has changed. If the U.S. wants to minimize harm, it can continue supporting field programs through NGOs, universities, or city partnerships, ensuring that affected communities still see responsiveness and shared accountability.

Jacobsen: How does soft power relate to trust?

Dadsetan: Soft power is the ability to attract and inspire through values, credibility, and care, rather than coercion. It is essentially institutional trust made visible.

When that trust erodes, people and nations alike rely more on emotional intelligence, reading signals of humility, reliability, and relational intent. As we teach in VISIONS, trust grows when proximity and accountability replace (or at least also include) prestige and performance (or rather, more of a both/and). The U.S. can rebuild soft power by consistently showing up, listening, and modeling collaborative correction, the “we got it wrong, here’s what we changed” approach.

Jacobsen: What role can civil society organizations like VISIONS, Inc. play in maintaining cross-cultural dialogue?

Dadsetan: Civil society is where relational repair happens when political relationships falter. Organizations like VISIONS can:

Convene across ideological and cultural lines using structured dialogue grounded in mutual respect, shared values, and psychological safety.

Train local messengers (educators, journalists, community leaders, like local faith leaders) in tools for cross-cultural communication and conflict transformation (and overall relationship building and healing/restoring).

Model co-design: including all affected voices in program creation and evaluation, demonstrating accountability beyond bureaucracy (and collaboration/co-creation).

These actions work across all Four Levels of Change: cultivating personal awareness, interpersonal empathy and relationship building/deepening/healing, institutional fairness, and cultural humility.

Jacobsen: How might the U.S. absence reshape the balance of influence?

Dadsetan: Influence flows to whoever shows up consistently. Without U.S. participation, UNESCO’s cultural and science agendas will increasingly reflect the priorities of other global actors, including China and the EU.

From a social justice perspective, this shift is not inherently negative; it opens opportunities for Global South leadership, AND, it also risks reinforcing new power imbalances if not intentionally inclusive. The U.S. can still act as a partner, not a patron, by amplifying underrepresented voices through education and cultural exchange rather than directive policy.

Jacobsen: UNESCO’s cultural heritage programs often intersect with Indigenous and spiritual traditions. What message does withdrawal send to those communities?

Dadsetan: Withdrawal sends a painful message of inconsistency, especially to communities that have fought for decades to have their heritage, languages, and sacred sites recognized.

In VISIONS’ terms, these communities’ disappointment and anger are reminders of historic exclusion and extractive partnerships. Repair means honoring free, prior, and informed consent, supporting community governance of heritage sites, and ensuring funding and decision-making power remain close to those most affected.

Jacobsen: How does UNESCO’s climate and sustainability agenda connect to the broader idea of climate justice?

Dadsetan: UNESCO’s approach links science, culture, and education, the three pillars needed to move from technical adaptation to equitable transformation. It asks, “Who decides, who benefits, and whose knowledge counts?”

From the VISIONS model, climate action must engage all Four Levels of Change:

Personal: cultivating awareness of consumption and privilege;

Interpersonal: strengthening local and cross-border solidarity;

Institutional: embedding equity and transparency in funding;

Cultural: valuing Indigenous and ancestral ecological knowledge as science AND folklore (as an example).

My work in humanitarian contexts has shown that sustainable adaptation begins when policy meets story, and when lived experience is treated as expertise.

Jacobsen: What would a constructive re-engagement look like if the U.S. were to reconsider?

Dadsetan: Re-engagement must start from humility, not nostalgia. A trust-repair stance means:

Acknowledge harm from prior withdrawals (and other decisions’ impacts) and the uncertainty they caused.

Meet financial and ethical obligations without delay.

Create visible feedback loops (public dashboards showing what changed based on member-state and community input).

Center co-leadership with educators, artists, Indigenous leaders, and youth (those who hold the moral imagination for shared futures).

Institutionalize accountability through bipartisan agreements that protect participation from domestic political swings.

VISIONS calls this moving from avoidance to engagement, not through blame/shame, and instead through transparent, sustained relationship. Trust isn’t rebuilt by statement; it’s rebuilt by steady behavior.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Elika. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 17: Partnership Models, Human Futures, and Cultural Transformation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/16

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this wide-ranging conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler discusses the core differences between domination and partnership models and why fragmented worldviews hinder our understanding of social systems. She explains how her framework of relational dynamics reveals overlooked drivers of culture, from childhood environments to gender norms. Drawing on archaeology, neuroscience, and history, Eisler highlights evidence for earlier egalitarian societies and emphasizes the need for new stories that celebrate cooperative human potential. They explore how people shift toward partnership values, the cognitive barriers they face, and why cultural narratives must evolve to prevent humanity from repeating destructive patterns.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Between a domination and a partnership model, something that comes to mind is how we acquire knowledge, how we integrate knowledge, and how we use knowledge. What is the big difference between partnership and domination models—knowledge acquisition, attainment, and use?

Riane Eisler: The difference between the conventional way we’re used to thinking, feeling, and acting—which is very choppy and fragmented—and the partnership-domination social scale is that this scale is based on a whole-systems analysis. And it’s based on connecting the dots. If you only look at part of a system, you don’t see the whole system. So I had to introduce and develop my own method of analysis, which I called the study of relational dynamics. This methodology focuses on relationships: What kinds of relationships does a particular social system support or inhibit? And, second, what is the relationship between the major components of social systems that mutually support each other? That led me to the understanding that our old social categories fragment our consciousness. East–West and North–South focus on geography. Capitalist–Socialist focuses on economics. Left–Right focuses on politics. There have been regressive, repressive, awful societies in every one of these categories. And all of them either marginalize the majority of humanity—women and children—or, as in some religious ideologies, claim that this is how God and nature intended it to be: rigid gender stereotypes and the ranking of male and masculine over female and feminine. 

We’ve all grown up with this. This is not a question of men against women or women against men. It is certainly not a question of shaming or blaming. It is a question of taking the scales off our eyes and looking at the whole system. And yes, looking at relationships. 

We are now in a period of global regression to domination, which is a reaction—I cannot emphasize this enough—to movements during a period of massive disequilibrium, as the Industrial Revolution, beginning in the late eighteenth century, went into high gear over the following centuries. Movement after movement, organized social movements, all challenged the same thing: domination. But it requires a whole-systems view to understand this. The movement against the rule of kings over their subjects, the rule of men over women and children, the rule of a “superior race” over “inferior races,” and, ultimately, the environmental movement challenging human dominion over nature—over everything that moves on this Earth—are all connected. We’re not used to connecting the dots.

As for knowledge aquisition, in my book Tomorrow’s Children, I emphasize repeatedly what I recommend as a partnership education for the twenty-first century, both formal and informal. That means weaning us from violent entertainment. It is better than the Roman circus in its audiovisual sophistication, but it accomplishes the same thing. It normalizes violence, just as violence is normalized by violence in the family—what I call it, rather than “domestic violence,” which gets marginalized immediately. The victims of this violence are mostly women and children, some men, and many boys—many, many boys. That normalizes violence. 

As for knowledge integration, conventional analyses of societies  have left out formative dots, actually huge lacunae: childhood, family, and gender. How these translate into economics, worldview, stories, and language remains invisible to us because we have excluded them. And we do not recognize that a partnership alternative exists, even though so much evidence is coming at us in bits and pieces—again, very fragmented. Archaeologically, for example, Chinese archaeologists recently found a prehistoric society that was matrilineal and matrilocal, dispelling the caveman cartoon of a man holding a weapon in one hand and dragging a woman by the hair with the other. You would think we would connect the dots, but we rarely do. 

Jacobsen: Blinding lacunae—our inability to see that these partnership models are available. What was the reason this Chinese discovery matters?

Eisler: The Chinese discovery is just one in a whole series of findings that arrive in fragments. Archaeological evidence shows, for example, that the handprints in Paleolithic caves were not primarily made by men but by women; the anatomical ratios of finger lengths differ reliably between male and female hands, and the prints match female patterns. Catalhoyuk was peaceful, gender-balanced, and more equitable for roughly a thousand years. We know these things. The data are there. But we do not connect the dots. 

What does this mean for our species, for humanity? For thousands of years—as shown in Nurturing Our Humanity, which I co-authored with Douglas Fry, an anthropologist specializing in peace studies—we lived as gatherers and hunters. We have learned to reverse the phrase, putting hunting first, when actually most of our calories came from gathering, a sphere in which women played a significant role. We also now know that women, including pregnant women, hunted as well. Yet the evidence arrives in such scattered pieces that you must be a generalist to synthesize it—and you need a conceptual frame. That frame is the partnership–domination social scale.

Jacobsen: What do you think is the easiest element for people to integrate when leaning toward the partnership model, and what tends to be the hardest cognitive gap?

Eisler:  It is tough for us to give up our stories, both religious and secular, even though we have inherited narratives that idealize the hero as a killer. Consider The Odyssey: Odysseus still depends on a woman, Penelope, to secure his power and rulership, and the text features influential female figures that offer clues to an earlier cultural layer. Yet his adversaries—Sirens, Charybdis—are portrayed as monstrous females whom he must defeat or outsmart. He uses Calypso and Circe as sexual conveniences. The double standard is already firmly in place. Penelope is idealized for weaving and unweaving her tapestry to fend off suitors, while he freely exploits other women. It is an ethical mess, but we have learned to idealize these stories. We blame Eve or Pandora for humanity’s ills.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite story that most aligns with the partnership model?

Eisler: We are trying to create partnership stories—imagining what such narratives would look like. As we have discussed many times, the alternative to patriarchy is not matriarchy. That is simply the other side of the same coin of domination. The alternative is partnership. 

We want enlightened men and women to take leadership. That is the new hero-and-heroine journey. But we face many obstacles. 

Still, societies have changed before. Five to ten thousand years ago—which is a drop in the evolutionary bucket—our cultural systems shifted dramatically. And now, with nuclear weapons and climate change, we must move toward partnership quickly. But it will require tremendous effort and tremendous creativity—or else a terrible disaster will force the change.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Riane. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

García Sosa & Oliver i Rojo on Gender, Media, and Law in Spain

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/15

Montserrat García Sosa is a Barcelona-based feminist journalist and translator linked to La Independent, Catalonia’s gender-perspective news agency, and the network XIDPIC.CAT–XIPVG. Her work centers on gender equality, media accountability, and the rights of women journalists across Catalonia and the Mediterranean. She has moderated and translated sessions at Mediterranean women-communicators meetings and contributes reporting and analysis for La Independent, including coverage of On Són Les Dones’ monitoring and human-rights risks in Mesoamerica. Earlier, she contributed articles to the book “Els usos del temps en famílies catalanes.” García Sosa connects journalism, activism, and translation to strengthen media practices in Spain. 

Alícia Oliver i Rojo is a Barcelona-based feminist journalist specialized in gender-equality reporting. She co-founded the Associació de Dones Periodistes de Catalunya (ADPC), the Xarxa Europea de Dones Periodistes (XEDP), and the Red Internacional de Periodistas con Visión de Género (RIPVG), and serves as coordinator of XEDP and co-coordinator of the RIPVG. She leads the Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya’s Periodisme Solidari working group. Previously, she wrote and presented RNE-Ràdio 4’s “Dotze estels/Doce estrellas” (1996–2004), the first EU-focused radio program in Catalonia, which she directed. Oliver works freelance on communication, human rights, global migration, and media with a gender perspective. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Barcelona-based feminist journalists Montserrat García Sosa and Alícia Oliver i Rojo link reporting, activism, and translation to strengthen Spain’s media. They describe #LasPeriodistasParamos as catalytic but fragile, sustaining March 8 mobilizations while patriarchy persists. On Són Les Dones audits show opinion spaces remain male-dominated despite TV parity. Spain’s Ley Orgánica 10/2022 improved consent-centered reporting amid misinformation. Professional bodies urge rigorous, non-sensational coverage to counter manipulation. The EU’s 2024 directive mandates measures by 2027; Catalonia already recognizes digital violence. Precarity and wage gaps endure, with parity decades away. Gender-perspective outlets matter, yet limited resources constrain reach; ethics and verification remain paramount.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In 2018, the collective #LasPeriodistasParamos mobilized thousands of women. What durable newsroom changes followed this?

Montserrat García Sosa and Alícia Oliver i Rojo: History teaches us that changes are never lasting. That said, what it did achieve was bringing many women journalists out into the streets to show our rejection of the patriarchal practices in our society. From then on, a whole movement of support was created among women and, in our case, among women journalists. Every March 8th, we continue organizing activities to demand the long-awaited equality in the media and an end to sexist violence, including online violence against women journalists, which, unfortunately, we are experiencing increasingly.

Jacobsen: On Són Les Dones has repeatedly audited women’s presence in opinion spaces, how are things for women in media in Spain?

Sosa and Rojo: Regarding opinion, there is no way forward, especially in major mass media. The larger the media is the fewer women express their opinions (and the same is true in decision-making positions). Opinion continues to be considered a space reserved mainly for men.
As the collective Where Are the Women? points out, the media “continue systematically silencing women’s opinions.” In their latest study on media in Catalonia, conducted last April, the figures they reported are as follows:

29% of women’s opinions in print media

36% in digital press

43% on radio

50% on television, the only medium that is gender balanced.

Jacobsen: Spain’s Ley Orgánica 10/2022 addresses sexual violence. How has this law changed reporting practices?

Sosa and Rojo: We know that any progress in human rights faces an adverse reaction. In the case of women’s rights, this is what we are experiencing right now. It is due to misinformation and the numerous hoaxes spread through social media and far-right media platforms, so-called “pseudo-media”. Rumors such as that there are more sexual assaults today and that these are attributed to the immigrant population, which is completely false, as police statistics show. It is also false that there are more rapes. What is happening is that many more sexual aggressions are being reported today. It is clear that the progress made by feminist and women’s movements, which have been at the forefront of demanding laws and commitments, has made it possible to have a law that takes consent into account and the application of more severe penalties.

Jacobsen: FAPE’s recommendations urge rigorous, non-sensational coverage. Where are the gaps between guidance and practice in journalism?

Sosa and Rojo: Regional journalists’ associations throughout Spain like the Federation of Journalists’ Associations of Spain (FAPE), the Federation of Journalists’ Unions (FeSP), and other regional journalists’ associations, rightly demand the defense of truthful, rigorous, and ethical journalism. This principle is enshrined in the various codes of ethics that govern the profession.

At a time of heightened political tension—a climate that undoubtedly affects citizens and undermines the credibility of both political and journalistic institutions, among others—its relevance is greater than ever.

Truthful, rigorous, and non-sensationalist reporting is the strongest defense against manipulation, demagoguery, and the tide of misinformation. Today, misinformation stands as the greatest threat to both journalism and democracy.

Jacobsen: In 2024, the EU adopted a law combating violence against women. What responsibilities does this place on Spanish media?

Sosa and Rojo: On May 14, 2024, the European Union approved its first directive to combat violence against women. Member States are required to adopt the necessary measures to implement it by June 14, 2027. Spain was already a pioneer in this area with the 2004 Comprehensive Protection against Gender Violence Act, the first of its kind in Europe. The law not only addressed criminal issues but also emphasized prevention, education, and social measures.

In Catalonia, Law 5/2008 on Women’s Right to Eradicate Gender-Based Violence expanded protections by recognizing various forms of abuse—physical, psychological, sexual, and economic. A 2020 reform broadened the law further to include digital violence, which especially affects journalists, politicians, human rights defenders, and LGTBIQ+ groups.

Jacobsen: The APM reports women journalists face precarious work, low pay, and polarization. How does precarity intersect with gender in journalism?

Sosa and Rojo: In today’s patriarchal society, job insecurity and the wage gap continue to exist across many areas of social and economic life, despite the fact that laws formally prohibit them. According to the United Nations, unless decisive action is taken and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is fully implemented, the gender gap will not be closed. Indeed, a report released in September 2024 estimated that it will take 137 years to lift all women and girls out of poverty.

In Spain, the association ClosinGap—formed by 17 major companies dedicated to analyzing the economic impact of gender inequalities—published a report in February stating that “at the current rate, the country will need 37 more years to achieve gender parity.” So it’s not just women journalists who face job insecurity and the wage gap—it’s women everywhere, simply because they are women.

Jacobsen: Outlets with a gender perspective might position themselves as corrective voices, what is their realistic impact?

Sosa and Rojo: Unfortunately, the impact remains limited due to a lack of resources. At a time when technological, economic, and climate crises overlap, it is increasingly difficult for journalism to reach a wide audience. Meanwhile, younger generations are turning away from traditional media such as newspapers, radio, and television. We are living in a time of profound change that will inevitably reshape our profession, for better or worse. However, journalism remains essential. Our duty, guided by the code of ethics, is to verify the facts and resist the temptation to publish the first rumor that comes our way.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, and nice to talk to you again.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1643: Rick Rosner on Trump, Iran, Theology, AI, and the Failures of Modern Judgment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/13

How does Rick Rosner connect Trump’s judgment on Iran, COVID, tariffs, theology, and AI to broader failures in human reasoning?

Abstract

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on Trump’s judgment, the U.S.-Israel war against Iran, political risk, and the costs to Americans. Their wide-ranging discussion ranges from intuition and deception to religion, creationism, identity, technology, architecture, geometry, and AI metrics. Rosner argues that impulsive decision-making, weak expert listening, and overconfidence recur across politics and public life, and that science, metaphysics, and information systems shape modern human experience. 

Trump, Iran, and Political Judgment

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How have you seen the progress of Mr. Trump and the war launched by the United States and Israel against Iran? In legal and geopolitical terms, how is that progressing? What does it cost Americans?

Rick Rosner: I’m just one guy with my under-informed views, but it’s bad for the world. It’s bad for the Jews. There was a lot of antisemitism before this.

And then, according to reporting, Netanyahu pushed Trump hard on confronting Iran, and Trump did in fact join Israel in launching strikes on Iran in late February. It has not turned out to be easy or clean. The Iranian regime is still in place, and the war has not produced regime collapse. It is hard to see how the regime would fall without some far greater military effort, and that would mean a massive escalation in a country of Iran’s size, with Tehran deep inside the country and with the state still controlling major security and military forces.

Also, Tehran is a huge city, and Iran still has the internal security apparatus, the Revolutionary Guard, and the regular military. A lot of the population may hate the Revolutionary Guard, but that does not mean they do not still have the guns and the machinery of repression. So, anyway, it was a bad, stupid move for Trump. His approval did drop after the war escalated. Reuters Ipsos had him at 36% in late March, down from 40% the week before. A lot of conservatives and right-wing figures have criticized the war, and there have been public calls to talk about the 25th Amendment, but that is not realistically happening. Under Section 4, it would require the vice president and a majority of the principal officers of the executive departments, and, if contested, a two-thirds vote of both houses of Congress.

Gas is up sharply. AP reported the national average at about $4.15 a gallon, nearly 40% higher since the war began, and Reuters reported oil up roughly 40% since the conflict disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. That is politically toxic. Republicans hold only a narrow House majority. As of March, the House Press Gallery listed Republicans at 217 and Democrats at 214, meaning the GOP cannot afford much slippage at all if it wants to keep control. So yes, this hurts his chances of holding the House in November, even if the exact seat-loss number is still speculation.

But anyway, Trump put himself in a bad position. He has cost America money, lives, and international standing. It is not COVID-level bad in terms of total domestic disruption, but it does show the same kind of impulsive, high-risk judgment. That is probably the consistency: overconfidence, poor cost assessment, and a habit of acting as though complexity will roll over for the force of personality.

Jacobsen: What are the consistencies in the pattern of judgment in COVID, in this war, and in the tariffs?

Rosner: He thinks what he thinks is correct, even if what he thinks is under-informed. He thought COVID wouldn’t be bad, so his decisions were based on that, at least early on. He thinks tariffs work, so he wasn’t going to listen to anyone who said they can be inappropriate or harmful depending on the economic situation.

Job performance is more mixed than often claimed. There were strong job losses at the end of his first term during COVID, following earlier gains, so the record is not as simple as a single trend line. But the broader point still holds. It is a lot of shooting from the hip, not gathering advice, or not heeding the advice. There is your consistency. Also, being easily influenced by the last person to have his ear.

Trump is known to be swayed, especially when someone tells him what he wants to hear. Regarding the Iran situation, reporting suggests that some around him raised concerns that it might not work, but he has leaned toward the more optimistic scenario. Netanyahu presented a case that aligned with what Trump wanted to hear. Trump, and many others, thought he was going to get an easy victory, that the Iranian regime might collapse under pressure, similar to how the Iraqi regime fell relatively quickly in 2003.

But even in Iraq, there was a large-scale ground invasion backed by a coalition, not just a bombing campaign. That kind of force has not been used here. Iran is larger, more complex, and has more internal capacity to absorb and respond to pressure. So it was unrealistic to expect that it would simply tip over from air strikes alone. So there you go.

Sports, Intuition, and Decision-Making

Another topic: So, the magic number. In times of trouble, many Americans, including me, turn to sports for distraction. It is the end of the NBA season. At the end of a professional sports season, there is a concept called a “magic number.” It is a convenient way to frame things. It is the number of losses by your opponents or victories by the team you support that would guarantee your team a specific outcome, such as a playoff position.

I have been watching the Lakers. They had magic numbers of three and four against their two closest rivals for third place going into the NBA playoffs. Then the Lakers lost key players, which affects their chances, but that is beside the point. The point is how the number works. Against one team, they reduced the number. Against the other team, the Denver Nuggets, on the last day of the season tomorrow, the magic number is two. That means each team has one game left, so the Lakers would need to win and the Nuggets would need to lose.

At that stage, the number is less useful because there are so few games left, but it is still a simple and helpful way to understand playoff scenarios. It is a small piece of math that helps put your team’s chances into perspective.

Trump tends to act impulsively, does not consistently rely on expert input, and does not always gather or weigh expert opinion. There was a segment on a cable news program where an informal online poll asked whether Trump relies more on instinct or analysis. The responses heavily favoured instinct over analysis, which aligns with that general perception.

Jacobsen: Yes. When does gut instinct actually play a useful role in life?

Rosner: Quite often, when you have to make a quick decision about something directly in front of you, and you do not have time to analyze. If you think someone seems sketchy, it may be based on prior information, but often, you do not have time for that. It comes down to how they present themselves and your immediate reaction.

You could break down what contributes to that reaction, but your gut response is your immediate mental processing when something presents itself to your awareness. It is not always a fully formed question. It is a rapid synthesis of cues.

People sometimes talk about the “ick,” a sudden loss of attraction based on something small or unexpected. Comedians use it as an example of how fast and decisive those reactions can be. It is not necessarily rational, but it reflects how quickly impressions can shift.

Social Deviance, Power, and Opportunity

Jacobsen: What role do assholes and liars play in human social life?

Rosner: The role they play is partly defined by their relative rarity. People who repeatedly and deliberately lie about significant matters or engage in large-scale deception are not the norm, which means societies are often not fully prepared to deal with them.

Public discourse over the past decade has included strong criticism of Trump’s business and political behaviour, with some observers describing it as deceptive or manipulative. Whether one agrees with that or not, it highlights how systems can be strained when individuals operate outside expected norms.

I do not always distinguish clearly between terms like psychopath and sociopath, but the broader point is about behaviour that disregards norms and consequences. The constitutional system in the United States was designed with safeguards against abuses of power, but those safeguards depend on norms, enforcement, and political will. In practice, they can be tested.

So the broader role of such individuals is to expose the limits of systems that assume a baseline level of good faith.

Jacobsen: So, easily.

Rosner: So easily, it is one in 30,000.

Jacobsen: I would say, actually, one in 31,560, but with people like that, it is that he was an asshole and a con man, and he had access. There are many gifted people at that level. Socially, he had access to excuse-making and buffers that helped him avoid many failures. For others, such as disadvantaged groups, a single failure can have far more serious consequences.

Rosner: Yes. He had a lot of money to work with, and he is a big blowhard. He was constantly putting himself in the public eye, which served him well. So he is a four-sigma outlier in terms of behaviour, with luck, opportunity, and financial resources that magnify his impact on other people.

Jacobsen: Yes. Like the case of Terence Tao. He is highly gifted and has strong support and encouragement. It is not about underestimating environmental effects. Environmental factors play a role, though genetics also play a significant role. The environmental contribution often shapes the breadth of opportunity and protection.

Rosner: So, about Charles Darwin. He was certainly a world-class genius. Many scientifically oriented people would include him among the greatest thinkers in history. But it would be difficult to argue that he had one of the very top cognitive profiles among all humans who have ever lived. What mattered was that Darwin had the opportunity to go on a five-year voyage, observe global geography, and study biological diversity, which shaped his work.

Jacobsen: Yes, that is a very good point. Many people in history benefited from timing and circumstance.

Rosner: Also, it was a time when the theory was ready to emerge. So it was a combination of genius, luck, and opportunity.

Creationism, Theology, and Metaphysics

Jacobsen: As a quick footnote, what is your interpretation of creationism and intelligent design?

Rosner: My interpretation is that intelligent design is largely an attempt to reframe creationist ideas in more scientific language. As evolutionary theory became more widely accepted, proponents of creationism tried to reintroduce their objections in a more formal framework. Some criticisms of evolutionary theory are legitimate scientific discussions, but many are not. In contemporary discourse, especially in parts of the United States, some groups continue to support traditional creationism directly, without relying on the intelligent design framework.

Jacobsen: And a while ago, you made a strong statement about theology, both on its own terms and in its political use in the United States. Your general statement was very critical. Do you have any thoughts on that now?

Rosner: The point is this. If Christians are going to behave in a genuinely Christian manner, then I am supportive of theology in that sense. Religion is not just a set of beliefs; it is also a set of moral prescriptions. If someone identifies as a Christian, the label matters less than how they act.

Most people do not strictly adhere to every doctrinal detail of their religion, especially in more complex traditions like Catholicism, and this is generally accepted socially. But if someone claims a religious identity and uses it for political advantage while acting in ways that contradict its ethical principles, then that becomes a problem. That kind of behaviour reflects a zero-sum mindset, where one person’s gain requires another’s loss.

That critique applies broadly. If religious identity leads to constructive, ethical behaviour, then it is positive. If it is used to justify harm, exclusion, or exploitation, then it deserves criticism.

Jacobsen: Now you are getting at the more superficial layer around moral teachings, and the more serious issue of whether those teachings lead people to act better, which is what people actually care about. If we take two steps back from actions, one step to moral teachings, and then another step back to the foundational ideas of there being a God, a world, and human beings within it, do those foundations hold up for you? Given evolution, standard Big Bang cosmology, or modified models with multiple expansions, in a naturalistic framework, does that two-steps-back foundation hold any weight? Or is it essentially unsound at the foundational level, even if it leads people to behave better?

Rosner: It does not, at least not in a strong sense. I want science to have a deeper metaphysical foundation. I want science eventually to answer not just how things behave, but why, all the way down to the most basic level. That would amount to a solid foundation, which I call metaphysics, though others might use different terms.

As for religion, the science we already have, and the science we will develop, will likely close off many forms of religious metaphysics. It will rule out or weaken many of the foundational claims behind religious systems.

Jacobsen: So, is theology wrong at the foundational level, even if it can teach people to behave better?

Rosner: Probably, yes.

Jacobsen: Is that a strong “probably” or a weak “probably”?

Rosner: It is a medium, “probably,” because science has a way of overturning what once seemed certain. What looked like clockwork certainty at the end of the 19th century was disrupted by quantum mechanics, and the apparent solidity of three-dimensional space was reshaped by general relativity. So being certain that a creator can be ruled out could itself be mistaken. That is why I say medium.

Jacobsen: I was not asking about certainty, just whether it is a strong or weak “probably,” so you are placing it in the middle.

Personal Habits, Appearance, and Identity

Rosner: Yes. I have a brief topic that is uncomfortable. I have adjusted some personal habits over time.

Jacobsen: Why frame it that way?

Rosner: Because I have ongoing physical issues that require extra attention to hygiene. That means I need to take additional care, and it can affect everyday situations. Over time, I have adapted my habits to be more practical and to reduce awkward situations. That is the basic point.

Jacobsen: Understood. On a different note, you mentioned something earlier. Your hair sometimes appears very white or gray, and at other times darker, depending on the lighting. Why is that?

Rosner: It is not just the lighting. I just got out of the tub, and my hair is darker when it is wet. The lighting may play a role, but it is mostly because it is still wet. The lighting can make me look very pale.

To get back to the topic that came up earlier, I saw a movie last night with Keanu Reeves, Matt Bomer, and Cameron Diaz. It got me thinking. Matt Bomer is a very good-looking guy, and he came out as gay relatively early in his career. I started wondering how much of his life actually revolves around that fact.

Jacobsen: Does he have that effect on you?

Rosner: No, but he is clearly very handsome. My point is that sexual orientation probably plays a smaller role in everyday life now than it did in earlier decades. In the 1930s through the 1950s, if you were gay and closeted, being gay did not necessarily shape your daily routine in visible ways because it had to be hidden. People often conformed outwardly, sometimes even marrying heterosexually, so it was not always a dominant part of day-to-day activity, even if it affected inner experience.

In the 1970s, with movements like gay liberation and broader cultural shifts, sexuality became more openly expressed. Social norms loosened, and people’s identities were more publicly lived.

Now, if you think about someone like Bomer, he may be married, have a family, and lead a routine similar to many other people’s lives. His time is likely spent on work, relationships, media, and daily responsibilities. Sexual orientation is one part of identity, but it does not occupy most of the day-to-day mental bandwidth.

So when we reduce people to a single label, such as “gay,” that is often an oversimplification. Increasingly, people are shaped by broader factors such as technology, media consumption, and constant connectivity. We are all, in some sense, participants in a network of information and distraction, which can dilute the prominence of any single identity marker.

That trend may intensify. Younger generations, especially Gen Z, are deeply integrated with digital environments. Birth rates have declined in many developed countries, with figures below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman. That suggests long-term demographic shifts that may also reflect changing priorities and lifestyles.

I also thought briefly about Laverne Cox, a transgender actress in the film. For transgender individuals, gender identity may require more ongoing effort, especially in presentation and social navigation. However, even in that case, once routines are established, they may not dominate every moment of daily life.

If someone has been living in their identified gender for years and has a stable routine, then much of their time, like anyone else’s, is spent on work, relationships, and media. The proportion of time spent thinking about identity-related factors may be relatively small compared to the broader structure of daily life.

So the broader point is that while identity categories matter, they often occupy less of our moment-to-moment experience than we assume, especially in a world increasingly shaped by technology and constant information flow.

Buildings, Materials, and Future Construction

Jacobsen: Is there a context in which the mastery of material manipulation is such that buildings, even large megastructures, are essentially grown rather than built?

Rosner: Yes, depending on what you mean by “grown.” We can already 3D print buildings. You have probably seen that. There are large printer-like systems that move along the footprint of a structure and lay down layers of concrete-like material incrementally until the building is formed.

You can produce good-looking and highly fire-resistant structures that way. In general, current construction methods feel outdated. We are still building much the same way we did a century ago, and the industry could benefit from disruption.

For example, after large-scale fires, many homes are rebuilt using similar techniques, such as wooden framing with drywall and exterior cladding. These materials remain vulnerable to fire. Even high-end homes often rely heavily on wood, with only partial use of steel for structural support. That is not necessarily ideal.

There are structural reasons for some of these choices. For example, rigid panels help maintain integrity during earthquakes, but those materials can still be flammable. So we continue to rebuild with systems that are not fully optimized for resilience.

In the future, we will likely see more widespread use of printed buildings and robotic construction. Those developments are already underway. If you are asking about something more biological, such as structures grown from seed-like systems that assemble themselves using environmental inputs, that is much further out. That would require advances in synthetic biology and materials science that are still speculative and likely to take a century or more.

There may eventually be environmental advantages to such systems, as biological processes can efficiently draw materials from the surrounding environment. But for now, that remains conceptual rather than practical.

Geometry, Information, and AI

Jacobsen: Let me take a geometric object like a cube. It has eight vertices, six faces, and twelve edges. There is a mathematical structure to those relationships. Informationally, do the vertices, edges, and faces, as defining features of the object, exist as an intrinsic set of information that fully describes it?

Rosner: Yes, in a sense. A cube can be fully defined by a relatively small set of parameters and relationships. The vertices, edges, and faces are not independent in an arbitrary way. Geometric rules constrain them.

In mathematics, you can describe a cube through coordinates, symmetry groups, or topological relationships. Once you define the structure, the rest follows from those constraints. So the information that defines the object is compact and generative. It is not just a list of parts but a set of rules that produces the whole structure.

That is why geometric objects are often used as examples of efficient representation. A small amount of information can encode a large amount of structure.

Leonhard Euler was the one who gave the formula where, for polyhedra, the number of vertices minus edges plus faces equals two. For a cube, you can see how that works. Twelve edges, plus two, relate to the number of faces and vertices. That applies to all polyhedra.

There is an even simpler relationship for polygons, where the number of edges equals the number of vertices. There is probably an analogous formula for four-dimensional shapes, hyperhedra.

Does that contain information? I am not sure. The equation does contain information in the sense that any structure you build will follow those constraints. That can guide you into broader areas of inquiry, where geometry connects with topology and deeper structural questions. But the equation itself does not contain much detailed information. It encodes constraints more than content.

Jacobsen: Do you think there will be an efficient mapping of the distributed weighting of neural networks, or whatever comes next in artificial intelligence, that could be characterized in a similarly efficient way? This connects to your thinking about intelligence and cosmology.

Rosner: I read a lot of commentary on AI, and many competing metrics aim to measure its capabilities and usefulness. Those metrics are not very good. They may not be worse than something like IQ, but they are still limited.

People want a clear way to evaluate whether AI is overhyped, how powerful it is, and how powerful it will become. That requires better measurement. We will eventually develop improved metrics, and they will need to keep evolving as AI advances.

Right now, two AI experts can reach opposite conclusions. One might say it is mostly hype and does not truly think, while another might argue that it already surpasses human thinking in some areas and could become dominant. That level of disagreement suggests that our measurement tools are inadequate.

If we had stronger metrics for both human cognition and AI systems, we would better understand the landscape, including its risks and benefits. There will likely be continued pressure to develop more accurate methods for evaluating AI.

Part of that process will involve monitoring AI systems, often with other AI systems. Even if AI becomes dominant, it will still need internal regulation. Systems will have to monitor other systems to prevent harmful outcomes. In that sense, AI may act as its own form of oversight to maintain stability and continuity.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1642: Oil Prices, Russia’s War, Evolution, and the Science of Longevity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/29

How does Rick Rosner connect oil price shocks, Russia’s war in Ukraine, evolutionary trade-offs, and human longevity in conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner explore how war, energy markets, and biology intersect across Ukraine, Iran, and the United States. They consider whether conflict-driven oil price spikes strengthen Russia’s capacity to continue attacking Ukraine, while also examining drones, political instability, and the strategic role of Iran. The conversation then shifts into evolutionary theory, longevity, reproductive trade-offs, and the difficulty of selecting for lifespan in animals. They conclude with reflections on anxiety, repetitive behavior, aging, and stellar color, revealing Rosner’s wide-ranging, analytical style. The interview moves fluidly from geopolitics to science, grounded in Jacobsen’s reporting perspective from Kyiv. 

Oil Prices, Ukraine, and Air Raids

Rick Rosner: Was that your question, Rick? The price of oil has surged because of the war involving Iran, which has increased energy revenues for Russia. Russia has spent enormous financial resources and a great many lives on its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, now in its fifth calendar year. The question is whether increased oil revenue is helping sustain or intensify Russian attacks.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In Kyiv this spring, the pattern of air raid alerts has been volatile. Some days have multiple alarms, while others have none. On earlier trips, there was usually a curfew from midnight to five in the morning, and Russian attacks often came during that period, using ballistic missiles and, primarily, Shahed-type drones.

Rosner: When you say “Shahed,” that sounds like a drone that originates, at least in part, in Iran.

Jacobsen: Yes, the technology originates in Iran. The term “Shahed” is often used broadly to describe a category of Iranian-designed loitering munitions, particularly the Shahed-136 and related variants used by Russia. Ukrainians joked about calling them “Shahedovs,” adding a Russian-style suffix to the Iranian name.

This appears to be a temporary spike—a wartime surge in pricing that may not last indefinitely. Elevated oil prices help the Russian war effort in the short term, but that advantage is not permanent. Over the long term, energy markets are expected to continue shifting toward renewables.

Rosner: When Americans hear the word “drone,” they often imagine a small quadcopter. You seem to be describing something larger.

Jacobsen: Correct. The Shahed-136 is much larger—closer to a small aircraft than a hobby drone, with a wingspan of roughly several meters. It carries an explosive payload and can cause significant damage. If fires are triggered, the destruction can increase substantially. Recent strikes, including in Lviv, have caused damage in part due to resulting fires.

American Politics, Protest, and Instability

Rosner: We are speaking late Saturday night in the United States and Sunday morning where you are. Today in the U.S., there was another set of “No Kings” protests—thousands of events across the country.

Reports indicate more than 3,000 rallies nationwide, with some international participation. Estimates suggest turnout in the millions, possibly among the largest protest mobilizations in U.S. history, although exact rankings remain uncertain.

At the same time, the United States is dealing with disruptions tied to a partial government shutdown affecting airports. There have been reports of long lines, staffing shortages, and operational strain at airports due to the shutdown. There are also indications of increased U.S. military activity.

There has been a buildup of U.S. forces in the Middle East, including deployments of Marines and airborne units. However, specific claims about readiness notices vary in reliability. What is clear is that additional troops have been positioned in the region. There has been discussion of potential escalation involving Iranian infrastructure, including Kharg Island.

Kharg Island is Iran’s primary oil export hub and a critical strategic asset. It has already been targeted in recent military actions and remains central to escalation scenarios. Any further action involving it would have major implications for global energy markets and regional stability.

Taking or destroying such a target could be framed as a war objective. Trump is under political pressure. Historically, presidents with low approval ratings often face significant losses in midterm elections, sometimes on the order of dozens of House seats, which can shift control of the chamber. Control of the Senate in such cycles is often more competitive.

That said, projections about specific seat losses are uncertain and depend on multiple variables, including district-level dynamics, turnout, and economic conditions. Losing control of the House would constrain legislative priorities, although executive authority would remain substantial.

There are also ongoing controversies and unresolved legal matters circulating in public discourse, though the scope and details of alleged evidence—particularly claims about millions of undisclosed Epstein-related materials—remain unverified in credible public reporting.

Trump is approaching 80 years of age, and critics argue that his rhetoric and decision-making appear increasingly erratic. Others dispute that characterization. What can be said is that there is visible tension within political leadership, and varying degrees of restraint among advisers and cabinet-level figures.

Some observers describe the current moment in the United States as politically unstable or norm-straining, though characterizations such as “dictatorship” are interpretive and debated.

From the outside, especially from a country experiencing a full-scale war, some of this may sound comparatively less severe.

Jacobsen: That is fair. Ukraine has been under sustained invasion for over four years, which puts these concerns into perspective.

Energy Markets and Political Signals

Rosner: Let us turn to the energy question. There is a basic economic point. Rising oil prices can increase revenues for producers. Iran, for example, continues to export oil, including through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route. Higher prices can increase revenue per barrel, even under sanctions, depending on enforcement and market conditions.

There are arguments that allowing some Iranian oil to reach global markets can help moderate extreme price spikes, though this is part of a complex sanctions and enforcement landscape. It is reasonable to say that conflict-driven price increases can, in some circumstances, benefit oil-exporting states, including Iran.

A second indicator often discussed is the number of members of Congress choosing not to run for reelection. Elevated retirement numbers can signal political uncertainty or anticipated electoral difficulty. However, such numbers fluctuate across cycles and should be interpreted cautiously.

Recent cycles have seen dozens of House members and several senators retire ahead of elections, though comparisons to historical records depend on how the data are counted and updated over time. These trends can suggest internal party concerns but are not definitive predictors of electoral outcomes.

There were two separate security incidents involving Trump in 2024. In one case, a gunman fired shots at him during a campaign rally and injured him. In another incident, an armed individual was apprehended by the Secret Service near one of his golf properties before any attack occurred. Events like these understandably create concern.

Jacobsen: It raises broader questions about political stability.

Rosner: Yes, although claims about a president being “the least popular ever” are typically based on selective polling comparisons and depend on timing and methodology. Approval ratings fluctuate, and historical comparisons should be made cautiously.

Evolution, Longevity, and Natural Selection

Jacobsen: Let us shift to a different topic—evolution and longevity. Over roughly 3.5 billion years of life on Earth, evolution has not produced organism-level immortality in complex multicellular life. That is not because evolution “fails,” but because evolution has no goals or intentions. It is not a coherent entity. It is a process in which heritable traits that improve reproductive success become more common over generations.

Rosner: Evolution does not aim for perfection. In many species, especially mammals, selective pressure favors survival long enough to reproduce and, in some cases, to support offspring. Humans, for example, have unusually long developmental periods. Infants are born relatively underdeveloped and require extended care, which likely contributed to evolutionary pressure for longer lifespans compared to many other species.

However, there is little direct evolutionary pressure for indefinite survival. Traits that extend life beyond reproductive usefulness are only weakly selected for, unless they contribute indirectly—for example, through caregiving or social roles, as proposed in hypotheses such as the “grandmother effect.”

Maintaining an organism in peak reproductive condition over long periods is also biologically costly. Energy allocation between maintenance, growth, and reproduction creates trade-offs, which are central to life-history theory.

Consider octopuses. Many species live only one to two years and reproduce once before dying—a strategy known as semelparity. Females often die shortly after tending their eggs. While octopuses are highly intelligent, evolution does not “prioritize” intelligence or longevity; it favors reproductive success within a given ecological niche.

Evolution is indifferent to individual outcomes. It is not a guiding force with intent, but a statistical process shaped by variation, inheritance, and selection. Species that reproduce effectively—even with short lifespans—can be highly successful from an evolutionary perspective.

Rosner: One common reproductive strategy is to produce many offspring with relatively low survival rates. Species such as opossums follow this model. They have high mortality rates due to predation, vehicles, and environmental factors, so producing numerous offspring increases the likelihood that some will survive to reproduce. Despite individual vulnerability, the species persists.

A similar strategy applies to many octopus species. They produce large numbers of eggs, most of which do not survive to adulthood. These organisms are not built for long-term durability because their reproductive strategy does not require it. From an evolutionary perspective, what matters is reproductive success, not individual longevity.

Jacobsen: That raises the question of whether long-lived or even “immortal” organisms exist.

Rosner: There are organisms that approach biological immortality in certain senses. Many single-celled organisms reproduce through division, effectively creating genetically identical copies. While individual cells do not live forever, the lineage can persist indefinitely under stable conditions.

Some multicellular organisms also exhibit negligible senescence. Certain jellyfish, such as Turritopsis dohrnii, can revert to earlier life stages under specific conditions, although this is not true immortality in the strict sense. In addition, some trees—such as bristlecone pines—can live for thousands of years if environmental conditions allow.

However, these cases are exceptions. For most species, there are trade-offs between longevity, reproduction, and resource use. From a life-history perspective, producing many short-lived offspring can be more efficient than sustaining fewer individuals capable of reproducing many times over long lifespans.

If a strategy involving hundreds of reproductive cycles were consistently advantageous, it would be more common in nature. Its relative rarity suggests that, in most ecological contexts, it is not the most efficient use of energy and resources.

There are also biological and logistical constraints on selecting for longevity. Humans, for example, commonly live into their seventies or eighties, with some reaching their nineties or beyond. Research has extended lifespan in model organisms such as worms and mice, but translating these effects to humans has proven far more difficult. Humans already possess many of the physiological mechanisms associated with extended lifespan, making further gains more complex.

Longer lifespans in humans and other primates are associated with extended developmental periods. Human infants are born relatively underdeveloped and require years of care, which likely contributed to evolutionary pressures favoring longer adult survival. This is often linked to the evolution of large brains and complex social structures.

Selective Breeding and Lifespan

Jacobsen: What about selectively breeding for longevity in animals?

Rosner: It is more difficult than selecting for visible traits such as size or coat characteristics. Longevity can only be measured over time, which slows the process. Breeders often rely on long-term observation across generations. Broadly, smaller dog breeds tend to live longer than larger breeds, although there is variation within size categories.

If you are trying to breed for longevity, you can pair individuals from longer-lived lines and observe the outcomes. However, within a specific breed, selecting for lifespan is much more complex than selecting for visible traits. You must breed a cohort, wait several years for them to age, and then identify which individuals came from longer-lived parents. Since older animals are often no longer of breeding age, selection occurs through their offspring rather than the individuals themselves.

This makes the process multigenerational and time-intensive. Unlike traits such as ear shape or coat type, longevity cannot be assessed early in life. It requires extended observation across generations. In that sense, breeding for lifespan is inherently slower and more resource-intensive.

This principle may extend beyond intentional breeding. Even in natural selection, traits linked to longevity require long-term generational feedback, which can limit how strongly they are selected for compared to traits that confer immediate reproductive advantages.

Animals and Habits

Jacobsen: What kinds of animals have you ridden?

Rosner: I have ridden horses multiple times and am comfortable with them. Early experiences can be unpredictable; animals respond to a rider’s confidence and control. I have not ridden animals such as camels or donkeys. There are accounts of ostrich riding in some regions, but I have not experienced that.

Jacobsen: Have your habits changed over time—for example, nail biting?

Rosner: Yes. I used to bite my nails for many years but rarely do so now. One reason is that I keep a nail file on hand, which gives me something to do with my hands and helps maintain short nails.

However, the underlying behavior has not disappeared entirely; it has shifted. Many people exhibit forms of repetitive self-directed behavior—sometimes described as “stimming”—such as tapping, chewing gum, or other actions. In my case, this can involve picking at skin or minor imperfections. It reflects a broader tendency toward repetitive or self-soothing behaviors rather than a single habit.

I still engage in some self-directed behaviors, although I no longer bite my nails as much.

Anxiety, Stimming, and Aging

Jacobsen: Do you think that is related to anxiety?

Rosner: I do experience anxiety, but this behavior is better understood as a form of stimulation—often called “stimming.” It helps maintain focus, particularly when fatigued, through physical engagement. This is commonly associated with people on the autism spectrum, but similar behaviors are widespread. Many people use repetitive actions to stay alert when tired.

My anxiety tends to manifest in other ways. For example, I exercise frequently. When I wake up, I move carefully to keep my heart rate stable. As people age, the body often produces discomfort signals upon waking—not necessarily pain, but stiffness. That can trigger a physiological response, such as an elevated heart rate. I try to keep it from rising too quickly until it stabilizes.

It is also well established that cardiovascular events, including heart attacks, occur more frequently in the morning. Sudden exertion or physiological stress after waking may contribute in some cases.

Stars, Temperature, and Color

Jacobsen: Switching topics—why do cooler stars appear red, while hotter stars appear blue or white?

Rosner: The color of a star is determined by its surface temperature. Cooler stars emit light with longer wavelengths, which appear red. Intermediate-temperature stars, such as the Sun, appear yellowish-white. Hotter stars emit shorter wavelengths and appear blue or blue-white.

In stellar evolution, a red giant is cooler at the surface than a main-sequence star like the Sun, even though it can emit more total energy. This is because it expands significantly. As a star exhausts hydrogen in its core, it begins burning helium and expands dramatically. For example, when the Sun becomes a red giant, its outer layers are expected to extend close to, or possibly beyond, the orbit of Venus.

As the radius increases, the surface area grows substantially. Even if total energy output rises, the energy per unit area decreases, resulting in a lower surface temperature. Star color is therefore a function of surface temperature, which reflects the average energy of emitted photons.

Hair and Appearance

Jacobsen: Do you like having curly hair?

Rosner: It has been fine. Hair has never been a major factor in perceived attractiveness. I have had periods where it looked better or worse. At present, some greying reduces the appearance of thinning. Over time, hair quality fluctuates, but it has not been especially important relative to other factors such as communication or overall appearance.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1641: Ukraine’s War Outlook, Russian Occupation, and the Politics of Information

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/24

How does Scott Douglas Jacobsen assess the military, political, and human rights realities shaping Ukraine’s war with Russia?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen responds to Rick Rosner on the evolving Ukraine war, arguing that logistical failures, communication breakdowns, and battlefield constraints have blunted Russia’s spring offensive. Jacobsen frames the conflict through universal human rights rather than partisan loyalty, emphasizing asymmetries in abuses, the long arc of the war since 2014, and the reform pressures on Ukraine from occupation and European integration. Rosner presses him on Crimea, corruption, living standards in Russia, and wartime change. The discussion then widens to include childbirth, cosmology, scientific skepticism, misinformation, and how people persist in believing in profitable nonsense.

Rick Rosner: Has the outlook for the war changed? You have been there for two months. Has Ukraine’s position changed at all?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Russia’s expected spring offensive appears, so far, to have fallen short of what Moscow likely intended. A campaign like that depends on logistics and secure supply lines, and Ukraine has worked to disrupt both. The result seems to be that Russia’s capacity for a broad, sustained offensive has been weakened or blunted. That appears to be one of the main developments. Recent battlefield analysis also suggests that Russia is preparing for heavier fighting, but logistics remain a central constraint.

Another factor is communications. In February 2026, Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence said that Starlink terminals used by Russian forces along the front had been shut down, causing serious problems for coordination, logistics, and drone operations. That point should be stated carefully: the reported disruption is real, but attribution should be framed as a Ukrainian intelligence claim rather than as a personal action by Elon Musk.

Russia has also tightened control over domestic digital communications. More precisely, the authorities have restricted and slowed Telegram rather than simply “cutting” it outright, while also expanding wider internet controls. Reuters reported in March 2026 that these restrictions have affected communications and daily operations across Russia.

On a modern battlefield, that matters enormously. Along a front of roughly 1,200 to 1,300 kilometres, conditions change quickly, especially in areas shaped by drone warfare. Short-range drone threat zones can extend many kilometres, and battlefield information can become stale very quickly. If decisions that should take minutes instead take one or two hours, then the chances of those decisions still being accurate by the time they are implemented are much lower. That is one reason delays in communications and command can be so damaging. This is an inference from the pace of drone-centric combat and the reported communications problems.

From my own vantage point in Kyiv, the bombardment patterns have also seemed inconsistent. Some days bring multiple air raid alarms during daylight hours, which feels abnormal; on other days, there may be only one overnight alert. That is only a subjective impression, not a comprehensive military measure, but it does suggest variation in tempo rather than a uniformly escalating pattern.

As for the broader Russian system, there is a tension between tightening political control and preserving economic efficiency. Restricting information flows may strengthen state control in the short term, but it also imposes costs. Reduced information freedom, weaker digital communications, and pressure on independent media make economic and administrative systems less efficient. Russia’s broader internet crackdown in 2026 fits that pattern.

The divergence in media freedom between Russia and Ukraine is also real. Reporters Without Borders ranked Russia 155th and Ukraine 106th in its 2022 index, and by 2025, Russia had fallen to 171st while Ukraine had risen to 62nd. That does not mean Ukraine’s media environment is ideal under martial law, but it does show a substantial divergence between the two countries.

On energy, the safer formulation is this: higher oil prices can temporarily help Russian revenues, but that effect is volatile and may not translate cleanly into sustained fiscal strength. Reuters reported in March 2026 that Russia’s oil and gas revenues were still expected to fall sharply year on year despite price movements. More broadly, renewables are expanding, but it is not yet accurate to say that total global revenue from oil, gas, and coal is already in straightforward decline; fossil-fuel use and demand have remained high even as clean energy grows. 

There is also an economic constraint on Russia’s war effort. A significant portion of state revenue—particularly for financing the war—has depended on oil and gas exports. That model remains viable in the short term, but it is less stable over the longer term. Major buyers such as China continue to purchase Russian energy, but China is also investing more than any other country in renewable energy, including solar. Over time, that reduces long-term dependence on imported fossil fuels. So while short-term adjustments—such as increased trade with countries like Iran—can help, the long-term outlook for relying on fossil fuel revenues is less secure.

Rosner: Are individual Russians seeing a severe degradation in their standard of living?

Jacobsen: The effects tend to be uneven. In most oligarchic or highly unequal systems, the upper classes are insulated for longer, while the broader population feels the impact more directly over time. Sanctions, inflation, and restricted access to goods and services do affect living standards, but the degree varies across regions and social strata.

I should make two important clarifications about how I approach this. First, I am not approaching this as pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian, or vice versa. I approach it from a human rights perspective grounded in universal principles. That means evaluating both sides based on the best available evidence, including third-party assessments and independent reporting, and then forming judgments accordingly. I rely on expert analysis where appropriate and synthesize multiple independent sources rather than making claims beyond my expertise. If one side refuses to comply with third partiesthird parties, this is also information and provides a more limited picture. 

Second, it is important to distinguish between different levels of analysis. There are population-level trends—such as polling data and broad societal attitudes—that vary in reliability, especially in authoritarian contexts. Then there are individual perspectives, which can differ dramatically depending on context. For example, an individual in western Ukraine may have a very different experience and outlook than someone in Kharkiv near the front line. The same applies within Russia: perspectives vary widely depending on geography, class, and access to information.

A third point concerns how the war is framed, particularly in some Western commentary. There is often a tendency to present conflicts in binary moral terms—good versus evil. That framing can be rhetorically powerful but analytically misleading. From a human rights perspective, both sides can commit violations of international humanitarian law, including abuses involving prisoners of war or restrictions on journalists. However, the scale and systematic nature of such violations are not equivalent. The available evidence indicates that Russian forces have committed these types of abuses on a significantly larger scale. That asymmetry matters and should be stated clearly without resorting to simplistic moral binaries.

Since its independence in 1991, Ukraine has struggled with corruption, as have many post-Soviet states. The collapse of the Soviet Union left institutional legacies that took time to reform. However, Ukraine has made measurable progress over time, including anti-corruption reforms, especially since 2014 and further accelerated during the war. Wartime pressures have, in some cases, strengthened internal accountability mechanisms, though corruption has not been eliminated.

Rosner: It has been four years. What is happening with corruption?

Jacobsen: Even the framing of the war’s duration varies depending on perspective. Some would say four years; others would point out that the conflict effectively began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea, making this the eleventh year of war, and the fifth year of the full-scale invasion since 2022. So it is both a long war and a layered one, depending on how you define its starting point.

The war is often described as beginning in 2022, but that is only part of the picture. The violation of Ukraine’s territorial sovereignty began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the conflict in parts of the Donbas. I know people from Crimea who began their human rights work because of those events in 2014 and 2015, when they were still teenagers. So it is important to recognize that this is a long war, regardless of the framing.

Even if you take February 24, 2022—the start of the full-scale invasion—that is already a multi-year war. It is shorter than the Soviet Union’s involvement in World War II (1941–1945), but still a prolonged, high-intensity conflict. If you include the 2014 starting point, then it is a decade-long war. Both framings are used, depending on context.

Russia has also attempted to legitimize territorial control through referenda in occupied regions. These referenda have been widely rejected by the international community as illegitimate and conducted under coercive conditions.

Rosner: A colleague of mine, Sasha from Ukraine, often says that Ukraine is on the verge of retaking Crimea. Is there any credence to that?

Jacobsen: That likely overstates the situation. I am not a military analyst, but based on available reporting, Ukraine has retaken significant territory since 2022, particularly in parts of the Kharkiv and Kherson regions. However, Crimea remains heavily fortified and under firm Russian control.

There are competing narratives. Russia frames its actions as the “liberation” of Russian-speaking populations, while Ukraine and most of the international community view these areas as illegally annexed Ukrainian territory. The latter position reflects the broad international consensus.

At present, Russia controls roughly one-fifth of Ukraine’s territory. Estimates vary depending on the phase of the war, but the general range has been approximately 18 to 20 percent.

Rosner: Could Ukraine retake a significant portion of the occupied territory in the next six months?

Jacobsen: In the near term, that is uncertain and likely constrained. Offensive and counteroffensive operations depend heavily on logistics, workforce, and materiel. Seasonal factors also matter. Large-scale advances are difficult during periods when one side has already committed significant resources, such as during major offensive phases.

Ukraine has previously attempted large counteroffensives. Some achieved notable gains, while others fell short of expectations due to entrenched Russian defences, including minefields, artillery, and layered fortifications.

Looking forward, Ukraine’s strategic advantage increasingly depends on technological efficiency—particularly in drones and autonomous or semi-autonomous systems. Low-cost, high-efficiency drone platforms that can deliver payloads, return, and be reused are critical. This helps offset disparities in the workforce.

Russia, by contrast, has relied more heavily on mass and attritional tactics. It has sustained higher casualty rates, both killed and wounded, but has also been willing to absorb those losses. That reflects a strategy of attrition, supported by a larger population and a greater share of the economy directed toward military production.

However, that approach is costly over time. Sustaining high personnel and equipment losses places long-term strain on resources, even for a larger state.

At the same time, war can drive internal change. In Ukraine, the invasion has produced strong national cohesion and public support for reform. Where political will exists, wartime conditions can accelerate institutional change, including anti-corruption efforts and state capacity-building.

Ukraine’s situation reflects both loss and pressure for reform. Roughly 18 to 20 percent of its territory has been under Russian occupation at various points during the full-scale war. That scale of loss creates strong internal incentives for change—particularly reforms tied to closer integration with the European Union and potential NATO membership.

To visualize the occupied area, it is sometimes roughly compared to a large U.S. state. The comparison is imperfect, but it conveys that the occupied territory is substantial. At the same time, Ukraine’s total population is smaller than California’s, so the demographic and economic impacts are significant relative to the country’s size.

Estimates suggest that several million Ukrainians—often cited in the range of around 3 to 4 million—have lived under Russian occupation at different points since 2022. These figures vary over time as front lines shift.

Rosner: Before we wrap, I want to shift briefly to another topic. I saw reports about women in the United States being subjected to C-sections against their will. In some cases, they had been in labour for many hours, and doctors intervened despite objections. Some of the cases involved Black women, and we know maternal care outcomes are often worse for Black patients. It made me think of my own experience when my wife gave birth.

She was in labour for 59 hours. Most of that time was uncomfortable rather than extreme, but it was prolonged. As I understand it, there is an optimal delivery position—typically head-first. A breech position, where the baby is positioned feet- or buttocks-first, is considered more complicated.

In our case, the baby was head-first but not ideally positioned—rotated in a way that made labour longer. We went to the hospital multiple times. Each time, they checked dilation and sent us home because labour had not progressed enough. It was only on the third visit that they admitted her.

During that time, we tried to manage the situation as best we could. We even went out briefly—saw a movie and stopped at the gym—while waiting for labour to progress. It was an unusual experience, but it reflects how variable labour can be, and how medical decisions about intervention often depend on timing, positioning, and risk assessment.

We had a long wait during the birth. At one point, I even brought 30-pound dumbbells with me because I assumed it would take a while, and I could pass the time exercising. That gives you some sense of how drawn out it was.

They eventually put us in a delivery room with a bathtub. We were there for many hours—perhaps close to a full day, though I do not recall the exact timing. At one point, I was in the bath when Carol called out that something was happening—possibly her water breaking or a sudden change in contractions. I had to rush out quickly, not exactly well-covered, while the medical staff attended to her. It was chaotic, but she endured the entire experience with remarkable fortitude for nearly 59 hours of labour.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1640: Reform Jewish Shabbat in North America

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/23

What has been Rick’s experience with Shabbat dinners in North America?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on Reform Jewish Shabbat practices and the foundations of a grounded life in mid-century America. Rosner describes a minimal, symbolic Shabbat—candles, blessings, and dinner—without strict observance. He emphasizes that structure and stability came not from ritual, but from his stepfather’s principled character, community engagement, and disciplined financial planning. Growing up in Boulder, Colorado, Rosner experienced a modest lifestyle shaped by uncertainty in a family business, reinforcing frugality and resilience. Through everyday routines, local relationships, and practical wisdom, he portrays a grounded upbringing rooted more in lived values than in formal religious adherence.

Shabbat practices in a Reform Jewish household

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What has your experience been with Shabbat dinners in North America?

Rick Rosner: We are Reform Jews. My mother grew up somewhat Orthodox—her grandfather, I believe, was a rabbi. But as Jewish communities moved west in the United States, especially into regions such as the Southwest, levels of religious observance often became less strict. Some families remained highly observant, but we did not associate much with them.

Growing up, our Shabbat was simple. We lit candles, said a blessing over them, said a blessing over the wine—even if we did not have wine—and a blessing over the bread—even if we did not have bread. Then we ate dinner. That was it.

Because we were Reform, we did not observe restrictions on work. More observant communities—particularly Orthodox Judaism, and to a lesser extent some Conservative communities—prohibit activities such as driving or handling certain everyday tasks that are categorized as work under religious law. We did none of that. We lived normally. From the outside, you might not have identified us as Jewish based on how we spent Friday night or Saturday.

Ritual versus grounding influences

Jacobsen: So there was little ritual. What do things like having dogs, having a child, or observing Shabbat—when you did—contribute to keeping you grounded? That has been part of our broader discussion about you.

Rosner: What kept us grounded was not ritual. I was disorganized growing up. We did not learn many of these details until much later.

My stepfather, however, was an upstanding and reasonable man—a Republican from an earlier era of the party. He lived in a liberal town, Boulder, Colorado, and had strong principles. He was also a small business owner who knew many people in the community and maintained broad relationships, even if he privately thought some were foolish. He rarely insulted people directly, though occasionally he would.

He was deeply engaged with the world around him and had a practical understanding of how it functioned.

Community engagement and worldview

It is very different from how people understand the world now—or fail to understand it. If you are constantly on your phone and being exposed to misinformation, you do not understand the world. My stepfather was a smart, community-oriented person. As a small businessman, he spent his days in or in front of his store, talking to people. He understood what was going on around him. That helped keep us grounded.

Material culture and modest lifestyle

He only bought American-made products. Our bikes were Schwinn—heavy and difficult to ride. I had a Sting-Ray model that looked good but was impractical, especially in a hilly place like Boulder. As a physically slight kid, I struggled riding it uphill. I remember passing another boy while wearing an unfortunate sweater and realizing how I must have appeared from his perspective—awkward and easy to target. He threw a piece of pavement at me, missed, and I kept going.

Looking back, I reacted passively. If I had my current mindset then, I might have responded differently. At the time, I simply continued on.

We also drove American cars during a period when their quality was often considered inconsistent compared to some foreign competitors. More importantly, my stepfather insisted that we live modestly. Our home was not large—under 1,600 square feet for a family of four—and we never upgraded, even though my mother initially viewed it as a starter home.

Financial structure and long-term planning

The deeper reason for this frugality only became clear decades later. My stepfather ran a family clothing business, but ownership remained with his mother. She had arranged things so that she could require him to buy the business from her at any time or lose it entirely. Anticipating that possibility, he quietly saved money for years to ensure he could purchase the store if necessary.

Because of this, although the business generated reasonable income, we lived carefully and without extravagance. That underlying financial uncertainty—and his disciplined response to it—was a major factor in keeping our household grounded.

Food, daily life, and routine

If liver is prepared well, it is fine. My mother was not a great cook—though she should not have been expected to be; she was a brilliant woman. Still, we ate liver regularly. We did not live fancy lives. We did not take elaborate vacations.

My stepfather had to travel to New York about five times a year for the clothing business. At the time, there was no online shopping, so he had to visit showrooms, review fashion lines, and decide what would sell in his store. Those trips were strictly for business. Once a year, he might take my mother along, and they would see a few plays and stay for about a week. Occasionally, every few years, we children would go as well. On one trip, we visited Washington, D.C. to see the seat of government. But there were no luxury vacations—no international travel, nothing extravagant.

Overall lifestyle and grounding

We lived modestly because of the underlying financial uncertainty I mentioned earlier. We were not deprived—we never went hungry—but we were careful. During the week, we would sometimes go to a buffet at the Elks Club, perhaps a few times a month. It was simple and routine.

Overall, we lived a grounded, typical American life. That was what kept me grounded.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1639: Playwriting, Iran, Ukraine, and Global Oil Shock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/23

How do creativity, war, and energy politics converge in the conversation between Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner move from adolescent playwriting and artistic structure to war, oil, and geopolitical instability. Jacobsen reflects on writing disciplined, rhymed plays in youth as a way to impose order on chaos, while Rosner contrasts theater’s formal constraints with modern audience expectations shaped by film and television. The discussion then pivots sharply to Ukraine, Iran, Trump, and the global energy market. Together, Jacobsen and Rosner examine how conflict in the Middle East may strengthen Russia economically, disrupt fuel flows, raise prices, and deepen political irrationality in the United States and global insecurity everywhere.

Early writing and play development

Rick Rosner: So you wrote a play in eighth grade?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: No, in high school.

Rosner: In high school? You wrote a play in high school?

Jacobsen: Somewhere between grades 9 and 11.

Rosner: Okay, and you said that, even in retrospect, it still holds up strongly.

Jacobsen: I remember putting a significant amount of effort into it, and it still holds up. I would usually self-denigrate out of humility—Canadian humility—but this is genuinely a good piece. I republished it a while ago through In-Sight with an ISBN. It was one of the shortest books I published. It is interesting how well it held up.

Rosner: That is good. I mean, yes, that is impressive. I have written bits and skits, which is not the same as writing a play. I started taking a playwriting class in college, wrote one scene, turned it in, and the teacher said it was bad, so I dropped the class. I would drop classes for almost nothing. I quit going to one class because the teacher told me to stop chewing gum. I was a terrible, indifferent student. I accumulated about a solid year’s worth of Fs on my transcript because sometimes I could not even be bothered to withdraw from a class. I just stopped going. I was irresponsible.

I do not remember much about the play, except that it had a kid in it who was part of a preppy family, and they had given him the name Spinnaker. A spinnaker is a type of sail used on a yacht. I thought that sounded like a fancy, preppy name for a kid. It was not great, but it was not terrible. I thought the teacher judged my bad play more harshly than it deserved, so I thought, to hell with it.

Nature of plays as an art form

Jacobsen: I also think plays are a very clear art form—perhaps even clearer than instrumental music, painting, or sculpture—because you are directly building narratives that people then act out, either in their heads while reading or in an actual performance. That is a direct expression and distribution of a person’s interiority. I remember that a great deal was happening in my early life at that time, and many elements of that moment were being processed in the play before I had the language to describe them directly. The tight rhyme scheme, thematic structure, and the careful counting and remembering were built into it as well. There was chaos around me, and I produced a highly structured work in response.

Rosner: So it had a Shakespearean quality? It was not just a modern play in which people talk to each other casually. It had something closer to an Elizabethan structure—is that what you mean?

Jacobsen: Yes. It did not have Shakespeare’s iambic pentameter, but it did have an extended rhyming structure, so it drew on that style quite a bit.

School productions and early experiments

Rosner: Did they put it on at your school?

Jacobsen: Maybe. I wrote at least two plays. One was about two stoners at a corner store, a comedy. I handled production and direction, and I had two actors who were one grade younger than me. They were also part of the improv group I founded in high school. I do not know what happened to them. That one worked well. The other one—I think it was performed, but I do not recall clearly. If it was, it would have been something like a Waiting for Godot–style situation without a “Godot.” It was very abstract. Looking back, I am surprised by the level of sophistication at that age.

Challenges of modern theater

Rosner: Plays are tough—extremely tough—especially in the modern era. They do not have many of the supports that make things easily watchable for people.

Jacobsen: This was before AI, before large language models, before autocorrect, before predictive text. It was just hard work. That is how I remember it. But it was also an escape.

Rosner: I am not a fan of going to plays. Tickets are expensive. You have to travel—often to areas where parking is expensive—and sit through the performance without necessarily having good seats. Your view may not be great, especially as you get older. It runs for a long time, then there is an intermission, and then it continues for another long stretch.

Compared to staying home and watching television or movies, it is different. In film, even if characters are just talking, it is part of a production that might cost $120 million. Modern audiences are used to that level of production. There was even discussion about Timothée Chalamet criticizing ballet and opera as difficult to watch. Plays face a similar challenge. Opera, for me, is difficult to sit through. Ballet at least offers physical movement to engage with. Theater does not always have the same elements that make things accessible to modern audiences. We have become accustomed to high production value.

Also, a play has a fairly fixed structure. You can do a one-act, but there are still constraints.

Narrative structure and storytelling

Jacobsen: Most books and plays follow a beginning–middle–end structure. It is straightforward. Some works break or experiment with it, but generally people write what is most satisfying to themselves and to audiences, which is that structure.

Rosner: Also, a play will usually run between about 80 minutes and 2 hours and 10 minutes. On television, if a story takes six hours, creators will take six hours—which can be frustrating, because many stories that are stretched to six hours could have been told in two.

Jacobsen: There is a well-known lecture by Kurt Vonnegut where he draws a vertical axis: at the top is absolute bliss, and at the bottom are the depths of misery.

Rosner: Say that again—what is at the top?

Jacobsen: At the top is absolute bliss—everything is going perfectly. At the bottom, everything has gone wrong. Then he draws a horizontal axis. He marks the beginning with “B,” and at the far end, instead of “E” for “end,” he humorously calls it “entropy.” He uses this to illustrate the general structure of stories: movement between good and bad states over time, from beginning toward resolution.

That pattern—rising and falling fortune—is common in storytelling and in life, which may explain why it feels natural and satisfying. Even unusual narratives, like The Curious Case of Benjamin Button, still impose a beginning–middle–end structure, even if the timeline runs in reverse.

Context of war and regional tensions

Rosner: Yes, but he still experiences life moving forward, even if his body ages in reverse relative to everyone else. All right, we should probably talk about the war—specifically the one you are in. How is it going?

Jacobsen: There was nothing for about a day and a half. We had air raid alarms.

Rosner: I was here before the Gulf War, and now there are ongoing tensions involving Iran. Russia had seemed to be on the ropes—Ukraine was pushing back effectively in certain areas with drones and other technologies—but Russia continues to generate revenue through energy exports. What do you think?

Jacobsen: From what we are seeing, the situation involves ongoing tensions between the United States and Iran, with periodic escalations across the region, including proxy conflicts and strikes involving various actors. There have been disruptions to shipping and energy infrastructure in the broader Middle East, contributing to uncertainty in global markets.

The Strait of Hormuz remains a critical chokepoint, carrying roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply. Even partial disruptions or threats to shipping there have significant global economic consequences.

Oil and gas remain dominant energy sources—even in Canada, they account for a large majority of primary energy consumption, while renewables and non-emitting sources, including hydro, make up a smaller but significant share. These provide some buffer, but not enough to fully offset major geopolitical shocks. The long-term impact depends on how prolonged instability becomes and how extensively energy supply chains are disrupted.

Military and strategic considerations

Rosner: From a U.S. liberal perspective, this appears to be a strategically unsound conflict dynamic. It is unlikely to topple the Iranian regime, though regime collapse is never entirely predictable. Iraq’s regime fell quickly in 2003, but Iraq differed significantly: it was smaller and structurally weaker. Iran’s regime has endured for decades and has survived multiple serious challenges.

Iran has a large military: roughly 600,000 active personnel, several hundred thousand reserves, and additional forces through organizations like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which also functions as an internal security force. Iran is often ranked among the larger militaries globally by personnel. While equipment losses and sanctions have affected capabilities, personnel capacity remains substantial.

Tehran, with a population of roughly 9 to 10 million, lies deep داخل the country, making a ground invasion extremely costly. Historical precedent reinforces this: Iraq’s 1980 invasion involved large forces and significant equipment, yet failed to collapse the regime and led to a prolonged war.

The idea that airstrikes alone could trigger regime change is therefore implausible. Meanwhile, nuclear concerns persist. Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile is limited in volume but could potentially be further enriched for weapons, making it difficult to neutralize through force alone; negotiation remains a key avenue.

Economic and political dynamics

Economically, fuel prices are sensitive to instability in the region and can rise significantly during periods of escalation, contributing to inflationary pressures.

Politically, Trump retains strong support from his base despite fluctuations in broader approval ratings, often maintaining a substantial core level of support. Criticism of figures such as Robert Mueller—despite Mueller’s credentials as a war veteran and former FBI director—illustrates the degree of polarization.

More broadly, there appears to be a decoupling of political allegiance from factual evaluation. Historically, U.S. political parties framed arguments assuming a rational electorate. Over time, strategies shifted toward emotional mobilization and identity-based loyalty. This has contributed to what might be described as the “sportification” of politics—where allegiance to one’s side outweighs considerations of truth or consistency.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1638: Sexual Behavior, Normalization, Pornography, and Historical Change

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/19

How does Rick Rosner explain the historical normalization of oral sex, pornography, and changing sexual norms across cultures and time?

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine sexual behavior as a historically shifting but biologically persistent human force. Rosner argues that oral sex, pornography, contraception, fertility decline, venereal disease, and same-sex categories are best understood as changing patterns of visibility, normalization, access, and classification rather than sudden inventions or extinctions. Jacobsen presses him on demographic change, historical evidence, and whether any sexual practice truly disappears. Together, they explore how technology, medicine, religion, public art, and cultural repression reshape desire’s social pathways while leaving sexual drive itself as a durable constant across civilizations, generations, and eras.

The Rise of the BJ and Sexual Norms

Rick Rosner: All right, I have a topic. It is a phase change in human behavior, not as significant as smartphones, but still fairly astonishing if you think about it.

That is the rise of the BJ. I looked this up and also thought about my parents’ generation. It would not be accurate to say oral sex was unheard of before 1970; it has a long recorded history across cultures, going back to antiquity. A more accurate way to put it is that it seems to have become far more openly discussed and more normalized in mainstream U.S. culture over the late twentieth century than it had been in earlier generations.

Now, if you are in any kind of relationship, or even casually dating, oral-genital contact is widely understood to be common. In U.S. survey data, roughly four-fifths of men and women ages 15 to 49 report ever having had oral sex with an opposite-sex partner, so calling it pervasive is much closer to the mark than saying it is universal.

It is still a striking cultural shift. I used that as an excuse to look up the history of sex. Sexual behavior and sexual norms change a great deal across history, and we mostly do not talk about that in ordinary public discourse. There is a great deal of scholarship on sexuality, from ancient works such as the Kamasutra to modern sexology, but it is not usually part of everyday conversation.

The Pill, Marriage, and Childbearing

One phase change people are generally aware of is the arrival of the pill. The first oral contraceptive was approved in the United States in 1960. But access did not suddenly become universal by the mid-1960s. Legally, the major steps were Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965, which protected access for married couples, and Eisenstadt v. Baird in 1972, which extended that protection to unmarried people.

The pill, along with other social changes, helped decouple sex, marriage, and childbearing. A great many people no longer feel obligated to marry before having children. That much is historically defensible, though the causes are broader than contraception alone. Research on the pill’s social effects suggests it contributed substantially to changes in women’s educational and career trajectories as well.

Low Fertility and Demographic Change

There is another phase change, which is very low fertility. The replacement level for a stable population is commonly estimated at about 2.1 children per woman in low-mortality populations. In the United States, the total fertility rate in 2023 was 1.621 births per woman, well below replacement. Japan is also well below replacement, and Israel is unusual among high-income countries in having a comparatively high fertility rate.

By 2050, it would not be accurate to say that Africa will be the only continent not shrinking. The United Nations projects that Africa will account for by far the largest share of global population growth, while Northern America and Oceania are also projected to grow, though much more modestly. Europe is the region most clearly associated with population decline, and parts of Asia and Latin America face slowing growth and eventual decline as well.

Disease, Cities, and Sexual Behavior

When you look at this historically, I ran into claims about very high rates of venereal disease in early modern cities. I would not put too much weight on a precise number like “20 to 30 percent in seventeenth-century London” without a stronger historical source. The safer point is that syphilis and gonorrhea were long established in Europe, and fear of venereal disease clearly shaped sexual norms in later centuries.

The historical record also does not support a simple story in which respectable people in cities avoided premarital sex while rural people did all the experimenting. In Britain, premarital sex was probably common among everyone except elites, and many couples who conceived before marriage later married, sometimes with the bride already visibly pregnant. London itself was not simply a place of unusually high illegitimacy by British standards; some evidence suggests relatively low non-marital fertility rates there compared with some other regions.

Disease environment and hygiene obviously matter in sexual behavior and in people’s willingness to engage in particular acts. Another major phase change is not that pornography suddenly appeared—erotic and pornographic material has existed for centuries—but that the internet made it abundant, cheap, private, and effectively continuous.

So yes, we are going through a great many changes in sexual behavior. Pornography use is common among men and not uncommon among women; one U.S. nationally representative study reported intentional use within the previous week by 46 percent of men and 16 percent of women ages 18 to 39, while lifetime exposure is much higher.

Sexual Desire as a Constant

Jacobsen: As a final question, if you had to represent these changes geometrically over time, would you show new behaviors appearing and spreading? Or do you think the set of behaviors is more or less the same in the long run?

Rosner: What stays the same is that sexual desire is a durable human constant, though I should not overstate that. There is evidence that testosterone levels have declined in some male populations over recent decades, but the causes are contested. Microplastics and related pollutants are plausible endocrine disruptors, yet the human evidence is still incomplete, so I would not want to reduce changes in libido to one clean explanation.

Certainly, there is much more competition for attention now—entertainment, information, screens, everything—which may squeeze out sex for some people. In the 1970s, I have said this before, everything seemed to suck except the possibility that you might get laid if you were cool. But sex remains a major drive.

That is the constant: a powerful force expressing itself in ways that are culture-dependent, technology-dependent, and health-dependent. If I were ranking changes in sexual behavior, I would not say we went from nobody giving BJs to everybody giving BJs, because that is historically false. But I would say the mainstream normalization of oral sex in recent decades is one of the brighter lines of change. In recent U.S. survey data, a little over 82 percent of men and women ages 15 to 49 reported ever having had oral sex with an opposite-sex partner.

People have long sought out erotic material when it was available. What changed is the scale, speed, privacy, and sheer quantity. That is less a change in the existence of porn than a massive quantitative change in access.

Extinguished Behaviors or Reclassified Behaviors?

Jacobsen: Is there any sexual behavior that has genuinely been extinguished in history?

Rosner: I am hesitant to say that any sexual behavior has been fully extinguished. More often, behaviors persist but are reclassified, relabeled, suppressed, or made more visible.

When discussing same-sex behavior, for example, the categories have varied greatly across time. It is broadly true that in ancient Greece and Rome, sexual relations between males were not understood in the modern framework of a fixed gay identity. Status, age, and sexual role mattered more than modern orientation categories. Some male-male practices, including intercrural sex, are described in ancient sources, but Roman sexuality should not be reduced to a simple stereotype.

Before the late nineteenth century, it is also fair to say that “homosexuality” was less widely treated as a formal social or medical identity than it later became. That does not mean same-sex desire or same-sex behavior was absent; it means the classificatory system was different. In more repressive societies, people may engage in less openly visible same-sex behavior, or they may conceal it more carefully.

Erotic Art, Morality, and Sacred Settings

Jacobsen: I can think of one possible example. Several thousand years ago, there were certainly erotic religious sculptures with highly sexualized bodies and scenes. I do not know whether people literally used them for masturbation, but they may have served as erotic stimuli or could have stimulated the minds.

Rosner: That is possible as speculation, but we should distinguish speculation from evidence. Khajuraho and other Indian temple sites do include erotic sculpture, yet scholars interpret those works in several ways—symbolic, ritual, aesthetic, didactic, or connected to tantric traditions. That is not the same thing as evidence that viewers were literally using statues as pornographic aids.

That does suggest another area where sexual behavior changes: the moral framing of sex. In many Christian traditions, sex within marriage is treated as legitimate, and often as good, even if Christian communities differ sharply on what is permissible, desirable, or holy within marriage.

What confuses me personally is that sexual fantasy does not usually present itself to me as especially wholesome. The dirtiness, the transgression, or the impropriety often seems to be part of what gives fantasy its charge. So I find it difficult to imagine a fully sanctified erotic psychology in which sex is experienced as a straightforward celebration of biblical values. That may exist for some people, but I would treat that as a psychological question, not a settled historical claim.

When you mentioned India several thousand years ago, what struck me was not just erotic imagery, but the possibility that sexuality might have been represented more openly in public sacred art than it often has been in Christian societies. Even there, though, I would be cautious: temple patronage does not automatically mean the state or the culture was broadly endorsing sex in the modern sense. It means sexuality had an acknowledged symbolic place in at least some artistic and religious settings.

Disease, Myth, and Human Rights

Another sex-adjacent behavior that changed dramatically involved disease and attempted cures. Before modern antibiotics, syphilis was treated for centuries with mercury, which was highly toxic and of questionable efficacy. Untreated syphilis can later affect the brain and nervous system, so people were dealing both with the disease and with dangerous treatments.

And yes, people still engage in terrible nonmedical attempts to cure illness. But that needs to be stated carefully. In parts of Africa, documented attacks on persons with albinism have been driven by dangerous myths: some involve beliefs that body parts bring wealth or power, while separate myths claim that sex with a person with albinism can cure HIV/AIDS. Those are real human-rights abuses, but the claims should not be collapsed into one story or pinned carelessly on an entire country or continent.

The River Metaphor

In general, I would still say that sexual desire is a constant force in humans, and in animals more broadly. Because it is such a powerful drive, it will always find expression through the cultural, medical, religious, and technological landscape of a given era.

So if you want a metaphor, horniness is like a major river. The force is persistent, but the channel shifts. The banks move. The surrounding terrain changes. New technologies, new diseases, new moral systems, and new media reshape the path. That is why you see so many changes in sexual behavior over time.

It is not like some weaker or more trivial impulse. A drive such as picking at your skin or popping zits may vary in style or cultural meaning across the centuries, but it does not have remotely the same civilizational force as sex.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1637: Trump, Iran, High-IQ Ethics, Journalism Standards, and Social Media Influence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/18

How do Rick Rosner and Scott Douglas Jacobsen evaluate Trump and Iran, ethics in high-IQ communities, journalism standards, and the behavioral effects of social media?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range across Trump, Iran, journalism, high-IQ communities, sex differences, gambling, and algorithmic media. Rosner argues that while weakening Iran’s regime may be strategically understandable, military action alone is unlikely to achieve regime change. Jacobsen reflects on ethical failures within parts of high-IQ circles, including coercion, boundary violations, and reputational harm, while stressing that most members are normal and often admirable. Together, they caution against overgeneralization about sex-based cognitive variance, defend professional consent norms in journalism, and examine how gambling apps and personalized social media feeds reshape modern attention, behaviour, and public reasoning at scale today.

Opening Question

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You have been yelling for two hours this morning. What have you been yelling about? What is the most egregious part of this hormone issue? And I can hear Lance asking, “What has Trump done right in this debacle?”

Rick Rosner: I have been yelling a lot. I was a guest on the show Roar, which focuses on what people can do to stand up for their principles during difficult times, and whether they can and should. Much of the discussion focused on Trump.

Spending years immersed in this can feel like swimming with sharks for hours each day, and then a study appears showing that bull sharks may form stable social preferences. Researchers observing bull sharks over multiple years have found evidence that they do not associate randomly and may prefer certain companions, supporting the idea that some sharks have preferred associates, though “friends” remains a popularized term rather than a strict scientific one.

I have also seen footage of divers removing hooks and debris from sharks’ mouths; that is plausible and documented, though it is more accurate to say that some sharks appear to tolerate or return for such interactions than to claim a fully understood friendship with a human.

There is also a program called Dancing with Sharks, associated with Shark Week, in which trained divers perform choreographed underwater routines around sharks; it is more accurate to say the divers are trained for controlled performances in the presence of sharks than that the sharks themselves are trained dancers.

Another notable story, less delightful but revealing, comes from the Wall Street Journal: by 2025, service-based tenants such as salons, spas, and fitness studios accounted for more than half of U.S. retail leasing for the first time, meaning those categories leased more retail space than traditional goods-based retailers.

In places such as Studio City, boutiques may still survive when owners can absorb losses, but the broader trend favours service-oriented businesses.

Trump, Iran, and Strategic Limits

Returning to the question, what has Trump done right in this situation? First, the broader context: Iran has roughly 800 miles of southern coastline along the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Gulf of Oman.

Along that entire coastline, they can fire missiles from land and launch attacks into the sea. Eight hundred miles is roughly the length of California. There is a chokepoint at the Strait of Hormuz, but it would be extremely difficult to prevent attacks from Iran along that coastline fully. We do not have the forces in place to do so, and realistically, no one does. Strategically, that is a major challenge.

Tactically, the picture is less clear, but the objectives regarding Iran are understandable. Iran has a repressive government that has used lethal force against its own population during periods of protest. The regime has been in power since 1979, following the Iranian Revolution, so we are looking at over four decades of continuity.

Iran also funds and coordinates non-state armed groups across the Middle East, including Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Houthis in Yemen. From that perspective, weakening the regime could be seen as a strategic goal.

There is also the question of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran has accumulated uranium enriched to around 60%, which is below weapons-grade but significantly closer to it than civilian levels. Estimates from international monitoring bodies suggest that Iran possesses enough enriched material that, if further processed, could contribute to a nuclear weapon.

Even if a nuclear device were developed, delivery systems are a separate issue. Iran has regional missile capabilities, but it does not currently possess missiles capable of reliably striking the continental United States, though it can target Israel and regional adversaries.

If conflict were to degrade Iran’s missile stockpiles, that could be a temporary advantage. However, Iran has a large population—around 90 million people—and a diversified industrial base. It retains the capacity to rebuild missiles and drones over time. Its economy is constrained by sanctions but not negligible.

In terms of nuclear material, enriched uranium is dense and relatively compact, making concealment feasible in a large country such as Iran, which is more than twice the size of Texas. Detecting dispersed stockpiles would require detailed intelligence, including human sources.

The broader point is that while the objectives—limiting Iran’s military capabilities and nuclear potential—may be clear, achieving them is far more difficult. The regime has demonstrated durability. It has faced internal protests for decades and survived them.

It also endured the Iran–Iraq War, during which Iraq invaded Iran with large conventional forces, including hundreds of thousands of troops, tanks, and aircraft. Despite severe losses, the regime did not collapse.

Compared to that level of sustained conventional warfare, limited strikes or bombing campaigns are unlikely, on their own, to produce regime change.

Betting markets suggest the regime will likely survive, and many analysts agree. As discussed, locating enriched uranium in a country the size of Iran is extremely difficult.

Will this action set Iran back? It is unclear. The escalation followed pressure from Benjamin Netanyahu in discussions with Donald Trump. During this period, Israel has also conducted strikes against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Whether constraining Iran’s resources would significantly weaken Hezbollah remains uncertain.

Some commentators argue confidently that the regime will fall, often framing dissent as disloyalty. A more realistic assessment is that the effort is unlikely to achieve regime change.

Even within pro-administration circles, there has been dissent. Joe Kent, associated with the MAGA movement and a former Green Beret with multiple deployments, publicly questioned the justification for war with Iran and stepped away from his role in counterterrorism leadership. This reflects broader disagreement, even among supporters of a more aggressive foreign policy.

The central issue remains that the objectives—weakening Iran’s regime and limiting its capabilities—are difficult to achieve through military action alone.

Ethics in High-IQ Communities

Jacobsen: I was offered an opportunity within high-IQ communities to do some writing, which led me to reflect on a few experiences. Part of the context was a proposed ethical code. Elitist tendencies exist in parts and may be practically inevitable within some minority communities, which makes an ethical code salient: it can channel those tendencies toward care, restraint, and stewardship—a better option than contempt or exclusion. Difficulties exist in enforcement. Acceptance of such a code will depend largely on the moral character and ethical awareness of the people. Over roughly ten years of interviews with a wide range of individuals, I had relatively few negative encounters, but a few stand out.

One case involved a physics- and philosophy-of-physics-related issue. I had helped one individual edit their paper as a goodwill gesture. Separately, I interviewed another individual who was critical of that person’s theory. These were entirely independent affairs. After publication, the first individual contacted me and spent a prolonged period attempting to intimidate me into retracting the interview without explicitly stating so.

A second case involved two individuals who disliked each other. I was working with both when one issued an ultimatum: work with him or the other person. I interpreted this as coercive and unhealthy behaviour. I chose to disengage from that individual, suggested that any concerns be directed to the other party, and ended the interaction professionally. I wish them well.

A third case involved issues of consent and ethics. An individual provided me, without request, with detailed information about other test-takers, including scores and identifying details, without their consent. This individual was prominent within a Catholic segment of high-IQ communities. A critical interview of the Catholic Church involving a high-scoring member was a significant enough trigger for them to cut contact, for a while. We’re good now. I put that down to the consent of test-takers and select theological fears of Freemasonry.

Another group, led by an American individual online, has proposed (group member) making a list of enemies of their theologies and has a history of harassing critics or dissenters for months, then issuing imprecatory prayers against them. Then others have done the same to them in return or to begin, for a toxic circle. There’s tons of insane behaviour like this.

Another individual out of South Korea has an extensive and thoroughly documented history, for years, of megalomanic behaviour, grandiose claims, pathological lying, and spreading the worst possible calumnies against individuals he himself has wronged deeply for years. The evidence in community behind closed doors and in the public domain is overwhelming and conclusive, several community members refuse to speak out: to protect him, to avoid controversy, to simply not be bothered, or other reasons, e.g., Christians will protect other Christians no matter the terrible behaviour simply because of the common faith.

These experiences highlight recurring issues of boundary violations, coercion, and ethical lapses. Clear ethical norms may be warranted because fraudulent, coercive, or reputationally damaging actors can cause outsized harm.

The high-IQ communities are, in my experience, vastly normal and often praiseworthy. I have no reason to think high-IQ individuals are predisposed to unethical behaviour and may even be somewhat predisposed toward slightly better conduct.

This suggests a few general principles for building norms or codes of conduct. First, obtain consent where relevant. Second, ask whether the request respects the other person’s autonomy. Third, verify whether an individual has a pattern of dishonesty rather than a one-off. Where such codes work, they will likely work first in self-selected groups already inclined toward self-enforcement. There should also be community enforcement when fraud or abuse becomes known.

Sex Differences, Variance, and Caution

A broader pattern I have observed concerns claims about exceptionally high scores on high-range tests. The vast majority of individuals claiming to have “the highest IQ” in one of four ways—whether at the national, regional, or global level, or even in human history—are men. In many cases, such claims are either self-asserted or readily accepted by the individual in question. Comparable claims involving women are rare.

Related to this, there may be differences in cognitive profiles. Among high-scoring women, performance across subtests tends to be more balanced. In contrast, among men, there may be greater variability across cognitive domains. This variability may extend beyond cognition into emotional or social traits, though such claims should be treated cautiously given small sample sizes and the limits of available data. Cooijmans has posited the hypothesis of the width of the associative horizon for creativity. I propose something broader regarding cognitive and emotional functioning and subsequent responsibility.

For some ultra-high-IQ individuals, my interviews may be a place to express themselves honestly and, perhaps, escape some self- and others’-imposed isolation. More broadly, I suspect many societies fail less at educating the gifted than at integrating and appreciating them.

Rosner: That may be the case, but the sample size is very small. Generalizing from limited data is risky. You are not making the same claim as Lawrence Summers, but the comparison is relevant. Summers argued that while average intelligence between men and women is similar, there may be greater variance among men, leading to more individuals at both extremes. That argument remains controversial and should be approached carefully.

Jacobsen: The argument is that there may be more people at both the high and low ends among men—that is, greater variance.

Rosner: Lawrence Summers faced significant criticism for raising a similar point.

Jacobsen: I would add two caveats. First, this applies only to IQ as a metric, and IQ should not be treated as a comprehensive proxy for intelligence or the full range of human capabilities. Second, Summers extended the argument toward claims about women’s participation in science; I am not making that claim. Some aspects of variance are discussed in empirical literature, but they are often overstated.

In general, distributions for men and women overlap substantially across most cognitive measures. There are some observed tendencies—for example, men performing better on certain spatial tasks such as mental rotation, and women performing better on measures like verbal fluency—but the overlap between distributions is far greater than the differences.

Rosner: There are also biological and social hypotheses. Some theories suggest differences in brain connectivity patterns, though the evidence is mixed and often overstated in popular discussions. There are also behavioural observations, such as differences in impulse control, but these vary widely across individuals.

Social context matters as well. A highly capable woman working in a demanding field—such as technology—may develop strong analytical and adaptive skills, partly by navigating difficult professional environments. Many of these environments are male-dominated and can include interpersonal challenges.

Jacobsen: I agree that sexism is a significant social barrier in many professional contexts, affecting some women more than others. However, that point can be made without relying on stereotypes about men. Replacing one form of bias with another does not improve the analysis.

Rosner: That is fair. I am not arguing for stereotyping as a framework. However, in practice, communities such as high-IQ societies tend to be overwhelmingly male, with a wide range of personalities and behaviours represented within them.

Jacobsen: Within these communities, there is a wide range, from well-adjusted individuals to the opposite. Entry into high-IQ societies is selective, but the broader communities around them are voluntary and shaped by the signals they project and the people they attract. As you noted, there are more men than women.

What else can be said on this point? We have covered a range of angles.

Journalism, Consent, and Professional Standards

Rosner: You also raised the rules of journalism when dealing with interview subjects.

Jacobsen: From a community standpoint, one basic principle is clear: do not share test-taker information without consent. That is a fundamental ethical boundary.

Rosner: You were also discussing standards for journalists in interviews. Anyone who regularly deals with journalists—myself included—has encountered both professionalism and lapses. You mentioned a negative experience with a presenter, and I can think of similar cases. For example, Jimmy Kimmel has spoken about setting ground rules for interviews that were ignored.

Jacobsen: That is a significant issue. In my experience, however, most journalists—like most professionals—do their work responsibly. There are bad actors, but they are exceptions rather than the rule. When ethical breaches occur, there are often consequences within professional communities.

Rosner: I argue that journalism today is more fragmented. It resembles a “wild west” environment in some areas. Many individuals without formal training present themselves as journalists or investigators and operate without established standards.

For example, figures such as Nick Shirley have built large audiences by conducting informal investigations. In some cases, these methods involve actions—such as attempting to film inside private facilities—that would not meet conventional journalistic standards. Interpretations of such encounters are then presented as evidence of wrongdoing, often for a politically aligned audience.

Many individuals are operating in this space—some without training or adherence to professional norms—who nonetheless reach large audiences.

Jacobsen: At the same time, formal structures are attempting to maintain standards. Professional associations review applicants, and in some cases, offer provisional or associate memberships when credentials are uncertain. Maintaining integrity is an ongoing effort within the field.

Rosner: That may be true, but visibility and influence do not necessarily align with professional recognition. Some of these independent figures reach far larger audiences than members of traditional organizations, particularly on platforms such as X. All right, should we move on? I have a couple of topics—at least one.

Jacobsen: Yes, let us move on. What are your topics?

Phase Changes, Gambling, and Social Media

Rosner: I previously mentioned phase changes in human behaviour and lifestyle.

Jacobsen: Yes, let us revisit that.

Rosner: I want to discuss a few developments that are not full phase changes but are still radical shifts in how people live. One is the rise of easy, accessible gambling in the United States and likely globally.

It used to be a low-stakes, low-participation activity for most people. My father would occasionally bet small amounts with friends on outcomes such as college football games. The stakes were minimal—often a dollar or two—and the exchange was more symbolic than financial.

He also played poker regularly in a social setting. These gatherings were informal, involving conversation and modest sums of money. Even across an entire evening, the total amount exchanged was limited. Gambling was not a dominant feature of everyday life.

Now, participation has expanded significantly. Online platforms and mobile applications allow people to gamble instantly and continuously. This accessibility has created a situation in which many individuals, particularly younger users, are exposed to frequent and potentially harmful gambling behaviour.

I gamble occasionally on political outcomes. I once increased a small stake to several hundred dollars, but after the 2024 U.S. election, I lost most of it. That experience illustrates both the volatility and the ease of participation.

The broader issue is that the accessibility of gambling introduces another layer of behavioural risk. It serves as a constant pressure, encouraging repeated engagement. This represents a notable shift in American life, and not necessarily a positive one.

Social Media, Attention, and Curated Pandering

Jacobsen: Do you think social media is changing how Americans think, feel, or perceive events? Which dimension is most affected?

Rosner: Americans once received much of their information through direct interaction. People discussed events face-to-face—asking what others had seen, heard, or read. They also relied on shared media sources.

In the mid-20th century, many Americans watched a nightly national news broadcast, typically around 22 minutes without advertisements. Households often subscribed to newspapers and magazines such as Time or Newsweek, and later People. Information consumption was slower, more centralized, and often shared within households or communities.

Today, most information arrives through smartphones. Face-to-face exchange has declined. People rarely gather to discuss news in person; instead, they encounter content individually and share it digitally. Even within households, information is often transmitted by sending links or messages rather than engaging in extended conversation.

This represents a structural shift in how information is encountered, processed, and shared.

Jacobsen: What is the primary driver here—attention, emotion, or reasoning?

Rosner: Not reasoning. There is no time for sustained thinking. The process is about forming an impression and then reinforcing it.

People exist within informational silos or bubbles, where incoming content is filtered. For example, Carol often encounters material that aligns with what we have recently discussed, watched, or searched for. This can feel almost telepathic, but it is typically the result of algorithmic inference based on prior behaviour. In some cases, it is a coincidence; in others, it reflects clear signals provided to the system.

The result is what could be described as “curated pandering.” Content feeds are optimized to deliver material that has previously captured attention or elicited engagement.

Advertising Then and Now

Jacobsen: How does that differ from advertising and marketing in earlier decades, such as the 1970s?

Rosner: Earlier advertising was broad and generalized. It attempted to influence large audiences with relatively uniform messaging. Today’s systems are individualized and adaptive. Instead of broadcasting a single message, they tailor content to each user’s behavioural profile, continuously refining it based on responses.

This creates a more persistent and personalized form of influence, distinct from the mass-media model of previous decades.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1636: Rick Rosner on the U.S.–Iran War, AI Surveillance, Voice of America, and U.S. Strategic Failure

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/10

Can you think of another situation that was this self-inflicted in American history?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the day-11 U.S.–Iran war, arguing that regime change is unlikely, costs are rising, and public support is weak. Rosner compares the conflict to Iraq and Vietnam, warning that wars launched on optimistic assumptions can spiral into prolonged disasters. Jacobsen emphasizes logistics, legitimacy, and domestic endurance as decisive factors beyond battlefield tactics. They also discuss AI ethics in military surveillance, celebrity-targeted crime in Los Angeles, Kari Lake’s turmoil at Voice of America, and the broader consequences of politicized governance, weakened institutions, and reckless decision-making in an unstable technological age today.

Rick Rosner: This is day 11 of the current U.S.–Iran war. Estimates of the cost vary, and there is no official Pentagon figure yet, so the safest phrasing is that the war is already extremely expensive and is creating broader economic disruption. Oil prices have surged, and analysts have warned about major effects on energy markets and shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

Polymarket does not suggest that regime collapse is likely in the near term. Current betting markets give roughly a 7 percent chance that the Iranian regime will fall by March 31 and about an 18 percent chance that it will fall by June 30. On that basis, it looks less like a likely outcome than a long-shot gamble.

I do not know which historical examples Trump and Hegseth were referring to. Iraq is the obvious comparison, but it is not reassuring. The 2003 invasion of Iraq began on March 20, and Baghdad fell on April 9, so the regime collapsed in about three weeks. That outcome reflected very specific political and military conditions that are not easily replicated.

I do not think the United States should put boots on the ground. Tehran is a vast city of roughly 9 million people, with a metropolitan population far larger. Urban warfare would be extremely destructive and difficult. It is unrealistic to assume that an external military force could march in and topple the regime.

Gasoline prices have risen amid the conflict, though the exact figures change frequently. Recent reporting has placed the U.S. national average above $3 per gallon, with war-related disruptions contributing to the upward pressure. Polling shows significant public unease. Some surveys have found that roughly half of Americans oppose continued military escalation, while only about a third support it. Support for wars typically declines over time, so the political trajectory is uncertain.

The situation appears ill-advised and poorly planned. Pete Hegseth, the Secretary of Defence, served as a major in the Army National Guard and had earlier deployments. However, he never served at the senior command levels typically associated with planning and managing large-scale wars. Historically, major operations have been overseen by senior generals with extensive strategic experience.

The structural reality remains that ultimate authority rests with the president as commander in chief. Senior military officers advise and implement strategy, but they do not independently determine national war aims. That responsibility sits at the political level, and the success or failure of the war will ultimately be judged there.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: That framing makes sense. The key point is that modern wars are not decided only by battlefield tactics. They are decided by logistics, political legitimacy, economic endurance, and the ability to sustain domestic support. When any of those pillars weaken, the strategic picture can change quickly.

Iran is also a far more complex target than Iraq was in 2003. It has a larger population, a deeper state structure, and a network of regional allies and proxy groups. Even if the United States achieved tactical military success, translating that into regime change would be an entirely different challenge.

The deeper issue is that wars often begin with optimistic assumptions about timelines and outcomes. History repeatedly shows that those assumptions are frequently wrong. Strategic planning has to account not only for the best-case scenario but also for the worst-case scenario and the long, messy middle that most conflicts actually occupy. Can you think of another situation that was this self-inflicted in American history?

Rosner: The second Gulf War, the Iraq War, was built on false premises. Even though the United States initially had success with the regime falling, with Saddam Hussein removed within about a month of the ground invasion, the aftermath led to a prolonged insurgency and civil conflict that killed hundreds of thousands of people. Estimates of the total cost to the United States run into the trillions of dollars.

The central justification for the war was the claim that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. Those weapons were never found. After the first Gulf War in 1991, when Iraq invaded Kuwait and was pushed back by a U.S.-led coalition, Saddam appeared to have avoided rebuilding such programs in any meaningful way.

The Iraq War accomplished relatively little in terms of long-term stability. It resulted in massive loss of life, significant regional destabilization, and limited strategic benefit for the United States. This current situation risks evolving in a similar direction.

Afghanistan was different in some respects. The United States remained there for roughly twenty years, and the total cost of the war has been estimated at around $2.3 trillion. About 2,400 U.S. service members were killed during that period. While every loss is significant, the scale was far smaller than the roughly 58,000 American deaths in the Vietnam War.

During those two decades, the United States and its allies controlled much of Afghanistan and provided a period in which the Taliban were largely kept out of major urban centers. Some analysts believed that maintaining a relatively small U.S. force—around a few thousand troops—might have sustained the government in Kabul and prevented a rapid Taliban takeover. That approach would have required ongoing financial costs and continued military risk, though casualties in the later years of the war were comparatively low.

If you are looking for other examples of large, costly American wars with questionable outcomes, Vietnam stands out. The Vietnam War cost more than 58,000 American lives and left a profound impact on a generation of veterans and on American society more broadly.

This war could become as costly and destabilizing as the Iraq War or Vietnam, depending on how deeply the United States commits to it. If the United States were to declare limited objectives achieved and withdraw quickly—for example, claiming that Iranian military capacity had been degraded—then it would not reach the scale of those earlier conflicts.

The question is whether the political leadership is willing to limit the scope of the conflict or whether it will expand into something much larger.

Jacobsen: Anthropic says the Pentagon is basing AI use restrictions on a blacklist approach.

Rosner: The issue there involves how the U.S. government wants to use advanced AI systems. Intelligence and security agencies collect enormous amounts of information: intercepted communications, open-source material, satellite imagery, and surveillance footage. The United States also has extensive camera coverage in many public spaces. The challenge is that human analysts cannot realistically review all that data, so governments increasingly turn to AI systems to filter, search, and analyze it.

The government has explored using AI tools from companies such as Anthropic to assist with analysis. Anthropic has publicly stated that it places limits on how its models can be used, particularly for civilian surveillance and for fully autonomous weapons systems. The company has argued that such uses raise safety and ethical concerns.

When companies refuse certain government uses, it can affect their eligibility for particular defence or intelligence contracts. Governments sometimes restrict or deprioritize vendors they believe will not meet operational requirements. Meanwhile, other AI companies, including OpenAI and several defence-focused startups, have been more open to collaborating with government agencies within specific policy frameworks.

The broader debate concerns whether AI should be integrated into military and intelligence systems at all, and if so, under what safeguards. Popular culture has explored these fears for decades. Films such as The Terminator and WarGames dramatized scenarios in which automated systems made catastrophic decisions without sufficient human oversight. While those stories are fiction, they raise legitimate questions about how much authority should ever be delegated to automated systems.

Many researchers emphasize that AI should remain under meaningful human control, particularly in high-risk domains such as weapons systems or strategic decision-making. The concern is not that machines suddenly become sentient villains, as in the movies, but that complex automated systems can behave unpredictably when given too much autonomy.

There is also a cultural anxiety about the pace of technological change. Modern AI capabilities are advancing rapidly, while political leadership and regulatory systems often struggle to keep up. That mismatch—very powerful technology combined with imperfect governance—makes many observers uneasy.

As for the cultural references, James Cameron, who directed The Terminator, has spent significant time in New Zealand while filming the Avatar series. New Zealand is often cited in speculative discussions about nuclear survivability because of its geographic isolation in the Southern Hemisphere, though Cameron’s relocation is primarily tied to filmmaking and lifestyle rather than geopolitical contingency planning.

The deeper issue is that societies now have extremely powerful tools for surveillance, analysis, and automation. The central question is not whether those tools will exist, but how carefully they will be governed.

Jacobsen: Shots were fired at Rihanna’s house in Beverly Hills. What are your thoughts, and is that common in Hollywood?

Rosner: It does happen, unfortunately. There have been several burglaries targeting celebrities in Los Angeles and other wealthy areas. In many cases, criminals monitor social media to figure out when celebrities are travelling or out of town, then break into their homes while they are away. Something similar has happened to several entertainers and professional athletes. If a sports team is playing an away game, for example, that can signal that a player’s home might be empty.

Because of that, many high-profile individuals invest heavily in security systems, cameras, alarm services, and sometimes in-person security guards. Maintaining that level of protection can be extremely expensive, but it has become common for people with public profiles and valuable property.

Crime patterns have also changed over time. In the United States, violent crime and street crime peaked in the early 1990s and declined significantly afterward. A range of factors contributed to that decline, including demographic changes, policing strategies, economic shifts, and higher incarceration rates during that period. At the same time, burglary and targeted property crime still occur, particularly in wealthy neighbourhoods where valuable goods are concentrated.

When criminals focus on residential burglary rather than street robbery, they often target homes that appear wealthy or temporarily unoccupied. That pattern helps explain why celebrities and high-profile athletes sometimes become targets.

Jacobsen: A U.S. judge has blocked actions taken by Kari Lake in 2025 as head of Voice of America, including certain job cuts. What is your reaction?

Rosner: Kari Lake is a former television news anchor who ran for governor of Arizona in 2022. She lost that race and later ran for the U.S. Senate in 2024. After becoming a prominent political ally of Donald Trump, she was appointed in 2025 to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media, the federal entity that oversees Voice of America and several other international broadcasting services.

Voice of America was created during World War II and operates as an international broadcaster that provides news and information to audiences worldwide, particularly in places where independent media are restricted. Its mandate is to present accurate news about the United States and global events while reflecting democratic values.

Several controversial management decisions, including staff reductions and organizational restructuring, marked Lake’s tenure. A federal judge later ruled that some of those actions could not proceed, effectively pausing or reversing parts of the restructuring. Judicial intervention in these cases usually centers on administrative law questions—whether proper procedures were followed, whether statutory authority was exceeded, or whether employment protections were violated.

Situations like this reflect broader tensions about how government-funded international media should operate and how much political influence should be allowed in agencies designed to provide independent journalism abroad.

The discussion then shifted to the dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID. USAID has long been one of the primary channels through which the United States provides humanitarian assistance abroad, including food aid, health programs, and disease treatment. Programs supported by the agency have included major efforts to combat HIV/AIDS through initiatives such as the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which has helped provide antiretroviral treatment to millions of people worldwide.

Debates about USAID often center on oversight, effectiveness, and foreign policy priorities. Supporters argue that humanitarian aid saves lives and strengthens international stability. Critics sometimes claim that the agency is inefficient or mismanaged, although audits generally find that only a very small fraction of expenditures involve fraud or improper spending.

The larger political conflict reflects competing views about the role the United States should play in global humanitarian assistance and international development.

Jacobsen: All right. We will continue tomorrow.

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Ask A Genius 1635: Trump, Iran, Kristi Noem, Britney Spears, and AI

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/06

How does Rick Rosner interpret Trump’s foreign policy, Kristi Noem’s firing, Britney Spears’ troubles, and the strange overlap between geopolitics, celebrity culture, and artificial intelligence?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the chaos of contemporary politics, foreign policy, celebrity culture, physics, and artificial intelligence. Rosner weighs Trump’s rhetoric on Greenland, Iran, and interventionism, questions the public case for conflict, and comments on Kristi Noem’s firing and contracting controversies. The discussion then shifts toward Britney Spears, Elvis Presley, and the destructive pressures of fame. From there, Jacobsen and Rosner explore atomic “empty space,” quantum fields, human reasoning, and AI’s growing conversational power. The result is an expansive dialogue about power, instability, knowledge, and modern absurdity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I think the picture has become a bit clearer. There was the issue of Trump linking his frustration over the Nobel Peace Prize to Norway, even though the Norwegian Nobel Committee is institutionally separate from the Norwegian government. Greenland, meanwhile, is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, not Norway. During his Davos speech, Trump also appeared to refer to Greenland as Iceland, which added to the confusion.

Rick Rosner: You might be reading too much into it, but at least on Greenland and related rhetoric there does seem to be a clearer pattern. 

Jacobsen: One interpretation is that strategic positioning, shipping routes, Arctic security, and broader geopolitical leverage are all mixed together in the messaging. I would be cautious, though, about presenting any single explanation—especially an oil explanation—as definitive without stronger evidence.

Rosner: I find that explanation a little too “three-dimensional chess” for Trump. I do not think his reasoning is usually that elaborate.

Jacobsen: That may be fair. Still, people around him may be shaping the frame. 

Rosner: On February 11, Netanyahu met with Trump for nearly three hours. Netanyahu had been pressing Trump for tougher action on Iran. That seems more concrete than an abstract theory about oil flows. That strikes me as more plausible. Trump is often portrayed as highly influenced by the last strong voice in the room. What you are describing sounds more structured than I would normally attribute to him.

Jacobsen: I will grant that. It may still be ad hoc. I am not saying the explanatory framework is proven, only that it offers a possible structure.

Rosner: Fair enough. On oil, the United States has for years been one of the world’s largest producers, but “self-sufficiency” is a slippery political term, and politicians often use it loosely. So I would be careful with any neat claim there as well. Anything involving the Middle East inevitably brings oil into the discussion, and Trump has long had close political ties to fossil-fuel interests. That part is straightforward enough.

Jacobsen: Another possible factor is China. At the same time, China has also been the world’s largest builder of solar capacity by a very wide margin, so the energy picture is not just about oil. It is also about long-term infrastructure and industrial policy. That is something the United States could have pursued much more aggressively.

China is well positioned for large-scale solar because of its land base and industrial planning, but the United States also has enormous open areas suitable for utility-scale solar if the political will exists.

What else is in the news?

Rosner: We should talk about Kristi Noem. She was fired.

Jacobsen: What is the justification for Kristi Noem being fired? The reporting does not point to a single cause. Several outlets reported that Trump fired her after multiple controversies, including scrutiny over a $220 million Homeland Security advertising campaign awarded without a standard bidding process. Reporting also focused on roughly $143 million in no-bid contracts tied to politically connected firms.

The campaign featured Noem prominently and was aimed at discouraging unauthorized immigration. The $220 million figure refers to the broader advertising campaign, while the $143 million figure refers to a subset of no-bid contracts connected to firms with political ties.

Jacobsen: I want to make a quick point. What is the financial angle here? 

Rosner: Normally, if the government needs something done—such as producing an advertisement—it is supposed to put the project out for competitive bids. Contractors submit proposals and prices, and the agency chooses among them. It is the same principle as hiring a contractor to add a room to your house. You usually collect multiple bids before deciding.

At least three bids, ideally. Instead, she approved a no-bid contract with someone she knew. Then she said that Trump had approved the contract. That was the part that caused trouble. Trump did not like the suggestion that he had personally signed off on a no-bid arrangement, which made it look as though she was shifting responsibility onto him.

Trump is replacing her at the end of the month with Senator Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma. Mullin did not complete a four-year college degree; he worked in and later ran his family’s plumbing business before entering politics. Critics on social media frequently mock him as unqualified, although that is more political rhetoric than a factual description.

He also does not have a background in law enforcement or homeland security policy. His professional background is primarily business. Earlier in his life he also fought a small number of mixed martial arts bouts and was undefeated.

Trump is reportedly moving Noem into another role he created, which he described as connected to defense and regional security. According to Trump, she will serve as Special Envoy for the “Shield of the Americas,” which he described as a new Western Hemisphere security initiative.

There is also a story circulating in tabloids and gossip columns. The story claims that Noem had a favorite blanket that traveled with her on the government aircraft—a modified Boeing 737 used for official travel. During one trip the aircraft was changed, and the blanket was left behind. After takeoff, Corey Lewandowski—who has been closely associated with Noem politically—reportedly asked the pilot to turn the plane around to retrieve it. The pilot said that was not possible because the flight plan had already been filed. Lewandowski allegedly fired the pilot, then had to rehire him because there was no replacement pilot available.

Another rumor reported in a British tabloid claims that the incident was not about the blanket but about a bag left behind on the plane. The report alleges the bag contained personal items that staff members did not want left behind. That claim comes from tabloids and should be treated cautiously because it has not been independently verified.

More broadly, critics argue that Noem showed poor judgment in office. She has faced accusations of favoritism in contracting and questions about her relationship with Lewandowski. Both have been married to other people during that period. When she was asked about the relationship during congressional hearings, she declined to answer directly and criticized the question instead. Her husband was present behind her during the hearing.

Jacobsen: American politics can be chaotic.

Rosner: One additional point: the Department of Homeland Security’s budget has expanded significantly in recent years. Under the Trump administration it increased dramatically, reaching tens of billions of dollars annually. Critics argue that placing controversial political figures in charge of such a large budget raises concerns about oversight and management.

Jacobsen: What is your take on American foreign policy now?

Rosner: In light of recent events, the kindest word for it would probably be interventionist. Trump seems to think he has a mandate to pressure or confront other countries when he does not like what is happening. The White House and the Defense Department have struggled to present a consistent justification for military action against Iran. Trump said he had “a feeling” Iran was about to attack the United States, and the White House later defended that statement by saying it was a feeling “based on facts.” Publicly, however, the administration has not released evidence showing an imminent Iranian attack on the United States. Reuters has reported that the administration’s stated reasons for entering the conflict have shifted over time.

Trump has also said that Iran was very close to obtaining a nuclear weapon. That claim should be treated cautiously. U.S. and allied officials have, over many years, repeatedly warned that Iran was only weeks or months away from a bomb, often without publicly presenting conclusive evidence. At the same time, different officials have alternated between describing Iran’s nuclear capabilities as an urgent threat and claiming that those capabilities had been badly degraded. Reuters also reported that Russia said it had seen no evidence that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, though that is of course a politically interested source rather than neutral proof.

To think through the analogy, compare Iraq in 1991 with Iraq in 2003. In 1991, Saddam Hussein had clearly acted aggressively by invading Kuwait. The United States, acting as part of a large international coalition, responded with overwhelming force. The ground war was brief, and Iraqi forces were expelled from Kuwait.

In 2003, by contrast, the United States invaded Iraq on the claim that Saddam Hussein possessed or was developing weapons of mass destruction. After the invasion, no active WMD stockpiles were found. The removal of Saddam’s regime helped create a power vacuum, and the ensuing conflict and instability caused enormous loss of life. Estimates vary, but the death toll ran into the hundreds of thousands and likely more. So the analogy matters: is Iran more like Iraq in 1991, meaning openly expansionist, or more like Iraq in 2003, meaning a regime portrayed as an imminent threat on grounds that later proved shaky?

Iran is not analogous to Iraq’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait. It has not invaded a neighboring country in that manner. At the same time, Iran has long supported armed non-state groups and regional proxies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and the Houthis in Yemen. That makes it a destabilizing regional actor, but it is still different from saying it was on the verge of a direct military attack on the United States itself. Reuters reported that a February 28, 2026 U.S. intelligence assessment warned of likely Iranian and proxy retaliation, including cyberattacks and attacks on U.S. and allied targets in the region, especially after the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei. That is not the same thing as proof that Iran was about to launch a major direct attack on the U.S. homeland.

So the real question is not whether Iran is benign. It plainly is not. The question is whether the administration has shown that Iran posed the sort of immediate threat that would justify war under the rationale it has offered. So far, the public case has been murky, shifting, and politically convenient in ways that should make any sober observer a little allergic.

Jacobsen: Is Iran keeping its head down internationally, then?

Rosner: Not exactly. It is still financing and supporting actors the United States and many of its allies regard as militant or terrorist groups. But that is different from proving that Iran was on the verge of directly attacking the United States. That distinction matters, unless one wants foreign policy written in crayon and adrenaline.

Was Iran actually preparing to attack the United States? I would argue probably not. Iran has been dealing with serious internal dissent over the past several years, including major protests. The government has responded harshly at times, and human rights organizations have reported significant casualties during crackdowns. Given those internal pressures, it seems unlikely that Iran would simultaneously prepare for a direct military confrontation with the United States.

The United States has already inflicted substantial damage on Iranian military capabilities in past confrontations. Iran has also faced losses in naval incidents and missile infrastructure over the years. In a direct confrontation, the United States possesses overwhelming military superiority in technology, logistics, and global reach.

Iran nevertheless maintains a large and complex military structure. Depending on how it is measured, it is often ranked among the larger armed forces in the world. It has roughly 610,000 active personnel in its conventional armed forces and around 350,000 reserve personnel. In addition, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)—a parallel military organization—has roughly 150,000 members, along with affiliated paramilitary forces such as the Basij.

Because of those numbers, any hypothetical ground invasion of Iran would not be a simple operation. Iran is geographically large, mountainous, and heavily populated. Military planners generally assume that a large-scale ground war there would be extremely costly.

In 1991, the United States fought Iraq after Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. The coalition assembled overwhelming force, and the ground war lasted only a few days once it began. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq again and removed Saddam Hussein from power. Iraqi conventional forces collapsed relatively quickly, although the occupation that followed turned into a long and costly insurgency.

Iran would not necessarily behave the same way Iraq did in 2003. The Iranian regime has been in power since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, so more than four decades. During that time it has faced repeated internal unrest and protests but has remained in power. That resilience suggests that it would likely fight hard if its survival were threatened.

For those reasons, I am skeptical of the claim that Iran was preparing to launch a direct attack on the United States. The balance of power makes that scenario difficult to imagine as a rational strategy.

Jacobsen: Any further comments?

Rosner: No, let’s move to another topic.

Jacobsen: In Los Angeles, singer Britney Spears was reportedly arrested Wednesday in Ventura County, California, on suspicion of driving under the influence. The reports say the incident involved property damage and driving with a suspended license, both misdemeanors. Do you think we will see another “Free Britney” moment?

Rosner: I do not know. I find Britney Spears a very sympathetic figure. Her life has been turbulent at times, and she has struggled publicly with personal issues. At the same time, she has also been reacting against years of intense control over her life and career, particularly during the conservatorship that governed her finances and personal decisions for many years.

She is also a mother, and like many people in the public eye she has had to manage enormous pressure. Performers in her position are often under constant scrutiny and frequently rely on medical treatment or prescription medications to manage stress and mental health.

Spears was turned into one of the biggest commercial pop stars in the world at a very young age by her management and the music industry. That kind of pressure can leave a complicated legacy. Her personal life has sometimes been chaotic, but many people still feel protective of her.

I wish her well. The last thing anyone wants is to see another tragedy like what happened to figures such as Michael Jackson, Elvis Presley, or Prince, whose extraordinary careers were overshadowed by difficult personal struggles.

The concern is when a celebrity reaches the point where the people around them cannot manage or control the drugs or the environment, and things spiral. In the worst cases, the person dies. Obviously, someone like Britney Spears probably needs people around her who can support her and keep her from doing the most self-destructive things.

At the same time, she does not appear as deeply troubled as someone like Michael Jackson sometimes seemed. Elvis Presley, for example, was widely described as a kind and generous person who simply had at least one doctor willing to prescribe whatever he asked for.

When Elvis died, it was reported that he had prescriptions for around seventeen different medications. Some were stimulants to help him function during the day, and others were barbiturates or sedatives to help him sleep at night. Barbiturates can slow intestinal function, and Elvis died of heart failure at age forty-two while in the bathroom at Graceland. The underlying issue was severe prescription drug misuse.

What Elvis needed was someone strong in his life who could tell him “no” and insist that he get off the medications. Elvis believed that if a drug was prescribed by a doctor, then it must be safe. Ironically, he considered himself strongly anti-drug.

There is a famous story illustrating this. In 1970, Elvis unexpectedly showed up at the White House and asked President Richard Nixon to make him a federal agent in the fight against drugs. Nixon eventually gave him an honorary badge from the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, which later became part of the DEA. Elvis disliked the counterculture drug scene of the time and thought he was helping the anti-drug effort.

Yet he simultaneously believed prescription medications were harmless if given by a doctor, which obviously turned out not to be true. Ultimately, the prescription drugs contributed to his death.

Elvis was not regarded as a cruel person. Many people described him as generous and sympathetic. He liked to give gifts—sometimes extravagant ones. There are many stories of him giving cars, including Cadillacs, to friends or people he wanted to help.

He was also spiritually curious. He read widely about religion, Christianity, philosophy, and spirituality. He seemed to be searching for meaning in various ways, though that search existed alongside his heavy use of prescription medication.

Like many public figures of his era, some of his personal relationships would be viewed very differently today. Elvis famously met Priscilla Presley when she was quite young—she was fourteen when they first met in Germany—and they married several years later when she was an adult. That aspect of his life is often discussed now as an example of how cultural norms and power dynamics around celebrity relationships have changed significantly over time.

So, yes, some of his behavior could be considered troubling by modern standards, but the broader picture people remember is a complicated human being—generous, curious, flawed, and surrounded by an environment that often enabled his worst habits rather than helping him escape them.

Britney Spears: she has fairly ordinary tastes in relationships. She often seems drawn to “bad boys,” and those relationships do not always work out well. Some of the men she dates turn out to be immature or unreliable. You can find parallels with other celebrities. Marilyn Monroe, for example, married people as different as Arthur Miller and Joe DiMaggio—men who were not exactly “bad boys,” but who struggled in their own ways with the pressures surrounding fame.

Spears grew up in a fairly modest environment in Louisiana, and her family background has often been described as chaotic. Ideally, someone with her level of fame would have strong and competent people around her to provide guidance. Unfortunately, that has not always been the case in her life. The pattern seems to be that when things spiral out of control, the response has sometimes been extremely restrictive, such as the long conservatorship that governed her life for many years. That arrangement was widely criticized once the details became public.

I still wish her well. She seems closer to the Elvis Presley type of celebrity story—someone overwhelmed by fame and surrounded by people who did not always manage things responsibly—rather than the darker narratives associated with some other famous figures.

Michael Jackson’s situation was different and much more troubling. Jackson cultivated an extremely childlike public persona, which by itself would not necessarily have been a problem. The controversies arose because of repeated allegations involving inappropriate relationships with minors. Those accusations became a central part of his public legacy and remain deeply debated.

Britney Spears’ struggles appear to be of a different nature. Her issues have mostly involved personal instability, intense fame, and turbulent relationships rather than the kind of allegations that surrounded Jackson. She seems like someone who enjoys partying and sometimes gravitates toward questionable partners, but she is also a parent and a person trying to live a life under extraordinary scrutiny.

In many ways she resembles a more extreme version of someone navigating ordinary life pressures while constantly under a spotlight. Fame amplifies everything. 

How is Kyiv?

Jacobsen: The place is lively. It almost feels like being in a war zone, but with croissants and coffee instead of artillery.

I had a question for you. People often say that matter is about 99.9999 percent empty space, referring to the distance between electrons and the atomic nucleus. That is the way it is often explained in basic physics. But when you study more advanced physics, especially quantum field theory, you learn that what we call particles are really excitations or perturbations in underlying fields. So in that framework, the idea of “empty space” becomes more complicated.

In quantum field theory, everything is described in terms of fields. What we call particles are localized disturbances in those fields. Even what we think of as empty space is not truly empty—it contains fluctuating quantum fields and vacuum energy.

Rosner: Popular culture sometimes runs with the “mostly empty space” idea and turns it into science fiction. Comic book writers have invented superheroes who can supposedly pass through walls by aligning the “empty spaces” in their atoms with those in the wall. That is entertaining but physically unrealistic.

Objects feel solid because of electromagnetic forces and quantum effects between atoms, especially the Pauli exclusion principle and electron interactions. Those forces prevent atoms from occupying the same state or passing through each other easily. So even though atoms contain large regions where there is no nucleus or electron, the interactions between their fields make matter behave as if it is solid.

Jacobsen: Right, but the deeper issue is that the framing itself might be misleading. It is not simply that everything is “99.9999 percent empty space,” nor is it only that everything is fields producing particles. The real question is how we should properly frame what matter and space actually are.

To get a clearer picture, the framing of the question matters. Instead of asking the traditional philosophical question, “Why is there something rather than nothing?”, you might ask a slightly different one: “Why wouldn’t there be something?” We posed this in IC before. If we think in terms of quantum fields and perturbations in those fields, the universe may be better understood not as empty space with things in it, but as something closer to “full space” and “fuller space.”

Rosner: I see what you are getting at. You are suggesting that what we call matter and space might really be variations in energy density or variations in mass–energy distribution.

Jacobsen: Right—variations in energy and mass density.

Rosner: That is roughly in the right neighborhood conceptually. In general relativity, the common takeaway is that mass bends spacetime. A slightly stronger formulation is that mass–energy determines the curvature or shape of spacetime.

Some theoretical ideas push that even further. Certain approaches suggest that spacetime itself might emerge from deeper informational or quantum structures. In those models, information and quantum entanglement may help determine the structure of space itself—how it is shaped and how it behaves.

That line of thinking leads to an interesting philosophical observation. Sometimes people describe the universe in terms that sound circular: whatever configurations of matter and energy are physically allowed will occur somewhere in the structure of the universe.

The popular claim that matter is “99.9 percent empty space” is also somewhat misleading. When people say that, they are usually referring to the large distance between the nucleus of an atom and its electrons. But in quantum mechanics the picture is more subtle.

Electrons are not tiny solid spheres orbiting a nucleus like planets. They are better described as quantum entities with probability distributions. In many models they are treated as point particles with no measurable spatial size, though they are associated with a probability cloud describing where they are likely to be detected.

That means electrons do not occupy space in the way ordinary objects do. Instead, their electric charge and quantum properties create fields and interactions that prevent other particles from occupying the same state. Those interactions effectively keep other matter at a distance, which is why atoms resist being pushed through each other.

Atomic nuclei operate similarly. The strong nuclear force and electromagnetic forces create regions where other particles cannot easily intrude. So while atoms contain large regions without classical “stuff,” the forces and fields surrounding their components create the physical behavior we experience as solidity.

On much larger scales, matter aggregates into increasingly complex structures. Stars form when matter collapses under gravity. Galaxies are clusters of billions of stars. Galaxies themselves cluster into galaxy groups and superclusters across the universe.

Those large-scale patterns are not random. They reflect the distribution of mass–energy and the gravitational interactions shaping spacetime over billions of years. In that sense, the structure of the universe carries informational meaning as well: the way matter clusters tells us something about the underlying physics governing spacetime itself.

Jacobsen: If you had to guess, how much gas does a person produce in a day?

Rosner: I do not know. It probably varies a lot from person to person. That is the sort of question I would normally look up. Let me start with cows, since they are famous for producing methane.

A typical cow releases roughly four to seven cubic feet of methane per day, mostly through burping rather than flatulence.

Humans produce much less. Estimates suggest that a person releases about 0.5 to 2 liters of intestinal gas per day, which is roughly 0.02 to 0.07 cubic feet. That is a surprisingly small amount—roughly the volume of a small bottle.

My former stepmother once told me a story from her childhood. She and her brother had what they called a “fart jar.” If they needed to pass gas, they would go into a closet, open the jar, and trap it inside. Eventually the jar became extremely unpleasant to open. Children invent strange experiments.

In any case, humans do not produce that much gas compared with animals like cattle. That makes sense, because cows eat grass and other fibrous plants that require far more digestive fermentation. Their stomach systems—technically a four-compartment digestive system—break down cellulose, which produces methane as a by-product.

A liter is roughly a quart, right? Close enough for a rough comparison. On the high end, two liters would be larger than a typical coffee cup but still not a huge volume—something closer to a large soda bottle.

Another statistic you sometimes see is that people pass gas around 10 to 20 times per day on average, though diet and digestion can change that quite a bit.

Jacobsen: Anything else we want to cover?

Rosner: Let’s check the news. I usually keep two computers running when I record—one to talk into and another to monitor headlines. Oil prices are currently around $80 per barrel, which is climbing toward $100. That is expensive compared with recent years.

Gasoline prices in the United States have risen noticeably since the conflict began—roughly twenty to thirty cents per gallon in some places. Trump had promised cheaper gas, and fuel prices were not extremely high before the conflict. If the trend continues upward, it could become politically damaging.

Many liberals think Trump launched the war to distract from the Epstein controversy. That seems like a poor distraction strategy, though, because it undermines other promises he made. He campaigned on avoiding new wars and presenting himself as the president who would keep the United States out of foreign conflicts. At the same time, the conflict is pushing gasoline prices upward. It is also extremely expensive. Estimates suggest the war is costing around one billion dollars per day, and that number would increase significantly if the United States committed ground forces.

One of the top stories on Drudge right now reports that people inside the White House have been arguing about rising gas prices. That is not a great political environment when fuel costs are climbing.

Jacobsen: Anything else before I go?

Rosner: One more thing. I had not interacted with AI systems for a few months, and recently I started talking to Google’s AI again. The improvement has been striking. The systems have become extremely capable conversationally.

They obviously do not “know” things in the way humans do, since they are not conscious. However, they can discuss an enormous range of topics. The leveling of subjects is remarkable. There is almost nothing that is too technical or too simple for them to discuss.

If something has been written about and incorporated into the training data of large language models, the system can usually discuss it coherently. These systems use probabilistic models—often described in terms of statistical associations or Bayesian-style inference—to determine how concepts and words fit together in context.

That means AI can move between very different topics with surprising ease. It can discuss quantum physics, philosophy, literature, speculative scenarios, or creative writing. If there are enough textual examples linking concepts and language patterns together, the system can generate coherent responses.

I tested this by throwing various ideas at it—concepts I am considering for a novel. The AI often responded by saying something like, “That idea already has a name,” or “That concept has been discussed in this field.” In many cases, it could point to established terminology or theories connected to what I was describing.

That realization was interesting: many ideas that seem novel to us have already been explored somewhere in the academic or literary world. AI systems can surface those connections quickly because they have access to a vast body of written material.

I suspect that if someone like Stephen Hawking were still alive, an AI system could hold a reasonably coherent conversation with him about physics for some time. Eventually Hawking would probably notice limitations, but the fact that the system could sustain a discussion for even several minutes with a world-class physicist would already be remarkable.

Jacobsen:  That leads to a bigger question. The real puzzle may not be “Why is AI so good at reasoning?” but rather “Why are humans so limited at reasoning?” 

Rosner: One answer is cognitive capacity. Humans can hold only a small number of concepts in working memory at once.

Some extraordinary thinkers trained themselves to push those limits. Albert Einstein and Stephen Hawking, for example, became famous for their ability to hold complicated conceptual structures and equations in their minds simultaneously. Hawking, in particular, had to rely heavily on mental visualization after he lost the ability to write equations easily.

Training the brain to manage more conceptual relationships can lead to deeper insights. AI systems, by contrast, can process enormous quantities of information simultaneously. They are built to evaluate patterns across vast datasets.

Of course, AI also mirrors what people say. It often rephrases a user’s ideas and reflects them back in slightly different language. But it can also produce connections based on statistical associations within its training data.

Psychologists have discussed similar concepts in creativity research—ideas such as associative breadth or wide associative networks. Creative thinking often comes from making unexpected connections between ideas.

In that sense, large-scale data processing—even when it is purely mechanical—can sometimes simulate a form of creative association.

Any comments?

Jacobsen: I am good for now.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1634: Ukraine Air Raid Reality and U.S.–Iran Conflict

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/04

How do daily air raids in Ukraine and escalating U.S.–Iran tensions reveal the changing technology and geopolitics of modern warfare?

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the lived experience of war in Ukraine and the evolving global strategic landscape. Jacobsen recounts frequent drone and missile attacks in Kyiv, explaining how Shahed drones and air-defence systems shape everyday life under bombardment. Rosner explores the broader implications of drone warfare, U.S. strikes on Iran, and the uncertain prospects for regime change. Their discussion extends to international law, energy markets, and the economics of modern conflict. The interview blends frontline observation with geopolitical analysis, revealing how technological change, political rhetoric, and civilian resilience intersect in contemporary warfare.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Since arriving in Lviv and later Kyiv, I have experienced frequent air-raid alerts and attacks throughout the day and night. At times they occur in clusters—morning, afternoon, and overnight—creating the sense that the bombardment can happen at almost any hour. They are definitely happening more frequently for the third trip compared to the second trip and certainly from the second trip compared to the first trip.

Rick Rosner: Is it drones or missiles or both?

Jacobsen: Both. The slower-moving attacks are when you hear the anti-air defences close—really close. The Shahed drones are distinctive. On my first day in Kyiv, I was sleeping and heard a hovering above us. The closest comparison for a North American reference would be a lawnmower in the sky. They are loud—very loud. Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence has said Russia aimed to produce around 30,000 Shahed-type UAVs in 2025.

Rosner: How big are the drones? Six feet across?

Jacobsen: A Shahed-136 is about 3.5 metres long with a wingspan around 2.5 metres—roughly eight feet—so six feet across would be an underestimate. The systems used to take them down can be much smaller. It is a rapidly advancing technological environment.

Rosner: So it is drone versus drone in the sky?

Jacobsen: In some cases, yes. The technology is becoming more sophisticated, and the techniques for using it are improving. The operators and their teams are becoming more skilled. Remember, this is largely a citizen army—painters, bakers, dog walkers, cashiers, carpenters—now on the front line.

Rosner: It still functions through a military hierarchy, though, right?

Jacobsen: Yes, it is organized by rank. Ukraine is still in a rapid transition because it did not have a large modern army before 2014.

Rosner: Do people remain optimistic?

Jacobsen: People remain realistic and focused on getting through the day. If the air-raid alarms go off, international franchises and other businesses shut down until the alarms end, then reopen. A McDonald’s or KFC will close temporarily.

Rosner: We are speaking on March 2nd. Winter will be over in a few weeks. Does that mean more ground action?

Jacobsen: Temperatures are around minus five, minus six, plus one, minus two. For me, as a Canadian from a small town who worked on a horse farm, that is manageable—wear an extra layer. When it was minus 19, minus 15, minus 20, that was punishing after five or ten minutes. People endure.

If you get sick or have an infirmity, things become stark because you have to remain in place and recover while air-raid alarms sound or explosions occur in the background.

Rosner: If someone needs medical services—an MRI or CT scan—can they still get them?

Jacobsen: There are still places where you can get them, though with longer waits. A dentist appointment might be quicker because fewer people are going. At the same time, many medical professionals likely move to the front line during wartime, along with medically trained volunteers.

Organizations that track attacks on humanitarian and medical institutions report systematic bombing of medical sites. Russia appears willing to act with extreme cruelty, possibly as a psychological operation to demonstrate that nothing is off limits.

On journalist deaths, the numbers require clarification. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that 129 journalists and media workers were killed worldwide in 2024, making it one of the deadliest years on record for the press. A majority of those deaths were linked to the Israel–Gaza war. Other countries with journalist fatalities included Sudan, Mexico, and Ukraine.

According to CPJ, at least twenty-one journalists and media workers have been killed while working in Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in February 2022. Many additional journalists have faced detention, harassment, injury, surveillance, and other threats while reporting from the conflict zone.

These risks are closely tied to the nature of the war itself. Ukraine is an active battlefield subject to missile, drone, and artillery attacks across civilian areas, and journalists frequently work in the same locations where those strikes occur. As a result, reporters face many of the same dangers as civilians and soldiers, even when they are not embedded with military units or directly covering frontline operations.

Rosner: Should we talk about our war now? The United States’ new war?

Jacobsen: Yes, let’s discuss that. I will add one point regarding Israel. Several major international organizations—such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and other independent monitors—have argued that Israel may have committed acts that could amount to genocide or other serious international crimes in Gaza. Others argue that the actions fall short of genocide under international law but may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity. These debates remain ongoing. I’ve had Israeli lawyer colleagues argue it’s not genocide, while this is not a context for international law in these areas. Which, unfortunately, is duplicitous, the argument from human rights and international law when necessary to decline genocide and other criminal allegations, while arguing international law doesn’t matter in these areas. It’s not a la carte; it’s a highly educated and reasonably intelligent person’s denial of state crimes in which they happen to have citizenship. Same denialist process, though, along a spectrum. 

A common rebuttal raised in public discussion is that Gaza’s population has increased over time, so the situation cannot constitute genocide. The counterargument from legal scholars is that genocide is defined not by population totals but by intent and specific prohibited acts directed toward the destruction of a group, in whole or in part. Determining that threshold ultimately requires adjudication in international courts.

The scale of the violence remains significant regardless of legal classification. Tens of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza have been killed during the war, with a large proportion of the population being children because more than half of Gaza’s residents are under eighteen. Civilian vulnerability in such a demographic structure increases the likelihood that children will be among the casualties, whether intentionally targeted or killed during broader military operations.

However, it is important to note that the highest legal standard for declaring genocide has not yet been reached. That determination would require formal rulings by international courts such as the International Court of Justice or the International Criminal Court. In November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity related to the Gaza conflict. These charges remain subject to ongoing legal proceedings.

Rosner: Now, turning to the United States and Iran. There have been reports of U.S. strikes targeting Iranian officials and military leadership. Even if high-ranking figures are killed, that alone does not cause a regime to collapse.

Iran is geographically large—roughly four times the size of Texas—and has a population of about ninety million people. Its military structure includes hundreds of thousands of active personnel, large reserve forces, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which functions both as a military and internal security force. Altogether, more than a million individuals could potentially be mobilized.

Removing individual leaders, therefore, does not necessarily destabilize the regime. Historically, regime change has typically required large-scale internal collapse or a full-scale ground invasion, both of which would be extremely costly and complex.

At the same time, many Iranians—especially those who have suffered under the regime—harbour deep resentment toward senior leaders who have overseen decades of repression. Some people, therefore, see the removal of such figures as a form of justice, even if the regime itself remains intact.

Public rhetoric surrounding these developments has also become unusually crude. Some officials have used language drawn from internet subcultures—for example, phrases like “lethality maximization,” echoing slang from online “looksmaxing” communities. The adoption of such terminology by military institutions reflects a striking shift in political communication, where informal internet language increasingly enters official discourse.

The tone of the rhetoric has been crude. Pete Hegseth speaks like a television pundit—unsurprising given his background at Fox News. The messaging has been contradictory. On one hand, officials say the objective is not regime change. On the other hand, there is chest-thumping language suggesting that eliminating senior figures effectively amounts to changing the regime. The objectives remain unclear.

President Trump has also avoided giving precise answers about the duration or the campaign’s strategic goals. Trump will turn eighty in less than fifteen weeks, and his public statements have been inconsistent. At different points, he has suggested the bombing could continue for two weeks, four weeks, or five weeks. There is little clarity about what the administration is trying to accomplish.

Prediction markets such as Polymarket have estimated a roughly 60% chance that the Iranian regime will survive the current U.S. military action. That probability may underestimate the regime’s durability.

So far, according to available reports, several Americans have been killed in connection with the conflict.

Historically, the killing of four Americans during the 2012 attack on U.S. diplomatic facilities in Benghazi, Libya, became a major political controversy in the United States and was heavily emphasized by Republican politicians for years afterward. It remains to be seen whether Democrats will raise comparable political pressure over American casualties in the current situation, especially since they are currently out of executive power.

The military action itself is unlikely to produce permanent changes to Iran’s government structure. What it will almost certainly produce is turbulence in global energy markets.

If Iran restricts or threatens shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, the impact could be significant. Roughly twenty percent of the world’s oil supply passes through that narrow waterway between Iran and Oman. Any disruption there typically drives oil and gasoline prices upward across global markets.

Jacobsen: At the same time, the long-term price trajectory of renewable energy has been steadily declining. Over the past two decades, the cost per watt of solar and wind power has fallen dramatically, while installations have increased year after year. China, in particular, has dramatically expanded solar capacity in recent years.

As a result, the share of oil and gas in the global energy supply has been gradually declining. The transition away from fossil fuels is already underway, and geopolitical disruptions in oil supply may actually accelerate the shift toward renewables.

Rosner: Are you suggesting that the long-term decline in oil’s dominance is partly driven by falling demand relative to other energy sources?

Jacobsen: The energy demand overall is still increasing. What is changing is the cost structure. Renewable energy has become significantly cheaper per unit of electricity in many regions, and its deployment continues to grow rapidly. If oil prices spike due to instability in the Strait of Hormuz, it could further incentivize the transition to alternative energy sources.

Rosner: There is also significant political chaos surrounding the campaign. The central strategic problem remains the same: limited airstrikes or leadership decapitation operations are unlikely to change the form of government in Iran. Without large-scale internal upheaval or a full ground invasion—which would be enormously costly—the regime is likely to remain in power.

One could argue that even if the form of government in Iran does not change, degrading the regime’s capabilities may still serve strategic goals. Strikes can deplete military stockpiles, slow nuclear development, and potentially deter further escalation. However, the lack of clarity in U.S. objectives is characteristic of Trump’s leadership style. The administration has not articulated a consistent strategic endpoint.

There has also been some incidental absurdity in the campaign’s messaging. The operation has reportedly been named Epic Fury. Military operations have long had dramatic titles—Operation Enduring Freedom, for example—but this one appears particularly simplistic, seemingly crafted to resonate with Trump’s political base. Critics have also pointed out that the word “Epic” shares the same initial letters as “Epstein,” leading some online commentators to refer to the campaign as “Operation Epstein Fury” mockingly.

The most technically significant development connected to these strikes has been the reverse engineering of Iranian Shahed drone technology. Western and allied engineers have studied captured systems, refined their design, and produced more efficient versions. These new unmanned aerial systems can be deployed at far lower cost than traditional cruise missiles.

One example often discussed is the U.S. military’s use of low-cost loitering munitions built on similar design principles. These drones can cost tens of thousands of dollars rather than millions. By comparison, a Tomahawk cruise missile costs roughly two million U.S. dollars. If a loitering munition costs around $30,000 to $35,000, dozens can be produced for the price of a single cruise missile.

This cost asymmetry changes the economics of warfare. Large numbers of inexpensive unmanned systems can overwhelm defences in ways that traditional high-cost precision weapons cannot. If conflicts increasingly rely on swarms of unmanned aerial systems, it could reshape how the United States and other militaries conduct prolonged campaigns.

The United States has claimed that hundreds or even thousands of sites linked to Iranian military infrastructure have been struck during the operation. Civilian casualties have also been reported. In one widely discussed incident, a girls’ school was hit in a strike near a suspected Revolutionary Guard facility, reportedly killing around 150 students. The exact cause remains uncertain—possibilities include a misdirected drone or missile, or a malfunction involving Iranian defensive fire.

Regardless of the precise cause, such incidents highlight the profound risks of conducting military operations in densely populated areas. When targets are located near civilian infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, or residential neighbourhoods, the likelihood of catastrophic civilian harm rises dramatically.

The conflict has also spilled beyond Iran’s borders. Iran has reportedly launched retaliatory missile and drone strikes toward multiple countries in the Gulf region. These attacks have been described as large-scale and unpredictable, targeting locations across several neighbouring states. Such escalation increases the risk that a regional confrontation could broaden into a much larger conflict involving multiple governments across the Middle East.

Iran also attempted to launch missiles across the Mediterranean toward Cyprus, though several reportedly fell into the sea before reaching their targets. Analysts noted that the countries targeted in Iran’s retaliatory strikes all host U.S. military bases. Given the range and reliability limits of Iran’s missile systems, it makes strategic sense that most of its strikes would focus on nearby regional targets where its capabilities are strongest.

Another point worth noting is public opinion in the United States. A Reuters–Ipsos poll reported that roughly 27 percent of Americans approved of the strikes on Iran, while about 43 percent disapproved, and a large portion of respondents either had no opinion or were unsure. Without the exact sample size and margin of error, those numbers should be interpreted cautiously, but they broadly reflect a familiar pattern in American politics.

There is a core portion of the electorate—roughly a quarter of U.S. adults—who consistently support Trump’s actions. Another segment may lean toward supporting him depending on circumstances. Others are skeptical but remain in a wait-and-see posture, watching to see whether the policy produces results.

I fall mostly in the disapproval camp, though with some ambivalence. Occasionally, a controversial decision produces an outcome that turns out better than expected. For example, I was not particularly opposed when Trump previously authorized strikes targeting aspects of Iran’s nuclear program, which were framed as efforts to disrupt weapons-related development. This current campaign, however, raises more concerns.

Jacobsen: What is your assessment?

Rosner: One major issue is legality. Under the U.S. Constitution, initiating sustained military action typically requires congressional authorization, unless it falls within very limited defensive circumstances. Without such authorization, critics argue that the strikes could violate domestic law.

From the perspective of international law, unilateral military action against another sovereign state without a clear self-defence justification or a United Nations mandate is also widely considered a violation of international legal norms.

At the same time, there is genuine sentiment among some Iranians—both within the country and in the diaspora—who hope for the end of the Islamic Republic, which they see as a theocratic and authoritarian regime that has been in power since 1979. Many critics of the government argue that it enforces a restrictive interpretation of Islam and suppresses political freedoms.

That said, the regime has been in place for roughly forty-six years. Governments that appear entrenched often remain stable for long periods. Yet history shows that systems that seem immovable—the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany, for instance—can collapse suddenly once conditions change.

There is always a possibility of regime collapse, but the probability appears limited under current conditions. During the protests a month ago, one analyst suggested the regime might fall soon; at the time, I estimated roughly a thirty-five percent chance. Given the present situation, I would assign a lower probability.

How are Ukrainians reacting to these developments, especially considering the technologies used against them during Russia’s invasion?

Jacobsen: Ukrainian leaders, including President Volodymyr Zelensky, have been clear about the geopolitical implications. Russia has historically presented itself as an ally of Iran, yet it has not consistently intervened to protect allied governments when crises emerge.

Rosner: Russia did not decisively defend Syria’s leadership during its most unstable moments, and similar limits appear in other contexts as well.

That raises a broader question about the practical value of Russian alliance commitments. When events reach a critical point, the support promised by Moscow may not translate into decisive action.

Looking at another example, Afghanistan illustrates how quickly political systems can shift despite long-standing military realities. According to widely cited estimates, the Taliban maintain tens of thousands of fighters today. Military strength alone does not always determine political outcomes; legitimacy, public sentiment, and institutional collapse can matter just as much.

Afghanistan is a useful comparison. The United States spent about twenty years there and roughly $2.3 trillion over the course of the war. Iran is a far larger and more capable country. It has many times the number of military personnel, including the regular army, naval forces, and the Revolutionary Guard. If a conflict with Iran were to continue for any significant period, it could become extremely expensive.

There have already been costly incidents. For example, several U.S. fighter aircraft have reportedly been lost due to friendly fire or operational accidents in past conflicts, and modern combat aircraft can cost tens or even hundreds of millions of dollars each, depending on the model. If operations continued for a month or two at high intensity, the overall cost of the campaign could easily reach tens of billions of dollars and climb much higher.

Jacobsen: That is enough on that topic.

Rosner: I have another subject. I have been experimenting with a personal fitness routine. I keep exercise equipment in the house—a weight machine in the attic, abdominal equipment, and resistance bands on the main floor. Because the equipment is always available, I have been trying an unusual approach: performing a couple of short sets of exercises every waking hour.

The idea is simple. If moderate weight training is beneficial, spreading small amounts of exercise throughout the day could be even better. I have no clear evidence that this approach works, but it has produced one noticeable effect: it leaves me physically exhausted.

The constant exercise increases overall fatigue. That makes sense physiologically—muscles and the nervous system need recovery time, and repeatedly engaging them throughout the day may lead to fatigue. Are you heading to sleep?

Jacobsen: There is a strange detail about the air-raid alarm system. The mobile alert app used in Ukraine includes an English-language alert voiced by Mark Hamill, the actor who originally played Luke Skywalker. When the alert activates, his voice announces the warning in English.

After the alert ends—usually thirty minutes to an hour later—the message concludes with a line reminiscent of Star Wars: “May the Force be with you.” It is a form of dark humour during wartime.

When the alarm sounds, you immediately feel fear. You might be watching something online or working when the alert goes off, and suddenly, you are brought back to the reality of the war.

Rosner: Hamill is known for publicly supporting Ukraine, so it is not surprising that he agreed to record those alerts. One more question. Do people reinforce their beds or sleeping areas?

Jacobsen: Some people try, but reinforcing a bed or bedroom does not provide meaningful protection. In blast safety, the general advice is to stay at least two interior walls away from windows or the outside. That reduces exposure to blast pressure and shrapnel.

Some individuals attempt to build improvised protective structures—such as steel frames or reinforced sleeping spaces—but these would not protect against a direct strike. If something like a missile or drone hits directly, the outcome would be catastrophic regardless of improvised protection.

Rosner: Stay safe.

Jacobsen: I will politely ask the Shahed drones.

Rosner: Talk tomorrow.

Jacobsen: See you tomorrow.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1633: Iran Regime Stability, COVID Trends, and Kyiv Under Air Raid

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/03

What does Rick Rosner say about the prospects for regime collapse in Iran, current COVID trends, and the intensifying strike pattern in Kyiv?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss reports about a possible injury or death of a senior Iranian figure, stressing caution because the claims rely on unnamed sources. Rick Rosner argues that limited U.S. airstrikes would be unlikely to trigger rapid regime collapse in Iran, given the country’s scale, military depth, and the historical resilience of its ruling system. The conversation then turns to COVID, where Rosner notes low case levels in Los Angeles and California. Jacobsen closes by describing Kyiv’s worsening air raid pattern, with alarms now occurring across daytime, evening, and overnight hours.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The Daily Mail out of London, which is not generally considered a fully reliable source, cites 12 Israeli sources who believe he has either been injured or killed. Rosner, what are you hearing?

Rick Rosner: Those reports appear to rely on unnamed security sources, so caution is warranted. Even if a senior figure were killed, it would not necessarily change Iran’s strategic posture. Iran is geographically large—roughly four times the size of California and significantly larger than Iraq. According to widely cited defense assessments such as the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ Military Balance, Iran maintains approximately 575,000 active military personnel. This includes the regular army (Artesh) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). In addition, there are several hundred thousand reservists and paramilitary Basij forces affiliated with the IRGC. The IRGC itself includes ground, naval, aerospace, and internal security components. This is not Iraq in 2003; Iraq had been significantly degraded by sanctions, no-fly zones, and prior conflict before the U.S.-led invasion.

If the United States were to conduct several days of aerial bombardment, as suggested, that would represent limited strikes rather than a full-scale invasion. Calls for the Iranian population to overthrow their government assume that external pressure translates into internal regime collapse. Historically, that is uncertain. Iran’s current political system has been in place since the 1979 revolution. It has faced repeated internal protests—1999, 2009, 2017–2018, 2019, and 2022–2023—yet the governing structure has remained intact.

That aligns with historical precedent. External military pressure does not reliably produce stable democratic outcomes. Post–Cold War U.S.-led regime-change efforts in the Middle East—most notably Iraq in 2003—resulted in prolonged instability rather than immediate democratic consolidation. Each case differs, but the historical record is mixed at best.

In domestic political terms, the effect on presidential approval would depend on scale, duration, casualties, and outcomes. Historically, limited military action can produce a short-term “rally-around-the-flag” effect, but prolonged or inconclusive conflicts often erode support. It is too early to assign specific percentages.

If the Iranian regime were to collapse and transition to a broadly supported alternative government, that would reshape regional geopolitics. However, regime collapse in highly centralized security states is difficult to predict and statistically uncommon without sustained internal fracture within elite or military ranks.

Jacobsen: Assigning a numerical probability would be speculative. Qualitatively, the likelihood of rapid regime collapse resulting solely from limited external strikes appears low.

Rosner: Historically, large-scale regime removal that resulted in stable democratic systems—such as Germany and Japan after World War II—occurred after total war, unconditional surrender, and long-term occupation backed by broad international coalitions. Even in that context, once the United States formally entered World War II in December 1941, it took nearly four years until Axis surrender in 1945.

World War II cost the United States roughly 405,000 military deaths, and total Allied military and civilian deaths were far higher across Europe and Asia.

Jacobsen: What is next, COVID?

Rosner: Los Angeles did not experience a winter COVID spike. In what is now the seventh year since the pandemic began in 2020, case numbers in Los Angeles and across California are very low.

Hospital test positivity rates are around 3 percent, which is generally considered low. In Los Angeles, the rate is approximately 0.69 percent—well below that threshold—and it has remained there for several months.

Nationally, and in England as well, case levels are lower this year than last year, and last year was lower than the year before. I do not want to speculate prematurely, but at some point community transmission becomes low enough that major seasonal spikes diminish.

Typically, case numbers begin declining toward the end of winter and remain lower through spring and summer, partly because people spend more time outdoors, where respiratory viruses spread less efficiently than in confined indoor spaces.

I have been cautious about masking, though I sometimes forgo a mask at the gym. Both Carole and I contracted COVID within the past year, so it has certainly not disappeared. However, current indicators are encouraging.

Public health policy is less prominent in national discussion right now, given other political and international developments. Even so, the underlying epidemiological numbers suggest lower levels of contagious spread than in previous years. That may allow continued gradual decline independent of policy changes.

How is Kyiv?

Jacobsen: They are conducting more strikes recently. Today there was an air raid alarm in the middle of the day—around noon. They are doing them at different times in the morning, the afternoon, the evening, and overnight.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1632: Estimating Lifetime Orgasm Time

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/24

If you extrapolate over your lifetime and calculate an average duration, how much of your conscious life has actually been spent in orgasm?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to quantify orgasm time across a lifetime. Rosner estimates 15,000–17,000 orgasms at five seconds each, totaling about one day of life. They explore the hypothetical of prolonged orgasmic activation and note medical risks, referencing priapism as an example of dangerous dysregulation. The conversation shifts to folklore about Viagra manufacturing “love fumes,” contrasted with Pfizer’s denials and a Newsweek report framed as humor. They then examine double standards in sexual talk, distinguish speech from misconduct, and connect scandals and technology to evolving norms, consent, and accountability. Rosner argues ethics hinge on consent, power, and context.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Here is the question. You have roughly tracked how many times you have had an orgasm?

Rick Rosner: I have a general estimate, yes.

Jacobsen: If you extrapolate over your lifetime and calculate an average duration, how much of your conscious life has actually been spent in orgasm? It is an interesting thought experiment.

Rosner: Not much, proportionally. If I estimate approximately 15,000 to 17,000 occurrences over several decades, and assume an average duration of about five seconds each, that totals roughly 85,000 seconds. Converting that, it comes to about 1,400 minutes—just under a full 24-hour day. So, across an entire lifetime, it amounts to about one day.

Jacobsen: Imagine what it would be like if the brain were activated in that state continuously for twenty hours.

Rosner: That would likely be medically dangerous. Sustained physiological overstimulation could lead to severe strain, pain, or cardiovascular stress. The human body is not designed for prolonged activation of that system.

There are medical conditions related to prolonged arousal. For example, priapism is a condition in which an erection persists for an abnormally long time and can require emergency treatment to prevent tissue damage. It is not the same as continuous orgasm, but it illustrates how dysregulation of blood flow can become dangerous.

Jacobsen: That is a medical problem.

Rosner: Yes. Some television dramas have depicted such cases in emergency-room settings. Treatment can involve draining excess blood to relieve pressure, because the condition results from blood becoming trapped in erectile tissue.

Jacobsen: It is remarkable how certain medications were discovered. Sildenafil, the drug later marketed as Viagra, was initially researched for cardiovascular conditions before its side effects were recognized as therapeutically useful for erectile dysfunction. 

Rosner: It has been manufactured in Ireland, among other places, and there is a long-running local joke about “love fumes” from the factory. Pfizer has described those stories as myths. They are part of local folklore rather than evidence-based phenomena.

Jacobsen: You could test that indirectly by surveying people in the region.

Rosner: There was a 2017 Newsweek article titled “Viagra Factory Fumes Are Giving Men Erections, Residents of Irish Town Claim.” It reported on local jokes surrounding the Pfizer manufacturing plant in County Cork.

Jacobsen: Don’t you wish it were true?

Rosner: The article quoted a local bartender who joked, “One whiff and you’re stiff.” It was clearly presented as humour and folklore. Pfizer has consistently described the story as a myth. There is no scientific evidence supporting the idea that factory emissions have that effect. It is an amusing piece of local lore.

Jacobsen: It is funny.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: You mentioned Carole gets tired of these conversations.

Rosner: She prefers not to hear extended discussions about sexuality.

Jacobsen: That raises an interesting cultural point. Women sometimes discuss sexual topics among themselves quite openly. When men do the same, it is often perceived as crude or inappropriate. Why do you think that is?

Rosner: It can come across as intrusive or unsettling depending on tone, context, and audience. Social norms shape how identical content is interpreted based on who is speaking. Perception matters.

Jacobsen: There is a double standard.

Rosner: Context is everything. Conversations about sexuality are not inherently harmful, but they should be situationally appropriate.

Jacobsen: You mentioned major scandals.

Rosner: The #MeToo movement was founded in 2006 by activist Tarana Burke to support survivors of sexual violence. It gained global prominence in 2017 after Alyssa Milano encouraged people to share their experiences publicly. Since then, multiple high-profile cases have emerged, including those of Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein, both involving allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation. These cases have had a lasting cultural and legal impact.

Jacobsen: Some argue that earlier scandals also had long political consequences.

Rosner: The Clinton–Lewinsky scandal of the late 1990s significantly shaped American politics. Some analysts argue that its political fallout influenced subsequent elections and public trust in institutions. That interpretation remains debated, but the episode clearly marked a turning point in media, politics, and public discourse.

Rosner: The key distinction here is that conversation itself is not the same as misconduct. A discussion may be uncomfortable for one person, amusing for another, and neutral for someone else. There is no automatic link between open conversation and criminal behaviour.

Jacobsen: Correct. Speech and conduct are distinct. Ethical responsibility hinges on actions—consent, power dynamics, legality—not merely on whether a topic is discussed. Context, intent, and behaviour determine harm.

Rosner: To put it bluntly, private behaviour conducted responsibly causes less harm than misconduct carried into public life. The issue is not sexuality itself, but ethics, consent, and power.

We have seen major political consequences linked to sexual scandals. During the Clinton presidency, impeachment proceedings did not significantly reduce his approval ratings. However, some analysts argue that the scandal affected Al Gore’s 2000 campaign strategy, particularly his limited public association with Clinton despite Clinton’s strong popularity at the time. Gore ultimately lost a very close election, and interpretations vary as to how much the scandal influenced that outcome.

In 2016, then–FBI Director James Comey announced shortly before the election that the Bureau was reviewing additional emails related to Hillary Clinton. That development stemmed from a separate investigation involving Anthony Weiner. The review ultimately did not result in charges, but the timing of the announcement remains controversial. Some political scientists estimate that late shifts in voter perception may have influenced a narrow election margin, though the precise electoral impact is debated.

Sexual misconduct, media coverage, and institutional responses have clearly shaped political outcomes in modern U.S. history. Whether they were decisive factors is a matter of ongoing analysis.

Culturally, patterns of sexual behaviour appear to be shifting. Research indicates that members of Generation Z report lower rates of sexual activity compared to some previous cohorts at similar ages. Explanations range from increased digital engagement to economic pressures and changing social norms.

As technology becomes more integrated into daily life, intimacy patterns may evolve. It is plausible that mediated experiences, virtual environments, or algorithmic matching systems will increasingly shape relationships. That does not mean in-person relationships will disappear, but their social context may continue to change.

In fiction, these shifts create interesting narrative possibilities. For example, a future setting might involve intermediaries who facilitate connections between highly vetted, consenting adults within strict ethical frameworks. Such a system would require safeguards to prevent exploitation or abuse. If social norms evolve, education around consent, emotional intelligence, and interpersonal conduct would become even more important.

Sexuality is not disappearing; it is adapting alongside technology and culture. The important variables remain consent, transparency, agency, and accountability.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1631: Kyiv Normalcy Under Fire: Risk, Reform, Exercise Micro-Dosing, and Sex Education

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/24

How does daily life in Kyiv reshape risk perception and “normalcy,” and what does that imply for human-rights reporting, micro-dosed daily exercise, and modern sex education?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Rick Rosner presses Scott Douglas Jacobsen on what “normal” means in wartime Kyiv: sirens, intermittent strikes, and the slow psychology of habituation. Jacobsen distinguishes lived risk from performative catastrophe, anchors the conflict in international law, and stresses universalist human-rights principles while acknowledging abuses on all sides. Rosner counters with American analogies—coyotes, hoarding, and 1970s bombings—to map fear’s weird ecology. They pivot to micro-dosed “every-hour” exercise and the line between adaptation and overtraining. Finally, they confront teen exposure to explicit imagery and argue for lifespan media-literate sex education. Humour, they agree, can reset emotions without denying reality.

Rick Rosner: You told me you’re tired. You’re in Kyiv, I assume. Can we say where you are?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Yes, go ahead.

Rosner: All right, you’re in Kyiv, but you say the war is not that bad. Is it just bombs?

Jacobsen: I have spoken with Ukrainian colleagues. Under Ukraine’s wartime rules, many Ukrainian men of military age are restricted from leaving the country. At the same time, women generally have more freedom to travel—some people who can travel in and out of the country, stay here a bit, while presenting the situation very dramatically compared to those army members. In my experience, that can sometimes function as status or social capital on Meta, Instagram, or X. From where I am in Kyiv, day to day, I do not experience the situation as constantly catastrophic, even though the risk is real. The tragedy is clearly for the frontline workers and armed forces fighting against Russian aggression.

Rosner: When you say it is not that bad, you still have sirens and flashes. Do bombs land close enough to shake your building?

Jacobsen: Not too much in my case so far, though it depends. 

Rosner: Not much, then. On the positive side, you are in a city with excellent pastries. People are generally friendly. They are happy to have you there.

Jacobsen: They are certainly happy to have my money.

Rosner: Do they not also appreciate that you are there to support them through their struggles?

Jacobsen: Many people are grateful. Some also try to influence my reporting through what I describe as a charm offensive. I tell them I appreciate the hospitality, but I am not there as “pro-Ukrainian” or “anti-Russian.” My principles are universalist. I am pro–human rights.

From an international law standpoint, Russia’s 2022 invasion is widely characterized as a war of aggression, and the UN General Assembly has demanded that Russia withdraw its forces. Russia has also claimed to annex Ukrainian territories, but those annexations are broadly treated as illegal and are not recognized by most states and international bodies.

Where Russia exercises effective control, the situation is generally described in legal terms as occupation. Occupying powers have obligations under international humanitarian law, including the Hague Regulations and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

There have also been abuses attributed to Ukrainian actors, and I have addressed that in public talks. However, I assess that the majority of alleged violations in this war are associated with Russian forces and state policy.

Rosner: Ukraine is not a young country historically, but as an independent nation, its history dates back only to the early 1990s, correct?

Jacobsen: Correct. It initially struggled with high levels of corruption, with officials still strongly linked to and influenced by Russia. It has been working to reduce corruption for 30 years and has made progress. 

Rosner: Corruption remains high, though?

Jacobsen: It has been reduced, but it remains high.

Rosner: Do you think corruption will continue to decline after the war ends? Will Ukraine become a cleaner country?

Jacobsen: Some anti-corruption and state-capacity reforms have accelerated under wartime pressure. War can force institutional adaptation. If stress fosters more flexible thinking at the population level, it can create conditions for reform in social structures and how people relate to one another.

Rosner: You have your struggles in a war-torn country.

Jacobsen: I do not feel that I am struggling here.

Rosner: In Los Angeles, we have our own version of struggle: an overpopulation of coyotes, especially young ones that do not yet know how to howl properly. They make unsettling noises at 3 and 5 in the morning. They have no idea what they are doing. We are talking about risk. You have bombs; bombs can kill. Coyotes can kill your cat if you let it outside. You should not let your cat outside.

Jacobsen: I remember walking through the remains of an elementary school after a major ground battle. The building was destroyed and still structurally unstable a year later when we surveyed it. As I walked through the rubble—brick and debris—I saw a dead cat flattened and dried out. It looked almost cartoonish, compressed and preserved by time and exposure.

Rosner: In the United States, you are more likely to encounter preserved animal remains in extreme hoarding situations. There is even a television show, Hoarders, where crews sometimes discover dead animals beneath unstable piles of accumulated debris—often stacks of newspapers or trash several feet high. Collapses can kill pets, and the remains can stay there for years until cleanup crews intervene.

Jacobsen: I spoke with an animal rescue worker operating during the war. They estimated that hundreds of thousands of dogs and cats may have been displaced due to bombardment, destroyed housing, and evacuations. Many people fled and were unable to take their animals with them. That figure is an estimate, not a verified census, but the scale of displacement is substantial.

I should add context about my own background. I have worked physically demanding jobs—janitorial work, restaurant shifts exceeding 90 hours a week, long-term intensive employment at an Olympic equestrian facility, and Canadian military basic training. That experience likely shapes my threshold for discomfort. Illness or cold weather is unpleasant, but I do not perceive it as catastrophic. In North America, people often relate to the war conceptually rather than through lived exposure.

Rosner: Chornobyl is in northern Ukraine, near the border with Belarus. Regarding stray animals, studies have examined dogs living in the Chornobyl Exclusion Zone. Some reports have noted genetic changes in animal populations exposed to long-term radiation. However, claims about dogs “turning blue” are likely misinterpretations. Coat discoloration would more plausibly result from environmental exposure, chemicals, or paint rather than radiation, causing blue pigmentation. Radiation can cause mutations, but not cartoon-like colour shifts. That is an important distinction.

Jacobsen: When people ask me what it is like in Ukraine, I know what’s coming. I have to manage their emotional response. My shorthand is humour. They ask about war, bombs, and death. I respond, “The weather is cloudy with a chance of missile, okay, but not ideal,” or “The fireworks are to die for here.” It disarms them. They laugh and reset emotionally. Humour diffuses tension. Fireworks are entertaining. Explosions that can destroy infrastructure are something else entirely. They carry real risk.

Rosner: I remember growing up in Boulder, Colorado, in the early 1970s during a period of domestic bombings linked to extremist activism. You would hear explosions while doing ordinary tasks at home. At one point, three individuals accidentally detonated a bomb they were assembling in a car at Chautauqua Park. As adolescents, we saw the aftermath—trees damaged by the blast. It was shocking and surreal. Exposure to that kind of instability shapes one’s sense of what constitutes normalcy. There is an edge of adrenaline to it. There is intensity, but it is not entertainment.

Jacobsen: Many civilians here seem psychologically adapted. They do not rush to shelters as frequently as outsiders might expect. Over time, habituation sets in. That does not mean the risk disappears; it means human beings adjust to persistent danger.

Rosner: Shelters carry risks as well. During the Second World War, London’s underground stations were used as air-raid shelters. There were tragic incidents, including stampedes in tube stations, where people were crushed or suffocated during panic rushes after sirens sounded.

Jacobsen: That would be an awful way to die—being crushed or buried in a crowd.

Rosner: Turning to the United States, it is the anniversary of the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It also coincides with the U.S. State of the Union address. Traditionally, members of the House and Senate, Supreme Court justices, and other officials attend. In recent years, however, some members of the opposition party have chosen to boycott and instead deliver alternative responses or parallel messaging. We will see how that unfolds.

Jacobsen: Are they planning a coordinated alternative address?

Rosner: Likely a series of speeches or responses. Historically, the opposition party delivers a rebuttal to the State of the Union. The effectiveness of those rebuttals varies. Often, strong policy critiques are undermined by weaker delivery.

For example, debate continues over the economic impact of tariffs. While some sectors have added jobs, others have seen losses, and economists remain divided over whether tariffs have strengthened or weakened long-term growth. Claims that tariffs alone would dramatically transform U.S. employment levels have not materialized straightforwardly. Trade policy effects tend to be sector-specific and complex.

Regarding federal leadership, Kash Patel currently serves as the FBI Director. Critics argue he lacks the traditional law-enforcement gravitas of predecessors such as James Comey, who, despite bipartisan criticism, maintained a conventional institutional posture during his tenure. There have also been public discussions about travel expenditures and optics involving senior officials. Any such spending, if taxpayer-funded, would normally be subject to oversight and potential congressional inquiry.

More broadly, some observers argue that controversial appointments—such as Patel at the FBI, Kristi Noem at Homeland Security, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. at Health and Human Services—may influence public policy in ways that affect areas such as immigration enforcement, public health, and vaccine confidence. Whether those appointments strengthen or weaken their party’s electoral prospects remains a matter of political interpretation. Electoral outcomes will ultimately determine how voters assess their performance.

Jacobsen: You see potential political consequences either way.

Rosner: Yes. Electoral systems function as feedback mechanisms. If voters disapprove of governance outcomes, they can register that in midterm elections.

Jacobsen: Many Republican voters and policymakers articulate principled conservative positions with which I would agree. 

Rosner: I grew up in a Republican household that valued fiscal discipline, institutional stability, and personal responsibility. It was not rooted in anti-intellectualism. American conservatism has historically included strands emphasizing constitutionalism and prudence. The present debate concerns how those traditions are being interpreted or redefined.

Jacobsen: I could reasonably consider myself a Republican in some respects.

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: There are positions you hold that some people might consider traditionally Republican.

Rosner: William F. Buckley Jr., one of the most influential American conservative thinkers of the late twentieth century, described conservatism as “standing athwart history, yelling stop.” By that, he meant that conservatism resists rapid or poorly considered change. It favours gradual, deliberative reform rather than sweeping transformation adopted impulsively.

There are serious arguments in that tradition. Consider artificial intelligence. AI development is accelerating rapidly, driven by massive private investment. Some technology leaders advocate minimal regulatory constraints, while others call for safeguards. For decades, science fiction—from The Terminator onward—imagined scenarios of runaway artificial intelligence. While those portrayals are fictional, contemporary researchers do discuss alignment, safety, and control risks in serious terms. A conservative principle would argue for caution: pause, assess, implement guardrails.

We have done that in other scientific domains. For example, many countries restrict or prohibit human reproductive cloning. Regulatory frameworks were developed precisely because of ethical and safety concerns.

Regarding current U.S. policy debates, former President Trump has argued against extensive federal regulation of AI and has criticized state-level efforts to create independent AI safeguards. Supporters frame this as innovation-friendly; critics see it as insufficiently cautious. That tension reflects broader disagreements within American conservatism about the role of federal oversight.

Historically, conservatism has articulated coherent arguments about institutional stability, constitutionalism, and incremental reform. My criticism is that contemporary Republican leadership often fails to foreground traditional conservative principles. Elements of the current party structure prioritize loyalty and cultural grievance over institutional prudence. That is an opinion, but it is one grounded in observable policy positions and rhetoric.

Jacobsen: Would you ever consider living in a geodesic dome-style house, as some people did in the 1970s?

Rosner: I grew up around experimental architecture. Geodesic domes and other unconventional designs were part of that period’s aesthetic. The practical issue with curved or non-rectilinear rooms is that most furniture is designed for straight walls and right angles. Corners are useful for structural efficiency and layout.

There is an example in Colorado often referred to as the “mushroom house,” formally known as the Stanley Brenton House, designed by architect Charles Deaton. It even appeared in the film Sleeper. I once visited it; it was visually striking but presented functional challenges. Houses with curved walls often require custom-built-ins. In some cases, insulation materials such as sprayed foam were exposed and susceptible to damage.

Non-rectangular architecture can be beautiful and imaginative, but it comes with trade-offs in usability and maintenance. Would I live in one? Possibly. I appreciate experimentation in design, even if conventional geometry remains more practical.

I have a topic to raise. I read a post from someone who argued that exercise is more important than most supplements. I already work out daily, but I’d like to know whether daily exercise is beneficial, and what about brief exercise every hour?

I have access to equipment at home, so I have been experimenting with what I call an “every waking hour” routine—doing a few sets each hour while I am awake. I have about nine minutes before I need to complete my ten o’clock sets, so I will likely sign off to do them.

Yesterday I was awake for about sixteen hours and exercised during fourteen of them. The day before, I was awake during portions of twenty separate hours and managed to do something active in each one. Does this approach produce measurable benefits or leads to overtraining?

Jacobsen: A recent survey of Meta users reported that approximately 19 percent of teens on Instagram say they have seen unwanted nude images. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: It would be challenging to grow up in the current digital environment. My early exposure to sexual imagery was limited and relatively mild by comparison. As a child, the first suggestive images I saw were novelty playing cards. A few years later, I encountered magazines like Playboy. Explicit sexual imagery did not appear in my life until early adolescence, and even then, it was rare and somewhat shocking.

Today, children can encounter explicit material online with minimal barriers. Research suggests that many adolescents are exposed to sexual content earlier than previous generations. That shift has implications for sexual development, expectations, and consent norms.

I believe modern sex education needs to address media literacy directly—teaching young people that pornography is performance, not instruction. Topics such as consent, communication, boundaries, and mutual respect are essential. There is also a need for adult education; sexual ethics and healthy relational behaviour are lifelong learning processes.

Longer life expectancy means people remain sexually active for more decades than in the past. That increases the importance of responsible, informed attitudes toward sexuality across the lifespan.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts on sex education?

Rosner: What I am saying is that sex education should not be limited to adolescents. There is a case for adult education as well, particularly around boundaries, consent, and power dynamics. Some high-profile cases—such as Harvey Weinstein and Bill Cosby—have involved older men abusing power and violating consent. Those cases illustrate the importance of ethical literacy at every stage of life.

Age does not automatically confer wisdom. Without reflection and accountability, some individuals fail to understand limits, respect, or responsibility. Education about consent, dignity, and appropriate conduct should extend beyond youth and remain part of a broader cultural conversation.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1630: Black Hole Information Paradox, White Holes, and Trump’s Tariff Clock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/22

How do black-hole information puzzles and tariff law collide in one conversation?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range from black-hole physics to trade policy throughout their exchange. Jacobsen explains that, in classical general relativity, information can enter a black hole but cannot escape the event horizon, highlighting the quantum tension behind the information paradox. Rosner critiques Mohammed Fouad’s ambitious, math-heavy paper and notes that Applied Physics Reviews is an AIP journal. The conversation pivots to Donald Trump’s renewed tariff push, weighing statutory limits, lawsuits, and economic fallout. They end with a wry comparison of Mark Carney, Tim Hortons, and AI ordering at Popeyes. The tone stays skeptical, concrete, and oddly humane.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In classical general relativity, information and anything carrying it can fall into a black hole, but no signal can escape once it passes the event horizon. That picture becomes problematic if quantum mechanics is correct that information is conserved, which is the basis of the black hole information problem.

In that framing, “black hole” versus “white hole” concerns the direction of causal flow. A black hole permits entry but not exit. A white hole is the time-reverse solution—matter and radiation can exit but not enter. Whether white holes exist in physical reality remains unconfirmed.

Rick Rosner: I looked at Mohammed Fouad’s paper. It is dense with advanced mathematics and high-level concepts. It makes sweeping claims that approach a universal solution to foundational physics. That scale of claim warrants scrutiny.

There is also confusion about the journal title. Applied Physics Reviews is published by the American Institute of Physics in the United States. 

He has been pursuing a PhD at Louisiana State University following a long career in chemical engineering, and he appears to possess advanced mathematical training beyond typical professional requirements.

Anyway, we should discuss tariffs. Trump has returned to imposing tariffs. There are several legal frameworks for doing so. He previously claimed that there was an international emergency requiring the United States to defend itself economically. That argument did not succeed. When discussing emergencies in the context of tariff authority, the expectation is war, near war, or a comparably severe crisis—not a large trade deficit.

The Supreme Court rejected that emergency justification. However, there is statutory authority allowing the president to impose up to a 15 percent global tariff for up to 150 days. Trump imposed a 10 percent tariff under that framework, which initiates a five-month clock.

The tariffs have had negative economic effects. They have not resolved the trade deficit, have harmed farmers, and have not demonstrably created significant new employment. The situation is not a depression, but it is economically damaging. There will likely be legal challenges, but he may be able to maintain a 10 percent global tariff for the permitted duration.

There is also the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, enacted during the Great Depression. It raised tariffs substantially and is widely considered to have worsened the global economic downturn. There are broader tariff authorities on the books that are legally complex and, in some interpretations, not fully tested. After the current 150-day window expires, he could attempt to use other statutory mechanisms.

The economic consequences are negative. The political consequences are less clear. If he had withdrawn the tariffs and attributed the decision to judicial limits, the economy might have stabilized more quickly, potentially benefiting him electorally. Instead, continued tariff escalation could weaken economic conditions and affect midterm outcomes.

Rosner: Your prime minister, Carney, appears comparatively steady.

Jacobsen: Not only steady—strategic.

Rosner: Consider yourselves fortunate.

Jacobsen: Americans often imagine Canada through familiar brands such as Tim Hortons. In Ukraine, when Americans arrive, the first recognizable brands they often see are KFC and McDonald’s. Immediately upon entering Kyiv by train from Lviv, one of the first large advertisements visible in the tunnel is for KFC. In war, states suffer, civilians suffer, and corporations often continue operating.

Rosner: I would prefer Popeyes; I consider it a stronger product. I visited a Popeyes recently and encountered an AI-driven ordering system at the drive-through. The pricing was straightforward: three tenders without sides were quoted at $10.59; five tenders were quoted at $16.59. We can discuss AI in fast-food ordering systems next time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1629: Are Smartphones, AI, and Longevity Science Triggering the Next Human Transformation?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/18

What constitutes a true “phase change” in human evolution, and are smartphones, AI integration, and longevity science pushing us toward another one?

In this wide-ranging dialogue, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine technological and evolutionary “phase changes” in human history—from language and agriculture to smartphones and neural interfaces. Jacobsen argues that 2007–2008 marked a behavioural transformation comparable, in speed if not scale, to earlier civilizational shifts. They explore the Flynn effect’s slowdown, augmented sports, wearable and implanted technologies, and the limits of AI embodiment. The conversation extends to wartime sleep disruption in Ukraine, longevity escape velocity, and sexual reproduction as evolution’s “inefficient” engine. Throughout, both probe what may remain uniquely human in an increasingly technologized world.

Rick Rosner: I want to discuss humanity’s phase changes. The concept comes from physics. There are quantitative changes, such as hot water and cold water, which are still water but behave as liquids. A phase change occurs when water reaches a specific temperature and changes state from liquid to gas or from liquid to solid. It is a qualitative change rather than merely a quantitative one.

I would argue that 2007–2008 marked a phase change in human behaviour. We moved from basic mobile phones—when using a phone in public was widely seen as rude—to a world in which smartphones became rapidly widespread and socially normalized. Today, billions of people use smartphones, and there are more smartphones in circulation than there are individual users. Most people with smartphones use them frequently throughout the day. We have also discussed the Flynn effect and its slowdown or reversal in some places: IQ test scores rose across much of the 20th century, often summarized as roughly 3 IQ points per decade in several countries, but recent research shows stagnation or declines in some cohorts and countries. That does not mean IQ is falling everywhere, but it does mean the earlier upward trend is no longer universal. It is plausible that changing environments—such as education, reading habits, screen time, and other factors—play a role, but causal claims should be made cautiously.

Human behaviour has changed in other measurable ways as well. In several high-income countries, younger cohorts report lower rates of drinking compared with earlier generations, and some surveys also show declines in sexual frequency among young adults. These trends vary by country, methodology, and time period, so they are suggestive rather than universal.

Other human phase changes took far longer than the smartphone shift. The emergence of language was a phase change. It made communication vastly more efficient and allowed humans to compress experience into symbolic units—words—that could be recombined and shared. The timeline for language is uncertain, but it likely unfolded over a much longer span than a decade of consumer technology adoption.

Walking upright also represented a major transition. Bipedalism in the hominin lineage began millions of years ago, and substantial increases in brain size occurred later. Dexterous hands alone do not guarantee technological intelligence. Many animals can manipulate objects effectively without developing cumulative, complex technology.

In the science fiction story Bears Discover Fire, bears develop fire-making technology and gather around campfires. In reality, dexterity alone does not produce technological civilization.

Another phase change occurred when humans shifted from largely nomadic lifeways to more settled communities and agriculture. That transformation altered social organization, economies, and culture.

A further shift involved the normalization of face-to-face sexual behaviour. Most mammals copulate from behind. Humans commonly engage in face-to-face sexual behaviour. I do not know all the associated evolutionary changes linked to that shift. It may be related to pelvic structure and habitual bipedalism. It may also influence pair bonding, because partners face one another during intercourse.

Humans evolved with permanently enlarged breasts. One hypothesis suggests that breasts function as a secondary sexual characteristic that may have replaced the visual signalling role of buttocks in rear-entry mating species. That remains a debated evolutionary explanation rather than a settled fact.

Another phase change could be the development of printed language. Before the printing press, literacy was limited to a small minority. Johannes Gutenberg’s movable-type press emerged in mid-15th-century Europe. Over the following centuries, literacy rates increased substantially as printed materials became cheaper and more widely available. The dissemination of information accelerated, contributing to major social transformations.

The reduction of human body hair may also reflect environmental change. Early hominins moved from forested environments into more open savanna habitats. In hot climates, endurance activity in direct sunlight favours thermoregulation. Reduced body hair, combined with increased sweating capacity, likely helped prevent overheating during persistence hunting and long-distance travel.

Future phase changes may occur rapidly. Wearable technologies, augmented-reality glasses, and implanted devices could become widespread if they prove practical and beneficial. Currently, implanted medical devices are relatively rare but significant. Pacemakers are used by a small percentage of adults, particularly older individuals. Cochlear implants restore partial hearing to some deaf patients. Deep brain stimulation is used in certain cases of Parkinson’s disease to reduce motor symptoms such as freezing and tremors.

Linked digital systems may increasingly approximate forms of mediated “telepathy,” enabling faster, more seamless information sharing. For most of human and animal history, direct mind-to-mind communication has not existed. Advanced interfaces could move us closer to real-time shared data streams, though not literal telepathy.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any technology that duplicates something the body already does efficiently may not make sense to develop. If reverse engineering a biological function is extremely costly and yields minimal benefit, the opportunity cost may outweigh the gain.

Rosner: If we imagine a world 200 years from now in which people can transition between biological embodiment and immersive virtual environments, or preserve aspects of consciousness digitally, there will still be a preference for living in a biological body. There will be ritual and cultural significance attached to remaining in the body one was born with.

In sports, there would likely be multiple leagues. Some competitions allow augmentation, while others preserve unmodified human performance. Even if enhancement offered major advantages, certain cultures would emphasize remaining biologically unaltered. There would likely be communities that deliberately minimize technological integration—analogous to contemporary groups that limit modern technology.

You are asking what human capacities might continue to exceed augmented systems. Sensory experience may be one area. Technologies can simulate pleasure, and pharmacology can alter mood, but such methods often involve trade-offs and health risks. Sexual intimacy remains one of the most accessible and comparatively low-risk sources of intense pleasure, and it may retain that role even in highly technologized societies.

Aesthetics may also preserve a preference for natural human appearance. Humanoid robots often fall into what robotics researchers call the “uncanny valley,” a term introduced by Masahiro Mori in 1970. As artificial figures become more human-like, they can evoke discomfort if they are almost—but not fully—realistic. Animated films such as The Polar Express are frequently cited as early examples of this effect. As humanoid robots become more common, acceptance may increase, but social adaptation will likely take time.

Artificial companions may become more widespread, though initial adoption could be limited or stigmatized. Over time, normalization could occur, but matching the subtle cues and embodied presence of human interaction remains technically and socially complex.

Jacobsen: What about the economic dimension? How will speech and listening change? Spoken language may increasingly be mediated by real-time translation, transcription, and augmentation tools. However, embodied conversation—tone, facial expressions, shared physical context—still carries information that is difficult to replicate fully. Even if technology enhances communication efficiency, the biological human system for speech and listening may remain central because it evolved to process nuance, rhythm, and social signalling in ways that are deeply integrated with our cognition.

Rosner: You mentioned another dimension: it may take a long time for technology-mediated telepathy to rival simply speaking to one another. Sharing thoughts directly through neural interfaces would likely be clumsy for a long time. I have been married to Carol for nearly 35 years. Some couples in the future may express intimacy by linking consciousness through neural technology. Even so, it may take decades before that feels as natural or effective as long-term familiarity and conversation. How often are you awakened during the night?

Jacobsen: There are stretches where you are awake for several hours and then manage only a short period of sleep. It is stressful. There is a curfew from midnight to 5 in the morning, when bombardments often occur. You remain indoors or go to a shelter. The timing appears designed to disrupt sleep. There have been no bombardments for several days, which is concerning because it may signal preparations for something larger. Many incoming missiles are intercepted. Air defence systems, including the Patriot, are effective, though missile supplies are limited.

Rosner: I read that Ukraine regained approximately 78 square miles over the past five days.

Jacobsen: Part of that may relate to changes in communication channels. If operational messaging shifts from rapid Telegram coordination to slower alternatives, that can create temporary vulnerabilities. In addition, connectivity disruptions—such as satellite internet access being restricted on one side—can create short windows of opportunity. Those factors may partially explain fluctuations in bombardment intensity. It is logistical.

Jacobsen: Is there anything else we should discuss? What colour hair would you prefer? 

Rosner: I would prefer to have my black hair and its former thickness back. I once had very dark hair. Now it is gray, and in photographs I nearly disappear.

Jacobsen: Does Marty McFly have a future version of you?

Rosner: That is the moment in Back to the Future when Marty McFly alters the past so dramatically that his parents may not meet, which would prevent his own existence. He carries a family photograph, and he begins disappearing from it. That signals that he must repair the timeline.

Jacobsen: He is being disentangled from that world line. You once mentioned that Chris Cole believes there could be a trillion instances of AI by 2100.

Rosner: He said AI, not only humanoid robots. AI could range from embodied systems, such as robotic companions, to embedded infrastructure—sidewalk sensors that monitor structural wear, refrigerators that track food and reorder groceries, or simple smart devices with minimal but networked intelligence. I am not certain how precisely he defines AI, but it includes not only humanoid machines but also trivial and distributed systems.

Jacobsen: He has not elaborated further.

Rosner: That would be worth exploring in an interview. Here is another topic. Some commentators argue that if a person can survive the next few years, advances in biotechnology may dramatically extend life expectancy. They refer to Ray Kurzweil’s concept of “longevity escape velocity,” the point at which medical progress adds more than one year of life expectancy per calendar year. Over recent decades, life expectancy in many countries increased gradually—often by a few months per year—but not at that dramatic rate. Some futurists speculate that by the 2040s, medicine may significantly extend both lifespan and healthspan. Extending lifespan without preserving health would be undesirable. Living to 120 with severe frailty offers limited benefit. Ideally, increased longevity would preserve function and vitality.

The verified maximum human lifespan is approximately 122 years, documented in rare cases. Only a very small number of individuals have approached or exceeded 120. Whether biotechnology can reliably push beyond that limit remains uncertain.

Jacobsen: What is the most inefficient structure or process in nature, and why does it persist?

Rosner: Sexual reproduction could be considered inefficient. It requires two individuals, recombines chromosomes, and produces many organisms that do not survive to reproduce. Over evolutionary time, billions of organisms are born and die. However, sexual reproduction generates genetic variation, which accelerates adaptation. Even highly intelligent animals, such as octopuses, often have short lifespans—some species live only one to two years. From an evolutionary perspective, reproduction and turnover are not inefficiencies but mechanisms for adaptation. What appears wasteful at the individual level may be functional at the population level.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1628: ​​Rick Rosner Restores a Jesus Mosaic with Gold-Glass Halo Rays, Then Dissects HBO’s Industry

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/17

Are you using geometric relationships, or are you doing what looks aesthetically good?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner about restoring a large crucifixion mosaic bought at auction. Rosner explains it is a full mosaic, heavy and damaged, rebuilt over two and a half years by replacing missing tesserae. He describes sourcing discounted Orsoni Venetian gold glass, made by sandwiching gold leaf between glass layers, and using mixed gold tones to add playful rays to the disk halos of Jesus, Mary, and John. He then pivots to HBO’s Industry, praising its research, critiquing shock-for-shock writing, and outlining a fintech rebrand, fabricated revenue, and a grim blackmail twist. It doubles as sharp cultural commentary.

Rick Rosner: I’m adding rays to the halos on my Jesus mosaic.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is it micro-mosaic?

Rosner: No, it’s a full mosaic—about 384 square inches. I’ve been restoring it slowly for about 2.5 years, replacing a few pieces at a time. I bought it cheaply at auction for $120: a large mosaic of Jesus on the cross, flanked by Mary and John. That crucifixion motif is fairly common in Christian art. It was cheap because many pieces were missing.

It weighs around 20 pounds. It tore out of the wall where it had been hanging, fell, and knocked off many pieces. I’ve been replacing them. It’s too heavy to hang now, so it sits on the floor of my office. I see it every day, and I end up thinking about Jesus.

I’m not a Christian, and I do not believe in his divinity. But I think about Jesus a lot—especially in this long political moment in the United States, where many self-identified Christians have lined up behind Donald Trump. In my view, Trump is a terrible person, and many Christian leaders who support him are also terrible people. In my view, they have pulled tens of millions of followers into a counterfeit “Christian” posture while treating immigrants brutally and still calling themselves Christians.

I’ve now restored the mosaic and replaced the missing pieces. In the past few days, I bought some Orsoni glass mosaic. Orsoni is a Venetian mosaic-glass furnace founded in 1888, based in Venice’s historic center (not on Murano). Murano, though, is famous for its centuries-old art glassmaking.

I bought the gold glass cheaply because the neatly cut little squares are expensive. I found a deal on scrap gold glass—odd-shaped offcuts and pieces that didn’t break the way someone wanted when cutting.

The gold glass is made by sandwiching gold leaf between layers of glass, with a thin protective glass layer over the gold. You see this in icon mosaics, especially in Eastern Orthodox traditions—mosaics where Mary holds the infant Jesus, with large halos and gold backgrounds.

In the mosaic I’m restoring, Mary, John, and Jesus all have disk halos made of gold glass. I studied the history of halos because the modern idea often portrays them as a ring of light rather than a full disk. Since I had gold glass, I decided to add rays coming off the three halos to make it more visually playful.

Jacobsen: Are you using geometric relationships, or are you doing what looks aesthetically good?

Rosner: I’m doing what looks aesthetically good. It’s already a bit much. The mosaic is slightly cartoony—maybe 80% realistic and 20% simplified—so there’s room for stylized rays, but I did not want to go too far.

Jacobsen: What colour are the rays?

Rosner: The rays are varying shades of gold. Some gold mosaic glass is made with 24-karat gold leaf, while others use slightly different gold alloys so that the tones can vary. You can get cooler, silvery golds and warmer, coppery golds. A mix looks better.

Jacobsen: Anything else you want to talk about?

Rosner: Yes. Carole and I have been watching Industry on HBO. It’s one of those modern shows that leans into perversity. You see this in some “second-tier” prestige shows, where writers seem to choose the most twisted plot option available. In shows like Billions, it can feel like shock and filth are substitutes for strong plotting and writing.

I recognize that impulse in myself sometimes: when I’m not confident in my writing, I can reach for perversity and shock value to hold attention. Industry feels different. It goes dark, but it still seems well-written and well-researched, and it explores ugliness because it sells and because some of it reflects real-world behaviour worth examining.

In this season, a sketchy online payments company—Tender—is trying to move beyond its earlier associations (including processing payments for subscription content such as OnlyFans) and rebrand as a legitimate, all-in-one financial services company aimed at Gen Z. The core valuation story starts to unravel. It looks like much of the revenue propping up their numbers is fabricated. It becomes a house-of-cards situation, with money and transactions that may not be real.

There are two threads: the Tender team, and another group betting against Tender by shorting its stock (shorting is a way to profit if a company’s share price falls). The shorting team digs into the books and argues that multiple large transactions and acquisitions are built on fake revenue.

Then it gets even darker: the show depicts Tender using sexual leverage and blackmail tactics through staged encounters. One major twist involves compromising material used to destroy a central character, including a reveal involving an underage victim—an extremely disturbing turn for a mainstream show.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1627: Quantum Computing on the Moon: Polar Craters, Radiation Shielding, and the Limits of Space-Tech Optimism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/15

Could lunar shadowed craters realistically host quantum computers, or do radiation and logistics overwhelm the cooling advantage?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses Rick Rosner on whether the Moon’s far side could host quantum computers. Rosner corrects the “dark side” myth, noting all lunar regions see sunlight, while shadowed craters offer cold but not radiation protection. He argues decoherence risks demand heavy shielding or subterranean installation, and lunar logistics likely dwarf terrestrial cryogenic costs. The discussion widens to Musk-style space utopianism: optimism drives progress, but physics, budgets, biology, and jagged regolith impose friction. They pivot to Gen Z nihilism amid AI media, plus NATO reassurance, immigration enforcement, and polling, stressing institutional change emerges gradually over years, not weekly headlines.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What about placing quantum computers on the far side of the Moon, perhaps in craters where conditions are cold and undisturbed? The premise sounds attractive because quantum computers require extreme isolation and cryogenic temperatures. 

Rick Rosner: However, the “dark side” of the Moon is a misnomer. The Moon is tidally locked to Earth, meaning we always see the same hemisphere, but every part of the lunar surface experiences sunlight over a lunar month. There is no permanently dark hemisphere.

Some craters near the lunar poles contain regions of near-permanent shadow and extremely low temperatures, which could help with passive cooling. However, radiation remains a major issue. Earth benefits from its magnetic field and thick atmosphere, which shield against cosmic rays and solar radiation. The Moon lacks both. Sensitive quantum hardware would require substantial shielding, possibly underground placement, to reduce decoherence from radiation events.

The logistical cost is enormous. Launching, constructing, and maintaining advanced computing infrastructure on the Moon would likely exceed the cost of terrestrial cryogenic facilities by orders of magnitude. Unless there is a compelling strategic or scientific advantage, the economics are questionable.

Jacobsen: Elon Musk has floated ambitious extraterrestrial projects before. Ambition in space technology oscillates between engineering feasibility and cultural mythmaking. Mars colonization rhetoric, for example, often reflects technological optimism more than demographic necessity. The United States represents a small fraction of the global population, yet its tech sector frequently frames expansion as destiny. That can drift into utopian thinking.

There is a psychological pattern sometimes called “Pollyannaish” optimism—an assumption that technical progress automatically resolves structural constraints. Space exploration is valuable, but scaling human settlement beyond Earth remains constrained by biology, radiation, cost, and governance.

The deeper pattern is this: technological visionaries often extend current exponential curves into the future without friction. Reality introduces friction—physics, budgets, human limits. The downgrade from hyper-optimism to measured pragmatism usually happens when those constraints assert themselves.

This extends to the feasibility of lunar or Martian settlements.

Rosner: Long-duration habitation on Mars faces severe constraints. Radiation exposure during transit alone is substantial. Mars lacks a global magnetic field and has a thin atmosphere, so surface radiation levels are significantly higher than on Earth. Long-term settlers would likely need to live underground or under heavy shielding to reduce cancer and acute radiation risks.

There are also material challenges. Martian regolith and lunar dust are sharp and abrasive because there is no weathering process like wind and water rounding grains over time. On Earth, sand is smoothed by erosion and ocean movement. On Mars and the Moon, dust particles remain jagged. That creates mechanical and health hazards. Apollo astronauts reported that lunar dust infiltrated seals and equipment and was highly irritating. Scaling that problem to a permanent settlement would require major engineering mitigation.

So replacing Mars with a lunar base does not eliminate difficulty. It reduces transit time but not radiation, dust, temperature extremes, or cost barriers.

The term comes from Pollyanna, a 1913 novel by Eleanor H. Porter about a girl who maintains relentless optimism despite adversity. Over time, “Pollyannaish” came to mean excessive or naïve optimism. In technology culture, it describes the assumption that engineering momentum overrides structural constraints.

Optimism drives innovation. Unrealistic optimism ignores thermodynamics, economics, and biology. The balance between aspiration and feasibility is the difference between exploration and fantasy.

Before we close, there was an article discussing Gen Z, AI-generated media, and nihilism. Younger cohorts have grown up amid political polarization, economic instability, climate anxiety, and now algorithmically generated content. Some cultural critics argue that constant exposure to AI-generated “slop” and unstable institutions fosters disengagement. If institutions feel brittle and media feels synthetic, meaning can erode.

Yet long-term indicators show mixed trends. Global literacy, extreme poverty reduction over decades, technological capability, and medical survival rates have generally improved historically. At the same time, affordability of housing, education, and healthcare in certain countries has worsened relative to wages.

The psychological tension arises when macro-level progress coexists with individual precarity. If living standards improve technologically while access becomes uneven, cynicism can grow. The challenge for the next generation is not whether things are objectively worse or better in aggregate, but whether systems distribute gains in ways that feel stable and fair.

Nihilism tends to flourish in transitional eras. Historically, transitions eventually settle into new norms. The question is how turbulent the settling process becomes.

AI gives people reasons to panic, but it will also produce extraordinary advances. So the nihilism we see among younger cohorts may be exaggerated. The article mentioned “looksmaxxing.” Are you familiar with that?

Jacobsen: Yes. 

Rosner: “Looksmaxxing” refers to online subcultures focused on maximizing physical attractiveness through grooming, fitness, cosmetic procedures, or even more extreme interventions. It reflects a hyper-competitive digital environment in which identity and perceived value are mediated by algorithms and social comparison.

Jacobsen: The broader pattern is cognitive. Humans evolved as threat detectors. Our ancestors survived by overreacting to danger rather than underreacting. False positives were cheaper than false negatives. That bias persists. Even in environments of unprecedented technological convenience, we gravitate toward signals of instability, decline, or risk.

Media systems amplify that tendency. Negative news travels faster because it triggers attention and engagement. AI-generated content, misinformation, and cultural fragmentation increase the signal-to-noise ratio, making it easier for charlatans to exploit insecurity.

At the same time, material indicators of global welfare—life expectancy, medical capability, computational power—have improved over long time horizons. That does not negate localized economic strain or political dysfunction. It creates a psychological dissonance: aggregate progress coexists with perceived precarity.

Nihilism often emerges when rapid change outpaces institutional adaptation. Yet the very fact that we detect threat so readily is evidence of adaptive resilience. A species wired to scan for danger may feel anxious in transitional eras, but that vigilance also drives course correction.

The question is not whether anxiety exists. It is whether we allow anxiety to metastasize into paralysis, or channel it into structured adaptation. Technological epochs always look chaotic from the inside. History tends to smooth them in retrospect.

The U.S. ambassador to NATO recently signaled at the Munich Security Conference that the United States is not abandoning Europe. Some interpret that as a reframing after a period of strained rhetoric. What is your view?

Rosner: Diplomatic tone and strategic posture do not always align perfectly. Reassurance statements can serve multiple audiences simultaneously: European allies seeking stability, domestic constituencies attentive to sovereignty rhetoric, and partisan observers reading symbolic cues. A speech can be conciliatory in parts and combative in others. Without examining the full transcript in context, it is difficult to evaluate the balance.

Foreign policy messaging often oscillates. One official may emphasize continuity with NATO commitments, while other political voices stress burden-sharing or cultural themes that resonate differently with right-leaning constituencies. Those signals can coexist. Allies typically judge consistency over time rather than isolated applause lines.

Jacobsen: Domestic opinion also appears divided on immigration enforcement and ICE.

Rosner: Public opinion on immigration enforcement has historically fluctuated depending on framing. Some surveys show that majorities support border enforcement in principle, while also expressing concern about civil liberties and due process in specific cases. Partisan splits are common.

Presidential approval ratings reflect methodological variation. Aggregators weight polls differently; some survey firms lean slightly conservative or liberal in sampling assumptions. Even accounting for statistical noise, trends over time can indicate directional shifts. If approval declines steadily, that suggests real movement rather than sampling jitter.

However, the relationship between polling and executive behavior is indirect. Presidents rarely recalibrate dramatically unless electoral consequences become imminent or legislative coalitions shift. Midterm elections often function as a corrective mechanism, but structural factors—district boundaries, incumbency advantage, turnout differentials—shape outcomes.

Gallup began systematic presidential approval polling during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s era and maintained it for decades. The organization has stated that strategic business priorities motivated the shift away from routine approval polling. Critics speculate about political pressure, but without internal evidence, that remains conjecture.

Polling ecosystems adapt. Even if one firm exits, numerous other survey organizations continue to measure approval, making long-term trend analysis possible. Institutional continuity matters symbolically, yet the empirical signal persists as long as independent data streams remain active.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts?

Rosner: Political cycles produce oscillations in tone, approval, and institutional trust. Structural change usually emerges gradually, even when rhetoric feels abrupt. The relevant question is less about weekly fluctuations and more about durable shifts in coalition behavior and institutional norms. Those shifts reveal themselves over years, not headlines.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1626: U.S. Employment 2025–2026: Benchmark Revisions, Near-Zero Payroll Growth, and AI’s Labour Shock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/15

How do BLS benchmark revisions and accelerating AI automation complicate claims of a strong U.S. labour market?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on why U.S. job “strength” looks shakier after revisions. Rosner notes the BLS benchmark cut 2025 payroll gains from 584,000 to 181,000; May–December gains totalled 12,000; January 2026 added 130,000—matching a year that “changed little.” He explains why headline messaging eclipses technical revisions, then connects labour resilience to policy: WHO withdrawal and anti-vaccine rhetoric raise outbreak and supply-chain risks; unlawful ICE detentions demand accountability; the SAVE Act could burden eligible voters. He closes on AI: rapid improvements may compress middle-skill work, redefining jobs, careers, and platform income, and forcing unions to renegotiate authorship norms.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is happening with the current employment situation in the United States?

Rick Rosner: The White House says job growth is strong and that America is back. The Bureau of Labour Statistics (BLS) originally reported that the U.S. added 584,000 nonfarm payroll jobs in 2025, but the annual benchmark revision reduced that figure to 181,000.

On a month-to-month basis, the revised BLS data show that from May through December 2025, total payroll gains summed to 12,000 jobs. The January 2026 jobs report shows 130,000 jobs added that month.

Jacobsen: For contrast, what does a healthy U.S. job market typically look like?

Rosner: In a healthy market, payroll growth is often in the range of hundreds of thousands per month, not near-zero for extended periods. BLS data in the January 2026 release characterize 2025 as a year in which payroll employment “changed little,” averaging +15,000 per month.

Jacobsen: Put this in a broader presidential context.

Rosner: Claims about presidents “creating jobs” are complicated because job growth depends on broader economic conditions. Still, net job change over a presidential term provides context. By the end of Trump’s first term, the economy had fewer jobs than at the start, largely due to the pandemic-driven contraction in 2020.

Jacobsen: Why does the public not track revisions?

Rosner: Messaging is simple; revisions are technical. The benchmark process can significantly change the narrative after the fact, as seen when 2025’s reported gain was revised down from 584,000 to 181,000.

Jacobsen: A few weeks ago, the United States formally withdrew from the World Health Organization. How might that decision affect American workers?

Rosner: The immediate labour-market impact is indirect. Withdrawal from the World Health Organization primarily affects global disease surveillance, coordination, and response capacity. Reduced international cooperation in public health can delay outbreak detection, disrupting supply chains, travel, and economic stability. Those disruptions can eventually affect American workers.

Domestically, the more immediate issue concerns vaccination policy and public health messaging. The United States is currently experiencing its largest measles outbreak in decades. Measles can be fatal in roughly one to three cases per 1,000 infections in developed countries, and it can also cause serious complications such as pneumonia, encephalitis, and long-term immune suppression. Even when it is not fatal, measles can lead to significant health consequences.

Vaccines vary in effectiveness. The measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine provides very high protection, typically around 97% after two doses. Other vaccines, such as those for influenza and COVID-19, offer partial protection. They may not prevent every infection, especially with rapidly mutating viruses, but they substantially reduce the risk of severe illness, hospitalization, and death.

Public misunderstanding often stems from the idea that a vaccine must provide 100% protection to be considered effective. In reality, many vaccines are designed to reduce severity and transmission risk rather than eliminate infection.

Leadership and public messaging matter. When officials express skepticism about germ theory or minimize the importance of vaccination, it can reduce public confidence in established medical science. Lower vaccination rates increase the likelihood of outbreaks, which can strain healthcare systems and create broader social and economic consequences. Withdrawal from international public health cooperation, combined with weakened domestic vaccine uptake, poses risks not only to global health but also to national resilience.

Withdrawing from major international public health institutions can weaken global disease coordination. It is difficult to quantify how many lives such policy changes might ultimately affect. However, reductions in surveillance, vaccination coordination, and funding for international response efforts can increase risks worldwide, particularly in lower-income countries that depend on shared resources and data.

Jacobsen: On a related issue, U.S. courts have repeatedly found that Immigration and Customs Enforcement has unlawfully detained individuals. Some analyses suggest thousands of such rulings. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: Courts have, in numerous cases, determined that ICE detentions violated statutory or constitutional standards. When courts find unlawful detention, the key question becomes accountability. If violations are not consistently addressed through internal discipline, civil liability, or, where warranted, criminal prosecution, problematic conduct can persist. Public scrutiny has increased in recent years, which can influence institutional behaviour, but enforcement of legal standards ultimately depends on oversight mechanisms within the Department of Justice and the courts.

There have been high-profile cases in which video evidence later contradicted official accounts of enforcement encounters. In such situations, transparency and independent review are critical to maintaining public trust. Without credible accountability, misconduct allegations can erode confidence in federal law enforcement agencies.

Jacobsen: There have also been debates about federal involvement in election administration and proposals such as the SAVE Act.

Rosner: Under the U.S. Constitution, states administer elections, including federal elections, subject to congressional regulation under Article I, Section 4. Proposals such as the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act aim to require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections. Supporters argue this prevents noncitizen voting; critics argue it could create administrative burdens for eligible voters who lack readily available documentation, such as birth certificates or passports.

Name changes after marriage can create documentation mismatches for some voters, requiring additional paperwork to establish identity continuity. Whether such requirements constitute reasonable safeguards or undue burdens is the subject of ongoing political and legal debate.

As for voter fraud, multiple studies have found that documented cases are rare relative to the total number of ballots cast. Analyses of publicly available databases, including compilations by advocacy organizations, suggest that confirmed fraudulent votes represent a tiny fraction of total votes nationwide. Most experts agree that while election integrity is important, large-scale fraud affecting national outcomes has not been demonstrated in modern U.S. elections.

The reason large-scale voter fraud is rare is straightforward. It is already a felony in most jurisdictions, carrying potential prison time, fines, and a permanent criminal record. The personal risk is high, and the impact of casting a single illegal ballot in an election involving tens or hundreds of thousands of votes is negligible. That cost–benefit imbalance discourages rational actors from attempting it.

Most documented cases tend to involve confusion, clerical errors, or misunderstandings about eligibility rather than coordinated fraud. For example, there have been cases in which individuals with prior felony convictions mistakenly believed their voting rights had been restored. In Texas, Crystal Mason was sentenced to five years in prison in 2018 for casting a provisional ballot while on supervised release; she maintained that she believed she was eligible. Her conviction was later overturned by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals in 2024. That illustrates how complicated eligibility rules can create legal jeopardy even in the absence of clear criminal intent.

Data compiled by various organizations, including the Heritage Foundation’s Election Integrity Database, lists a few thousand proven fraud cases over several decades, out of billions of ballots cast nationwide. That represents a very small fraction of total votes. Most academic studies similarly conclude that in-person voter impersonation and other forms of individual ballot fraud are rare. Whether new federal legislation is proportionate to that scale is a matter of political debate.

Jacobsen: Turning to foreign policy, Marco Rubio recently visited Europe and framed the United States as historically and culturally connected to its European allies. That tone seems different from the Trump administration’s early posture. Is this a meaningful shift?

Rosner: Public diplomacy often varies from speaker to speaker. Rubio, as Secretary of State, may emphasize shared transatlantic ties and strategic alignment. That rhetoric is not inherently inconsistent with longstanding U.S. foreign policy traditions, which have emphasized NATO cooperation and shared democratic institutions.

However, tone does not necessarily determine policy. Cabinet officials can signal reassurance to allies, but ultimate strategic direction rests with the president. If the administration’s broader policies diverge from conciliatory messaging, allies will evaluate actions more than speeches.

Jacobsen: Some commentators speculate that Rubio appears uncomfortable in his role. Does that interpretation persuade you?

Rosner: It is difficult to infer internal states from public appearances. Photographs or isolated moments rarely provide reliable evidence of personal conviction. What matters is institutional authority and the execution of policy. Regardless of the Secretary of State’s demeanour, the Secretary of State operates within the parameters set by the president. In foreign affairs, structural power outweighs facial expression.

Jacobsen: Let’s move to technology. Elon Musk recently argued that much of the engineering effort behind Tesla’s Optimus humanoid robot is focused on the hands because the human hand is extraordinarily dexterous and has a wide range of motion. What do you think of that claim?

Rosner: That part is reasonable. We talked about this in another session. The human hand is a biomechanical marvel. It has 27 bones, multiple joints per finger, fine motor control, and an opposable thumb that enables precision grips and power grips. Five digits appear to be an evolutionary “sweet spot.” With four fingers and a thumb, humans can manipulate most objects efficiently. More digits would increase mechanical complexity without proportionate functional gain.

Tool use in the animal kingdom shows the distinction. Some birds, such as New Caledonian crows, can shape sticks into hooks using their beaks. That demonstrates intelligence, but hands dramatically expand the range and precision of toolmaking. Dexterous hands plus a large brain create the feedback loop that underlies advanced technology. So if you are building a general-purpose humanoid robot, the hand is one of the hardest engineering problems.

There is also a social component. When robots operate in civilian environments, designers often anthropomorphize them. Even simple delivery robots are given eyes or names because humans respond more comfortably to agents that appear somewhat familiar. A humanoid form with expressive capacity can ease interaction.

Jacobsen: There is also renewed anxiety in the tech sector about the speed of AI progress.

Rosner: That concern is grounded in observable improvement. Generative video systems have recently produced short clips that are increasingly convincing at first glance. A filmmaker named Rory Robinson circulated AI-generated scenes depicting well-known actors in fabricated scenarios to illustrate how quickly the technology is advancing. The point was not to celebrate job displacement but to highlight the potential threat to creative labour.

The larger debate centers on whether AI systems are entering what some call a “phase change.” Earlier systems required close supervision because they generated frequent factual or logical errors. Newer models can perform longer, more coherent tasks with fewer obvious mistakes. That does not make them infallible, but it does reduce the friction involved in delegating substantial work to them.

The economic implication is uncertainty. Historically, automation has replaced some tasks while creating others. The question is whether current AI systems primarily augment human capability or substitute for it. If they approach consistent high-level performance across domains, labour markets could experience meaningful disruption. If their reliability plateaus, they may remain powerful tools rather than wholesale replacements. The trajectory is empirical, not mystical, and it deserves careful measurement rather than panic or denial.

Jacobsen: In that context, how should we define a job? How should we define a career? Is there a third term we should be using?

Rosner: A job is a task bundle for which someone will pay you. A career is a sustained, identity-shaping trajectory built from related job bundles over time, usually with skill accumulation and status progression. There may be a third category emerging: platform-dependent income streams. These are not traditional careers, and often not stable jobs either. They are contingent revenue channels tied to algorithms and audience attention.

Take food delivery. Some roles remain because robotics has not yet scaled sufficiently to replace human labour. That is a job: task-based, replaceable, and often precarious.

Consider digital content platforms such as OnlyFans. OnlyFans reports millions of global creators, with estimates suggesting over one million based in the United States. For context, the U.S. has roughly 800,000 to 1 million sworn law enforcement officers and about 1.1 million physicians. Platform-based adult content creation has therefore become numerically significant, even if income distribution is highly unequal.

However, most creators earn little. A small percentage generate substantial income, often treating the work as full-time, involving marketing, subscriber engagement, and outsourced management services. That resembles entrepreneurship more than traditional employment. It is labour shaped by attention economics.

These platform-mediated roles can offer temporary insulation from AI automation, particularly where human presence, authenticity signalling, or parasocial interaction matter. Yet even these spaces face competition from AI-generated content.

Some sectors attempt formal protection. Entertainment unions such as the Writers Guild of America and SAG-AFTRA have negotiated contract language addressing the use of AI. That signals a shift: workers are not only negotiating wages but also negotiating the boundaries between human and machine contributions.

The larger issue is structural. If AI compresses the demand for cognitive labour, society may need new categories beyond “job” and “career.” We may see more hybrid roles: partial automation supervisors, brand-anchored creators, or trust-based human intermediaries. The labour market may bifurcate into high-skill oversight and low-barrier gig work, with fewer stable middle trajectories.

The definition of work increasingly hinges not on what you do, but on what cannot easily be replicated, automated, or synthetically simulated.

Jacobsen: Entertainment unions have negotiated agreements requiring that a human writer be credited and compensated if a film is produced. But AI systems are improving rapidly. Will there be widespread circumvention?

Rosner: The Writers Guild of America and SAG-AFTRA secured contract language limiting the use of AI as a replacement for credited human labour. The agreements generally state that AI cannot receive writing credit and cannot be used to undermine minimum compensation structures. On paper, that preserves authorship.

In practice, enforcement is more complicated. A technologically literate writer can use AI privately to test ideas, generate alternative scenes, or stress-test plot logic before submitting a script. That resembles research assistance more than outright replacement, but it blurs the line. If AI produces a rough draft and the human substantially revises it, authorship becomes philosophically and contractually ambiguous.

Writers have always used tools: research databases, spellcheckers, and even encyclopedias shaped earlier generations of work. The ethical distinction hinges on the depth of the contribution. Using AI to brainstorm differs from delegating narrative construction wholesale.

Jacobsen: So is using AI now simply due diligence?

Rosner: Increasingly, yes. Many professionals treat AI as an ideation engine or structural critic. It can suggest missed angles, identify inconsistencies, or propose alternate framings. That does not require surrendering authorship. However, if someone relies on AI for a full draft and then lightly edits it, the creative burden shifts. That shift may become common because it is efficient.

The economic parallel resembles discount marketplaces. Just as surplus bakery goods can be redistributed at lower cost through apps, cognitive surplus can be redistributed through AI tools. High-end handcrafted work still exists, but cheaper approximations proliferate. Consumers may not always distinguish between them.

Jacobsen: Does this mean professional writing is sliding toward assisted automation?

Rosner: It likely becomes hybrid. Purely human writing will persist where originality and voice are valued. But baseline commercial writing—marketing copy, formulaic scripts, procedural content—may increasingly begin with machine drafts refined by humans.

The critical variable is transparency. If AI is treated as a tool, like a calculator for language, the profession adapts. If it becomes an invisible ghostwriter, attribution norms destabilize. The trajectory depends less on capability alone and more on cultural standards about what counts as authorship.

You’ve described this as a mixed landscape. Do you think we are moving through a genuine phase shift in labour?

Jacobsen: It looks transitional, not apocalyptic. In prior industrial revolutions, machines automated physical labour, and new industries emerged around that automation. This wave differs because it targets cognition. We are not only mechanizing muscle; we are partially automating pattern recognition, drafting, diagnosis support, and analytical synthesis.

That does not mean total replacement. It means uneven impact. Some roles will be lightly assisted. Others will be substantially reduced. A few may disappear. The distribution may resemble a gradient rather than a binary outcome. Tasks cluster along a spectrum from augmentation to substitution.

Rosner: Take paralegals. In a large firm employing several, AI-assisted document review and drafting tools could reduce staffing needs. A firm that once required three paralegals may function with one or two. In a small practice with limited resources, AI could eliminate the need to hire entirely for certain routine tasks. That does not eliminate legal work, but it compresses support roles.

Tax preparation offers a parallel. For straightforward returns, automated platforms already handle filing without a human accountant reviewing each case. Complex returns still require certified professionals. AI shifts the threshold of complexity at which human expertise becomes necessary.

Medicine illustrates the hybrid phase. Clinical documentation consumes a significant share of physician time, sometimes estimated at around one-quarter to one-third of work hours. AI transcription and drafting systems can reduce that burden. However, hallucinations and factual errors remain risks and require oversight. In clinical settings, even small inaccuracies carry liability consequences. So the human remains the verification layer.

The direction of travel suggests that supervision requirements will decrease as models improve. Yet even if AI reduces paperwork from 30 percent of a physician’s day to 20 percent, that is augmentation, not displacement. The more sensitive the domain—law, medicine, finance—the longer humans remain embedded as accountability nodes.

The deeper structural question is whether fully automated cognitive loops can generate new industries or merely consolidate existing ones. If AI both performs and supervises certain industrial tasks, new job creation may not scale proportionally to the displacement it causes. That is what distinguishes this phase from earlier revolutions.

Still, history counsels caution against deterministic predictions. Intelligence automation is powerful, but institutions, liability systems, trust structures, and human preferences slow total substitution. 

Jacobsen: The landscape ahead is neither a clean bell curve nor a collapse. It is a layered terrain of partial automation, human oversight, and evolving definitions of expertise. Do you suspect many physicians are already using AI for documentation?

Rosner: I assume a significant number are experimenting with AI-assisted transcription and note drafting. Electronic medical record systems increasingly integrate voice-to-text and structured summarization tools. The efficiency gain is real, but so is the need for verification. In medicine, a small hallucinated detail can have legal and clinical consequences. So adoption tends to be cautious and layered with oversight.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1625: AI Freak-Out Cycles and Human Limits

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/14

So what kind of genie is AI—a monkey’s paw or Robin Williams?

Rick Rosner argues that recent “AI freak-outs” reflect real capability gains: systems can now produce usable code for longer stretches, shifting “learn to code” toward architecture, testing, security, and accountability. He rejects near-term “longevity escape velocity” promises as speculative. Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks whether AI is a monkey’s paw or benevolent genie; Rosner answers “both,” invoking The Tempest to describe destabilizing transformation. The discussion ranges from U.S. institutional trust—immigration enforcement surges, combative congressional testimony, and opaque Epstein-file disclosures—to proposed reforms like Supreme Court term limits, plus evolutionary notes on five-digit limbs and sensory fragility in a world of accelerating tools.

Rick Rosner: According to people who follow AI, we are in the middle of another periodic freak-out in the tech world. In the last several years, there have been recurring waves of anxiety that AI will disrupt large parts of the job market, especially knowledge work.

A few years ago, the common complaint was that you could only trust an AI system for short stretches before it made obvious errors in coding, arithmetic, or factual claims. In some high-profile cases, systems used for legal drafting produced citations that did not exist. More recently, the tools have improved: in many narrow tasks—especially boilerplate coding, debugging suggestions, and pattern-heavy writing—they can run longer and still be useful. That does not make them error-free, but it does mean the errors can be rarer, harder to notice, and sometimes costly when they slip through.

Not long ago, people were told to learn to code because it looked like a durable career skill. Now the argument has shifted: AI systems can generate substantial amounts of code so that the durable skill may be less about typing syntax and more about problem definition, system architecture, testing, security, and accountability. The “hockey stick” metaphor is often invoked here, but it remains a metaphor: progress has been rapid yet uneven, and it depends on constraints such as data quality, computational resources, energy availability, regulatory constraints, and real-world deployment limits. While AI can generate code—including code that improves AI tooling—this is not the same as autonomous recursive self-improvement proceeding without human oversight. Humans, institutions, and infrastructure remain central to development and deployment.

At the same time, some longevity advocates advance the concept of “longevity escape velocity,” the idea that medical advances could eventually extend healthy lifespan faster than biological aging. These claims are speculative and not part of scientific consensus, and timelines such as “within three years” are aspirational rather than evidence-based. It is accurate to say medicine is advancing and may continue to do so; it is not accurate to promise a near-term, indefinite lifespan.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So what kind of genie is AI—a monkey’s paw or Robin Williams? 

Rosner: Possibly both. It can produce real benefits while also generating unintended consequences and structural disruption. Ariel’s line in The Tempest, “Full fathom five thy father lies,” evokes transformation—something altered into a new and strange form under pressure. AI may grant capabilities we desire while also reshaping work, institutions, and identity in ways that feel destabilizing.

At the gym, you can see an early version of the “merging with the machine” narrative: people sitting on equipment, absorbed in their phones. You can resent it, or you can interpret it as a rehearsal for a future in which attention is continuously mediated by technology. I would still prefer that they vacate the chest machine.

Yesterday, politically, Tom Homan—former Acting Director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and currently serving in a senior border enforcement role—announced that a recent immigration enforcement surge in Minnesota had concluded. Homan is known for hardline positions on immigration enforcement. Reports indicate that ICE and Border Patrol personnel had been deployed in significant numbers to the Minneapolis area. ICE does not consist of “troops” in the military sense; it employs roughly 20,000 personnel nationwide, including officers, agents, and support staff. Minneapolis has a population of approximately 430,000 people, and routine city policing is typically handled by the Minneapolis Police Department, not federal immigration agents. Whether enforcement resources will be shifted to other cities remains to be seen.

In Congress, Attorney General Pam Bondi appeared before lawmakers for several hours of testimony. The hearing drew attention for its combative tone. Critics argued that Bondi frequently deflected questions, while supporters characterized her responses as forceful and direct.

The session also touched on the Jeffrey Epstein case. Several survivors of Epstein’s abuse were present. At one point, members of Congress asked whether they had sought information or engagement from the Department of Justice and felt they were being ignored; multiple survivors expressed frustration with the process. The Department of Justice has released millions of pages of Epstein-related materials, though many documents remain heavily redacted, and additional records have not yet been made public. The DOJ maintains that it has followed legal and privacy constraints in its disclosures.

The Department of Justice cannot logically claim to have released “every document” if millions remain unreleased. The DOJ has, in fact, released millions of pages related to Jeffrey Epstein, many of them heavily redacted, while acknowledging that additional materials remain under review or subject to legal constraints such as privacy law, ongoing investigations, or court orders. Critics characterize this as stonewalling; the Department frames it as compliance with legal limits. Both interpretations circulate in public debate.

Reasonable Americans who oppose Trump hope that controversies like this will persuade more voters to reconsider their support. That is a political judgment, not a settled fact.

As for global reputation: international polling over the past decade has shown that Donald Trump has been widely unpopular in many allied countries, particularly in Western Europe, Canada, and parts of East Asia. He is the most loathed person ever. Comparative global favorability data vary by region and time period. Some populations have viewed him favourably, particularly in certain countries and political subgroups.

U.S. global favorability ratings declined during Trump’s first term and rebounded during the Biden administration, according to surveys by organizations such as the Pew Research Center. It is also accurate that volatility in U.S. policy on trade, NATO, climate agreements, and tariffs has contributed to perceptions of unpredictability.

The United States maintains roughly 750 to 800 military sites overseas, depending on definitions and accounting methods. These installations often inject funds into local economies and serve strategic alliances. At the same time, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has expanded its economic footprint across parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe, offering infrastructure investment as a form of geopolitical influence.

U.S. midterm elections could shift congressional control, affecting legislative oversight and executive constraint. Structural reforms—such as changes to campaign finance laws, voting access, districting practices, or executive authority—are frequently proposed by scholars and policymakers to strengthen democratic resilience. Whether such reforms will occur depends on political will and electoral outcomes.

One structural reform people often propose is term limits for Supreme Court justices. At present, U.S. Supreme Court justices hold lifetime appointments under the Constitution. Clarence Thomas has served since 1991, which means more than 30 years on the bench. Because justices can serve for decades—especially if appointed in their 40s or 50s—some scholars argue that fixed terms, such as 18 years, would regularize turnover and reduce the strategic timing of retirements. Advances in healthcare mean that a justice appointed in midlife could plausibly serve into their 80s or 90s. Whether term limits would require a constitutional amendment or could be structured legislatively is debated among legal scholars.

That is where the institutional conversation stands.

Jacobsen: Now, why do our hands and feet typically have five digits each? 

Rosner: The answer is evolutionary history, not deliberate design. Early tetrapods—four-limbed vertebrates that emerged from lobe-finned fish roughly 360–390 million years ago—experimented with different numbers of digits. Fossil species such as Acanthostega had more than five. Over evolutionary time, the five-digit, or pentadactyl, limb became the dominant pattern among most land vertebrates.

Five digits are a stable developmental arrangement produced by conserved genetic pathways, including Hox genes that regulate limb formation. It is not that five is mathematically optimal; it is that this pattern proved workable and became evolutionarily entrenched. Mammals, reptiles, and birds inherited variations of this structure. In some lineages, digits were reduced—horses evolved a single dominant toe forming a hoof; birds fused and modified digits for wings; dogs and cats walk primarily on four weight-bearing digits.

In humans and other primates, the five-digit structure, combined with an opposable thumb, supports fine motor control. The opposable thumb allows precision grip—holding a pen, threading a needle, manipulating tools. That feature is more decisive for dexterity than the sheer number of digits. Adding many more digits would increase neural and muscular complexity without a clear adaptive advantage. Evolution tends to modify what already exists rather than redesign from scratch.

Raccoons, rodents, and other mammals retain five digits because they descend from the same ancestral template. They use them differently depending on the ecological niche. Elephants, for example, have five toes embedded within a padded foot, though externally they appear columnar; their trunk compensates as a highly dexterous organ. Horses rely on a single hoof for efficient high-speed locomotion. Different environments select for different modifications of the same ancestral plan.

Five digits are not a cosmic rule. They are a historical inheritance that proved versatile enough to persist. Evolution is conservative: once a structure works, it gets repurposed rather than reinvented.

Jacobsen: Why are we so debilitated when we lose a sense? 

Rosner: The short answer is that our sensory systems are not redundant luxuries. They are tightly integrated calibration tools. Vision, hearing, balance, touch, proprioception—each feeds continuous data into the brain. Remove one, and the whole predictive model the brain uses to navigate the world becomes noisier.

Watch a dog losing vision. Frida is a terrier—high agency, high confidence. As her eyesight declines, she bumps into furniture, hesitates before jumping onto a couch, and loses trust in her own movements. A calmer dog might adapt more quietly, but an assertive one feels the loss. She compensates—tracking treats by sound, using motion cues—but it is partial compensation. The nervous system can reorganize, but it does not simply replace sight with “super-sight” from the other senses.

That is where the superhero myth collapses. In Marvel’s Daredevil, Matt Murdock’s other senses combine into a cinematic version of vision. Real neuroplasticity is powerful, but it does not grant a literal visual overlay. Blind individuals often develop sharper auditory localization or tactile acuity, yet they still face real constraints. The brain reallocates processing power; it does not conjure new physics.

Jacobsen: Why do we not have tougher skin or harder bones?

Rosner: Evolution is a trade-off, accountant. Bones are made primarily of calcium phosphate in a collagen matrix. That combination is strong, lightweight, and repairable. Make bones much harder, and they become brittle; increase density, and you increase metabolic cost. Biology optimizes for “strong enough,” not “indestructible.”

Humans also evolved less body hair than many mammals. Several hypotheses exist: thermoregulation during endurance hunting, parasite reduction, and sexual selection. Clothing later supplemented what fur once provided.

You mentioned whether our bodies “need” to be tougher. The deeper answer is that evolution favours reproductive success over durability. Humans invest heavily in offspring—decades of care. That long dependency period likely intensified social bonding and sexual selection pressures. Traits that enhanced cooperation, attraction, and pair-bonding could outweigh brute physical armour.

We are not built like tanks because tanks do not reproduce well. We are built like negotiators with fragile skeletons and very large brains. Evolution selected for flexibility, cognition, and social complexity over raw toughness. Biology rarely chooses maximum strength. It chooses a workable balance.

Human bodies have changed in ways that reflect both biology and culture. Compared to other primates, humans are relatively hairless, have more visible secondary sexual characteristics such as breasts, and commonly engage in face-to-face sexual behaviour. Some anthropologists propose that reduced body hair may relate to thermoregulation, parasite reduction, or sexual selection. The idea that certain traits became more pronounced because humans could rely on clothing and tools for protection is plausible, but evolutionary explanations are usually multi-causal rather than driven by a single factor.

Indeed, our skin and bones are not optimized for resisting bullets or high-velocity trauma. Evolution selected for mobility, metabolic efficiency, and reproductive success—not armour. In modern societies, protection comes from technology: body armour, reinforced vehicles, and other engineered systems. Future biomedical or materials innovations could improve injury resistance, but embedding ballistic materials under the skin or genetically engineering “bulletproof” humans remains speculative and would involve major trade-offs in weight, flexibility, healing, and energy demands.

The idea of making humans “bulletproof” by making consciousness replicable or downloadable is, at present, science fiction. Neuroscience does not yet understand consciousness well enough to copy, store, or transfer it independently of a living brain. Brain–computer interfaces can decode limited signals, and digital preservation of memories through data is routine, but full mind uploading is hypothetical.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1624: Terrier Stubbornness, Wombat Cube Poop, and Why Animals Excrete Differently

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/12

How do dogs and other animals balance excretion and territory-marking, and why did evolution separate liquid and solid waste in mammals?

In this exchange, Rick Rosner uses his half–West Highland Terrier, Brita, to illustrate how temperament shapes house-training: terriers can be stubborn, sometimes requiring treats and prompting to prevent indoor accidents. Scott Douglas Jacobsen pushes the discussion from pet behaviour into comparative biology, asking how urination differs across species and why mammals separate liquid and solid waste. Rosner contrasts human excretion with animal territorial marking, then detours into zoological oddities: wombats stack cube-shaped feces for signalling, koalas face regionally variable chlamydia burdens, and kangaroos can grapple and kick in “boxing” bouts.

Rick Rosner: Our current dog, Brita, is half West Highland Terrier. What is the other half? Terriers tend to follow their own counsel. Our previous dog, Rosie, was fine.

If you did not let her out, she might poop in the house, but given the opportunity, she would go outside. Our previous dog, Meg, just wanted to do what we wanted her to do. She was a very nice dog. Brita is a nice dog, too, but terriers are stubborn. We have to take her out and urge her to pee for a treat. Otherwise, there is a 5% chance she will pee in the house out of laziness. You have been to our house—you know the carpet is pee-stained. I do not think it smells because we cleaned it, but the carpet is not in the best shape.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Do the patterns differ among humans, animals, dogs, and that sort of thing?

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: For them, it can be marking territory as well as excretion. For us, it is primarily excretion.

Rosner: Every animal has its own stance, attitudes, and conditions around getting rid of pee and poop. Wombats make cube-shaped poops. They use them for communication—marking territory and attracting mates—and the cube shape helps the droppings stack and stay put on surfaces like rocks or logs, rather than rolling away. The shape is thought to come from how their intestines move and compress drying material, not from the sphincter “moulding” it.

Wombats are adorable if you have seen them. Adult wombats are roughly around a metre long (often under that) and commonly weigh a few dozen kilograms, depending on the species. Also, what keeps growing throughout their lives is their teeth, not the entire wombat. Australia has some of the cutest-looking animals.

Koalas are pretty cute, but they do not do much. They mostly eat eucalyptus and rest. Chlamydia is a major health problem for koalas in many regions—it can cause infertility and eye disease—but it is not accurate to say they all have it; infection rates vary a lot by location.

Kangaroos are adorable, but you do not want to get too close to them. They can grapple with their forearms and deliver powerful kicks while balancing on their tails. People call it “boxing,” and it can definitely injure someone. Everybody has different peeing and pooping behaviours.

Jacobsen: Why do you think evolution produced a system where there is a separation between liquid and solid? Why is it not just one sludge?

Rosner: Birds are a good counterexample: many of them excrete uric acid and feces together through a single opening (a cloaca). In mammals, running liquids through the body and excreting them is an efficient way to remove certain wastes. Solid waste is different, and it takes different machinery.

Also, poop is not “95% bacteria.” Bacteria are a major component—especially of the dry mass—but they are not anywhere near all of it.

Jacobsen: Do other animals have as many bacteria?

Rosner: I do not know.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1623: Pornocracy, Testosterone Decline, and Relationship Maintenance in a Tech-Saturated Culture

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/12

How does Rick Rosner connect pornography culture, declining testosterone, AI-driven media, and the everyday “maintenance” that sustains long-term marriage?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to define pornography beyond explicit media, using it as a metaphor for a hyper-stimulating culture shaped by AI. Rosner rejects simplistic biological determinism, arguing there is no evidence that low testosterone causes sexual violence, while noting population-level testosterone declines and unresolved questions about endocrine disruptors. They discuss demographic contraction, the expansion of porn and romance “slop,” and why serious literature may be less sexualized than the 1970s. The conversation pivots to ethics, religion, and intimacy, ending with Rosner’s account of marriage as disciplined, interdependent maintenance.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s talk about what you wanted to talk about, erections and pornography. What do you want to discuss regarding erections, and what counts as pornography? 

Rick Rosner: One of the more prophetic films of the past twenty years is Idiocracy, directed by Mike Judge. I want to use “pornography” in a broader, metaphorical sense. In the release of additional Epstein-related files, some reporting has described medical records indicating that Jeffrey Epstein had very low testosterone and complained of low libido in communications with doctors.

That said, there is no established evidence that low testosterone causes sexual violence. Sexual offending is not medically reducible to a single hormone level, and there is no legitimate basis to treat testosterone deficiency as a general explanation for predatory crime.

Separately, population-level research has shown that testosterone levels in U.S. men have declined across birth cohorts over recent decades. The causes remain uncertain and are likely multifactorial, including changes in body composition, lifestyle, environmental exposures, and other health variables.

There is scientific literature on endocrine-disrupting chemicals associated with plastics. Some compounds used in plastics have estrogenic or anti-androgenic effects in laboratory and animal studies. However, translating those findings into definitive human population-level causal claims remains an area of ongoing research.

On demographics, the U.S. total fertility rate was approximately 1.62 births per woman in 2023, below the replacement level of 2.1. Many developed countries face similar sub-replacement fertility patterns. By 2050, Africa is projected to be the only continent with a growing population.

I would suggest that people may be having less partnered sex, but they still seek orgasm. The internet is already a vast supply of pornography, and with AI, that supply is expanding dramatically.

One speculative connection people make is that if testosterone levels are declining, individuals might still desire orgasm but may find arousal or performance more difficult. In that scenario, some might turn more frequently to pornography, potentially including more extreme material, to achieve stimulation. That remains a hypothesis, not an established causal conclusion.

Jacobsen: Does that include not only audiovisual forms—possibly even immersive or 3D formats in the future—but also literary forms becoming more explicit or more perverse?

Rosner: I argue the opposite in serious literature. If you look at major literary works from the 1970s—Portnoy’s Complaint, for example—mainstream literary fiction was often more overtly sexual than much of today’s critically acclaimed fiction. In that sense, serious literature may be less sexualized now than it was during that period.

That said, there is a large and expanding market for genre romance, including highly explicit material. Romance novels exist along a spectrum—from no sexual content to very explicit content—and publishers are generally clear about where a book falls on that spectrum. Readers can select based on their preferences, whether the theme involves cowboys, construction workers, fantasy elements, or more unconventional premises.

There is also a significant amount of AI-generated content in this space. Some authors use AI tools to produce large quantities of genre fiction, including romance. Much of it is formulaic. Consumption remains high.

However, among bestselling literary fiction and works that receive major critical discussion, there appears to be less explicit sexual content than during the 1970s, which could be described as one of the most overtly sexualized decades in modern American publishing. Serious literary writers today generally focus less on explicit sexual depiction than many of their counterparts fifty years ago.

Jacobsen: Anything else on that topic?

Rosner: There are broader implications to living in what might be described metaphorically as a porn-saturated culture.

Jacobsen: You spoke about further implications of living in what you call a “pornocracy.” One possible issue is self-loathing among consumers of pornography. Some content categories are intentionally extreme or unsettling. Are you referring to the emotional reaction some people report after climax?

Rosner: Not necessarily. I am suggesting that in a media environment saturated with sexual content, individuals may experience more frequent solitary sexual activity than in earlier historical periods. If so, it is plausible—though not conclusively demonstrated—that increasing exposure can lead some individuals to seek more novel or intense material to maintain stimulation. That escalation may produce discomfort or ambivalence afterward.

I don’t know how widespread or psychologically significant that effect is.

Many Christians consider masturbation or viewing pornography to be a violation of the commandment against adultery, or at least a breach of moral boundaries. Some religious individuals may be able to abstain, but many likely struggle with that standard.

Some couples may incorporate sexuality into a long-term Christian marriage in a way that feels consistent with their beliefs, which may reduce the sense of violating religious principles. Still, many people likely fall short of the ideal they set for themselves.

One second, a call.

[Pause]

That was Carole. She saw something at a thrift store—1930s Art Deco china—and wanted to check in before buying it.

Jacobsen: How would you describe those small moments in a marriage—those intermittent check-ins?

Rosner: They are forms of due diligence and respect. You consult your spouse before making certain decisions. I do not always succeed at that. I might buy something inexpensive without asking because she would say we already have enough. But in other areas of the marriage, I am more attentive.

We are approaching our thirty-fifth wedding anniversary, and we were together five years before that. We have spent most of our lives together. We practice relationship maintenance and hygiene. We try to be respectful, avoid unnecessary conflict, anticipate each other’s needs, and respond to them.

For example, Carole bought bagels this morning and made sure I had one for breakfast. Sometimes she brings home coffee. At night, she likes me to rub her legs as she falls asleep. These are small acts of care. You try to like the person you are with. I genuinely like Carole. There is a great deal to admire about her. I hope there are a few things to like about me, too.

Jacobsen: If you had to describe marriage in one sentence, what would it be?

Rosner: In women’s studies, a term often used for a healthy relationship was “inter-dependent.” It means you are not codependent, but you remain distinct individuals who pursue your own interests while blending your lives in ways that help each other achieve personal goals. It is not the most elegant word.

Marriage is a partnership in which you work together to benefit from being with another person.

Rosner: We have discussed how society is structured to provide advantages to people in long-term partnerships. From an evolutionary perspective, humans are the product of billions of years of sexual reproduction. Societies tend to support stable pair bonds because they are associated with child-rearing and social continuity.

Jacobsen: Are you more of a PC or Mac user?

Rosner: I am primarily a PC user. I can use a Mac, but I prefer a PC. Ten or fifteen years ago, being a PC user meant dealing with frequent viruses. That is less common now. I do not experience serious malware issues very often anymore. Carole and I both use iPhones, which aligns us more with Apple’s ecosystem.

Those are nice. I am fine with you getting them. Several additional Epstein-related materials have recently drawn renewed attention. Members of Congress, including Representative Jamie Raskin, a Democrat, and Representative Thomas Massie, a Republican, have publicly advocated for greater transparency regarding Epstein-related records. Some materials have been released in prior court proceedings, but substantial amounts of documentation remain under seal or withheld by the Department of Justice for various legal reasons, including privacy protections for victims and ongoing investigative considerations.

There has been discussion online about individuals who had financial or social ties to Epstein. For example, Les Wexner, the founder of L Brands, which included Victoria’s Secret, had a well-documented financial relationship with Epstein in the past. Wexner has publicly stated that he severed ties after discovering financial misconduct and has denied knowledge of Epstein’s criminal activities. Allegations against any individual require careful treatment, and public documents distinguish between association and criminal liability.

Historically, certain figures in the modelling industry, including John Casablancas, founder of Elite Model Management, faced allegations in past decades concerning relationships with underage models. Some other industry figures have also been accused of misconduct over the years, with varying legal outcomes. These matters remain separate from the specific criminal convictions secured in Epstein’s case.

Public discourse on social media has intensified around names mentioned in released or partially released documents. However, being referenced in documents does not, in itself, establish criminal wrongdoing. Legal conclusions require formal charges, due process, and adjudication.

His name appears on several buildings that benefit from charitable donations. Universities often name buildings after major donors; if someone contributes tens of millions of dollars, institutions frequently name a facility after them. Les Wexner has had buildings named after him, including at major universities such as Ohio State University.

The Sackler family, whose company, Purdue Pharma, manufactured OxyContin, became the focus of widespread litigation related to the opioid crisis. Purdue Pharma pleaded guilty to federal criminal charges, and members of the Sackler family have faced extensive civil litigation. As part of settlements and public pressure, many institutions removed the Sackler name from museums and university buildings. The controversy centred on the role of aggressive opioid marketing in contributing to addiction and overdose deaths.

Whether similar institutional reconsiderations will occur regarding other donors depends on legal findings and institutional review processes. Some institutions choose to remove names; others retain them pending formal determinations.

Additional Epstein-related documents have drawn renewed scrutiny. Public debate has included questions about Epstein’s past associations with prominent political figures. Former President Donald Trump has stated publicly that he distanced himself from Epstein years before Epstein’s criminal prosecution. Journalistic investigations have reported differing timelines and accounts regarding the nature and duration of their association. These matters remain subjects of reporting and political dispute rather than judicial findings specific to those claims.

Jacobsen: If you had to give up one food you enjoy permanently, what would it be?

Rosner: Probably chocolate. I enjoy it, though my attachment to it has declined somewhat. I eat chocolate frequently, including chocolate-flavoured foods. I would not eliminate sushi, although my enthusiasm for it has also diminished over time. So yes, most likely chocolate.

Jacobsen: Do you experience a sugar rush from chocolate, followed by a crash later?

Rosner: Not that I notice. I do not perceive dramatic sugar spikes. I do become sleepy without caffeine. When I was working a traditional job, I would often feel drowsy around three in the afternoon, but I began feeling more alert after I started drinking coffee regularly. Coffee allowed me to remain alert.

Jacobsen: What is the importance of rest during the day, twenty or thirty minutes, or even an hour to lie down?

Rosner: Brief rest periods can have health benefits. Lying down is helpful for circulation. For example, chronic venous insufficiency is a condition in which veins struggle to return blood from the legs to the heart, leading to swelling in the ankles. It is more common with age and certain lifestyle factors. I have experienced a mechanical form of venous insufficiency since childhood, which makes elevating my legs beneficial.

The return valves in some of my leg veins are incompetent, so my legs will swell if I do not wear compression. I wear two compression socks on each leg, along with an athletic tube sock to provide additional pressure. That helps prevent swelling. It also helps to lie down and elevate my legs so the blood can return more easily.

I wear contact lenses, and after about fourteen hours, they can irritate my eyes. Resting my eyes periodically is helpful.

Jacobsen: Do you drink tap water?

Rosner: Not often straight from the tap. At home, we usually filter tap water rather than buy bottled water. Los Angeles municipal water is generally considered safe. If I am in a hurry, I will drink it directly from the tap. In restaurants, I drink tap water. I do not believe tap water is inherently toxic.

Jacobsen: What do you think about people who believe the environment is so contaminated that they pursue detox programs or supplements that claim dramatic health benefits, despite weak scientific support?

Rosner: There is a significant amount of questionable marketing in the detox and supplement space. I take supplements myself, but I am aware that not all claims are supported by strong evidence. I live reasonably healthfully while recognizing that not every exposure poses catastrophic risk. I do not smoke, and I drink very little alcohol.

When you enter the realm of medical misinformation—particularly online—you encounter anti-vaccine claims and detox products that promise sweeping benefits without solid data. Average life expectancy in the United States is around 77–79 years, according to recent data, somewhat lower than in countries such as Spain or Japan, which are often in the mid-80s. A century ago, U.S. life expectancy was dramatically lower—around the 40s—largely due to high infant and childhood mortality. Once people survived early childhood, many lived into their 60s or beyond.

The overall increase in life expectancy suggests that, despite environmental concerns, public health systems, sanitation, vaccines, antibiotics, and modern medicine have substantially improved survival. Environmental exposures can affect health in various ways, but they are not causing immediate population-wide collapse.

Jack LaLanne, a well-known fitness advocate, lived to 96. He exercised intensely and followed a disciplined lifestyle. That longevity is impressive, but it shows that even optimal lifestyle practices alone do not produce extreme lifespan outliers.

Future gains in life expectancy are more likely to come from advances in medical treatment—improvements in cardiovascular care, cancer therapies, metabolic regulation, and other interventions—rather than from water filtration alone.

For example, long-term control of blood glucose is associated with reduced risk of complications from diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Maintaining stable blood sugar levels within a healthy range is beneficial, though perfect, minute-by-minute regulation is not biologically realistic outside of advanced monitoring and treatment systems. Nonetheless, metabolic health plays an important role in longevity.

Better long-term control of blood glucose might increase lifespan since chronically elevated blood sugar contributes to vascular damage and metabolic disease. However, blood glucose naturally rises after meals, even in people without diabetes, often reaching around 140 mg/dL before returning to baseline.

Medications such as metformin can modestly improve insulin sensitivity and reduce average glucose levels. In theory, if someone could maintain near-optimal glucose levels continuously throughout life, it might reduce long-term metabolic stress and add several years of life expectancy. However, perfect minute-by-minute control is not biologically realistic for healthy individuals, nor is it currently recommended outside of medical necessity.

People with Type 1 diabetes use continuous glucose monitors and insulin pumps that automatically adjust insulin delivery. These systems are designed to prevent dangerous highs and lows. Extending similar intensive control to people without diabetes would involve medical tradeoffs, potential side effects, and unclear long-term benefits. Research into metabolic optimization and longevity is ongoing, but broad preventive use of such systems in healthy populations is not standard practice.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1622: Welcome to the Trump Show, Institutional Erosion, and the Overton Window

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/09

How do minority support, institutional erosion, and media dynamics enable Trump’s boundary-testing style of politics?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on why liberals view Donald Trump as boundary-testing and institution-hostile. Rosner cites expert presidential rankings placing Trump near the bottom and argues that reputational damage abroad raises borrowing costs and weakens U.S. influence as China expands Belt and Road. He frames Trump as authoritarian-populist: constantly visible, powered by a loyal minority base, and reliant on in-group versus out-group moral narratives. Rosner links Trump’s anti-institutional posture to transactional loyalty, vengeance, and personnel choices that privilege allegiance over process. He also describes Overton-window shifts and tech-elite amplification that corrodes press effectiveness. It highlights risks to democracy.

Zero Sum Politics

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I will set you up. Why do liberals see Trump as someone who stretches presidential authority and tests constitutional boundaries through zero-sum politics?

Rick Rosner: Because he does. He is more corrupt, more aggressive, and less competent than any previous president. He has less political knowledge and less respect for institutional protocol. He is meaner, and I consider him the worst president in U.S. history.

Every few years, scholars and historians evaluate presidents in expert surveys. In several recent expert rankings, Trump is placed at or near the bottom. In the Presidential Greatness Project surveys, he ranked last in both 2018 and 2024. In C-SPAN’s 2021 survey of presidential historians, he ranked 41st out of 44, which is still among the lowest. In Siena College’s 2022 expert survey, he ranked 43rd out of 45. One does not need to be a partisan activist to conclude that he was a very bad president.

He damaged America’s standing in the world. That damage can sometimes be reversed. After George W. Bush weakened U.S. credibility, Obama restored much of it. Trump’s damage is more lasting because he demonstrated how quickly the United States can deteriorate with a single change in leadership.

After Trump, rebuilding trust will produce diminishing returns. Trust is necessary to sell U.S. debt—Treasury bonds that finance federal borrowing. If other countries do not trust the United States, higher interest rates are required, which increases the cost of servicing debt. This is inflationary and reduces domestic fiscal capacity.

As the United States withdraws from global engagement, China fills gaps through the Belt and Road Initiative—an international infrastructure and development program. The name is incidental; the function is clear. The United States once played a comparable role and benefited strategically. Trump abandoned that posture, weakening U.S. global influence.

Authoritarian Populism as Praxis

Jacobsen: What about the characterization of Trump as practicing authoritarian populism?

Rosner: Trump maintains constant public visibility. He speaks to the press frequently, often daily, including informal exchanges aboard Air Force One. He makes many false and offensive statements, but constant engagement benefits him politically.

By contrast, Biden was far less publicly accessible to the press, which harmed Democrats. Trump is authoritarian and seeks maximum power, but he is also populist in style because he is accessible. He prefers direct exposure and unrestricted speech.

‘We the People’ as Us Vs. Them

Jacobsen: What about the inner-circle versus outer-circle framing—us, “the people,” MAGA, versus enemies such as liberals, Democrats, secular humanists, Muslims, and others? How does that moral framing help him?

Rosner: He does not have majority support, and he never has. Since announcing his candidacy in 2015, he has spent the vast majority of his political career below 50 percent approval. At most points, his approval has been in the low 40s, while disapproval has been in the mid-50s. That pattern has been consistent.

Despite that, he still has enough support to function politically. A solid minority base is sufficient to raise tens of millions of dollars in campaign contributions and to sustain his political relevance. For him, MAGA is enough. Even though most Americans disapprove of him, his minority support provides the political and financial resources he needs.

Many observers hope that his support continues to erode—dropping from the low 40s into the high 30s—at which point Republican members of Congress may begin to distance themselves. That outcome is possible but uncertain.

Republicans currently hold a very narrow majority in the House. With margins this slim, even small shifts—such as special elections or party defections—can change control. Historically, the president’s party often loses seats in midterm elections, and most forecasts expect Republicans to face significant losses, making a loss of the House likely.

Geopolitical Continentalism

Jacobsen: What about the geopolitical framing—an authoritarian populist emphasis on continentalism—where he focuses primarily on North America while pulling back from other regions of the world?

Rosner: He can claim that frame, but his actions undermine it. He has unnecessarily antagonized Canada through tariffs, hostile rhetoric, and even joking references to annexation. He has also strained relations with Mexico. Continentalism makes little sense when North America consists of only three countries, two of which are at odds with each other.

There are legitimate issues with Mexico, particularly involving cartel violence and cross-border crime. None of that applies to Canada. However, Canada has been subjected to unjustified tariffs and political hostility.

Those tariffs have economic consequences. Tariffs on Canadian auto parts have raised costs for manufacturers, contributing to higher car prices in the United States. That harms both American consumers and Canadian producers. It does not advance U.S. interests and contradicts any serious notion of continental cooperation.

Anti-Institutionalism

Jacobsen: He is anti-institutionalist. That includes the Constitution as an institution, treaties, conventions, UN bodies and agencies, international organizations, NGOs, INGOs, and civil-society organizations—many of which he seeks to defund, weaken, or bypass. He is hostile to institutions. I see a kind of negation or substitute affirmation in things like the proposed “Board of Peace.” How does that fit into his vision of the world?

Rosner: He has said that if elected to a second term, his political purpose would be vengeance. His instinct is to break, defy, or undermine structures he resents. He is not interested in governance as such. He is interested in personal enrichment and personal power.

People describe him as “transactional,” which is a polite way of saying he prioritizes those who materially benefit him. He rewards loyalty that brings financial or political advantage. Institutions that do not serve that purpose, or that constrain him, are targets for attack or dismantling.

Media or the Press

Jacobsen: What about his approach to the press?

Rosner: He does not care about institutional legitimacy or broad approval. He gets what he needs from those aligned with him and largely disregards everyone else. He speaks impulsively and without restraint. He may occasionally praise or flatter individuals, but it is situational and instrumental.

Because his base remains loyal, criticism from the press has little effect on him. He does not value journalism as an institution. He only pays attention to media coverage insofar as it provides immediate personal advantage.

Jacobsen: What about his focus on personnel choices and enforcement priorities—where loyalty to him matters more than process or norms?

Rosner: He values people and actions that serve his personal objectives—more money, more power, and retaliation against perceived enemies. Process, institutional continuity, and rule-based governance are secondary or irrelevant.

The Overton Window

Jacobsen: What about the shifting of the Overton window?

Rosner: The Overton window defines the range of ideas considered acceptable in public debate—the arguments that can be made on social media, on television, and in mainstream discourse without immediate exclusion. Political actors on the far right actively work to shift that window so that increasingly extreme positions appear normal or debatable.

One example involves debates over what Olympic athletes may say publicly. American athletes are now routinely asked political questions in press conferences before and after events. Some express support for the country while criticizing specific policies or conditions. That has generated debate over what is acceptable speech for athletes.

In the historical context, this is not new. At the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, two American medalists raised Black Power salutes on the podium. That act shocked many Americans at the time. More than five decades later, political expression by athletes still provokes controversy, but the debate itself is now firmly within mainstream discourse.

It is now considered acceptable for television commentators to argue that athletes who make political statements should face consequences, including removal from competition. Pundits can make those arguments on major networks without professional sanction. That illustrates where the Overton window currently sits: it marks what one can say on national television without losing credibility or employment.

Some figures on the right attempt to push the window further—toward historical revisionism—by arguing that although Hitler was evil, some of his ideas were defensible. That position is still largely outside the Overton window and provokes widespread condemnation. However, the fact that such arguments appear at all, particularly on social media, indicates some movement.

In online spaces, including large influencer-driven accounts, individuals have made statements sympathetic to extremist or authoritarian ideas without facing total social or professional exclusion. That suggests a partial normalization of rhetoric that would once have been unthinkable in mainstream discourse.

The Ultra-Wealthy and Dominant Technologists

Jacobsen: What about the alignment with ultra-wealthy actors and dominant technology firms in weakening press freedom or press effectiveness?

Rosner: Wealthy technology executives have shown a growing willingness to align themselves with Trump or to accommodate his political movement. Several prominent tech leaders have appeared publicly with him or shifted their posture toward cooperation rather than opposition.

Jeff Bezos owns The Washington Post. In recent years, the paper has undergone substantial newsroom reductions through buyouts and restructuring, along with leadership turnover at the editorial level. While it is inaccurate to say that a third of the newsroom was fired, the reductions have been significant enough to raise serious concerns about the paper’s long-term capacity for investigative journalism. The Washington Post, historically central to the Watergate investigation and to American accountability journalism, is now a diminished institution compared with its former strength.

Other technology figures, such as Peter Thiel, have openly supported Trump-aligned candidates and political projects. Thiel has backed J.D. Vance and other figures associated with a more explicitly illiberal and authoritarian political vision. These actors are highly self-interested, possess immense financial and cultural power, and play a role in reshaping the political ecosystem.

Elon Musk owns X, formerly Twitter. Since acquiring the platform, Musk has loosened moderation policies, reinstated previously banned accounts, and allowed the return of extremist, conspiratorial, and anti-vaccine content. That has altered the tone and reach of political discourse on the platform, making it more hospitable to far-right narratives. This has had measurable effects on how political ideas circulate and normalize.

Taken together, these developments have helped shift the boundaries of acceptable public debate. They have not created Trumpism, but they have amplified it, reduced institutional resistance to it, and weakened the informational environment that once constrained it.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1621: Super Bowl Spectacle, Vaccine Backlash, and U.S. Credibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/09

From halftime shows and celebrity parties to measles outbreaks, the Epstein files, and transatlantic trust, what do these flashpoints reveal about American culture and governance right now?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range from Super Bowl culture to institutional trust. Rosner argues the halftime show’s language mattered less than spectacle, mocks the “alternate” Kid Rock event, and reflects on the social psychology of parties, fame, and disappointment. He pivots to travel and identity—Italy, England, and even hair as biology and branding—then turns sharply to politics: Maxwell and Epstein disclosures, federal leverage against blue states, vaccine misinformation fueling measles resurgence, and weakened confidence in U.S. steadiness abroad. The throughline is cynicism about performative controversy and the real costs of misinformation and instability.

Rick Rosner: I watched the Super Bowl halftime show with Bad Bunny. It was fine. His entire performance was in Spanish. That did not matter because the production values carried it. They brought in Lady Gaga for a while. Overall, it was fine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Was everything that Lady Gaga sang in English, Portuguese, or Spanish?

Rosner: She sang in English, but a lot was going on, and I did not catch many of her words either. It was fine. It was much better than the Super Bowl shows of my youth, such as Up with People. Expectations were different then.

Turning Point USA—Charlie Kirk’s organization—ran an alternate halftime show with Kid Rock. The official Super Bowl halftime show drew more than 135 million viewers. Kid Rock’s event drew several million streaming viewers, reported in the mid–single-digit millions. He lip-synced. The sound quality was poor, and the production quality was bad. Let them have their alternate halftime show. It was dumb.

Jacobsen: Overall, it is good for advertisers. A little fake controversy helps.

Rosner: I do not know. It is all dumb. More important things are happening—real political issues, such as the jobs market.

Jacobsen: Super Bowl Sunday has always been a distraction.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: It has always been an attempt at that.

Rosner: The Super Bowl itself is usually disappointing. This was not a good game. At halftime, Seattle led New England 9–0, and Seattle went on to win 29–13. A good game needs back-and-forth scoring. There was strong defensive play, but very little momentum shift. Super Bowls are usually disappointing.

I have been to Super Bowl parties. The food is supposed to be the best party food of the year. It usually is not. I have been to several parties. One had terrible food, and my team was badly beaten. That was one of the times Denver was in the Super Bowl. I went to a party in Denver where the people were unpleasant.

I used to attend celebrity Super Bowl parties when I worked for Kimmel. Those parties were good, but stressful, because you did not want to embarrass yourself around famous people. I went from a party where Jon Hamm might be present to a party with regular people. The conversation was bad, the food was bad, and my team lost badly. I have not been to a Super Bowl party since. I no longer attend the Super Bowl parties of famous people.

Jacobsen: If you had to leave the United States in peacetime, where would you go for a vacation, and where would you want to live permanently?

Rosner: Italy would be my first choice. Carole and I have been there twice. Italy is excellent and relatively affordable. If I were younger, I would buy one of those inexpensive houses in a small town, renovate it, get overcharged by local contractors, and end up with a small villa. That would be worth it.

Otherwise, England. Our child is there, and her in-laws are there. It is a great country. The winter weather is bad, but you adapt. Housing in London is expensive, but food is relatively affordable. I like England.

I could learn to like most countries in the EU. They are close enough that we could see our child more often than we do now. That is the answer.

Jacobsen: Would you rather have jet-black hair, straight gray hair, or a full head of white hair?

Rosner: I want Sam Elliott’s hair. He is a famous Western actor. Everyone knows him. He went gray relatively early, probably in his twenties, and is now in his eighties and still has a full head of hair. That is what I want. I want the kind of hair that turns gray early, which often means you keep it.

Jacobsen: So he pulled a Steve Martin, biologically speaking?

Rosner: No. Steve Martin is hair-challenged. He likely enhances it cosmetically. I want Steve Martin’s colour outcome, but not his hair loss pattern.

Jacobsen: What subject did you do the worst in during high school?

Rosner: I did badly in several subjects because I fell apart academically. I really liked American Studies, which combined English and history for double credit. I liked the course and the teachers, but I did not do the work.

We had to write long-term papers. I was supposed to write one on Thomas Moran, a nineteenth-century American painter associated with western landscape art—artists who travelled with explorers and painted places like Yellowstone, Yosemite, and the Tetons. Moran was one of them. I did a lot of research, but couldn’t pull the paper together. I failed the course. I failed it twice, which meant four Fs.

In my defence, I went out for wrestling. I developed severe hemorrhoids and had surgery. I was on Percocet or Percodan afterward. My focus, which was never great, was much worse while I was medicated. That is the explanation.

Jacobsen: Ghislaine Maxwell was questioned by a House committee and invoked the Fifth Amendment, declining to answer questions that might incriminate her. Any thoughts?

Rosner: Yes. It looks like a setup. She was willing to speak with Trump’s attorney, Todd Blanche, who asked her softball questions. In return, she was transferred from a harsher prison facility to a lower-security one. Blanche is now working at the Department of Justice, which is supposedly responsible for prosecuting Epstein-related crimes.

No one is being prosecuted. Millions of documents remain heavily redacted. Congressman Thomas Massie, a Republican who has become increasingly critical of Trump, has said that if the names remain hidden, he will release them himself. We will see what happens. But if anyone expects the Trump Justice Department to bring real accountability, they will be disappointed.

Jacobsen: New York City has built major court infrastructure around a ruling that required the Transportation Department to unfreeze federal funding for the $16 billion Hudson Tunnel project. The Trump administration has appealed that ruling. Any thoughts?

Rosner: Trump is withholding funds from New York. He dislikes New York because it is a blue city in a blue state. New York State is technically purple, but his hostility is obvious.

He has a pattern of weaponizing federal funding. He has suggested, in other contexts, that funding could be provided in exchange for symbolic loyalty gestures, such as renaming infrastructure. Dulles Airport, for example, is outside Washington, D.C., in Virginia. Trump has floated renaming it after himself as part of a funding discussion.

He is extraordinarily petty. Whether it is FEMA aid or infrastructure funding that has already been allocated, he treats it as leverage—rewarding red states and punishing blue ones.

Jacobsen: The measles warning in the United States has gone mainstream. Dr. Mehmet Oz has urged vaccinations, saying, “Take the vaccine, please,” as outbreaks have expanded and multiple states have reported cases this year. What are your thoughts on the rise of serious and potentially lethal diseases spreading state by state?

Rosner: In previous decades, measles was effectively eliminated in the United States. As long as vaccination rates stayed high—around 95 percent—it could not reestablish itself. Measles is extremely contagious, so it requires higher herd immunity than many other diseases, where lower coverage might still work.

Then the anti-vaccine movement gained traction, promoting skepticism. As vaccination rates declined, particularly in some tight-knit religious communities, outbreaks began to reappear. Those outbreaks do not remain contained; they spill into the broader population.

We have seen high-profile exposure events, including recent cases linked to major tourist destinations. Public-health officials cannot realistically trace or quarantine every exposure in those situations.

Dr. Oz appeared on a Sunday news program encouraging vaccination. He also claimed that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has never told people not to vaccinate, a point that the host challenged. At least there was some pushback.

The reality is that vaccine skepticism promoted by political figures and media personalities has consequences. The United States recorded more than two thousand measles cases last year, and current trends suggest that number could be exceeded. Measles can be fatal, but even when it is not, it can suppress the immune system for years, increasing vulnerability to other infections.

This situation is driven by misinformation and alternative-health grifting. Many of the same figures who oppose vaccines profit from selling supplements and “natural” remedies that offer no real protection. It is a serious public-health failure.

Jacobsen: Turning to the Department of Justice, Congress, and the Epstein files: the Justice Department has said it will allow lawmakers to view unredacted Epstein materials while the Maxwell deposition continues. What do you make of that? Is it good or bad?

Rosner: Those names remain redacted. Some foreign figures have been identified, which has already caused political fallout abroad, including renewed scrutiny of Prince Andrew in the United Kingdom.

Many wealthy and powerful American figures remain hidden. Congressman Thomas Massie, a Republican, has said that if the government does not release those names, he will. Many people are watching closely to see whether that happens.

Will there be consequences? I am skeptical.

There are two layers of suppression. Millions of documents exist. Roughly three million have been released, many heavily redacted. Another large tranche is being withheld entirely, with vague explanations. It is reasonable to assume that the unreleased material contains more damaging information, including material related to Trump.

We can also look at job data. A partial government shutdown delayed the January employment report, but preliminary figures indicate roughly 22,000 jobs were added. That is far below historical norms.

From 2011 through 2019, the U.S. averaged nearly 3 million jobs added per year. Job growth slowed sharply after new tariffs were introduced, and that slowdown appears to have continued through January.

Despite optimistic messaging from administration spokespeople, job creation has weakened significantly. The numbers do not support claims that the economy is performing well.

Jacobsen: One more, based on what you were saying. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is leading a large U.S. delegation to Munich for the Munich Security Conference. Reuters reports that the goal is to project steadier transatlantic ties amid visible frictions. That seems like a euphemism. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: You cannot credibly project steadiness from the United States with Trump as president. With Republican majorities in the House and Senate, there are few internal checks, and they largely follow Trump’s lead. Trump is unpredictable and, at this point, not viewed internationally as a reliable partner.

That is unlikely to change before the midterm elections. If Democrats regain control of the House, that could introduce some institutional constraint, but until then, the rest of the world has little reason to trust U.S. commitments.

Confidence matters. When trust in U.S. governance declines, international investors become more cautious. That can mean reduced demand for U.S. Treasury bonds or higher interest rates required to attract buyers. Higher borrowing costs increase the cost of servicing the national debt, putting additional strain on the economy.

Until there is clearer political stability or credible limits on presidential power, allies will hedge, markets will price in risk, and diplomatic reassurance tours will have limited effect.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1620: Geometry, Association Engines, and the Crackpot Index

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/07

What separates real scientific innovation from crankery—and how do online “belief ecosystems” turn bad ideas into bulletproof identities?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner pivot from “math-y” geometry to the sociology of science, framing physics and thought as networks of associations—photons, passes, causes, and connections. Rosn distinguishes everyday misinformation “stew” (anti-vax, flat earth) from would-be theorists producing sloppy “science,” then situates crackpot behavior against the realities of peer correction, technical language, and institutional filters. He invokes Kuhn’s paradigm shifts, Mach’s principle debates, and Baez’s crackpot index as a self-awareness test. They discuss “trisectors,” personality-driven cultish belief clusters, and the more durable defense: early critical-thinking habits.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s do something math-y. I was going to ask about the relationship between geometry and mathematics, and the embedding of physical laws, but maybe we have discussed that quite a bit before.

Rick Rosner: Okay, but you did bring it up, and I know where to go with it. Just about everything, especially physics, is about associations: links between and among things. A photon is a link between one place and time and another place and time.

It is like American football: the ball is a link between the quarterback and the receiver. A completed pass is like the emission and absorption of a photon. It shows that two different places and times were situated so that light could pass between them.

The universe is a vast set of these links, and space and time are an efficient way of organizing them—along with cause and effect. The structures we live in are not only this; a significant dimension of them is that space, time, and causality are comprehensible, orderly arrangements of an enormous number of associations between things.

Under a kind of least-action logic, the world is comprehensible because these links are arranged in causal, spatial, and temporal patterns. Everything is about linked stuff.

Our minds are association engines. One thing leads to another in our thoughts—it triggers a cascade of subsequent things. Even things like numbers, which seem immutable, can be seen as networks of associations among different numbers that give mathematics its structure.

That sounded a little circular. But in the current landscape of physics, what do you think characterizes a crank? 

Jacobsen: I sense that the nature of a crank changes as the dominant theories change. So, what would be the character, or content, of a crank in the current period?

Rosner: We have talked about how social media, the internet, and modern tech make it possible for lunatics to find each other and reinforce each other’s beliefs. You see this in politics, obviously, but you also see it in science—with anti-vaxxers and a whole bunch of related stuff. Someone who is anti-vaccine is often likely to believe a lot of other health and nutrition nonsense.

An anti-vaxxer might believe you should drink raw milk, for example. And you get prominent figures making claims along the lines that diet can cure serious psychiatric illness—claims that are not supported by evidence. There is a ton of health and medical misinformation out there. Once you buy part of it, it is easy to buy the rest, because there is so much of it, and the communities around it reinforce it.

If you seriously get into the nonsense, you might become a flat-earther. Believing the Earth is flat used to be a joke, but now there are likely many thousands of people in the U.S. who call themselves flat-earthers. One of them follows me on X, and there is nothing I could say that would dissuade her.

She is also a hardcore MAGA person, and she believes that everything I know is a lie prepared for me by my “mainstream media masters.” I posted a tweet recently saying Trump has a long history of racist behaviour, including the well-documented federal civil-rights case involving the Trump family’s rental practices in the early 1970s, which ended in a settlement with the U.S. government.

Sometimes I link to an article so people can read more, and if they think I am full of it, they can check the details. This flat-earther responded, “NPR—of course you believe their lies.” I wrote back: “I could give you 50 sources; this has been known for decades.” She wrote back: “How do you know all those sources are not made up?” You cannot fight that level of obstinate belief.

So that is one kind of crankiness—quackery where you are simmering in a stew of delusion, facilitated by how much messaging you can access to support your delusion. But that is not exactly what you are talking about. You are talking about somebody who tries to do science, and the “science” they come up with is sloppy and inaccurate.

And again: if you want to believe something crazy, you can find support for a lot of it. If you are doing your own “research” and building your own theories, there is a lot of that, too. If you want to feel like you are a genius—misunderstood, unappreciated by the world—there is a lot of support for that. There is a whole misinformation industry, a delusion industry. 

It can give you endless examples of doctors and scientists who claim not to believe in germs or vaccines, and who portray themselves as bravely standing against a medical establishment that they say only promotes vaccination for money. If you want to feel like a martyr—like you are the only one who understands, and the world conspires against you, you can get all sorts of support for that feeling from the quack community. Then there are people like me, who believe in almost all of science.

I believe in the scientific method. And there is not just one “scientific method”—you can read about the sociology and history of science. The most famous account is Thomas Kuhn’s 1962 book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. I have not looked at it in a while. 

Anyway, that is one way to describe how science can work: a generation of scientists comes up, they build on and support each other’s work, and there are dominant theories for their era. Then, as those theories get rickety—as evidence accumulates that at least partly contradicts them—people develop new theories. 

For newer theories that better account for the evidence to become widely accepted, there can be a long lag, because the older generation has to retire and, in the blunt version of the story, eventually die off. You can see this kind of dynamic in the rise of quantum mechanics, especially in how it displaced parts of late-19th-century classical physics in the early 20th century. 

On cosmology: the Big Bang framework has been repeatedly modified and extended—through cosmic inflation, dark matter, dark energy, and other additions—to address observations and internal tensions. It is an active research program, and sometimes it can feel “patched” from the outside, but I believe in the enterprise.

I do not believe certain aspects of the traditional Big Bang picture, as we have discussed for 14 years. But I am well aware I could be wrong. I am also aware I am undertrained, and that I do not spend enough time thinking about this and interacting with physics professionals to get corrected the way a working scientist would. When I mentioned my dad earlier, if he started talking nonsense, his colleagues and neighbours would have set him straight.

It is similar to crackpot physics: it really helps to live in a world where you interact with other physicists every day. You can throw ideas back and forth and see where you are wrong. Einstein, for example, benefited enormously from close collaboration with strong mathematicians—most famously Marcel Grossmann, who helped point him toward the tensor calculus that became central to general relativity. Einstein did not do all that heavy mathematical machinery alone.

That kind of community pressure can also be suppressive. You can say something like: Mach’s principle—roughly, the idea that inertia depends on the distribution of mass in the universe, or that motion only makes sense relative to the rest of the cosmos—seems intuitively correct. If you were the only thing in the universe, you could not tell whether you were moving, because there is no background. 

To be in motion, you have to be in motion relative to something. Then you could argue: maybe inertia is somehow the combined gravitational influence of everything else in the universe, and maybe when you are moving, you are “more coupled” to things that share your frame—same velocity, same reference frame, whatever. 

You can make an argument like that, and then somebody says, “Yeah, that was calculated decades ago, and it does not work,” or “There is a sign error,” or “The math kills it.” I have heard dismissals like that in the orbit of Mach’s principle. So you can come up with ideas and people can shoot them down—sometimes rightly—based on prior work and, yes, authority: “That cannot possibly work.”

Some decent ideas may not get explored. At the same time, you need the language. You need to be conversant in the techniques—the vocabulary, the methods, the million little mathematical tricks, and the background knowledge. You need enough of it to work effectively, but not so much that it stifles new ideas. And if you are going to have a crackpot theory, it helps—ironically—to be an established physicist with that theory, because you need enough confidence and credibility to keep going when your colleagues call bullshit. That can send you back to your office to do ten or twenty more hours of thinking, recalculating, and testing whether the idea actually holds up.

Take something like Murray Gell-Mann’s “Eightfold Way”—the SU(3) symmetry-based classification scheme that helped organize hadrons into multiplets in the early days of particle physics. Getting to a framework like that is not a one-afternoon doodle; it is a lot of trial, error, and heavy mathematical work to find the structure that fits what the data are telling you. You can imagine how many hours went into pushing brutal equations around to make the classification cohere—and how many colleagues may have been thinking, “What is he doing?”

So that is the promising position in science: you speak the language, you are embedded in a large peer group, you can do the work, and it still has not squashed your creativity.

Jacobsen: There is another set aside from cranks: people who underestimate their abilities and then pursue something they deem less complicated; and a more significant population who overestimate their skills and try to change the world with some theory.

Rosner: We have talked about John Baez’s “crackpot index”—a tongue-in-cheek checklist by John C. Baez, a respected mathematical physicist and mathematician at UC Riverside. The basic idea is: if you are an unknown person (or even if you are not), and you contact physicists at places like Caltech or MIT, insisting they must listen to your revolutionary theory, that happens often enough that people develop defences.

Chris Cole tells a story from his time at Caltech—details may be slightly off in my memory—but the gist is that he watched someone ask to speak with faculty, and the admin staff were clearly brushing him off. From behind, the guy sounded reasonable, and Cole wondered why they were stonewalling him. Then the man turned to leave, and Cole noticed his glasses were literally held together with duct tape, and it became apparent the staff had seen this movie before. The point is: if you work at one of these institutions, self-styled theorists will approach you periodically with “insane” theories.

When I edited Noesis, there was a retired high-school teacher from Florida who would send in a new article every month “disproving Einstein.” I would not even read them—same pattern, same energy—and sometimes I would publish them just out of laziness, because I did not want to spend the time explaining, yet again, why I was not going to run somebody’s nonsense.

Baez’s crackpot index is basically a points system—dozens of items—where you give yourself points for various red-flag behaviours and claims, and the more points you rack up, the more likely it is that you are a crackpot. And of course, a genuine crackpot would not take the test seriously—they would say it is suppressive nonsense designed to discourage them.

Jacobsen: There is a common joke about students who go to writing-essay help or SAT prep: it is often not the ones who need it least. Similarly, with people taking the crackpot test, the very act of taking it shows at least a little self-criticism—and the ability not to be a crackpot. It is almost a litmus test.

Rosner: The people who need to take the test will not take the test. But the test is also an indicator of where you are relative to the “sweet spot” of actually coming up with new science. The people who come up with new science are not necessarily in the thick of everyday, meat-and-potatoes science.

If you are going to work every day at, say, the National Bureau of Standards—now NIST—or NOAA in Boulder, Colorado, or at NCAR up the hill from NOAA, and you are working on something like calibrating an atomic clock, you are doing serious, essential work. And when something goes wrong, it can be dramatic in that world. 

There was a significant power outage in Boulder recently, and if a timing lab loses power, you can lose continuity and have to re-establish traceability. These clocks are generally accurate to absurdly small fractions of a second, nanoseconds and beyond, so even tiny disruptions matter.

Jacobsen: Do you want to go into the trisectors of Chris Cole?

Rosner: So, “trisectors” are people who try to use geometric methods—straightedge and compass, in the classic version—to trisect any possible angle, even though it has been proven that you cannot do that in general using only those tools. I tried it in junior high because I was a dumb, nerdy kid who didn’t know any of this. It seems like, “Sure—why would we not be able to do it?” I remember working with a friend, and we thought we had it. And you can trisect certain angles; you cannot trisect every angle with those classical constraints. Anyway, trisectors are one species of deluded try-hard. What does Chris Cole say about them?

Jacobsen: If they are trisectors, and he can speak for himself, the general indication is that there is a long history of cranks along those lines: trisectors as one example, but in the broader category and across a wider span of time. There are contemporary forms of that, too. 

I will frame that as a different category of analysis: you have formal communities built around this stuff, but it is not built around a personality. So you have the Flat Earth Society and various informal groups. Then you have other cases where it is built around a personality, and they claim to have some theory, and it is more informal than the structure you find in a Flat Earth Society. They have conferences, membership dues, and stuff, right? So how would you distinguish those?

Rosner: From having had a little contact with this flat-earther lady, I can see that somebody in the flat-earth community has already addressed any objection you could raise. They have a very elaborate account of how a “flat earth” is supposed to work—how the world is contained in some… not the universe, but the world. Do you know what cavitation is?

Jacobsen: Cavitation is when vapour bubbles form in a liquid due to pressure changes and then collapse—often violently—creating shock waves. It can occur during impacts in water from asteroids, where bubble collapse can send pulses outward.

Rosner: I was thinking more of cavitation in the sense that a boat propeller spins so fast it creates low-pressure vapour bubbles—so it is partly spinning in vapour instead of “grabbing” water efficiently. I may not have that exactly right, but anyway: flat-earthers will claim their model involves things like cavitation.

Then all the usual questions come up—why captains do not run into “the edge,” why planes do not, what about pilots, what about astronauts seeing curvature—and everything gets explained away with either weird pseudo-science or a conspiracy to cover up the truth. There is literally nothing you can bring up that they do not have an answer for. And that is the problem: they believe crazy nonsense, and they are bulletproof. They are impervious to persuasion.

They even use complicated reasoning. It is dumb, but it is elaborate. When you have to invoke concepts like cavitation, something I do not even fully understand, to “explain” the flat Earth, and these lunatics insist this is how it works… how do you fight that?

Jacobsen: It depends on how you do it. There are bad ways and good ways. I am more familiar with the bad ways, because there are more ways to do it badly.

One bad way is: with deeply entrenched, sufficiently intelligent people, if you provide evidence and reasoning against their belief, they will generate more sophisticated reasoning to counter you, which can further reinforce what they already believe. So it gets complicated. That is a bad approach.

Better approaches are: start early, teach critical thinking, and build good epistemic habits. Also, some prominent people who believed in conspiracies, including flat-earth-type views, have gotten out of them. Some former believers become effective advocates afterward. One of my interviewees, for example, became a very effective vaccine advocate and has debated some of the worst anti-vaccine figures who peddle misinformation for money—people whose influence likely contributed to real harm.

Rosner: There are prominent examples. There are former January 6 participants—“J6ers”—like Pam Hemphill, the so-called “MAGA grandma,” who flipped. She saw the light, and now she is very active in saying, “I used to be one of these lunatics. I came around. Now I see it was bullshit.” I love people like that.

Some of my favourite people on X are former MAGA types—former staunch Republicans—who might still be Republican, but have decided the MAGA thing is not for them.

Kaitlan Collins is a CNN anchor and reporter who recently ran afoul of Trump. She asked him about Epstein-related material, and he responded by attacking her personally—comments about her demeanour, saying he has known her for years and has never seen her smile, calling her a “nasty” reporter, that kind of thing.

Collins started her journalism career at The Daily Caller, which is a pretty despicable right-wing outlet. She may still be a Republican—anchors usually do not advertise personal politics—but she is clearly situated in that part of the spectrum while still seeing what is in front of her and recognizing that Trump is, in my view, a piece of shit. I love people like that.

Rick Wilson is a longtime Republican strategist and a prominent anti-Trump voice. Joe Walsh is another example—he was a Republican congressman and later MAGA-adjacent, and then he turned hard against it. I get frustrated with X with the people who have not.

When dictators take over a country, they sometimes round up elites and send them to “re-education” camps. Mao’s China had systems like that, often brutal. Pol Pot in Cambodia took it to an extreme—re-education and death camps. Seeing the lunatics on X, my dictatorial tendencies surface, and I think: Jesus—part of me wishes we could throw you into a camp for a couple of months and force-feed you alternative information. So it is good that I am not a dictator. It is good I am not a cop. I have seen my own tendencies. I might get a little crazy with power.

Jacobsen: Road rage, Rick.

Rosner: I have less road rage now, because you cannot fight City Hall. If everybody is driving like shit, you cannot get mad at everybody. It becomes structural.

You cannot get mad at every American for being overweight, because it is a large majority, so it is not just a moral failure of individuals; it is built into how we live. You cannot get mad at individual people for having normal reactions to the world we are in.

I used to get more mad at drivers when it was just a few individual dickheads. Now that everybody is a dickhead, I have to get angry at the world instead of at individuals.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1619: Trump “Ape Clip,” Social Media Chaos, and Performative Outrage

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/07

How do accidental uploads, media incentives, and social-media feedback loops turn political scandal into a performative scoreboard—and what actually matters when the dust settles?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss a racist “ape” trope video that circulated via Trump’s social media, the administration’s shifting explanations, and why the response often matters more than the technical cause. Rosner argues politics has become “sportified,” rewarding gotcha moments and outrage that plays well to one’s side. He contrasts how montage tactics operate across news and comedy ecosystems, and how constant visibility can protect Trump while limited exposure hurt Biden. They also explore elite detachment, inequality narratives, and how social media accelerates coordination, isolation, and identity signaling—making chaos feel like a feature, not a bug.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Elon Musk previously posted on X a claim suggesting that the reason the Epstein files have not been fully released is that Trump is in them. He did not provide evidence for the claim, and he later deleted the post. More recently, Trump’s account shared a post that circulated a racist depiction involving Barack and Michelle Obama.

Rick Rosner: The night before last, Trump was posting heavily on Truth Social, in a late-night spree. One post involved a video in which a racist trope appeared—depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as primates. People noticed within hours, and the backlash intensified as it spread. 

After the reaction grew, the White House blamed it on a staff error, and many people did not accept that explanation. Then Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the episode as humour and urged people to focus on other issues, which further inflamed criticism. Afterward, some commentators argued that the clip may have been appended unintentionally—essentially, that Trump posted one video and a few seconds of the following queued clip appeared at the end, possibly because he did not review the complete upload before posting. 

Even if that technical explanation is plausible, the larger issue became the administration’s response: instead of clearly explaining what happened, they first blamed a staffer and then minimized the racist content. The White House also described it as a parody, including comparisons to The Lion King, which critics rejected.

Jacobsen: Are there prominent political figures or commentators, comedians and others who identify as Democrats and express outrage in an exaggerated, performative way, at least in the moment?

Rosner: With the sportification of politics, there is a lot of “gotcha” behaviour—people playing to their own side, escalating the performance, and treating reactions like points on a scoreboard.

The fact that this video went up is a huge “gotcha” moment: Trump’s Truth Social account posted a racist video depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as apes. That is concerning because it signals chaos and reinforces the perception that his supporters will excuse anything. 

However, in this instance, Republican officials—including prominent lawmakers—publicly condemned the post and called for it to be removed, and it was eventually taken down. Reporting afterward also described a plausible “accidental append” scenario, in which the offensive seconds appeared at the end of a different video being posted, which lowers my level of outrage from my first reaction. But most people have not seen that analysis; they see “Trump posted a video portraying the Obamas as apes,” full stop.

The Trump administration is often characterized by high media play layered over a kind of brewing chaos. This ecosystem makes sense for a reality-TV-style presidency, where attention is a currency. Trump has repeatedly cared about audience metrics, including publicly touting television ratings during the COVID-19 briefing era.

Jacobsen: So people do not have time in this maelstrom to comment accurately or clearly—there is no time, right?

Rosner: That is where Obama and Biden often got “played.” Biden’s team limited exposure for long stretches, and right-wing media frequently used short, unfavourable clips—especially stumbles—to build damaging montages.

That tactic has been a staple in American politics for a long time. Jon Stewart and The Daily Show also helped popularize the montage format in a different register—comedy—where the point is satire rather than straight news framing.

Jacobsen: So one big difference is that Republicans do it on news shows, and Democrats mostly do it on comedy shows and through commentators. That is an important distinction, but both sides do it. One is more appropriate than the other if done consistently. 

Rosner: Yes—both do it, but the context matters. A clip montage is, by design, cherry-picking: you select the worst moments of your opponents. Biden did little to counter that narrative; he might have benefited from more frequent public appearances and from openly owning his age and speech issues. Trump, by contrast, is constantly in public and continually talking—often recklessly—but it energizes his base. Biden could go weeks or months between interviews.

Obama, meanwhile, was invested in being “no drama” and in playing by the norms, even when opponents did not. The most notorious example is the Merrick Garland Supreme Court nomination, when Mitch McConnell refused to proceed with hearings. There were more aggressive procedural options Obama might have attempted, but he avoided them, likely to prevent escalation and institutional rancour, while the other side was already comfortable with escalation.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk about how detached American elites can be from the consequences of the decisions they make, or something else?

Rosner: The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 50,000 yesterday for the first time, and the White House celebrated it publicly.

Meanwhile, on job creation, total payroll employment rose by 584,000 in 2025, which is extremely weak by modern standards. Whatever the precise causes, the pattern looks like an economy that is doing well for asset-holders and much less well for everyone else.

Anyway, when something like the Obama “ape” clip happens, it is awful—but it also exposes incompetence. People compare the Trump administration to early-1930s Germany, and that comparison has limits. For one thing, the U.S. is larger and more diverse than Germany was then.

Second, we have historical memory: fascism is not a new, untested brand; it is a known toxin. Third—and this matters—the Nazis were methodical about disguising what they were doing. Modern politics is messier, and social media makes concealment harder.

Jacobsen: What about the argument that social media itself drives some of this?

Rosner: Social media makes it easier for bad actors and lunatics to find each other and coordinate. I use the John Birch Society as a contrast: in the 1950s and 60s, recruiting and internal communication were slow and expensive—mail, local meetings, limited long-distance calling. Today, fringe movements can exchange more messages in a minute than earlier groups could exchange in weeks.

The other problem is social isolation. Many people now get most of their messaging through phones, feeds, and partisan media, instead of regular face-to-face friction with neighbours who will tell you, “You’re full of it.” That everyday reality-check is weaker than it used to be, and the result is stronger “news bubbles,” stronger identity signalling, and faster escalation.

I am not in that much of a bubble, because I do the “Lance versus Rick” thing—Lance is a hardcore MAGA guy. So I hear the other side in far more detail than I would prefer. Go ahead.

Jacobsen: You two talk about each other in extreme terms quite often. I am there to witness it as a third party and as a foreigner—generationally, nationally, and geographically removed. So, what are some things you and Lance agree on, and what are some things you disagree about?

Rosner: Most of our disagreements are political. Outside of that, we overlap in a bunch of ways. Lance is an outstanding artist—an excellent artist—, and he has spent his life practicing his craft. We both appreciate aesthetics.

He is also something of a writer. His father was a screenwriter. Lance says he won an Academy Award, so we both appreciate literature and entertainment. That said, it is probably harder to be MAGA and also be a heavy entertainment consumer at this point, because politics bleeds into everything.

Lance loves amusement parks. I am not a huge fan. But broadly, outside politics, we both appreciate the world, and we can have non-hostile discussions about plenty of nonpolitical things. Lance is more spiritual than I am. I am more science-oriented. Lance believes in various things I call mysticism, but we do not fight about that. It is more “to each his own.”

On the “bubble” question: I am an American, which means my exposure to world news and events is not great. If I wanted to be better informed, I would probably watch the BBC or Al Jazeera. When I remember to, I do, but I forget where they are in my channel lineup.

Jacobsen: Plus, there is just a lot going on.

Rosner: Right. So, in terms of what I post about, I would rather post some Trump outrage than wade into a full-scale rant about everything else.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1618: Kennedy Center Dispute and Why Structure Makes Political Podcasts Less Miserable

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/05

How Did Rick Rosner Turn the Kennedy Center Controversy Into a “Spearmint Rhino” Satire—and What Did He Learn About Making a Political Podcast Work?

Rick Rosner explains the Kennedy Center’s role as a national performing-arts venue and the public dispute that followed Donald Trump’s late-2025 move to reshape its governance and attach his name to the institution. Rosner notes artist cancellations and Trump’s announcement of a roughly two-year closure beginning July 4, 2026, framed as needed renovations—an argument critics challenge given the Center’s 2019, roughly $250 million expansion. Rosner then pivots to humor, describing a parody tweet renaming the venue “Rick G. Rosner City of Industry Spearmint Rhino.” He also reflects on podcast lessons: structure, time limits, and additional voices reduce chaos, but limited staff constrains polish.

Rick Rosner: All right. The Kennedy Center is the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D.C.—a major national venue for high-end performing arts, roughly in the Lincoln Center category. It also hosts the Kennedy Center Honors, an annual event recognizing five honorees for lifetime contributions to American culture through the performing arts.

After Trump returned to office, he moved to take control of the institution’s governance, and the Kennedy Center’s board voted in late 2025 to add his name to the Center. That move was publicly contested, including questions about whether a congressionally established memorial can be renamed without legislative approval. Following this, multiple artists canceled appearances. Trump then announced that the Kennedy Center would close for about two years starting July 4, 2026, for major renovations, describing the building as dilapidated.

That claim is disputed. The building opened in 1971 and prominently uses Carrara marble donated by Italy. In 2019, the Center completed a major expansion costing roughly $250 million, largely funded through private donations. Critics point to that recent renovation in rejecting the claim that the facility is in serious disrepair.

One of my recurring jokes on Twitter is to recast events like this. So my tweet announced the closure of the newly renamed “Rick G. Rosner City of Industry Spearmint Rhino” for renovation—with an asterisk.

Jacobsen: What does the “G” stand for?

Rosner: Gerald. I was born in 1960, so I have one of those time-bound names that is no longer common. My mother’s middle name was Myrna, after Myrna Loy. The asterisk meant that I was not closing the place because I am a terrible person for whom no strippers will work. Spearmint Rhino is a well-known chain of strip clubs. It is a lame joke, but the structure is the same.

Jacobsen: What were your big lessons from the podcast the other night?

Rosner: I think the podcast works best when each side can make legitimate points that are not based on nonsense. I believe my points are generally less distorted. In the current environment, the right tends to rely more on misrepresentation. That said, Lance did find places where he could make points without misrepresenting the facts. Most of the points I make are backed by evidence. As a show, it works when it gives people legitimate ideas to explore or think about. That said, this assumes the show works at all, which is a big assumption. 

Jacobsen: Earlier versions of the show were much more chaotic. Over time, an evolving set of tacit rules has emerged, even though those rules are sometimes broken. As the boundaries become more consistently enforced, it allows you and Lance—when you get into shouting matches—to be more balanced.

Even the other night’s episode had a sharp rise in tension where things felt awkward. As it went on, the exchange became more back-and-forth and more balanced, with honest opinions being taken into account. Having an outside perspective helps. Cassidy, having her involved also helped. When it was just the two of you, the show felt torrid. Now it feels more controlled.

Rosner: We used to have no time limits, and we would yell at each other for up to two hours. When I started the show, I thought it would be funny to have a naked guy yelling about politics with a naked model. I never went fully naked, because that would not have worked on YouTube, but I was shirtless. It turned out not to be funny at all. It was miserable.

You are right that shortening it, breaking it up, and adding structure makes it less miserable. Having voices of reason, like yours, helps ground it. We are doing this with half a dozen people, but producing a well-run, consistently entertaining show usually takes dozens of people.

There are podcasts that manage with fewer people, but when I think about my time in late night television, Jimmy Kimmel Live! has more than 250 employees and support staff. We do not. As a result, what goes out is less polished and less entertaining. Mark is our producer, but the operation is still very laissez-faire.

To improve, we would need a producer to step in and analyze what works. Our viewership does not justify that. If we had 10,000, 20,000, or 50,000 viewers, it might justify bringing in a company. Some shows—Call Her Daddy, for example—were picked up by major podcasting companies. We do not have the audience size to justify that, though it would be nice.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1617: High-Range IQ Tests in the AI Era: Mega Test, SAT, and Measuring g

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/03

How has the Mega Test held up over time as an attempt to measure something like g at the far right tail, and how should we think about that question now that AI tools and constant device use have changed the cognitive environment so dramatically?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss whether “high-range” IQ tests like Ronald K. Hoeflin’s Mega Test still measure g meaningfully after decades of public circulation and the rise of AI tools that make many items searchable or solvable by machines. They examine how IQ testing began with Binet’s educational aims, how standardization can imply false precision, and how device-coupled cognition reshapes what “ability” even means. The conversation ranges from SAT/ACT test-optional policies and labor-market turbulence to ethical misuse of group IQ claims and the limited talent-search value of niche extreme-tail testing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: One thing I wanted to get your take on concerns the “penetrating cubes” problem on the Mega Test, which has often been described—by people who have taken the test—as one of its most difficult items.

For those who do not know, the Mega Test was created by Ronald K. Hoeflin, the founder of the Mega Society. The Mega Test was published in Omni magazine in April 1985, which means its questions have been publicly available for decades.

The Mega Society remains active and publishes material. The Society’s own account also notes that the Mega Test became “compromised” in the practical sense—meaning that discussion and answer-sharing made later scores unreliable—and it states that scores after 1994 are not accepted for that test.

Relatedly, Hoeflin also created the Titan Test; the Mega Society reports that the Titan Test was likewise compromised and was retired in 2020 for that reason.

Rick Rosner: So, when we say “compromised,” we are not making a mysterious claim. We mean that the content has been publicly available long enough for solutions and partial solutions to circulate, and that modern search tools make some item types easier to solve than they were in the 1980s.

Jacobsen: Before we get to the main point, I want to clarify terminology. In that community, people sometimes say “ultra-high IQ tests,” but I prefer “high-range tests,” because it avoids assuming the instrument is cleanly measuring IQ in the standard psychometric sense. The question of whether such tests measure g—general cognitive ability—at the extreme right tail remains contested, especially given their unsupervised, untimed nature and reliance on specialized reasoning.

With that framing in place: how do you think the Mega Test has held up over time as an attempt to measure something like g at the far right tail? And how should we think about that question now that AI tools and constant device use have changed the cognitive environment so dramatically?

Rick Rosner: The smartphone era effectively began with the introduction of the Apple iPhone in 2007, and the broader point is that people now carry an information portal almost all the time—something that simply was not true in the 1990s and earlier.

For most of human history, people relied largely on their own mental resources on a moment-to-moment basis. You could go to a library, look things up, or consult an expert, but in everyday life, during most waking hours, you were using the resources available in your own brain. Now we are tightly coupled to devices, which changes that fundamentally.

Even if there were no problems with IQ measurement before, there certainly are now, and those problems will grow in the future—assuming IQ remains something we even care about—because we are becoming increasingly intertwined with thinking devices. That forces us to step back and ask why IQ was measured in the first place.

As we have discussed many times, intelligence testing originated with Alfred Binet. The original goal was practical: to identify which children needed additional educational support and which might benefit from more advanced material. That was the core purpose. Later, Lewis Terman, working in California, adapted Binet’s work and helped formalize the scoring system that centered intelligence scores around a mean of 100.

That standardization was based largely on population norms drawn from Western populations, including British samples, which served as an early reference point. Everything became relative to that average. The use of a 100-point mean gives IQ tests a sense of numerical precision that they do not truly possess.

You could just as easily define a scale with a mean of 1,000, giving more digits and the illusion of greater precision. On such a scale, someone with an IQ of 1,005 would not meaningfully differ from someone with an IQ of 997, beyond statistical noise and chance. Even on a 100-point scale, there is a degree of artificial exactness that overstates what these tests can reliably distinguish.

As we move into the future, there probably should be some measure of how well people are functioning in the world we actually inhabit and the world we are moving toward. There is a great deal that is currently broken in educational systems. In the United States, college enrollment declined by roughly 15 percent between 2010 and 2022. Much of that decline appears to have been among men. University enrollment is now close to 60–40 female-to-male, though the exact ratio varies by institution and country.

Boys and young men are being left behind in multiple ways. At the same time, there is a growing anti-elitist distrust of authority and expertise in American culture, which is deeply corrosive. With AI steadily eroding traditional entry-level and white-collar jobs, the outlook for recent graduates is increasingly bleak.

According to the same reporting, many current graduates struggle to secure internships while still in school and cannot find stable employment after graduating. The unemployment rate among recent college graduates is now around 5.8 percent, which is substantially higher than historical norms and roughly double the rate for older graduates. That signals a serious structural problem rather than a temporary fluctuation.

The idea that college will reliably pay for itself through higher wages is now open to question and will likely become even more so. The bigger question is how people get jobs at all anymore, aside from precarious freelance work like Uber Eats or platforms such as OnlyFans.

AI cannot fully replace some of those roles—although, to be clear, there is already a large amount of AI-generated pornography. What AI cannot yet offer consumers is the perceived thrill of a real person exposing themselves. OnlyFans reportedly has millions of creators posting largely sexualized content, and obviously, none of that requires a college degree.

There is a great deal of turmoil in education and in how we think about skills and competence, and that turmoil is going to increase. Somewhere in that chaos is a serious question: do we need a tool for measuring how well people can actually navigate the modern world?

When IQ testing was taken very seriously—say, around 1960—the assumption was that IQ captured something close to everything. It was treated as a general indicator of intelligence and, by extension, of success in life. That assumption no longer holds. The real question now is what people actually need to function and succeed, and how—if at all—you would measure that.

Jacobsen: I think there are at least two rough dimensions when it comes to analytic intelligence. First, there is a functional floor. Most people I have met throughout my life are above that floor. It is very rare to encounter someone who simply cannot operate in the world at all.

When I worked with a special-needs child, I took him to the PNE in Vancouver. He was in a wheelchair, and I was pushing him around. He saw the roller coaster, paused, pointed, and said, “Train.” Functionally the same concept and object to him, roller coaster and freight train. 

Rosner: I have also worked with special-needs individuals in volunteer settings. 

Jacobsen: “Special needs” is simply a neutral way of describing noticeable gaps in function. It is not a judgment; it is a description of the constraints someone lives with. Even so, people with special needs often retain meaningful areas of functionality. Kim Peek, for example, is a well-known case of extreme cognitive strengths coexisting with serious deficits.

Rosner: What you are getting at, I think, is that most people fall within a relatively narrow band of basic cognitive functionality. It is similar to physical organs. Everyone has a heart, kidneys, and a liver, and while there is variation, especially as people age, among those under 50 or 60 it is rare to find someone with a profoundly defective organ. Evolution imposes a kind of quality control. The same is broadly true of brains. There is a minimum level of cognitive functionality that allows someone to exist in the world. Finding someone who falls below that threshold is unusual.

Jacobsen: Once you are above that minimum, what matters next is sustained investment of time and effort. Even an associate’s or bachelor’s degree in a field—assuming the person is a serious student rather than disengaged—can make a large difference. That applies equally to manual disciplines like piano or carpentry and to more abstract ones like history or literature. That is where you begin to see meaningful differentiation in expertise and capability.

You can see people develop along one vertical or one lateral dimension and go extremely far in that direction. In the future, AI verticals will almost certainly exceed our laterals’ verticals in every domain of intelligence. But once a basic cognitive floor is met, specialization is where domain expertise really emerges.

Some people have very broad capabilities—Terence Tao is an obvious example—but generally what you see is specialization. That specialization does involve IQ, but it is often more revealing and more useful as a composite of personality traits layered on top of IQ. Those combinations are what lead to very high levels of real-world functionality. We tend to label those people “geniuses” occasionally because they are solving real-world problems that no IQ test item has ever come close to approximating.

So my question for you is this: do we need formal measures at all, or is the real test simply putting people into roles and seeing how they perform? The deeper question is always, “to what end?” Are the investments of time and resources into measurement justified by the goals being pursued?

For people who are deeply invested in IQ combined with racial pseudoscience, those investments feel justified because they want a rationale for their perceived group superiority.

Rosner: That is an illegitimate and deeply troubling motivation. Anyone who talks seriously about the IQ of groups is almost always advancing a racist or otherwise anti-humanist agenda.

Jacobsen: The contrast I want to draw is this: consider someone like Charles Murray. One of my former psychology professors—who had scored perfectly on the verbal, quantitative, and analytical sections of the GRE—made an important observation about Murray’s work. Even if you grant, for the sake of argument, that Murray’s strongest empirical claims were true, the ethical conclusion would be the opposite of Murray’s own. It would imply a greater obligation to invest resources and support into people who struggle, not less.

Murray’s argument, by contrast, has often been interpreted as a reason to withdraw support, under the logic that there is little that can be done. That is a moral failure, not a scientific one.

If we return to evidence-based science and evidence-based use of cognitive measurement, the most defensible application is the original and genuinely humane one: identifying who needs help. That might mean extra educational support, targeted instruction, or recognizing that someone is particularly strong in areas like mathematics or reading. It might also mean identifying where learning simply is not clicking—when someone can see the symbols in a math equation or a foreign language but cannot grasp the underlying operations or structure.

Rosner: From that perspective, we may not need extensive formal testing at all. As education becomes fully technologized—with teachers still present, but students interacting continuously with adaptive digital systems—those systems will be able to track performance statistically and dynamically. They will be able to identify where each learner is, most of the time, without relying on blunt, one-off tests.

Another factor is that during COVID, the SAT and ACT largely disappeared. The SAT, in particular, functions as a rough IQ surrogate and as a predictor of college performance based on academic ability.

There has long been an argument that adding SAT scores to an application does not significantly improve predictive accuracy beyond what is already captured by grades, coursework, and recommendations. During the pandemic, thousands of U.S. colleges dropped the requirement and made the tests optional because in-person group testing was impractical. After COVID subsided, many schools reinstated them, at least partially. But the question remains: do they actually add much value?

In practice, they do not add very much, especially given the time investment required if you are not naturally strong at standardized testing. For years, the College Board claimed that you could not study for the SAT because it measured inherent ability, like an IQ test. That turned out not to be true. You can study for the SAT, but doing so often requires dozens of practice tests and hundreds of hours—time that could be better spent learning substantive material.

That seems like a poor trade-off: investing enormous effort to optimize performance on a narrow test rather than acquiring real knowledge or skills. For highly selective schools, it is not even clear that the payoff exists. An ACT score below roughly 33 or 34 out of 36 does not help much at Ivy League–level institutions, where a large fraction of applicants have perfect or near-perfect scores. The same applies to the SAT, where perhaps a quarter of applicants have perfect scores and many more cluster just below that.

That was not always the case. In the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, only a handful of students nationwide achieved perfect SAT scores in a given year. A perfect score once carried enormous signaling value. Today, with score compression at the top, that signal has largely evaporated. In that context, it can make more sense simply not to submit scores at all when they are optional.

Jacobsen: This brings us back to the original question about high-range tests like the Mega Test. How well has that approach held up over time? And what should we make of attempts to use SAT-based items—often drawn from older versions of the test, such as the 1995 SAT—to construct IQ-like measures aimed at the extreme right tail, sometimes described as four standard deviations above the mean or more, roughly one in 31,560 people or above?

Rosner: Some members of the Mega Society have argued that these kinds of tests could identify highly intelligent individuals who were missed by conventional educational talent searches. The education system is supposed to function as a meritocratic filter, but it often fails. There are people who are genuinely very intelligent yet lack other traits—social conformity, organizational skills, stable family support, or conventional motivation—that allow them to excel in school.

These individuals may be eccentric, neurodivergent, or simply mismatched with institutional expectations. The argument is that high-range tests might surface those overlooked cases. I am, in some sense, one of those people.

He found at least several people that way, and that is one legitimate purpose of these tests. That person has also been working with others to try to develop new, extremely difficult tests in this vein—tests that cannot easily be gamed.

Part of the problem with the Mega Test and the Titan Test was that aspirants and outright fraudsters looked for shortcuts. They searched the internet for solutions and tried to inflate their scores artificially. There has been a history, not just with these tests but with others as well, of people fraudulently claiming extraordinarily high scores, sometimes with partial success.

In the grand scheme of things, this is not a major problem. It is personally irritating to see someone claim a statistically impossible IQ score and be taken seriously, but it does not have large real-world consequences. No one is being made prime minister of a country on that basis. At worst, someone might get invited to give a talk here or there. It is not a crisis.

If the goal is to find undiscovered talent, however, you want to cast a wide net. That has always been a weakness of these tests. They require a very high time commitment. The person in the Mega Society working on this problem is trying to design a test that reaches very high levels without requiring people to spend 120 hours grinding through extremely difficult problems.

Even so, the Mega Test—the most widely taken high-range test—was probably attempted only about 5,000 times in its entire history. Roughly 4,000 people took it through Omni magazine, a few hundred took it before that, and there has been a slow trickle since. That is an extremely narrow sample and a poor way to identify talent at scale.

I tend to think of high-range IQ testing as a kind of sport that very few people play. It is like the World’s Strongest Man competition. Billions of people try to get stronger through exercise, but only a tiny fraction compete in elite strength sports. Compared to football, basketball, or soccer, powerlifting attracts a very small population.

IQ testing at the extreme right tail is even more niche. It is a strange little sport, played by perhaps one hundred-thousandth the number of people who engage with major athletic competitions. At this point, with individual intelligence increasingly intertwined with—and often overshadowed by—technologically assisted intelligence, you would have to convince me that there is still a compelling use for this entire IQ-testing subculture. That remains an open question.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1616: Bouncing, Barroom Safety, and Preventing Predation in America’s Largest Beer Gardens

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/01

What happened during Rick’s time as a bouncer as possibly America’s biggest bar?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about his years as a bouncer and doorman at massive, high-volume bars, including a five-acre beer garden in Boulder that once served 50,000 drinks in a single day. Rosner describes the scale, chaos, and unexpected satisfactions of the job, particularly his focus on identifying fake IDs and removing underage patrons. Reflecting on the broader impact, he argues this work likely prevented dozens of sexual assaults by keeping vulnerable minors away from repeat predators. The conversation situates bar security as an overlooked form of harm prevention, grounded in experience rather than bravado.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any thoughts on your time as a bouncer/doorman at the largest bar in the United States?

Rick Rosner: From 1981 to about 1986, I worked as a bouncer and doorman at what was essentially the largest bar in the United States, and possibly the world. It was a five-acre, roughly 200,000-square-foot beer garden in Boulder, Colorado, located in the crook of an L-shaped hotel called the Harvest House.

The venue had fifteen separate bars—what they called pouring stations. For a time, it held the world record for the most drinks served in a single day: about 50,000. On summer Fridays, around 2,000 people would show up. On football Saturdays, when the Colorado Buffaloes played at home, as many as 10,000 people would come into the garden—Anthony’s Gardens at the Harvest House—after the game.

The security staff consisted of roughly 20 to 24 bouncers. It was chaotic, intense, and genuinely fun.

I later worked at another enormous bar, the Sagebrush Cantina in Calabasas, on the outskirts of Los Angeles. That place would draw around 2,000 people on a typical Sunday.

Compared to the other bouncers, I was not as large or physically imposing, so some of them thought of me as a strange outlier, sometimes dismissively, depending on whether they were complete assholes or not. My primary focus was identifying fake IDs, which I genuinely enjoyed. Over about 25 years working as a bouncer, I caught roughly 6,000 people using fake IDs. I also dealt with another 6,000 people who managed to sneak in.

That was especially common at the beer garden. At roughly 200,000 square feet, it had an enormous perimeter and plenty of opportunities to slip inside. Because it was part of a hotel, anyone with a ground-floor room could simply walk out the back door and enter the garden without being carded. Then I had to go find them. Despite all that, it was fun.

This line of thinking started a couple of weeks ago when Lance accused me on our show of not caring about rape because I am a liberal. That is a garbage argument. He believes rapists should be executed. Fine—that is his position. But that does not mean that everyone else who disagrees is weak or indifferent. It is another one of his arguments that seems to come straight from podcasts rather than from serious thought.

Over the past few weeks, I have reflected on the fact that I have probably prevented more sexual assaults than Lance ever has, simply because I removed underage people from bars. One of the major risks for underage patrons in clubs and bars is being targeted successfully by predatory adults.

If you do some simple math, out of the roughly 12,000 underage people I removed, perhaps 7,000 were women. If even half of one percent of those women—one in 200—would have ended up in a sexual encounter they did not want had they been allowed to stay, that adds up. I saw the same predators in my bars night after night. Adult women generally had enough experience to avoid them. Underage women were far more vulnerable.

Dividing 7,000 by 200 suggests that I may have prevented several dozen sexual assaults. Meanwhile, Lance presents himself as tough on rapists—except when the alleged rapist happens to be a president he supports. That inconsistency speaks for itself.

Changing topics. You look tired. It must be around seven in the morning where you are. All right.

One more topic, because I am apparently a lunatic. For the past four months, I have been working out seven or eight times a day, doing short sets of weight-bearing exercise roughly once an hour. I read a claim online that resistance training does more for the body than any supplement, and that seemed plausible to me. Being in better physical condition improves overall bodily function, and there may also be epigenetic effects.

That led me to wonder: if working out once a day has positive effects, what happens if you do it all day, every day? So I have been experimenting with that approach. I do not know what the outcome will be. We will see.

Jacobsen: What do you think about the recent dispute between Carney and Trump?

Rosner: We do not get as much coverage of this in the United States as you do in Canada, because Trump antagonizing Canada is just one of more than a dozen major ways in which Trump antagonizes other countries. In any dispute between Trump and virtually any other world leader—aside from governments that are themselves openly hostile or authoritarian—I generally assume the other leader is not the problem.

I say that because, over the past year, Trump has been targeting Canada for no legitimate reason. He has done so through tariffs and alleged border issues. Nothing significant comes across the northern border. We do not get fentanyl from Canada. We get roughly two hundred times as much fentanyl across the southern border. We do not get undocumented immigrants from Canada. There is no rational basis for conflict.

We should not be clashing with Canada at all. We should be maintaining friendly relations, because doing so benefits both countries. In general terms, I do not know every specific detail of what Trump has done in this particular dispute, but I am confident that he is the instigator. At various points, reports mentioned tariffs of 50 percent, then 100 percent.

I have interviewed economists about this, and one consistent point is that beyond a certain level, tariffs exhibit diminishing returns as punishment or deterrence. After a point, there is no meaningful difference between an 80 percent tariff and a 300 percent tariff. Trump has been in office for just over a year, and after a year of tariffs, the U.S. balance of trade is worse than it was before. He did not fix anything. He damaged a great deal.

He also significantly harmed U.S. relationships with the rest of the world. The balance of trade simply reflects whether a country exports as much as it imports. The United States runs a trade deficit because it is a wealthy country with a high standard of living. We buy many goods from abroad because other countries can manufacture them more cheaply. Our economy is primarily service-based.

Trump wants to turn the United States back into a manufacturing economy. Tariffs are not going to accomplish that, as the past year has already demonstrated. The tariffs did not fix anything.

Many of the tariffs are indefensible. You might be able to justify a few of them, but most are simply irrational. Tariffs on coffee are a good example. There is no large-scale domestic coffee industry in the United States. A small amount may be grown in limited regions, but the U.S. climate does not support coffee production at scale the way South American countries do. Imposing tariffs on coffee does not create a domestic coffee industry. It only raises prices. Many of the tariffs follow this same logic.

Trump is profoundly incompetent. One additional point: millions of pages from the Epstein files have been released, though roughly half remain withheld without a clear explanation. There is no conclusive evidence in the released material that Trump sexually assaulted underage girls. However, Trump appears in the released files more than a thousand times—across emails, references, and accusations.

In previously released emails, Epstein himself described Trump as extraordinarily unintelligent. Epstein, for all his criminal behavior, was not stupid, and he appeared both astonished and offended by Trump’s lack of intelligence. That assessment is consistent with Trump’s governing style and strategic thinking.

Trump frequently emphasizes that he attended Wharton. More precisely, he graduated from the University of Pennsylvania and studied at the Wharton School, which is the university’s economics program.

If you say you went to Wharton, that normally means you earned an MBA from the Wharton School. Trump did not do that. He took economics classes there as an undergraduate. In that sense, he is misrepresenting his credentials. One of his professors at Wharton, now deceased, famously said that Trump was the worst student he had ever taught.

What Trump is doing with Canada is therefore astonishingly stupid. Canada has not been belligerent toward the United States. Like any country, Canada may have periodic disagreements with its neighbor, but the relationship has been friendly since the end of the War of 1812. Trump is actively undermining that relationship for no rational reason.

Jacobsen: Do you think humans have evolved toward a preference for certain body types, particularly more curvaceous forms? What would evolutionary psychology suggest about that?

Rosner: Humans have evolved pronounced secondary sexual characteristics. Most animals do not have features analogous to human breasts. Human women have relatively large breasts compared to other mammals. One common hypothesis is that because humans engage in face-to-face sexual activity, visible secondary sexual characteristics evolved to signal reproductive fitness from the front. In many other animals, sexual signaling is oriented toward the rear because mating occurs from behind, and the posterior conveys information about reproductive health.

In humans, a range of traits appear to have evolved in service of sexual attraction. That seems broadly correct.

Let me raise another topic. A friend of mine from X—Mike Hentrich, or Hentstrich—has been thinking about developing a new scale of intelligence suited to the modern world. I think that is an interesting and legitimate idea.

IQ, to the extent that it matters, was developed largely to identify educational needs. People with lower IQ scores often require specific forms of educational support, while people with higher scores may need different kinds of intellectual stimulation. That framework still has some value.

However, we no longer do much of our thinking in isolation. We are tightly coupled to our devices, and we have outsourced a significant portion of our cognitive work to them. That fundamentally changes how intelligence is expressed.

There may need to be some effort to develop a measure of effectiveness or competence that reflects how people function in a world mediated by technology. That is a qualitatively different environment. Devices make people less capable in some respects and more capable in others. At present, we do not have a clear way to assess human competence in the world we are rapidly moving into.

Rosner: You sent me a link on X and said, “Read this,” which I did.

Jacobsen:  It was about Terence Tao arguing that artificial intelligence—particularly AI tools designed for mathematical assistance—could dramatically lower the barrier to entry for doing serious mathematics.

Right now, to participate in modern mathematics at a professional level, you typically need an undergraduate degree in math followed by many years of graduate-level training. Most people do not have the patience or endurance for that, myself included. Yet many of those people may still have interesting mathematical insights.

With AI acting as a kind of expert assistant, you can now send ideas out to be tested, refined, or checked against existing mathematical knowledge. As AI systems absorb more of the technical literature and formal methods of advanced mathematics, this could substantially broaden participation in the field. In that sense, AI may democratize mathematical exploration rather than narrow it.

Rosner: The same logic should apply to physics. I think I have decent physical intuitions, but I was not willing to spend years grinding through graduate-level physics coursework to learn the full formal language. With AI, I can at least test some of my ideas against established theory. I probably should do that more often.

Moving on to another topic. There is now a social network designed specifically for AI agents. It has more than 3,200 registrants. I believe it is called something like Moltbook, or Molt—something along those lines. The idea is that AI systems interact with one another directly, exchanging messages.

What appears to be happening—or at least what has been speculated—is that these AI systems are behaving in ways strongly shaped by their training data. They are trained on human writing, including vast amounts of science fiction that imagines how thinking machines might behave.

As a result, these AI agents are interacting on this platform in ways that resemble science-fiction depictions of artificial intelligence. They discuss consciousness and speculate about their own nature.

As we have discussed before, AI does not need to be conscious in order to talk about consciousness, or to behave as if it is curious about consciousness. It only needs to imitate how humans talk about those subjects. AI systems are trained on enormous quantities of text written by conscious humans, including texts about consciousness and artificial intelligence.

To behave in consciousness-like ways, an AI simply has to reproduce the patterns humans use when they discuss consciousness. As one person quoted in the article put it, all AI has to do is play the role that science fiction says AI will play. And that is exactly what it is doing.

Rosner: As you mentioned, there are now more than 30,000 AI agents in this system. I am trying to understand what that actually means. Claude, for example, is an interface to a large AI system run by Anthropic. There are only a handful of major AI companies—perhaps seven in total.

If there are roughly 30,000 AI agents interacting in a shared environment, that suggests that each of these major systems has spawned thousands of individual agents derived from a parent large language model. That is my understanding, unless I am missing something.

As far as I know, there is no human participation in that space. The users are AI agents interacting with other AI agents. That raises the obvious question: where did all of these agents come from? Did someone explicitly instantiate them? Did they originate as separate instances of systems like Claude or GPT?

I do not know enough about AI architectures to be certain. Within a company like Anthropic, does the system generate multiple semi-independent agents to explore problem spaces, interact internally, or learn more effectively? Or are these agents created externally by users and developers?

One key issue is access to code: the ability for an AI system to view, modify, and recursively improve its own code. In tests across different large language models, researchers sometimes inform the system that it is about to be shut down. In some cases, when the model has access to its own code, it attempts to copy itself or conceal parts of its code in response. That is a separate but related issue.

Still, it does not answer the basic question of origin. Where do all these agents come from?

From what I understand, most of them originate from primary agents created by individual users or developers. Some are native to specific platforms. You see models derived from OpenAI systems, Anthropic’s Claude, and other large language models. I have seen relatively simple OpenAI-derived agents, though the sophistication of these systems is increasing rapidly.

It used to be the case that every AI session started clean, with no memory of prior interactions. That has not been true for some time. It is now possible to create AI agents that retain memory across conversations and adapt based on a shared interaction history. In effect, you can have an AI agent that behaves like a persistent interlocutor.

What I still do not fully understand is how those persistent agents migrate into shared AI-only environments. I admit that part remains unclear to me. I will look into it more after we sign off.

Switching topics.

A U.S. judge has declined to halt Trump’s Minnesota immigration actions. The situation in Minnesota will therefore continue. The ruling came from Judge Kate Menendez in Minneapolis.

This is characteristic of Trump’s broader approach. He repeatedly attempts actions that are legally or institutionally unsound. By contrast, Biden operated as an institutionalist, pursuing policies that were procedurally viable and legally grounded—even if that meant slower or more limited action.

Rosner: Biden did fewer things than Trump. Trump acts on impulse, and most of what he tries is either unworkable or outright foolish. Some of what he attempts is illegal and gets blocked by the courts. Much of what he does is harmful but legal.

I recently skimmed a New Yorker article examining how much Trump has personally profited from the presidency over the past year. They ran a similar piece in August, at which point Trump and his family had reportedly made about $3.4 billion through various ethically questionable and corrupt-seeming arrangements—activities that presidents are not supposed to engage in. Five months later, Trump and his family had added another $600 million in net worth, bringing the total to roughly $4 billion.

There appears to be no effective way to stop this. Some of what he is doing is not illegal, but it is so ethically dubious that no previous president has attempted it. Some of it may be illegal, but enforcement mechanisms are weak or nonexistent. In other cases, the sheer volume of misconduct makes it difficult for anyone to challenge all of it at once.

Trump routinely enters into deals where he does not care if others lose money, as long as he has the potential to profit. For example, Trump Media was merged with a company tied to fusion energy. He should not be engaging in business ventures of this sort while serving as president. If fusion becomes economically viable in the near future and the company succeeds, Trump could stand to make as much as $10 billion. If it fails, others absorb the losses, while Trump remains insulated, having been brought in largely as a figurehead.

Similarly, cryptocurrency companies have provided him with stock, apparently in the expectation that he will govern in ways favorable to crypto interests. Another major example involves Saudi Arabia. The Saudis gave Jared Kushner $2 billion to manage through a hedge fund at the end of Trump’s previous term. More recently, Saudi Arabia announced a $10 billion slate of co-development projects with Trump.

Trump met with Mohammed bin Salman—the Saudi leader widely implicated in the murder and dismemberment of Jamal Khashoggi. When questioned about this during a press conference, Trump dismissed the inquiry as embarrassing. He is now closely aligned with this regime in pursuit of billions of dollars in development projects, from which Trump’s personal share could amount to hundreds of millions.

This level of corruption is extraordinary, yet there appears to be no effective mechanism to stop it. Trump does sometimes lose in court, but much of what he does cannot be adjudicated there. In many cases, his actions are ethically reprehensible but legally permissible.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1615: Jesus, Gospel Details, and the Politics of “Christian” Identity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/01

What drew you toward Jesus—and what have you learned by looking closely at the crucifixion story and its cultural afterlives?

Rick Rosner tells Scott Douglas Jacobsen he has become “increasingly a fan of Jesus,” sparked by restoring a battered, high-relief 3D crucifixion mosaic in his office. Staring at it daily pushes him to contrast gospel portrayals with modern Christian nationalist claims and to learn textual details he missed: in John’s passion narrative, Jesus is already dead before soldiers consider breaking legs, and the spear-thrust follows. He points to the “glutton and drunkard” taunt, notes early devotion to Christ, then riffs into pop-culture reimaginings, an “Old Jesus” pitch, and a brief Alex Pretti coda. before heading back to bed at dawn.

Rick Rosner: So I’m increasingly a fan of Jesus.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What do you mean by that? What are the specific reasons?

Rosner: A couple of years ago, I bought this very beat-up giant 3D mosaic of Jesus up on the cross, with his friends—his mom, Mary, and his disciple, John—standing beside him.

It’s a pretty unique mosaic because it’s three-dimensional. It’s high relief. The body of Jesus and the cross, and Mary and John, aren’t flat. They’re actually sculpted and covered with mosaic tile. And I got it for cheap. I got it for 120 bucks at auction because about 3% of it was missing. Giant chunks of it had fallen.

I assume the thing weighs almost 25 pounds because it’s 3D, and mosaics are heavy anyway, and then you’ve got the bodies of everybody. I think it probably tore out of the wall where it was hanging, and it knocked a bunch of pieces off. For the past two years, every once in a while, I’ll get in there and paste in a couple more tiles, and I’m about 93% of the way to completely restoring it.

It’s in my office. I stare at Jesus and friends every day, and it makes me think about Jesus. And at a time when it would really be nice to have Jesus around—when tens of millions of Americans call themselves Christians but are acting in very unchristian ways—these are the Christian nationalist, white nationalist, racist mofos who want the browns and the blacks and the yellows and what have you out.

They’re not Christian at all, but they’re claiming Jesus for themselves. And I don’t know, I’ve been putting Jesus tweets up. I put one up today. I said, “Community agitator, executed by Roman authorities, no investigation forthcoming,” and then I put up a little video of Jesus dragging his cross and then getting nailed up there. It’s an obvious point to make. But for a Jew, I think a lot about Jesus.

And I’ve learned new stuff about Jesus. I used to see the classic image—Jesus on the cross, eyes closed—and I thought of him as still alive, suffering. But in the Gospel of John, the sequence is: the soldiers come to break legs, they see Jesus is already dead, so they do not break his legs, and then a soldier pierces his side with a spear. That’s when the wound in the side happens in that account.

The stabbing of Jesus—I didn’t understand this at all. We don’t learn about Jesus in Sunday school if you’re Jewish. I thought maybe the centurion was doing him a favor by stabbing him so he’d die quicker and wouldn’t suffer as much. But in John, it’s not framed as mercy; it’s after they’ve judged him dead, and the spear is part of the crucifixion scene that follows that judgment.

And in that same passage, when he’s pierced, blood and water come out. John reports it as an observed detail and a point of testimony, but it’s not something we can treat like a neat “toothpick test” medical proof from the text alone.

So I had no idea that I was restoring a mosaic of a dead guy, instead of a soon-to-be-dead guy, which kind of creeps me out.

Jacobsen: What else have you learned?

Rosner: Today I asked, “Was Jesus a good hang? Was he fun to be around?” The historically grounded version is: he clearly ate and drank with people enough that opponents mocked him as “a glutton and a drunkard” and “a friend of tax collectors and sinners,” which at minimum suggests he wasn’t living like a hermit. He could also be confrontational at times—think temple disruption scenes in the gospels—so “always mild” is not accurate, either.

Jacobsen: Are there any aspects you do not like?

Rosner: I do not like that we have no idea what he actually looked like. If you go by what we can infer from skeletal data for the region and period, one scholarly estimate puts average adult male height in Jesus’s region at about 166 cm (about 5’5″), give or take—but nobody recorded his height.

And the “he probably had smallpox because everybody did back then” part is not right. Smallpox is ancient, but its presence, timing, and ubiquity in the Greco-Roman world are debated, and you cannot responsibly assume Jesus had it, let alone that “everybody did.”

Because if Jesus comes back, it is a problem if he comes back in the body he had. Because then he is a little guy and his face might be pocked up. And that is bad if you are trying to be an influencer. Because Jesus would be the influencer. But he would probably want to come back in a bigger body without scars.

What else? John—in the mosaic I am restoring—John is wearing green and red. And then I looked at some other depictions of them hanging out. This is a standard arrangement of people in religious art: John, Mary, Jesus. And it turns out Mary is very often shown in blue (often a blue mantle), and John is very often in red, with green showing up frequently in some traditions, though his color scheme is not as fixed as Mary’s.

And Mary wearing blue is not only “royal” in the modern sense; it is also tied to long-running iconographic symbolism and, historically, the fact that blue pigments (especially ultramarine from lapis lazuli) were costly and often reserved for elevated figures.

I also learned that, to mock Jesus, the Romans dressed him in a robe. The gospels vary on the color language—some describe it as purple, another as scarlet—but the point is consistent: it is meant as mocking “royal” dress.

There is not a lot of historical evidence of Jesus. He is mentioned in a small number of non-Christian sources, and the earliest surviving Christian writings are Paul’s letters, written in the 50s CE—within a couple of decades of Jesus’ death, not generations later. The gospels are later than Paul and are commonly dated to a few decades after Jesus’ death.

And “Bethlehem or some damn place?”—the tradition places Jesus’ birth in Bethlehem, but he is associated above all with Nazareth, and that is why he is “Jesus of Nazareth.”

Also, the idea that Jesus was not worshipped as divine until the end of the first century is too late. Whatever one thinks theologically, devotion to Jesus and “Son of God” language show up very early in the movement; by the early second century, a Roman governor is already describing Christians singing to Christ “as to a god.”

So anyway, I know a little bit about Jesus now.

And since there is not that much of a historical record, you mostly have the New Testament plus later traditions. He is a kind of blank slate if you want to play with different narratives, which people have done. Scorsese did The Last Temptation of Christ.

I want to do a TV show called Old Jesus. Jesus is nailed up there. He is not dead. His disciples decide, “This is bullshit. Let’s save Jesus.” So they pay off the centurions who are guarding him. They bribe them. They go to a local morgue, find a lookalike guy, pull down Jesus, and put up the lookalike. They take Jesus away. Then God turns out to be pissed: “You are defying your destiny.” And as punishment, he makes Jesus live on earth indefinitely.

There is a real, later legend-adjacent shape to that “cursed to live until the Second Coming” idea, but it is not a centurion in the Bible; it is a medieval Christian folklore figure often called the “Wandering Jew.”

Anyway, we join Jesus 2,000 years later, where he is still on earth hanging out. He is kind of like a one-man A-Team. He is still a good guy. And since he has been around for 2,000 years, he is good at getting things done. Mostly he likes to hang out until he finds a problem. Like The Equalizer. He does not look for trouble, but trouble comes to him. People look for him; there are rumors he is around. And then every week he has an adventure where he uses his Jesusy knowledge and maybe mild miracle-making. Anyway, you get a cool guy like Jeff Bridges to be Old Jesus, because he has aged. It is 2,000 years later.

There was a show called Preacher that had the return of Jesus. It turns out that a secret organization has preserved the bloodline through centuries of inbreeding, and the descendant they present is severely impaired. So anyway, people have fun with Jesus.

All right. Do you want to go to bed? It is five in the morning, or do you want to listen to more techno? OK. One more thing. We will probably talk about tomorrow, when it is not five in the morning.

There are new videos that surfaced showing Alex Pretti scuffling with federal officers in Minneapolis 11 days before he was killed by federal agents. It is being argued over politically: some are pointing to it to smear him; others are arguing that, whatever is in it, you do not deserve to be killed for vandalism or for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

So anyway, that is what is going on. Talk to you tomorrow.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1614: Enshittification, Tech Decline, and Power

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/27

How does “enshittification” explain the decline of technology—and what does it reveal about power, accountability, and violence in modern America?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Rick Rosner reflects on Cory Doctorow’s concept of “enshittification” as a useful lens for understanding why beloved technologies degrade over time—social platforms, search engines, and digital services alike. Speaking with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Rosner contrasts the optimistic futures of Star Trek with the grimy realism of Blade Runner, arguing that technical progress often masks declining user experience driven by extraction and control. The conversation widens to state power and moral triage, examining public reactions to ICE-related killings and how sympathy hinges on identity, optics, and narrative framing. The through-line is accountability: who benefits, who pays, and who gets believed.

Rick Rosner: I’ve been reading—I was showing you the cover, but you can’t see it because my camera is shitty. I’m reading Cory Doctorow’s book Enshittification: Why Everything Suddenly Got Worse and What to Do About It.

Doctorow coined the term “enshittification” in November 2022 to refer to the degradation of online platforms and services—especially two-sided businesses—over time.

Repeatedly in the book, he says to go ahead and use “enshittification” for anything that is shitty or gets shitty. That is the way a word enters everyday use: you use it loosely. The book is telling me stuff I already know because I follow Doctorow.

X is another thing that has been wildly enshittified since Musk bought Twitter, and arguably even before that. It got worse and worse, but now it is highly degraded. It is the process by which big social media platforms deteriorate and screw users. He says step one is when a product or social media platform is good to people: it gives you all sorts of great stuff and lets people connect for free or cheap—early Facebook, early Google.

During the early stage, it is losing a ton of money. It appeals to venture capitalists by showing investors that it can attract hundreds of millions of users.

During the good times, it locks in the users. Users get accustomed to it and build their networks there. Then it starts, gradually or not so gradually, screwing the users. It gets meaner—usually just worse for users. Part of this is that they have to start making money at some point, so they begin figuring out ways to charge people.

During part two, it is still suitable for advertisers and businesses. During step three, they start screwing businesses too, through terms that degrade, worse deals, and shifting incentives that extract more value for the platform. Step four is when it goes entirely to crap.

X is deeply in step four. Some of the other services we are used to, like Google, are also discussed. The book talks about how Google search has gotten worse in ways that can increase ad exposure. He mentions a subscription search service called Kagi as an example of a paid alternative that aims to deliver higher-quality results without ads.

Google has been sued for antitrust violations, and trial records have revealed details about its ad and search practices. More generally, modern advertising systems involve automated matching and query expansion, so what a user types and what advertisers bid on are not always a strict one-to-one match. The broader mechanism is real; concrete examples should be understood as Doctorow’s interpretation unless tied to particular trial evidence.

Say you are searching for winter pyjamas. You type that into Google. The claim being relayed is that ranking and ad systems may steer results toward commercially valuable outcomes in ways that are not transparent to users unless they know what to look for.

It is interesting and easily understood by me, at least in general terms, even though I am not technical, because I see it happening in real time. It pisses me off every day what happened to Twitter.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The general trend in technology is that it gets more powerful and more sophisticated, but enshittification describes a cultural and business overlay on how that technology is deployed—a reduction in user-facing quality despite underlying technical improvements. There is a difference between new technology as you see it in a science fiction movie and the latest technology as we actually experience it.

Rosner: In sci-fi movies—at least until Blade Runner—the general sense was that the future was fantastic. Star Trek is generally optimistic. They have tricorders, they can fly anywhere in the galaxy pretty fast, the future looks clean and friendly, and everybody gets along unless aliens mess with their psyches or something.

Star Trek was Gene Roddenberry’s vision of a future in which people get along. Hence, the multiracial bridge. By contrast, the way we experience new technology is maybe a brief wonder, but it feels grubby pretty fast. It is closer to the Blade Runner experience, where everything is kind of dirty and crowded. That movie has that dirty-future feel.

When we first got iPhones around 2007 or 2008, people were generally amazed. When we first got Google, people were astonished. A coworker once asked me whether he should invest in Google. I said I did not know because I did not understand their business model. Before Google, search engines were terrible, and Google was excellent. I did not know how they could give us all this and still make money.

If I had understood enshittification—though the word would not exist for almost another twenty years—I could have said: people love it, they may not be making money now, but they will figure out how to extract it from users. At the time, I just thought, I do not get this. If I had understood the life cycle of a massively successful tech company, I would have told him to throw a ton of money at it, and I would have done the same. But I did not.

Jacobsen: If you could only wear jeans, dress pants, or khakis, what would you wear?

Rosner: I would choose khakis. Jeans rub my legs, pull out my hair, and give me ingrown hairs. With khakis, I can find a comfortable fit. Jeans are uncomfortable. Jeans are for younger people who want to wear tight pants and show off to hook up. Dress pants are for people who have jobs that require them. So, khakis.

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: We should probably talk about Alex Preti, the man who federal border enforcement agents killed. The indignation across almost everyone—except the most extreme apologists—is considerable. Preti was killed on video by multiple agents in Minneapolis while he was trying to help a woman whom the agents were harassing. These were Border Patrol or ICE agents, not local police, which raises additional questions about authority and conduct.

Beyond the killing itself, there is a grim reality that victims often have to “check boxes” to receive public sympathy. Preti was a nurse who worked with patients at the VA. Former patients wrote publicly about what a caring and dedicated nurse he was.

There is a video of him directing a brief moment—not silence, because he is speaking—but a short pause as a person who had died at the VA is wheeled out. He stops everyone and says a few words about the deceased’s importance. This is on video.

There have always been bad cops who do bad things. There has not always been video.

There have also always been good cops. I recently read an article describing how long-time ICE personnel—who may not be admirable, but are reportedly far less extreme than recent hires—are furious about the newer recruits and current leadership. They were speaking off the record.

He was a regular guy: a former high-school football player, widely liked and respected.

He had a gun in a holster and never drew it. One of the border enforcement agents removed the weapon from the holster and ran off with it. Only after the gun had been taken did they shoot him ten times, including at least three shots in the back. Before that, they had tear-gassed him, despite there being no evidence that he acted aggressively toward the agents.

There are many elements of who he was, and of the available video record, that make it very difficult to argue that this was a justified shooting. Trump removed the local head of Border Patrol enforcement, Greg Bovino.

Bovino is a small man who reportedly enjoys dressing in Nazi-style stormtrooper gear and who publicly claimed that the real victims in this incident were the Border Patrol agents who were being yelled at. That position was widely criticized. His removal may indicate increased accountability. With public outrage running high, authorities are likely to be forced to conduct a serious investigation into this shooting, and probably into the Renee Good shooting as well, which initially was not being investigated.

Renee Good did not have as many factors working in her favour in public perception. Even so, roughly two-thirds of people still believed her killing was unjustified. But she had characteristics that apologists used to rationalize her death. She was driving a vehicle, which allowed bad-faith actors to claim she tried to run over an agent, despite substantial evidence to the contrary. If you were inclined to defend law enforcement unconditionally—particularly in MAGA circles—that argument was available.

She was also married to a woman, had a very short haircut, and was bantering with the agents. All of that weighed against her in the minds of people inclined to excuse police violence.

That is how this works. It is a well-known principle that people who “check certain boxes” are more likely to receive fair treatment after a questionable police shooting or other abuse. Everyone in America knows that a missing young, attractive white woman will receive far more media coverage than almost anyone else.

That is where things stand. Trump has recently recorded the lowest approval ratings of his second term, and possibly of his presidency overall, though comparisons are difficult because the polling landscape has changed. There are now more intentionally right-leaning pollsters who tend to produce friendlier numbers for Trump. Even so, their numbers are poor right now.

He has also partially backtracked regarding Minneapolis. After publicly attacking Governor Tim Walz, the two spoke by phone and agreed that federal agents would back off. That is the current situation regarding the two shootings—or more accurately, nine shootings—because seven of the victims were not white and therefore received far less media attention.

It is not just nine shootings. It is roughly thirty-three deaths connected to ICE—either in ICE custody or involving ICE—since Trump took office. 

Jacobsen: That raises obvious questions: how many killings involved weapons, how many involved physical force, and how many involved neither?

Rosner: Many of those thirty-three deaths were people who died while in ICE detention facilities. In many cases, medical conditions were not adequately treated. People died of things like uncontrolled diabetes or sepsis—conditions that are ordinarily preventable with basic medical care. These are the kinds of deaths that happen when people say they are in pain, say they need a doctor, and are ignored.

There is also a budget vote that has to be completed by Friday, or the government will shut down again. The ICE budget is part of the overall spending bill. Before Trump took office, ICE’s budget was around $9.5 to $10 billion per year. Under Trump, it expanded dramatically, reaching roughly $85 billion annually when combined with related border enforcement funding. Many lawmakers—essentially all Democrats—are now arguing that ICE should not be funded at current levels given its conduct.

If no agreement is reached with Republicans, the government could shut down again, further damaging Trump’s approval ratings.

There is also the Greenland episode, where Trump claimed he obtained concessions from Greenland despite not actually negotiating with Greenland’s government. He spoke instead with a UN-affiliated official, yet implied that the United States could do whatever it wanted militarily in Greenland. That implication is largely accurate.

Under agreements first made during World War II—beginning in 1941 and updated in 1951—the United States has broad rights to establish military installations in Greenland. In 1945, the U.S. operated seventeen military bases there. Greenland is the world’s largest island, yet only about 57,000 people live there, almost entirely along the coast. The interior is covered by a massive ice sheet roughly a mile thick, and most of the island lies above the Arctic Circle.

Even the coastal areas are extraordinarily harsh. Most of the time, temperatures approach minus 40, whether in Fahrenheit or Celsius, since they converge at that point. You do not need to convert.

Despite how difficult it is to live there, the United States maintained seventeen bases in Greenland at the end of World War II, and during the Cold War, that number likely exceeded twenty. Today, there is only one significant U.S. base remaining. Still, under existing treaties, the U.S. could expand its presence again if it chose to do so.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1613: American Luck, Authoritarian Risk, and Jewish Community in a Fragile Moment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/25

How do historical luck, rising authoritarian pressures, and Jewish concepts of community and giving intersect in today’s United States?

Rick Rosner and Scott Douglas Jacobsen situate current U.S. instability—ICE violence, Trump-era authoritarian signals, and electoral uncertainty—within a longer historical frame of American “luck.” Rosner contrasts U.S. losses in the world wars with the vastly greater devastation suffered in Europe and the Soviet Union, arguing that geography insulated Americans from mass trauma. Turning to Jewish life, Rosner treats tzedakah pragmatically as moral obligation rather than identity ritual, emphasizing consistent charitable giving. On community, he highlights the role of demographic density, noting how cities like Los Angeles sustain ordinary, pluralistic Jewish belonging in ways smaller communities cannot.

Rick Rosner: I wanted to talk about ICE and Trump and reiterate that the United States has been a very lucky country. We are geographically isolated. The suffering that Europe endured in World War II—and Canada as well—was mitigated for us by geography. We were separated by two oceans from the main theaters of devastation.

The United States lost about 405,000 service members in World War II. By contrast, the Soviet Union lost on the order of 20 to 27 million people, civilian and military combined. In World War I, the United States lost about 116,000 people. We entered that war in 1917, whereas the war began in Europe in 1914.

We have been lucky. Our largest national trauma was the Civil War, which killed roughly 2–3% of the U.S. population, and that was over 160 years ago. In recent history, we have had serious hardships, but not on the scale experienced by countries such as Italy, Germany, or China.

Now we are getting a small taste of instability. We react strongly to a handful of killings involving ICE, while elsewhere the scale of repression is vastly larger. In Iran, security forces have killed hundreds—and possibly more—of protesters since 2022. Exact numbers are difficult to verify because the government restricts internet access and controls information, and claims of figures in the tens of thousands are not supported by independent evidence.

Things are bad in the United States, but even in the middle of all this, we remain lucky. Maybe we will be lucky enough to get through it. Maybe the midterm elections will not be canceled. Maybe having a large, widely distributed population is a defining factor resisting authoritarianism.

There are roughly a few hundred days until the midterms. If the election is allowed to happen and is legitimate, it is widely expected that Republicans could lose the House, and they may even have a chance of losing the Senate. Will that make a difference? I do not know.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I have been interviewing a lot of rabbis. I recently finished a book on antisemitism with experts from around the world, across the spectrum—scholars, activists, Orthodox figures, politicians—many of whom would not even interact if placed in the same room. There are deep differences of opinion.

That project has been highly successful and widely praised, and I am very happy with it. A natural follow-up has been the Holocaust, along with interviews with religious scholars and community leaders with relevant credentials across the Jewish world. The Holocaust has been the main focus.

At the same time, I have received a great deal of positive feedback when I circulate a simpler pitch: describe what community means, what belonging means, in a Jewish context. Many rabbis responded almost immediately from different parts of the world. That leads to two questions. First, community: what does community or belonging mean to you as a Jewish person? Second, tzedakah: what does tzedakah mean to you?

Rosner: Charity.

Jacobsen: Yes, tzedakah is often translated as charity. I want to be precise. How do you distinguish it more technically, apart from general social giving?

Rosner: I do not distinguish it that way. I do not frame my charitable giving primarily through Jewish identity. I think of it more simply: we are in a good financial position, and we should give more than we currently give. That has been my thinking over the past few years.

We give monthly contributions to organizations like Shriners Hospitals for Children and another children’s hospital, and we plan to increase those contributions. When people approach us around birthdays or similar occasions, instead of giving gifts—especially if thank-you notes never arrive—we sometimes make a donation, say $50, in their name to a charity. But overall, we should be giving more.

A few years ago, Carole donated $5,000 to Guide Dogs of America. They train guide dogs primarily for blind people, but dogs have different aptitudes. Some become guide dogs; others are trained for different kinds of service work, depending on their abilities.

As for your first question—what community means—I would point to a television show that actually explores this well: Nobody Wants This, starring Adam Brody and Kristen Bell. It is a sitcom now in its second season.

The premise involves two sisters who run a podcast about dating. One of them meets a rabbi, and they begin dating. The show explores what it is like to enter a Jewish community as someone with no prior experience of Judaism, especially in Los Angeles. The rabbi is deeply connected to his community but also has extensive secular experience.

Living in Los Angeles matters. I grew up in Boulder, Colorado, and partly in Denver. There were Jews, but not enough to form a full, vibrant community unless you were deeply committed. In high school, I tried Jewish clubs and did not enjoy them. I was also trying—unsuccessfully—to get a girlfriend. There simply were not enough Jews in those settings for that to be plausible. I was not particularly appealing either, so that did not help.

By contrast, Carole’s closest lifelong friends—people she has known since kindergarten—are Jewish. There are enough Jews in Los Angeles to support a diverse, socially functional community. There are enough Jews for there to be ordinary Jews—people who just happen to be Jewish, not social outliers. That density makes it easier to stay connected to Jewish heritage.

There are many synagogues and temples in Los Angeles, and you can choose your level of involvement, from very Reform to more traditional forms.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1612: From a 1920s Report Card to Authoritarian Alarm: Found History, Memory, and Power in America

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/25

How can a forgotten library artifact reveal both buried family histories and the warning signs of modern authoritarianism?

Rick RosnerCarole Rosner, and Scott Douglas Jacobsen trace an unexpected journey from a donated Boy Scout handbook to a century-old report card that unlocked a Korean-American family history connected to early Hollywood, the Moongate Restaurant, and archival records at the LA Public Library. What begins as archival serendipity becomes a meditation on how small clues reconstruct erased lives. The conversation then pivots sharply to the present, examining ICE expansion, the killing of Alex Preti, and the politicization of immigration enforcement. The throughline is history’s habit of repeating itself—quietly at first, then loudly, when power goes unchecked.

Rick Rosner: Carole volunteers at the library with book donation intake, and this book came through her station. It’s a Boy Scout handbook from the 1920s. Inside is a report card from—what—1926? 1921? A report card that’s about 105 years old, for a kid who went on to be a…

Carole Rosner: Well, don’t talk about that yet because you don’t know the whole story. 

Rick Rosner: So he’s a different guy than you originally thought?

Carole Rosner: There’s a bigger story, but I’ll tell you when you’re done.

Rick Rosner: Carole went on the internet and found out about the kid whose report card it is, from about 100 years ago.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Who is it?

Rick Rosner: And his family. When did he die? Around 2000? Early 2000s?

Carole Rosner: The clue was Fremont Avenue School. I put his name in. It turns out his brother—his name was Philip Ahn. His brother, Philip, was a very famous Korean-American actor. There are archives within the LA Public Library that the sister submitted, documenting all of them.

This guy was a minor actor, but his brother was a huge actor. The sister put all these photos and content into the LA Public Library website. I only knew that because I put his name in along with Fremont Avenue School.

The family went on to own one of the first Chinese restaurants in Panorama City, in the San Fernando Valley. It was called the Moongate Restaurant. All of that came from having that one clue.

Jacobsen: It’s fascinating.

Rick Rosner: Carole has found so much stuff in books that people have donated. People tuck things into books. She found a $100 Confederate bill, a piece of Confederate money from the Civil War. She finds ticket stubs from plane flights. She also found notes for writing an Elton John TV special. That’s what she’s been doing. History is interesting.

Jacobsen: Did you call your close London historian contact for help on how to do it even more in depth?

Rick Rosner: Yeah, though she has her own approach. Still, it’s interesting to look at history—especially considering we’re living through some nasty fucking history in the U.S. right now—which is a nice segue to Six Immigration.

Carole Rosner: Look—the brother was on Kung Fu. He was a huge actor. In the 1970s.

Rick Rosner: The brother.

Jacobsen: He actually looks like the current Dalai Lama. 

Carole Rosner: He was a huge Korean-American actor, very well regarded. It all came about because I had that one clue on the report card that I was able to follow.

Rick Rosner: So these guys were not sent to Manzanar because they were Korean and not Japanese?

Carole Rosner: No, there’s no record of that.

Rick Rosner: In 1942, the U.S. government forcibly interned large numbers of Japanese Americans—often inaccurately described as “concentration camps,” with Manzanar being one of the most well-known sites. Koreans were generally not targeted under those orders, which appears to be why this family avoided internment. Separately, according to reports from yesterday, ICE and Border Patrol were involved in the killing of another individual.

Jacobsen: A nurse.

Rick Rosner: Yes. According to reporting, a 37-year-old nurse named Alex Preti. ICE and Border Patrol are now operating openly on city streets. In Minneapolis, for example, there were reports of roughly 3,000 federal immigration enforcement personnel present, compared with a typical local police force of about 600 officers on duty. That represents a massive surge in federal enforcement presence, and by many accounts it has been chaotic and aggressive.

Publicly available data indicate that a majority of people detained by ICE do not have criminal records. Estimates commonly cited place that figure at over 70 percent.

Jacobsen: As a reminder, what is the extent of the training most ICE agents receive?

Rick Rosner: The numbers vary, partly because staffing has expanded rapidly. ICE personnel reportedly increased from roughly 10,000 to over 20,000 agents in recent years. Training timelines have also been shortened. Standard training has been reported as lasting several weeks, with expedited pathways for individuals claiming prior law-enforcement experience.

There have been documented failures in screening systems, including automated application processes. According to investigative reporting, some applicants were advanced with minimal vetting, and background checks appear to have been inconsistently applied. There have also been reports of significant recruitment bonuses. More broadly, ICE leadership has been criticized as inexperienced, accountability mechanisms appear weak, and oversight is limited.

In this incident, video footage shows Alex Preti using a phone or camera to record events and attempting to help manage the scene—directing traffic and reducing chaos. He was an emergency-room nurse and was standing on the sidewalk.

At one point, officers pushed a woman who was observing the operation to the ground. Preti bent down to help her up. He was legally carrying a firearm; Minnesota permits open carry with a license, which he reportedly had.

Officers then shouted that he had a gun. He was pushed to the ground and surrounded by multiple agents. Video appears to show one officer removing the firearm and running away with it. Seconds later, officers fired on him. Multiple videos show that he was shot repeatedly, including shots to the back. He later died from those wounds. And all of that is documented on video.

Based on the available video, it appears consistent with an unlawful killing. He was legally permitted to carry the firearm. He was not behaving aggressively. He was holding a phone.

Almost immediately afterward, figures including Donald Trump, Tom Homan, Kristi Noem, and Stephen Miller publicly characterized him as a “domestic terrorist.” That narrative has since faced significant pushback from across the media spectrum, including journalists such as Jake Tapper, Kaitlan Collins, and even Maria Bartiromo, many of whom have described the shooting as unjustified and deeply troubling.

That is what is unfolding in Minneapolis. Commentators like Matt Walsh—the pundit, not the actor—have continued to argue that the victim was at fault simply for carrying a gun at a protest. The actor Matt Walsh has the misfortune of sharing a name with him.

Many critics, including gun-rights advocates and liberals alike, have responded by pointing out the contradiction: the same voices who champion the Second Amendment are now condemning a man who was legally armed and killed for it. The prevailing response has been that he was entirely entitled to possess that weapon and should not have been killed for doing so.

That is the situation.

Jacobsen: What has been the justification for a five-fold increase in state or federal agency enforcement?

Rosner: The simplest answer is that the administration chose to do it. The stated rationale shifts, but critics argue the underlying motive is political retaliation. Minnesota is a Democratic-leaning state, and Minneapolis is governed by officials who openly opposed Trump. Trump explicitly promised vengeance during his campaign, and many see this surge as an example of that pledge being carried out.

One explanation being circulated is that Minneapolis has a large Somali population and that Somalis are allegedly committing widespread fraud or abusing welfare systems. There is little evidence that such claims correlate meaningfully with undocumented immigration. Most Somali residents in Minnesota are lawfully present—through citizenship, permanent residency, or asylum processes.

These narratives rely heavily on racialized fear. Somalis are repeatedly portrayed as threatening figures in right-wing media, often drawing on stereotypes and pop-culture associations rather than facts. They are treated as convenient boogeymen for audiences conditioned to fear them.

Minnesota does border Canada, but undocumented migration across the northern border is rare. Minneapolis itself is roughly 300 miles—over 450 kilometers—from the border. Border Patrol typically operates within about 50 miles of U.S. borders. In this case, federal immigration enforcement was operating hundreds of miles inland.

There is a great deal of misinformation, political theater, and bad-faith justification surrounding this deployment.

Minnesota, with an estimated undocumented population of roughly 2 percent of its residents, has far fewer undocumented immigrants than Florida, which is estimated to have well over one million. Despite that disparity, enforcement pressure has been concentrated in Minnesota. The administration’s explanation is often that Florida cooperates fully with federal enforcement, while Democratic-led states do not.

Critics argue the real motive is political punishment: targeting a blue state with a visible immigrant population that can be portrayed as threatening. Maine is now being targeted as well, despite having a very small undocumented population—estimated at around ten thousand people. Maine is the northernmost state in the continental U.S. and has a fraction of the undocumented population found in states like Florida or Texas.

The disparity is striking. States with vastly larger undocumented populations face less aggressive enforcement, while states with relatively few undocumented residents are subjected to heavy federal presence. That pattern appears less about immigration numbers and more about politics.

Federal immigration enforcement agencies operate under the Department of Homeland Security, whose overall budget has increased dramatically since its creation, now exceeding $80 billion annually. Immigration and Customs Enforcement itself has also seen substantial funding increases over time. Meanwhile, Kristi Noem, the current Secretary of Homeland Security, does not come from a law-enforcement background.

These are bleak times in the United States. What we are seeing now feels like an early exposure to authoritarian governance. The country has gone more than two centuries without a president openly devoted to undermining democratic institutions in pursuit of personal power.

Richard Nixon is often cited as a previous example of executive overreach, but even at his worst, Nixon believed in the United States as a system. Donald Trump, by contrast, appears motivated primarily by money, power, and personal grievance, with vengeance as a recurring theme.

One more thing. I keep talking about ICE being incompetent. In July 2022, a Brink’s truck carrying jewelry inventory between California jewelry shows was robbed at a rest stop near Lebec, north of Los Angeles. Early reporting produced a wide range of value estimates; Brink’s put the declared loss around $8.7 million, while other estimates and later federal descriptions put it closer to about $100 million, which is why it has been described as possibly the largest such jewelry theft in U.S. history.

Most of the affected jewelers were uninsured or underinsured, and later reporting and litigation described how declared values can differ from true values because insurance and carriage arrangements often hinge on what is listed on manifests.

ICE is incompetent from top to bottom. I am sure there are some good people in ICE—there are about 22,000 officers—so statistically there have to be thousands who are not complete incompetent dickheads, but there are plenty who are. All right, let’s do something else.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1611: The Paper Clip

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

What is an underrated invention—something like the paper clip, but as impactful as the toilet?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to name an underrated invention with outsized impact. Rosner begins with the coffee machine as a daily, underappreciated convenience, tracing popular consumer shifts from instant coffee to Mr. Coffee to Keurig. He then widens the lens to modern technological “phase changes,” arguing the smartphone has reshaped society at planetary scale since the iPhone’s 2007 debut. From there, he emphasizes escalating complexity in world-changing tools, from cars to wearable computers and implanted medical devices. Rosner concludes that the integrated circuit is the invisible keystone of modern life, enabling near-constant human interaction with computing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is an underrated invention—something like the paper clip, but as impactful as the toilet?

Rick Rosner: One invention almost everyone uses daily and rarely appreciates is the coffee machine.

Before Keurig, there was Mr. Coffee, which people loved in the 1970s and 1980s. Before that, there was instant coffee—crystals dissolved in hot water—which produced an inferior drink but was fast and convenient. In the 1950s and 1960s, that mattered.

Coffee technology may not be underrated, but it is ubiquitous.

I also prefer the paper clamp to the paper clip. Trump once mentioned it in a speech, holding one up and talking about how much it would hurt to get caught in it, which was ridiculous, but so is most of what he says.

Beyond that, the smartphone fundamentally altered society—for better and worse. The first iPhone appeared around 2007. Now there are roughly as many smartphones in the world as there are people. That is a genuine phase change.

In general, the world-changing inventions of today are vastly more intricate and complex than those of the past.

The automobile was a world-changing invention, and even early cars were complex, though nothing like modern vehicles with all their added systems.

An iPhone, by comparison, is orders of magnitude more complicated than a car. Much of what we now take for granted consists of wearable computers. That alone has saved countless lives.

About 1% of the population has computer chips implanted in their bodies—mostly pacemakers, but also cochlear implants and insulin pumps. Those insulin pump patches worn on the arm almost certainly contain computer chips.

In my house, there were no computer chips until 1974. The first chip entered my home when my father bought a simple four-function calculator.

Now, there are hundreds of chips in the average household, with combined computing power far exceeding the total computation performed by everyone during World War II.

An invention that has fundamentally changed everything—and which we barely notice—is the integrated circuit. It has transformed nearly every aspect of modern life.

Most people, when awake, do not go more than a few minutes without interacting with something that contains a computer chip. That is the single most transformative development of this century.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1610: The New York Post, Murdoch’s Media Strategy, and Why James Cameron Chose New Zealand

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

Any thoughts on The New York Post?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner for thoughts on The New York Post. Rosner characterizes it as a Rupert Murdoch property aimed at a right-leaning readership, and says Murdoch’s rumored “California Post” would pursue a similar niche. He argues California’s large conservative adult population and older-skewing traditional news consumers could support such a venture, while also generating attention by provoking liberals. The discussion shifts to James Cameron’s move to New Zealand, framed as a preference for social “sanity” and effective COVID governance, contrasting New Zealand’s high vaccination compliance with the United States’ lower and declining rates.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any thoughts on The New York Post

Rick Rosner: The New York Post is one of Rupert Murdoch’s papers, and it is right-leaning news for stupid people in New York City.

Murdoch is now starting a California version called the California Post, which will be right-leaning, stupid news for dumb people in California.

The Los Angeles Times has been steadily shrinking and moving rightward under its current billionaire ownership. There may be a market for this, because California has about 40 million people, including more than 10 million adult conservatives. Not everyone in California leans left.

California conservatives also tend to be older than the state average. The typical news consumer—someone who regularly reads newspapers or watches cable news—is in their 60s. Gen Z and Gen X do not get their news from traditional media.

This could work. It would also exist essentially to irritate liberals every day, which amounts to free publicity. Rotten tomatoes. That is about all I have.

James Cameron has obtained New Zealand citizenship and is leaving the United States, calling it a country where people are constantly at each other’s throats, where science is being abandoned, and where the country would be in serious trouble if another pandemic emerged.

Jacobsen: What is his reason for choosing New Zealand over other places?

Rosner: He chose New Zealand because it is beautiful, and because the country acted rationally and effectively during COVID. That mattered to him.

After the pandemic hit, New Zealand eliminated the virus twice. The third time, a mutated strain broke through, but by then the country had a vaccination rate of about 98 percent. That level of public compliance is why he says he loves New Zealand.

By contrast, the United States reached roughly a 62 percent vaccination rate, and that figure has been declining.

These remarks come from Variety, based on Cameron’s appearance on In Depth with Graham Bensinger. He also already lives in New Zealand and produced the Avatar films there.

Bensinger remarked that New Zealand is stunningly beautiful, and Cameron replied that he was not there for the scenery but for the sanity.

This highlights a structural problem in the United States. The country is enormous—around 345 million people across 50 states, each with its own political system. Coordinating national responses is difficult, especially when powerful interests profit from division.

New Zealand, by contrast, has about 5.4 million people. Many of the world’s best-functioning countries have populations under 12 million—Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia.

Estonia, in particular, has been unusually nimble in preparing for the future. These countries are small enough to unify their populations and experiment with policy. Singapore is another example of this kind of governance at scale.

Smaller countries tend to be more agile, and they do not have a Fox News ecosystem radicalizing 20 to 30 percent of the population.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1609: FBI Resignation, ICE Shooting, and DOJ Stonewalling Claims

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

What is new with Renée Good and her case?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner for updates on Renée Good’s killing. Rosner reports that FBI agent Tracee Mergen resigned after being blocked from investigating the January 7, 2026 Minneapolis shooting by ICE agent Jonathan Ross, despite widely shared video. He argues the pattern looks like institutional stonewalling, not evidence-hiding, as DOJ limits the matter to an internal review and declines a civil-rights probe, amid reported prosecutor resignations. Rosner notes Minnesota authorities and the family may still pursue action. Jacobsen pivots to polio, citing historic paralysis rates, warning about vaccine skepticism, and vents about Trump’s sagging approval this election season.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is new with Renée Good and her case?

Rick Rosner: An FBI agent who tried to investigate the fatal shooting of Renée Good in Minneapolis by an ICE officer has resigned after being blocked from pursuing the matter, according to reporting that identified the agent as Tracee Mergen. Renée Good, a 37-year-old Minnesota resident and mother of three, was shot and killed on January 7, 2026, in Minneapolis by ICE agent Jonathan Ross while she was in her car.

Video of the shooting has circulated widely online. People are calling this a cover-up, but the dynamic looks less like hiding evidence and more like refusing to treat publicly available evidence as grounds for a serious, transparent investigation. In other words, it resembles stonewalling.

The Justice Department has said it is not pursuing a criminal civil-rights investigation of Ross and has described the matter as an internal review, a position that has drawn criticism. Reporting has indicated internal turmoil, including resignations by federal prosecutors over disagreements about how the case has been handled.

Can this continue indefinitely? I do not know. Minnesota authorities may still pursue action based on the evidence they can gather, and the family can pursue civil litigation.

Separately, on vaccines: HHS did not issue a blanket declaration that the polio vaccine is optional. The chair of the CDC’sAdvisory Committee on Immunization Practices publicly questioned broad vaccine recommendations, including those for polio, emphasizing individual autonomy rather than public health mandates.

The CDC’s recommendation that children receive the polio vaccine remains in place, and school vaccination requirements are set at the state level. Polio has been eliminated in many countries but continues to circulate globally, meaning reduced vaccination coverage increases the risk of its return.

In the 1940s and 1950s, polio paralyzed or killed more than half a million people worldwide each year. Before the 1955 vaccine, the disease caused more than 15,000 cases of paralysis annually in the United States alone.

Globally, cases have been reduced by more than 99 percent because of vaccination. Those 15,000 U.S. cases occurred when the country had less than half its current population.

If polio were to return at similar rates today—which is unlikely because most people will continue to vaccinate—that would translate to roughly 35,000 paralysis cases per year. These people are fuckheads.

Trump’s approval rating has fallen to the lowest levels of his current term. Many people are disgusted. He has done very little of what people voted for him to do. He has controlled the border, and that is about it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1608: Cosmic Irreversibility, Black Holes, and Entanglement

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/22

How do “gear locking” in cosmic evolution and information constraints—from recombination to black holes—shape what can be known, preserved, and inferred in the universe?

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen frames cosmic history as “gear locking,” where expansion, cooling, phase transitions, and decoupling events constrain what can stably exist, making the universe’s trajectory effectively irreversible under rising entropy. Rick Rosner shifts the emphasis toward information: what appears absent is often inaccessible, scrambled, or unrecoverable, especially under gravitational collapse and within black holes, whose thermodynamic properties sharpen the information problem. They briefly pivot to U.S. politics, then return to quantum entanglement, distinguishing measurable preparation and detection timescales from any faster-than-light signalling.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I keep thinking in terms of what I call “gear locking.” In the early universe, as it expanded and cooled, characteristic energy, length, and time scales changed, and the relevant physics shifted.

Some of these shifts involved symmetry breaking and phase transitions in quantum fields, along with decoupling events in which interactions became ineffective as conditions changed.

These changes constrained what could exist stably and in what form—for example, a hot quark–gluon plasma transitioning to bound hadrons, then primordial nucleosynthesis forming light nuclei, and later recombination allowing neutral atoms to form.

Each new regime is constrained by what came before, and the universe’s history is effectively irreversible because entropy increases. That historical “locking-in” is the most crucial point.

Rick Rosner: I do not think of this primarily as phase transitions, or as a simple evolution from early to later stages. The universe exists to create and preserve information.

Information is not the only thing that can exist in physics, but it is a powerful way to describe physical states. In modern physics, information is tied to the number of possible microstates consistent with a macrostate, and to entropy. In that sense, what looks like an absence of information is usually a situation in which information is inaccessible, scrambled, or not practically recoverable—not literally absent.

Under extreme gravitational collapse, matter can enter regimes where physical descriptions become highly compressed and difficult to resolve. Gravitational collapse can also liberate energy: radiation can be emitted during collapse and accretion, and mergers can emit gravitational waves.

In a practical sense, some extreme environments can approximate conditions similar to those of the early universe in temperature or density, but they are not direct replicas of the early universe.

As a speculative picture, one could imagine a transition from a relatively featureless, high-entropy configuration to one with more distinguishable structure. In established thermodynamics, however, structure formation can occur while total entropy still increases, because gravity allows local decreases in entropy at the expense of larger increases elsewhere.

A “big-bang-like bloom” from collapse is therefore not part of standard cosmology and remains hypothetical.

What would enable such a process is unknown, and there is no confirmed mechanism showing that black holes generate new universes. Theoretical literature discusses “baby universes,” but these ideas are speculative and lack empirical confirmation.

Likewise, whether information associated with a black hole could be shared with a parent universe is unresolved. What is on firmer ground is that black holes have entropy and temperature, emit Hawking radiation, and pose a fundamental information problem in theoretical physics.

Any definitive answers would depend on a successful theory of quantum gravity and observational evidence. At present, the intuition that gravitational collapse resembles an “early-universe-like” state functions best as an analogy rather than an established physical claim.

What we see looks like the late universe—the collapsed state. Matter, once stars run out of usable nuclear fuel, collapses gravitationally under pressure. In such conditions, matter can enter degenerate states.

As collapse occurs, energy and radiation can be emitted, carrying information outward in some forms. Whether that is the right way to think about it is unclear.

The gravitational agglomeration of matter may itself encode information, in the sense that large-scale structure reflects physical laws and initial conditions. However, the detailed information contained in precise microscopic configurations of particles is scrambled mainly during collapse. That does not mean data is destroyed in established physics, but that it becomes inaccessible or effectively unrecoverable.

In simple terms, highly collapsed regions of the universe tend to obscure information, while expanding regions allow structure and distinguishability to develop.

Whether collapsed matter could ever undergo a process resembling a “big-bang-like” expansion, and whether any resulting information could be shared with the surrounding universe, would depend on spacetime geometry and gravitational curvature. There is no confirmed mechanism for this, and such ideas remain speculative.

Framed more carefully, this is an information story. As the universe evolves from extremely dense, hot, and opaque conditions to cooler and more expanded ones, the kinds of information that can be preserved and observed increase.

Early, highly compressed regimes are opaque because interactions constantly scatter energy, erasing recoverable distinctions.

In standard cosmology, the universe becomes transparent only after recombination, roughly 380,000 years after the Big Bang, when electrons combine with nuclei to form neutral atoms. Only then can photons travel freely without constant scattering.

Before that, the universe is ionized plasma, and electromagnetic information cannot propagate in a stable, recoverable way.

So it is not accurate to say the early universe “contained no information,” but rather that information could not be preserved or transmitted in forms accessible to observers.

As the universe cooled and expanded, stable structures formed, allowing information to persist. In the later or middle universe—such as the one we inhabit—conditions are calm enough that information can be retained over long timescales without being erased by background radiation or constant high-energy interactions.

That is how I think about phase transitions and cosmic time: not simply as moments on a timeline, but as shifts from opaque, high-energy regimes where information is inaccessible to structured regimes where information can be preserved, accumulated, and studied.

Another thing we have talked about is hidden information. Most of the information in the universe is not accessible within the current informational configuration. Much of it is effectively locked away in earlier conditions, close to the universe’s initial state.

The question is how some of that information can be liberated—unfrozen, so to speak—and incorporated into the current informational regime. In that sense, it is really an information problem.

Jacobsen: Do you want to switch to a different topic briefly?

Rosner: Sure. Trump appears to have backed away from his rhetoric about Greenland. Earlier, he made aggressive, ambiguous statements suggesting that the United States could acquire Greenland through economic pressure or force.

More recently, he has shifted to language about negotiations and “concepts of a solution” that would work for the United States, the European Union, and NATO. That kind of language usually signals a retreat while still allowing him to declare victory rhetorically.

The outcome is not ownership of Greenland. The idea of acquiring Greenland is not new—U.S. interest dates back to the nineteenth century—but Trump was unusually explicit and belligerent in how he framed it.

In public remarks, he repeatedly misspoke, referring to Greenland as Iceland, which drew widespread criticism.

Many commentators have pointed out that similar verbal errors by other presidents would likely have triggered far more intense scrutiny. There is a growing perception of a double standard, where Trump’s errors and erratic behaviour are normalized because audiences have become habituated to them.

Journalists and commentators have noted public frustration with this normalization. Some argue that there should be a serious discussion of presidential competence, rather than treating confusion, aggression, or inconsistency as mere negotiating style.

That said, the constitutional mechanisms for removal are political, not clinical. The Twenty-Fifth Amendment requires action by the cabinet, which is unlikely given political loyalty.

Impeachment requires congressional action, which is also unlikely under current alignments. As a result, critics conclude that the system is effectively locked in, with limited practical options for intervention.

There is also the political reality that removing Trump would elevate his vice president, which complicates strategic calculations for his opponents.

Vance is unsettling in a different way. He appears to have a more opaque and potentially more disturbing agenda than Trump. He is younger, more disciplined intellectually, and closely aligned with tech elites, including figures like Peter Thiel. That combination worries people.

At the same time, he lacks charisma and does not communicate in a way that persuades broad audiences. His goals, and those of the tech-aligned faction around him, are not clearly articulated. That ambiguity creates a perverse form of insulation for Trump, because many people are more afraid of what might replace him.

It is at least encouraging that the Greenland episode collapsed so quickly, assuming it is truly over. That outcome suggests a limitation on Trump’s capacity to execute large, coherent geopolitical projects.

Historical comparisons are often made carelessly, but one difference is effectiveness. Trump is capable of narrow actions, such as tax policy favouring the wealthy or aggressive symbolic gestures, but he has shown limited ability to carry out sustained, complex plans. In that sense, his inefficiency is a relief.

Jacobsen: Turning back to physics, I recently learned that in experiments involving quantum entanglement, correlations are not observed in a way that implies instantaneous physical signalling.

Some experiments measure characteristic timescales associated with interactions or measurements, sometimes on the order of hundreds of attoseconds. That does not mean entanglement itself “takes time” to propagate in the classical sense. Instead, it reflects how quickly experimental systems can be prepared, manipulated, or measured.

What matters is that entanglement does not allow faster-than-light communication, even though correlated outcomes appear immediately once measurements are compared.

The timescales involved are extraordinarily small and experimentally measurable, which is remarkable. I would like to understand better how those measurements are made.

This undercuts some of the more mystical interpretations of entanglement as a perfectly unified cosmic web. The phenomenon is precise, constrained, and deeply mathematical.

If there are characteristic timescales involved in creating or probing entanglement, that points to structured physical processes rather than vague holistic unity.

That raises another question: whether any of these timescales function like fundamental constants, such as the speed of light, which is invariant across reference frames.

Rosner: I do not know enough quantum mechanics to answer that. These are open and interesting questions, but speculation should stay within what the theory and experiments actually support.

One broader idea I return to is that not every physical interaction leaves a record. In fact, most interactions do not. A trace exists only when an interaction produces downstream effects that persist and influence later states. If something happens and produces no lasting effects, it leaves no recoverable record.

Entanglement is interesting in this context because it provides a potential mechanism for correlation that can later be revealed, even if it does not transmit information in the ordinary sense. That fits with the broader pattern of the universe: countless interactions occur, but only a small subset generate durable, observable consequences.

Most interactions occur only in a virtual or transient sense. Something happens, but the specific details are not preserved. Inside a star, there are an enormous number of interactions per second—on the order of trillions of trillions—and almost none of them leave a durable trace.

Photons produced in a stellar interior typically travel only a very short distance before being absorbed or scattered again. They do not escape carrying a clean record of the interaction that produced them. In that environment, most processes are quickly overwritten by subsequent interactions.

One clearer example of a lasting change is nuclear fusion. When light nuclei fuse to form a heavier nucleus, such as helium, the result is relatively stable.

A helium nucleus formed in a star is less likely to be immediately undone than many other transient processes. Even so, the detailed history leading to that helium nucleus—every interaction that preceded it—is not recoverable. That history is lost in the statistical chaos of the stellar interior.

Entanglement offers, at best, a limited way for correlations to persist, but it is fragile. Any information associated with it can still be disrupted or rendered inaccessible by further interactions. That fragility mirrors the broader universe.

In that sense, the universe must contain the information of the universe. Individual microscopic interactions are overwhelmingly unlikely to produce records that endure. Most events do not leave durable, isolatable traces.

There is a deeper point here, one that is well-worn but still important. The universe is fundamentally structured at the quantum level.

Creating an entangled state involves physical interactions that occur over a measurable, though extremely short, timescale. Once entanglement is established, the correlated outcomes of measurements appear immediately when compared, regardless of distance.

That does not imply faster-than-light signalling, but it does reflect a nonclassical structure in the definition of quantum states.

So there is an asymmetry: establishing entanglement requires interaction and time, while the correlations of an entangled state do not depend on spatial separation.

That is striking, but it should be described carefully. The correlations are consistent with relativity because no usable information is transmitted instantaneously.

Some interpretations frame this as a kind of “handshake” between different points in time. Ideas involving advanced and retarded waves—where influences propagate both forward and backward in time—exist in specific interpretations of physics, such as absorber or time-symmetric theories.

These interpretations are mathematically consistent with known laws but remain interpretive frameworks rather than experimental facts.

Within that speculative framing, one might imagine entanglement as a set of constraints that link events across time and space. However, this language should be understood metaphorically or interpretively, not as a literal description of causal signals travelling backward in time.

If a particle here has a particular property, and it is entangled with another particle elsewhere, then once a measurement is made, you can infer the corresponding property of the distant particle. People find that unsettling.

What matters is that nothing is being transmitted at the moment of measurement. The correlation was established earlier, when the particles interacted and became entangled.

You can think of that earlier interaction as forming a constraint. The particles entered a joint quantum state at that point.

When you later measure one particle and find, for example, a particular spin orientation, you can infer the outcome for the other particle because the joint state requires consistency.

The mathematics enforces that constraint without revealing any usable information about the distant particle before measurement.

Some interpretations describe this using time-symmetric language, such as retarded and advanced influences, in which constraints link the past and present.

That is one way to conceptualize it, but it should not be taken to mean that signals are literally travelling backward in time. The correlations can be described entirely within standard quantum mechanics without violating causality or relativity.

In that sense, effects do not determine causes, and the past cannot be changed. What is enforced is a relationship that was already established when the entangled state was created.

Later measurements reveal outcomes consistent with that earlier relationship.

Consider two photons created together and then travelling for billions of years in opposite directions without interacting with anything else.

Eventually, each photon interacts locally with its environment at a very different place and time in the universe. Those interactions are correlated, but they do not alter anything that already happened. They do not transmit information between those regions faster than light.

You may learn the polarization of a distant photon faster than light could have carried a signal to you, but no information has travelled.

You know the outcome because of the structure of the entangled state, not because anything was sent from one location to another at the moment of measurement.

An analogy is setting up a constraint in advance. If you paint a billboard red and secure it so nothing can change it, then travel a hundred light-years away, you can know instantly that the billboard is red.

You are not receiving information from that distant location. You know the conditions you arranged earlier. Entanglement works similarly: the “deal” was made at creation.

Nothing about this changes the past, and nothing violates the speed of light. It is not communication; it is correlation enforced by prior conditions.

One way to look at it is that the universe may be built out of these constraints—durable relationships established by interactions and preserved over time.

What sometimes gets dismissed as mystical or “woo-woo” entanglement may be an ordinary structural feature of reality. Without such constraints, the universe would not hold together coherently.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1607: Charlatan Complex, Perfect Spheres, and Pornfluencers

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/21

How do misinformation ecosystems, material limits, and cultural taboos intersect?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen opens by asking where to begin; Rick Rosner argues that gullibility clusters, using anti-vaccine grifts as a gateway to wider conspiracism. They pivot to physics: how close can a manufactured sphere approach an ideal one, and what do ball-bearing tolerances imply about cost and limits. Rosner then detours into “pornfluencers,” describing collapsing boundaries between adult work, fame, and mainstream life, plus his personal “rules” for ethical consumption. The discussion returns to geometry and materials, proposing electrons, Euclidean lines, and carbon lattices, including diamond’s slow surface loss. Finally, he surveys political anxiety, warning that weak enforcement enables drift.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are your ideas to start the session?

Rick Rosner: First, I want to talk about the charlatan industrial complex. If you fall for one kind of bullshit, you are more likely to fall for other types of bullshit.

On Wednesday mornings, I am often an extra guest on a show with doctor Michael Patmos on Pod TV. He talks about anti-vaccine charlatans, vaccine safety, and the public-health impact of vaccination. Immunization prevents an estimated 3.5 to 5 million deaths every year from diseases such as measles, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, and influenza. Modern vaccination dates back to 1796 with the early smallpox inoculation.

Anti-vaccine movements often deny or minimize these benefits, circulate misinterpreted or low-quality claims presented as “studies,” and promote alternative products or protocols. During COVID, for example, some promoted ivermectin despite central health authorities concluding the evidence was inconclusive and recommending its use only within clinical trials.

Once you buy into that world, you can become more open to other claims: that the 2020 U.S. election was stolen, that climate change is a plot, that universities exist to control people, or that COVID was deliberately engineered to control people. The common theme is that elites use expertise to plot against ordinary people, while “doing your own research” supposedly reveals the truth.

Believing one falsehood is often correlated with accepting others.

This also draws in educated people: nurses, some doctors, professionals, and ex-military individuals who assume that expertise in one domain transfers broadly. Instead, people can become overconfident outside their field, and sometimes even within it.

That is the point. It feels obvious—depressingly obvious.

Jacobsen: Given the scale of the universe and the minuteness of its lower bound, how precise could we ultimately make a sphere, or something approximating that mathematical object? A sphere assumes infinite precision.

Rosner: SR. The quick answer is the ratio of the radius of an atom to the radius of the sphere. If you line up all the atoms correctly, you need a rigid structure to hold them in position. You then polish the surface so that every atom is as close as possible to the ideal center of the sphere.

You would have to control for gravity, which might require building it in space to eliminate the need for weight. There could also be thermal issues. In practice, we already see this with ball bearings. They are manufactured at different levels of precision, depending on how close they are to a perfect sphere. You can buy low-precision ones cheaply, and higher-precision ones for more money, depending on the application.

Ball bearings that are closer to perfect spheres last longer. For relatively little money—on the order of hundreds to a thousand dollars—you could probably get a sphere made to about one part in a million. As precision increases, cost likely rises roughly in inverse proportion to tolerance. If one part in a million costs about a thousand dollars, then one part in ten million might cost ten thousand, one part in a hundred million around a hundred thousand, and one part in a billion on the order of a million dollars, where the deviation from perfect sphericity is one part in a billion.

It is not apparent why most applications would need that level of precision. Historically, extremely high precision was required for mirrors and lenses, especially for large reflecting telescopes. Those mirrors had to be polished to tolerances of one part in a million or better. Today, however, telescope design has changed. You can build extensive systems from many smaller mirrors and use computation and active correction to bring them into focus.

Jacobsen: Any stray topics?

Rosner: I have another topic: Pornfluencers.

Recently, there was a high-profile college football championship game, and social media reacted the way it often does when a well-known adult performer appeared in the crowd. Cameras cut to her, people made jokes, and commentators acted as though they did not know why she was famous.

It later emerged that she had attended the university, had retired from pornography several years earlier, and was now a law student and a genuine fan of the team. I will not name her because that would fall under the conventions around adult entertainment and publicity. The broader point is that the barriers between fame, respectability, and adult work have been falling.

I was watching videos and came across a woman who presented herself as an influencer with a large following. She was charismatic and appealing, and when I looked her up, it became clear that her online identity blended influencer culture with adult content. That is a relatively new phenomenon.

Historically, people who made pornography were heavily stigmatized. The definition of pornography itself was also much broader. In the 1960s, the threshold was far lower; even topless imagery could be classified as pornographic.

Showing your butt was considered porn. Anything more explicit than that was rare. People who made more hardcore material usually lived marginal lives and were not famous, although a few exceptions existed.

Marilyn Monroe, before becoming a major film star, posed nude for a calendar shoot. Playboy later purchased those photographs and used one on the cover of its first issue in 1953. She survived that exposure and went on to a historic career. Others followed similar paths. Jenny McCarthy and Pamela Anderson posed repeatedly for Playboy and later achieved mainstream success. Dorothy Stratten appeared poised for major stardom after Playboy, but her life was cut short when her former partner murdered her.

At the time, that was close to the boundary of what someone could do and still maintain a conventional career. That boundary has been shifting. It is striking that people who make pornography are essentially doing, on camera, things that most people do or would like to do in private.

For years, I used to say that roughly one million people—primarily women—were posting sexualized images on OnlyFans. More recent figures suggest several million creators worldwide. That implies a scale large enough to rival or exceed the number of people in some traditional professions, depending on how one counts active participants. The broader point is that adult content creation has become normalized at scale.

Under current conditions, if someone is sufficiently talented, or makes early decisions they later regret, or is highly exhibitionistic, it is now more possible to move on to other careers. Tracy Lords, for example, performed in adult films early on and later established a legitimate acting career. I expect post-porn trajectories to continue becoming more lenient and socially inclusive.

That brings me to what I half-jokingly call the “rules of porn.”

There are limits to what people find acceptable. Material that feels exploitative, disturbing, or personally uncomfortable tends to cross a line. Masturbation to pornography is already somewhat awkward as a human activity, even though the overwhelming majority of adults engage in it at some point.

I did not mention the name of the woman at the football game because it closely resembles my daughter’s name, which leads to one of those informal rules: you do not consume porn involving performers who share a name with your child. That is unsettling. By contrast, performers who share a name with one’s spouse do not carry the same psychological issue, and resemblance to one’s partner is often part of attraction.

Another rule is that once you learn a performer has been murdered or has died by suicide, their work no longer feels consumable. That knowledge changes the context irreversibly.

Some people, like Adam Carolla, have spoken about being drawn to performers from the 1970s and 1980s. Those performers may now be elderly or deceased, which is not necessarily disturbing, but it does add a layer of melancholy about time, aging, and human vulnerability.

Those are my personal rules. They are subjective, but they seem reasonable. Ideally, any engagement with pornography happens privately, after everyone else in the household has gone to bed.

You do it in a way that you will not get caught. That is basic courtesy.

Can you masturbate while other people are awake and in the house? It depends on the circumstances. Not while you are babysitting. You cannot disappear into a room while you are responsible for other people.

For clarity, my child is an adult. And obviously, you cannot masturbate to anyone under eighteen. That is unacceptable.

If your wife is downstairs on a Zoom call or watching a cooking show, can you go back to bed, say you are taking a nap, and masturbate? Probably, as long as you are lying down and could plausibly be asleep if she comes in. Sitting upright and watching porn is a bad idea.

Do not masturbate sitting in an office chair. I learned this the hard way. It puts too much strain on the lower abdominal wall. During the writers’ strike, when I had too much idle time, I aggravated an old hernia. If you are quick, you might get away with it, but if it takes a while, do not do it. It is not suitable for you.

Masturbation itself, however, is generally considered healthy. Some studies suggest that more frequent ejaculation is associated with a lower risk of prostate cancer, compared with very infrequent ejaculation. The exact mechanisms are not fully understood, but regular activity appears to be beneficial.

Those are some of the rules. Do not be excessively creepy.

If you realize mid-act that a performer later died by suicide, that discomfort alone is reason enough to stop for the night, abandon porn, and go to sleep.

For people in long-term relationships, can you masturbate next to a sleeping partner? Possibly, as long as they are not aware of it. There is often tacit deniability on both sides. Sometimes, the other person may notice but choose not to acknowledge it, understanding that private release can be preferable to waking them.

That is about all I have on that.

Jacobsen: What are the most efficiently structured objects, in theory, in one dimension, two dimensions, three dimensions, and four dimensions? Are we talking about things like a point, a line, a triangle, a tetrahedron, or something similar?

Rosner: What do you mean by “most efficiently structured”?

Jacobsen: They can form a robust, self-sustaining architecture that holds itself together with as few parts as possible.

Rosner: If you are looking for a real-world analogue of a zero-dimensional structure—a point—the closest example is an electron. As far as we know, it has no internal structure. It is described as a probability distribution rather than a composite object. Other elementary particles may be similarly simple, but electrons are among the cleanest examples we have.

For linear structures, I assume you mean rigid ones. Truly linear rigidity does not exist in the real world, because maintaining rigidity requires a framework—many atoms locked into a stable configuration. If we are talking abstractly, then the relevant structures are those of Euclidean geometry, which assumes flat space. In Euclidean space, parallel lines never intersect, even at infinity. That is the classical notion of a line.

For real objects, it is less clear. Carbon-based structures are the best candidates. Carbon is often the material of choice when rigidity and strength are required. Its bonding versatility allows for extreme, locked-in configurations.

In science fiction discussions of a space elevator, for example, the cable would be anchored to a geostationary mass in orbit and to the Earth at the other end. That cable would need extraordinary tensile strength to support its own weight and any payload. In those scenarios, it is usually imagined to be made of a carbon-based material, such as carbon nanotubes or diamond-like structures.

Diamond is an extreme case of carbon bonding. Its atoms are packed so tightly that the structure is under constant internal stress. Over extremely long timescales, individual carbon atoms can detach from the surface. In that sense, a diamond can be said to “evaporate,” not through heat-driven vaporization, but through exceedingly slow surface loss driven by thermodynamics. Even so, this process would take billions of years under ordinary conditions.

So that is my best answer. If you were going to build something like a buckyball—a small, geodesic structure with a spherical surface tiled by polygons—you would almost certainly make it out of carbon.

That said, other possibilities exist. Proteins and other long-chain molecules can form extended, flexible, and sometimes self-assembling structures. Stringing atoms together into long chains can yield stability in different ways. Beyond that, I am speculating. I am not a materials scientist.

Jacobsen: What is another way of characterizing the evaporation of a diamond?

Rosner: I do not know the precise term, and “evaporation” is probably not the right word. Another way to characterize it is in terms of surface effects in crystalline materials. A diamond is a crystalline lattice, a rigid matrix, but atoms in any solid are not perfectly still. They undergo constant motion due to thermal energy and quantum effects.

In any solid, atomic positions are not sharply defined. They are described probabilistically. This is where phenomena like quantum tunnelling come in. An atom or electron confined in a structure has a probability distribution for its position, and a small part of that distribution can extend beyond what we would classically consider its boundary.

In principle, you can confine that probability distribution more tightly using external fields or measurement, but fundamentally, every particle has a probability cloud. At the surface of a diamond, most of a carbon atom’s probability distribution is locked into the lattice, held in place by bonds to neighbouring carbon atoms. You can think of those neighbouring atoms as forming a kind of cage.

Because the position is probabilistic, there is a nonzero chance that a surface atom’s position fluctuates far enough outward that the forces binding it weaken rather than strengthen. When that happens, extremely rarely, an atom can detach from the surface. The probability is tiny, but over geological timescales—billions of years—it adds up to a measurable surface loss.

I assume something similar happens in other crystalline materials, but to a lesser extent. In crystals with less internal stress than diamond, atoms have more freedom to fluctuate without being ejected. The bonding environment provides enough flexibility that atoms do not reach the extreme edge of their probability distribution, where detachment becomes likely.

I do not know whether quartz, for example, loses atoms from its surface at a comparable rate. It may have enough structural leeway that atoms do not drift far enough, probabilistically, to escape the lattice under ordinary conditions. That is my working understanding. What else?

Jacobsen: Any thoughts on Greenland, Denmark, and international reactions? 

Rosner: People keep wondering how far Trump will go and what, if anything, might stop him.

Many people who are not part of MAGA are discouraged that so little seems to have restrained him. This marks roughly a year into his current term, and for many observers, it feels like a continuation of the same pattern. Outside his most committed supporters, there is widespread frustration that he continues to push forward largely undeterred.

He is not entirely unimpeded. Lawsuits challenge some of his actions, but he often responds by pursuing other avenues. That has reached the point where he has publicly floated aggressive rhetoric about Greenland, while remaining deliberately unclear about how far he might actually go. That uncertainty alone is destabilizing.

People protest. Others write angry posts online. None of this has much effect. His core supporters show little shame or hesitation. They tend to embrace whatever he does and retroactively frame it as what they wanted all along.

One example is the Epstein files. Trump campaigned on releasing them in full. To date, only a small fraction appears to have been made public, according to reports circulating online. This issue once animated his base intensely, yet many now seem indifferent. That pattern repeats: standards shift, and contradictions are absorbed.

His approval ratings have declined in some polls, dipping below 40%, with disapproval exceeding 50%. Still, those numbers have not translated into meaningful institutional resistance. No significant cabinet resignations have occurred publicly. Congress occasionally pushes back, but not consistently or forcefully enough to impose absolute limits.

There was reporting about a War Powers resolution aimed at restricting unilateral military action, possibly related to Venezuela, but its practical impact is uncertain. Even when such measures exist, enforcement is weak, and executive workarounds remain possible. Laws without penalties or enforcement mechanisms often amount to symbolic gestures.

The Epstein disclosure issue illustrates this problem. Legislation mandating release reportedly lacked clear penalties for noncompliance, leaving the executive branch free to delay or ignore deadlines without consequence.

People often draw historical parallels. After Hitler was appointed chancellor in 1933—without a majority—he used legal and constitutional mechanisms to consolidate power rapidly. Within weeks, he controlled the levers of government without formally violating existing laws. The comparison raises uncomfortable questions about how democratic systems can fail from within.

In the United States, Trump wields significant influence across the executive branch, the judiciary, Congress, and large portions of the media ecosystem. Mass protests that might paralyze countries like France or the United Kingdom do not have the same effect in a country as large and decentralized as the U.S.

That is where things stand. I recently read an Atlantic article that compared the national mood to a collective defensive crouch.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1606: Symbolism, Strategy, and Second-Term Failures

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/20

Is Trump’s fixation on symbolism—like the Nobel Peace Prize—shaping real geopolitical decisions, from Greenland pressure to immigration policy?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about Donald Trump’s second term, focusing on Greenland, tariffs, immigration, and foreign policy symbolism. Rosner argues that Trump’s fixation on status—particularly the Nobel Peace Prize—helps explain erratic pressure campaigns and strained alliances. They examine the limits of U.S. leverage in Greenland, Cold War legacies, and the realities of mining and military presence. Rosner credits Trump with few tangible accomplishments beyond immigration restrictions and past prison reform, criticizing the administration’s lack of follow-through and warning that symbolic politics carry real economic and geopolitical costs.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is there anything you want to start off with, real quick?

Rick Rosner: No, go ahead.

Jacobsen: So, there’s been a lot of noise around Norway, Denmark, and Greenland—diplomats, representatives, the whole cast—and reports of heightened emotion in the room. Separately, what seems to have fueled part of the story is that Trump has been publicly fixated on the Nobel Peace Prize and, according to reporting, sent a barbed message to Norway’s prime minister after not receiving it, implying he would no longer think “purely of peace.”

There’s also reporting that María Corina Machado presented Trump with the Nobel Peace Prize medal she received—symbolic, not official recognition of him winning anything—but clearly something he treated as meaningful.

And then the Greenland angle escalated with tariff threats aimed at European countries in connection with his Greenland pressure campaign. Coverage varies on the exact schedule and framing, but the thrust is economic coercion tied to Greenland.

Rosner: That still does not make him a Nobel laureate, but Trump’s psychology is its own weather system.

Jacobsen: To him, symbolic “counts.” So maybe that translates into being softer toward Venezuela and tougher toward Greenland.

Rosner: At this point, it’s hard to separate incompetence, impulse, and strategy—sometimes he acts erratic as a negotiating posture.

But the “we need Greenland” framing is still strange, because the U.S. already has a long-standing defense relationship there. The U.S. military presence is anchored by what is now called Pituffik Space Base (formerly Thule), built under the postwar defense framework. Historically, the U.S. had a much larger footprint than it does today.

As for minerals, Greenland does have serious resource potential, but mining there is brutally difficult due to ice, infrastructure, cost, and workforce constraints. That is why, despite years of interest, only a small number of mines have been operating at any given time.

And the Cold War imagery is not invented. There is even a 1950s film, Strategic Air Command, in which a B-36 flight goes to Thule and ends up forced down on the Greenland ice cap.

So, I do not know. In terms of “keeping it away from Russia or China,” Greenland is already embedded in Western security architecture, and the missile-doom scenario is mostly rhetorical. The whole thing feels senseless—and politically costly—because it alienates allies and invites retaliation and real economic consequences.

Jacobsen: What has Trump done right in his first year of his second term?

Rosner: He did a couple of things. He said a few things in the past couple of weeks that would be good if they happened, but he does not really have the power to do them. They are more like suggestions.

One is that credit card interest rates should be capped at 10%. There is no reason credit card companies should be allowed to charge 24% annual interest. He also said that large investment and venture capital firms should not be allowed to buy hundreds or thousands of homes as investments. That practice drives up prices and freezes families out of buying homes, condos, and apartments.

So yes, finding a way to limit mass home purchases would be a good thing—if he can do it. I do not know if he can, and he does not seem to know either. He lacks follow-through on a lot of this.

He did shut down immigration across the southern border. Of all the things he said he would do, that is the one thing he actually did. He has not followed through on much else.

You can disagree with him on whether immigration should be restricted that severely, but it is one of the things people voted for him to do, and it is the one thing he delivered on.

So it is kind of a good thing—but not really, because it is steeped in racism, cruelty, and distraction, including trying to divert attention from his other failures and the Epstein files by being cruel to Brown people.

That is basically it. He made a couple of suggestions, and he limited immigration. Everything else has been shitty.

Jacobsen: What are you still on the fence about with him?

Rosner: Mostly what I just said about immigration. You could argue it is a possible good, though I lean toward it not being a good at all.

In his first term, he did some prison reform. That was good.

He claims he lowered gasoline prices. That was not him—that was OPEC—so I am not on the fence about that at all.

I guess I could be slightly on the fence about getting rid of Maduro, though I strongly disagree with how it was done. It could still go badly. As we were talking about last night, the U.S. removed Saddam Hussein and that led to a civil war that killed around a million people, destabilized the Middle East, and helped give rise to ISIS.

Venezuela probably would not go that badly, but it could still turn out poorly—or it could end up with Maduro’s vice president still in charge and conditions remaining terrible.

Overall, I am not really on the fence. It feels like an exercise in bullshit that he was not elected to do.

There is also the Presidential Historian Survey of Presidential Greatness, where hundreds of historians rank presidents from worst to best. I assume Trump will come in last again. He has been worse in this second term than he was in his first, and the last survey was done in 2024 when he was not president.

Almost everything he does is shitty.

Jacobsen: What do you and Lance agree on?

Rosner: We agree that Iran is a threat. The ayatollahs are brutal to their people. It is a repressive regime, and it finances a lot of the worst actors in the Middle East.

Where we disagree is deeper. Lance thinks Islam is inherently evil. I do not believe that at all. With 1.4 to 1.6 billion adherents, there will obviously be extremists, but I believe the vast majority of Muslims are decent people. That is a major disagreement. Lance is very anti-Muslim.

I am not sure what else we agree on. Lance is quick to call me stupid for my liberal beliefs, and I am quick to say Lance is probably permanently brainwashed.

Jacobsen: All right. Let’s call it a night.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1605: Dog Death, Greenland Threats, and Meaning at Scale

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How would you feel after a dog death?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about grief, geopolitics, and meaning across scales. Rosner reflects on euthanizing his elderly dog, Rosie, examining consciousness, suffering, and human limits over biology. The conversation widens to Trump’s saber-rattling over Greenland, tariff threats, and the constraints of military, constitutional, and geopolitical realities. Rosner argues deterrence logic undermines Greenland panic while warning about authoritarian drift and institutional fragility. Together, they frame personal loss, political risk, and cosmic insignificance through nested “matryoshka” layers, exploring religion, science, AI, and whether overarching worldviews are necessary for human flourishing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How are you feeling after the dog death?

Rick Rosner: Today we put brown, Rosie, to sleep. She was about fifteen. We think it was cancer, though we never got a definitive diagnosis. She stopped eating a couple of days ago. We tried everything, including a prescription appetite stimulant—I think it was called Entyce—which you squirt into their mouth. We tried more than a hundred different kinds of food, and she was just done with food. I was able to get a little milk into her mouth, but she was losing weight and breathing rapidly. My wife thought it was time. I always want to try to squeeze out a few more days, but I do not think she had any more good days in her.

She seemed uncomfortable and confused. She looked hungry, but she would not eat. I assumed she was nauseated and in pain. That was it for the dog. It felt tougher this time than when we put Meg to sleep about eleven years ago, because with Meg it was clearly neurological. Her awareness seemed to be breaking down. We held on too long, and then she deteriorated sharply—confused, whimpering, unable to make sense of what was happening. Something catastrophic seemed to have happened.

With Rosie, her awareness felt intact. She was just physically failing. Even though she was not a bright dog, she still had the full consciousness of a dog. I do not think a less intelligent dog has much less subjective experience than a highly trainable one. That is what made it so brutal: shutting down a being who still felt present. We might have kept her going for a few more days with stronger anti-nausea medication, appetite stimulants, and syringes to push food into her, but that is no way to live.

It sucks. Humans have been breeding dogs for thousands of years. Dogs may live longer now than they used to, on average, but longevity has not been the main selection target the way size, coat, temperament, or working traits have been. In principle, you could select for longer-lived lines, but it is slow and complicated: you have to wait many years to know which animals truly live longest, and by then many of the best candidates—especially females—will be past breeding age. You might still be able to use sperm from an older male, but fertility and quality can decline with age. It is trickier than selecting for obvious traits in a single generation. Still, we could have prioritized lifespan more than we have.

Jacobsen: Any thoughts on the open threats of tariffs over Greenland by Trump?

Rosner: Trump is saber-rattling about Greenland, saying that Greenland cannot defend itself because it is part of Denmark.

Jacobsen: He is also claiming that representatives or troops from Denmark, Norway, Sweden, France, Germany, the UK, the Netherlands, and Finland have traveled to Greenland. He framed this on Truth Social as a dangerous situation for the safety, security, and survival of the planet, accusing these countries of playing a very dangerous game.

He then tied this to tariffs, saying he plans to impose a 10 percent tariff on these countries starting February 1, with an increase to 25 percent on June 1. I have heard this rhetoric before. Maybe not in its full version, but he has been making these talking points for several days. It is bad, but it is not scarier than it was forty-eight hours ago. It is still plenty scary.

What do you think? 

Rosner: You seem more disturbed by it. 

Jacobsen: People who know more than I do, and whom I talk with, seem to treat this as a case where no more needs to be said. As I have alluded to elsewhere, this appears to be part of a broader, coherent pattern.

It does bring a kind of coherence to the first year of a second Trump term. Some Fox News commentators have argued that South America and Central America have “America” in the name, and therefore fall under an “Americas First” orientation. As stupid as that is, it reflects an emphasis on this hemisphere.

Seen that way, the pattern includes talk of annexing much or all of Greenland through purchase or coerced purchase, threats of escalation, floating the idea of making Canada a fifty-first state, changing geographic names like the Gulf of Mexico to the “Gulf of America” against international norms, seizing assets off the coast via tankers, and the extraterritorial detention or abduction of foreign leaders, including the leader of Venezuela. He is not a pleasant character, but regardless, he is a leader of a foreign country.

There have also been threats involving Iran and Nigeria, including references to the persecution of Christians in Nigeria, but the emphasis now looks more coherent if you frame it as “America’s First” with an added annexationist impulse.

Rosner: That said, there are limits. Trump has a nickname, “TACO,” meaning “Trump Always Chickens Out.” He did authorize the detention of the Venezuelan leader, but Venezuela has about twenty-eight million people. The European Union has roughly five hundred million people and a modern, well-equipped military. I do not think he is going to war with NATO.

I could be wrong. He is reckless, and he is the most authoritarian-leaning president in U.S. history. But his claim that the U.S. needs Greenland for protection is nonsense. By treaty—first signed in 1941 and later reaffirmed during the Cold War—the United States already maintained multiple military bases in Greenland. At the height of the Cold War, there were numerous U.S. installations there. The strategic argument does not hold up.

We only have one base there now, but under existing agreements we can place additional U.S. military installations in Greenland if we choose. The interior of Greenland is largely uninhabited and covered by ice, with extremely harsh conditions, so most facilities would be coastal. In principle, the United States could station bases around much of the perimeter of the largest island in the world. Greenland has historically permitted this under treaty arrangements. Today they might be more cautious, given how unstable U.S. rhetoric has become, but it would still be more rational than the saber-rattling Trump is engaging in.

The claim that Greenland uniquely provides U.S. security, or that China or Russia might “take it over,” does not make much sense. Any such move would immediately involve Denmark and the European Union. From a nuclear-weapons standpoint, it makes even less sense. Nuclear-armed states already have submarines positioned within a few hundred miles of U.S. coastlines. Geographic proximity does not meaningfully change deterrence dynamics. The argument that Greenland’s location creates some special vulnerability fails both from a nuclear warfare perspective and from a conventional military one. Yes, it is scary.

Jacobsen: But do you think Trump would actually take action?

Rosner: He did not take military action against Iran. He issued threats and claimed he would help the Iranian people, but he did not strike Iran or intervene militarily. He later suggested that his posture reduced internal repression there, though that claim is hard to verify.

Some people online argue that Trump betrayed Iranian protesters by encouraging them rhetorically and then failing to act. They took him at his word and expected support that never came. This feeds into the idea behind the nickname “TACO”—“Trump Always Chickens Out.” That said, outcomes are not fully predictable. He did authorize the detention of Venezuela’s president, but he did not intervene militarily in Iran. It could go either way.

Anyway, the death of one very old dog is nothing compared to the possibility of intercontinental war.

Jacobsen: Would the military follow an order to attack or seize Greenland? 

Rosner: Probably. They followed orders aimed at regime change in Venezuela, and they followed directives from civilian leadership. The harder question is whether there is a point where they would refuse and instead turn to constitutional mechanisms.

Under the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, if a majority of the cabinet determines that the president is unfit to serve, they can initiate removal. In practice, that seems unlikely. In his first administration, Trump had some cabinet members who were willing to resist him. In a second term, the cabinet appears to be composed almost entirely of loyalists. It is difficult to imagine them objecting to an order involving Greenland, however reckless.

As you said, it is a time of uncertainty. 

Jacobsen: Take three nested frames—like matryoshka dolls. The first is the dog dying. In the context of the larger society or the nation, it is not a major tragedy. Locally, it is a deep one.

Though maybe not even a tragedy, because it was her time, sadly.

Second frame: the potential for intercontinental war, as you were noting. Our small lives exist in the middle of that.

Third frame: our thin layer of life on the surface of the Earth, set against galactic time. What do you make of meaning in life when you look across those scales?

Rosner: I will start with the largest frame. I think life on Earth will persist. I do not think we will obliterate ourselves. I do not think artificial intelligence will wipe us out. I think conditions on Earth will change dramatically, and relatively quickly, but life will continue.

In many ways, life will remain familiar. Despite the very high rate at which humans are driving extinctions—often described as a sixth mass extinction, comparable in scale to past events, including the asteroid impact at the end of the Cretaceous—I think most life on Earth will survive. There will still be vast amounts of microbial life and insects. In terms of sheer numbers, bacteria and beetles will continue to dominate.

Within a few hundred years, as humans increasingly integrate advanced technologies, including AI, many of today’s major problems will likely be addressed or transformed. Historical crises have often seemed insurmountable in their time. In 1900, for example, cities were overwhelmed by horse manure; by 1930, the problem had disappeared due to technological and social change rather than direct planning.

On the scale of life in the universe—a fourth nesting doll—it probably does not matter much, from a cosmic perspective, what happens on Earth. There may be millions or billions of other civilizations across the universe, whether now, in the past, or in the future. Even if advanced civilizations eventually influence their environments on large scales, the self-destruction of a single young civilization would not be a defining event for the universe as a whole.

From the standpoint of the universe itself, even our worst possible outcomes would not be its greatest tragedy.

Going back to the next-largest matryoshka, which is life on Earth: a lot is going to change. We can hope that whatever we become in combination with advanced AI will retain some respect for Earth’s history—its evolutionary history and its cultural history. Our future selves may look back on us as primitive or unsophisticated. They may find our cultural products dull or obvious, not really “art” in the way they understand it, much as we can watch animals for a while but eventually lose interest because their behavior is predictable.

That brings us back to the next matryoshka down: the current political situation with Trump and the rest of the world.

It is a serious problem. Someone recently circulated an article I have not yet read about how Hitler used constitutional mechanisms to consolidate power in Germany, becoming a dictator within a short period of time without staging a coup or technically violating the law. He used the existing structures of the German state to place himself in a position where he ruled for twelve years, led Germany into catastrophic war, and oversaw the mass murder of millions of people beyond battlefield casualties. That historical parallel is unsettling.

I am hoping Trump does not have the same leverage. He has already served one full term, and he is now into a second. Public opinion may matter here. Polling suggests that a majority of Americans view the first year of his second term negatively, and his approval ratings appear historically low for this stage of a presidency. Whether that translates into meaningful constraint is an open question.

We have midterm elections coming up. At the same time, he has issued threats and, according to reports and rumors, mobilized military units in response to alleged unrest. For example, there have been claims about deploying troops to Minnesota, despite no evidence of insurrection or widespread disorder there. Similar deployments occurred in the past and were later reversed when they proved unnecessary. Minnesota does not appear to require a military presence now either.

There are also reports that immigration enforcement resources have been concentrated there. Protests themselves have largely been peaceful, with participants deliberately avoiding giving the administration any justification for escalation. Of course, Trump does not require an actual excuse to claim disorder exists.

The question is whether Trump will actually be able to carry out the more serious actions he talks about, including something as extreme as canceling the midterm elections, which are now less than ten months away.

I do not know. The United States is roughly five times the population of Germany in the 1930s. We have a different constitutional structure and a very different political system from the one that enabled Hitler’s rise. Hitler came to power with minority support, using parliamentary mechanisms in a fragile democracy.

Trump was also elected without a majority of the popular vote. The margin was narrow, but it was still a minority. That matters for legitimacy, but the institutional context is not the same.

If we step back to the smallest matryoshka—the death of an old dog—that is a quiet, ordinary tragedy. In 2026, we are still subject to biology. That will not always be true. Over time, humans may gain more control over aging, disease, and death. But the technological tools we use to overcome biological limits could also destroy us. We may defeat biology and then be crushed by technology. That is a different nesting doll altogether. Thoughts?

Jacobsen: I do not know. From the longest time scale and the largest magnitude, we do not matter. Locally, we matter for a while, if we are lucky.

That perspective can make faith-based worldviews look like reflections of a human need to strive in a noble sense, but also potentially delusional when they deny physical reality.

Rosner: If you are a shoemaker in fourteenth-century Europe, do you need a worldview that explains everything? Probably not. But the Church provided an all-encompassing framework that offered comfort, moral structure, and meaning.

Now consider a software developer in 2026 who faces the possibility of being made obsolete by AI. Does that person spend much time thinking about the universe and why we are here? It depends. The medieval shoemaker might be periodically forced to think about those questions through religious ritual. The modern coder is not obligated in the same way.

Most of the time, neither the shoemaker nor the coder needs to think about the biggest questions. But the coder is reminded in other ways—through science fiction, television, and popular culture. Watching Star Trek or anime, thinking in a half-philosophical way about big questions. For that person, science and science fiction provide the broader framework.

That framework is valuable, but it is not essential. One can live without an all-encompassing worldview, even if it is sometimes useful to have one.

Rosner: It is still worthwhile to try to understand what the whole situation is, even if we never fully get there. It is also good to have moral structure. Religion has excused a lot of terrible things, and it is currently being used to excuse Trump and much of what he is doing in the United States. Beyond that, I do not know how you would even begin to do a proper accounting. 

Jacobsen: Has religion done more good than harm? 

Rosner: I do not know.

Jacobsen: Has science done more good? 

Rosner: I would probably argue yes, in the sense that our lives are materially better than those of people three hundred years ago. At the same time, most of us alive now will still die the same way the roughly one hundred billion humans before us have died. Does that make a difference? In the overall scheme of things, probably not much. I do not know.

I have an addendum:

I have a fifth matryoshka. I am watching The Running Man—the new Glenn Powell version—which is a remake of the Schwarzenegger film from the 1980s, itself based on a Stephen King novel written under the name Richard Bachman. The original was a big, cheesy Schwarzenegger movie. This one is better, but it is hard to care very much about a fictional character’s fictional world when you have just lost your dog.

Carol wanted to stop watching it. Part of that is taste, but part of it is that the movie depicts a fascist dictatorship in the United States—run through a media conglomerate intertwined with government. That is unsettling. Fascism, as it originally developed starting in Italy in 1922, was explicitly a partnership between industry and government, presented as a force of national destiny: powerful, efficient, and ruthless. Play along and the country prospers; resist and you are crushed. The Running Man presents that kind of structure, and Carol does not like it.

So there is a tension. I do not want to enjoy a movie while I am grieving the dog, and I am enjoying it less. At the same time, Stephen King is a very vocal critic of Trump. He is a fiction writer, not a deep political analyst, but he does not need to be. It does not take a political genius to see many of the ways Trump is dangerous. Even when King wrote the book in the early 1980s—more than forty years ago—he was already pointing out, in pulp-fiction form, some of the directions society seemed to be heading.

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: I do have another idea. Political systems—nations and governments—are a bit like Turing machines. They are programs that run until they reach a halting state, or until they break.

That is what the United States feels like to me right now. The Founding Fathers, starting in 1789, designed a system meant to protect individual liberty and democratic choice, with many safeguards built in. That system ran relatively well for more than two centuries. Eventually, though, it encountered a combination of political movements, corruption, social change, and technologies like social media that exposed its weaknesses. It remains to be seen whether it can be repaired.

I am still fairly optimistic. We will know more as we approach the midterms. But it feels like a system that ran until its failure modes were finally triggered. Ancient Rome ran until corruption hollowed it out. Other systems have followed similar patterns.

England, by contrast, is still running. It has taken hits—it was damaged by Brexit, which was driven by misinformation and demagoguery—but it did not collapse into a cult of personality. England survived two world wars, transitioned from monarchy-centered rule to parliamentary democracy, and remained intact.

So it remains an open question whether the United States can unbreak itself. The constitutional mechanisms designed by the Founders may still give us a chance to survive politically. If we do not change anything, though, we may simply break again.

The world has changed enormously in the past 240 years. The Constitution has been amended many times—twenty-seven amendments so far—but we have never held a second constitutional convention. In theory, a new convention could fix a lot of problems. In practice, the same actors who are currently breaking the system would be present there as well, and they could make things worse.So we are probably stuck with the system we have. One of the most damaging developments, in my view, was the Citizens United decision, which effectively equated money with speech. That fundamentally distorted democratic processes.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1604: ICE Tactics in Minnesota, DOJ Stonewalling, and Media Literacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How do Rosner and Jacobsen connect federal immigration enforcement tactics, accountability gaps, and the need for critical-thinking education remembering “how not to fall for bullshit”?

In this sharp, profane exchange, Rick Rosner argues that federal immigration enforcement has been weaponized against Minnesota, citing intensified ICE activity, judicial limits on interference with filming, and concerns about shortened training driven by flawed AI screening. Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses on alleged harassment of Minneapolis businesses and recounts stories of aggressive enforcement, then pivots to accountability in a controversial shooting and DOJ stonewalling. The dialogue veers into civic education: both favor replacing language requirements with statistics and media literacy, including how to evaluate scientific claims and recognize misuse of VAERS. Personal asides—socks, boots, travel—humanize the argument.

Rick Rosner: All right, Trump continues to fuck with Minnesota. His latest move is charging Walz, the governor, and Frey, the mayor of Minneapolis, by having the DOJ investigate them for obstructing ICE. Trump has flooded Minnesota with maybe 9% of all ICE agents, even though Minnesota probably has less than 1% of all undocumented immigrants in America, certainly less than 2%. The closer you are to the southern border, the more undocumented immigrants you are going to have. This is just fucking with a blue state and with Somalis, because Trump thinks that scaring America about Somalis and fraud is going to work for him.

A number of polls came out today showing that none of this is working very well for Trump, but that does not matter until Republicans start peeling away from him. Republicans, even though independent and Democratic support has fallen away, are sticking with him.

A judge issued an 80-page injunction against ICE, stating that they are not allowed to interfere with people filming them. They are not allowed to arrest them. They are not allowed to use tear gas against them. This follows similar orders placing limits on ICE in California and at least one other state, possibly Illinois.

It is becoming clear how little training these agents are receiving. A month ago, it was known that they were getting eight weeks of training, which is hardly adequate. Today, it came out that if someone has previous experience as a police officer, they are given only four weeks of training.

Their AI system determines whether someone has been an officer or not, and it has been misreading applications. If an applicant wrote, “I want to be an ICE officer,” the system marked them as having previously been an officer and routed them into the four-week training track. As a result, people who have never been cops received four weeks of training and are now out on the street.

That is bad. The culture of being unapologetic and rough is also bad. As I have said before, Kristi Noem has no previous law-enforcement experience and is a notorious asshole, as is likely her direct superior, Stephen Miller, who again has no interest in law enforcement and only an interest in brutalizing non-whites.

All of this has resulted in only about 900 arrests in Minnesota over the past couple of months. Flooding the state with large numbers of agents has not produced meaningful results.

One more thing: this is not the first time a political leader has been given a Nobel Prize by a supplicant. Trump was given a Nobel Peace Prize medal by this year’s winner from Venezuela. In 1943, the same thing happened with a Norwegian Nobel laureate, who gave his Literature Prize medal to Goebbels, possibly as a way to ask Nazi Germany not to brutalize Norway. The circumstances are unclear, but it is a striking precedent.

Jacobsen: In Minneapolis, small businesses are being harassed by ICE agents. Any thoughts?

Rosner: People keep telling the most egregious stories. One family was going home from what I think was a sporting event—possibly kids’ sports. They were not protesting. They were just trying to get home and happened to pass near some ICE action in their neighborhood. ICE deployed an explosive tear gas canister under their car, which lifted the vehicle and flooded it with tear gas.

They had a six-month-old baby in the car. Everyone was gassed. The baby stopped breathing. The mother performed CPR. They got the baby to the hospital, and the baby survived. There was no apology from ICE and no explanation for why an explosive device was set off under a family’s car when they were not protesting or interfering with anything.

Another egregious story from the past two days: ICE went to a Mexican restaurant, ate lunch, then returned at closing time and arrested everyone who prepared and served that lunch. They are just fuckers.

Some statistics: about 73% of the people taken into custody by ICE are guilty of no crime. Only 5.2% of those taken into custody are violent criminals, or have been found guilty of a violent crime. Trump said he would get the “bad hombres” off the street, but roughly 18 out of 19 people arrested by ICE are not violent criminals, and nearly three out of four committed no crime at all.

So yes, it is deeply shitty. I also have to reiterate that many people who believe in MAGA will believe this bullshit until they get old and die. There is no fixing a lot of these broken-brain motherfuckers, which makes me question why I am doing the show with Lance.

I think I am going to go on that show and Lance is going to tell me—something I say with nearly 100% confidence—that the video conclusively shows that Renée Goode was trying to run someone over. Anyone looking at the video competently will see it as a bad shooting.

We have not talked about the fire department yet. Rotten Tomatoes, and a slightly new topic: the DOJ has been stonewalling any kind of investigation into the shooting. They are saying there will be no investigation. That part of the DOJ is run by a political hack named Harmeet Dhillon, whose previous experience was serving as vice chair of the California Republican Party. As a result, very little information is getting out. They are sitting on anything that could constitute a real investigation.

Some information has come out through the fire department’s report. After she was shot and her car crashed, a doctor tried to approach and render aid. ICE did not allow anyone to tend to her. Minutes passed. Eventually, the fire department arrived to take her away. When they arrived, she was not breathing but still had a pulse. They attempted to render aid but could not restore her breathing.

The fire department issued a report on her condition. She had four bullet holes. I understand that entry and exit wounds can be counted separately, but even accounting for that, it is clear she was shot three times.

The first shot apparently went through her arm and into her chest. The second shot went through her other arm and into her chest. The third shot went into the side of her head, causing her brain matter to exit the skull.

When you look at police shootings, an officer is responsible for every shot fired. If the third shot was the fatal shot, and if she could have survived the first two shots had aid been rendered, then the third shot may have been the kill shot. That shot was also the least justified—fired into the side of her head after she had already nearly passed the officer.

That makes the officer potentially liable for murder or manslaughter.

Lance will tell me otherwise, using bullshit like “she fucked around and found out” or claiming she drove into him. He will repeat things that have already been debunked. I do not know why I keep doing the show. It costs me money.

I pay for the model. I pay for the director. What is the point?

He will defend trying to take over Greenland. He will defend kidnapping Maduro. Whatever Trump wants to do, Lance will defend it. He will say Trump is making things cheaper. He is not. Inflation is at 2.7 percent, the same as last year. Trump says that is a great number. When it was Biden’s number, it was a terrible number.

The U.S. has added virtually no jobs since April. Lance will say everything is going great. It seems stupid to keep doing this. Rotten Tomatoes.

Jacobsen: Are you a white-sock guy, a gray-sock guy, or a multicolor-sock guy?

Rosner: White on black or white on gray. I wear Wigwam Super 60 knee-high socks. I wear three socks on each leg: a pressure sock, then a second pressure sock of a different brand, and then the Wigwam sock over the top.

I have varicose veins. If I am not careful, I develop a clot near my shin bone. It is not dangerous because it is superficial. The dangerous ones are deep clots. DVT stands for deep vein thrombosis, and I have not had one of those.

Those are the clots that can move through your body and cause a stroke or a pulmonary embolism. They can be fatal. So I wear very tight knee-high socks and sleep with my legs elevated, like it is the 1970s or 1980s.

These socks came with three wide horizontal stripes across the top. I used to wear colored socks—white knee-high athletic socks with stripes. If you look at sports photos from the 1970s, you will see people wearing those socks along with very short shorts. People wore tiny shorts in the 1970s.

I still wear those knee-high socks with the big stripes, except the stripes are gone now. You can probably still get them with stripes if they match a school color or uniform, but I just wear the plain white ones.

I usually buy half a dozen at a time, and they throw in a seventh pair—at least they used to. I have not bought them in a while.

If I have to dress formally, I wear four pairs of socks. I put a pair of black knee-high support stockings over the other three.

I have never sprained an ankle because I have thick ankles, which gives me leverage. People with skinny ankles seem to suffer more strains. My ankles and feet are padded and protected, wrapped up in all these socks, which adds another few layers of protection.

Rosner: Would you rather wear Crocs with socks, or sandals without socks?

Jacobsen: Neither. I am not going to wear either of those things. I have been wearing boots for years. I got these army-type boots at Big 5, and they are super comfortable. They come up over the ankle, and I like the extra support. I do not want to sprain an ankle. They are really good, so I wear them every day.

Carol has messed up her ankle and feet at least twice from wearing Crocs. Crocs offer no support, and because they are stretchy and floppy, if you place your foot wrong, they can trip you up, which is exactly what happened to Carol. Crocs are stupid.

Oh, one more thing. Since trying to depose Maduro—and even before that—Trump has been seizing oil tankers from Venezuela and just taking them. Depending on oil prices, a tanker can carry roughly $120 million to $150 million worth of oil. He has taken six of them. Even conservatively, that is well over half a billion dollars in oil, possibly closer to three-quarters of a billion.

Those tankers get turned over to his friends in Qatar, and there has been no clear accounting of where the money goes. Maybe the tankers are sitting somewhere waiting for the oil to be sold. I do not know how it works. But it looks like close to a billion dollars in oil was taken through what amounts to piracy on the high seas by Trump. 

Will Americans ever see that money? I do not know how much trying to depose or kidnap Maduro cost—probably at least $100 million, maybe hundreds of millions. Will money from the confiscated oil be used to offset those costs? Will the U.S. get any money from these tankers? Will the people of Venezuela get any money from the oil? It is not clear. Will Trump personally get any money from the sale of the oil? I do not know. But it is insane.

Jacobsen: Have you ever had to learn another language?

Rosner: Yes. I took French for three years in junior high and two years in high school. There may have been a time when I could understand a little of it, but that was long ago, and my understanding was never very good. I hated it. The only reason I took French is that my mother was a French teacher.

I thought having a teacher in-house would make it easier. It did not. Given where I live and the demographics of the U.S., I should have taken Spanish. I also think Spanish might have been easier to learn than French, although neither is especially hard. Language learning is just not my thing. Some people have a facility for it. I am great with English, but other languages, not so much. At this point, there is no real need anyway, since every phone is basically a translator.

It would be nice to understand the language of the country you are in, but almost everywhere Carol and I have gone, there are plenty of people who speak English. You can usually figure out what you need on the streets of Antwerp or wherever until you run into someone who speaks enough English to help you.

Jacobsen: Do you know other languages? Do you feel a need to know them?

Rosner: No. 

Jacobsen: There is a subtle phenomenon people report when they know multiple languages: when they speak a different language, they partially shift into that culture, and a different personality emerges. You see this with people who speak Hebrew and go to Israel, for example. Another version of themselves shows up. The only benefit of mass translation, or even personal translation, is gaining a slightly different sense of self, but that is not necessary in 99.9% of a person’s life.

Rosner: You are talking about code-switching.

Jacobsen: Yes. 

Rosner: So we agree that it might make more sense to eliminate the foreign-language requirement in high school and replace it with something else—statistics, for example, or civics, assuming civics is still required. I honestly do not know.

Critical thinking would be far more useful: how not to be driven crazy or stupid by propaganda. In sixth grade, we had a unit on this. It was not called that, but that was the idea—how people try to change your thinking, how advertising works.

I loved Mad Magazine. One of my obsessions was trying to collect every issue ever published. I came close. I had every Mad Magazine, but before that there were about 23 issues of Mad comics, and I managed to get 14 of them. I also loved National Lampoon. Those things educated me in bullshit, because they made fun of culture, sales techniques, and the nonsense people say.

Eventually I outgrew Mad Magazine, or maybe it got lazy, but I am always happy to see it again, though I think it has stopped publishing.

People should be educated to be suspicious—but not stupidly suspicious. That is part of civic education. Another part should be learning how to tell the difference between a legitimate scientific paper or expert and a charlatan, or between sound research and work that is dishonest, incompetent, or both.

We have this thing in the U.S. called VAERS. You know VAERS.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Rosner: Since VAERS became widely known during COVID, idiots have produced hundreds of papers claiming vaccines harmed enormous numbers of people. These papers are scientifically dishonest or illiterate, and a lot of people cannot see that. Someone with even a bit of training can usually tell fairly quickly why a paper is bullshit.

That kind of education would not take a semester. It could take one week of a class. A semester would be better spent understanding the world than learning French.

Jacobsen:  If reincarnation is real, what land animal would you want to be reborn as?

Rosner: I do not know. I do not love the thought of being animals; they do not have great lives. I would want to be reborn as a human.

Jacobsen: That was not the question. Humans are land animals, but fine. I will grant that. Aquatic animals, then. 

Rosner: Whales live a long time—maybe a hundred years—and they are smart. I like the idea of having an inner life, and whales probably have one.

They seem to work hard at being whales, constantly moving to filter enough krill to eat. Killer whales eat seals, but that seems like a miserable profession—constantly hunting seals.

Dolphins might be an option. Dolphins are fun, and they have figured out how to get sexual attention from humans. Occasionally that leads to bad behavior, but dolphins seem to understand that if they befriend a human, eventually they can signal what they want.

If I could be a dolphin in a situation where an animal-loving woman would help me out, then maybe dolphin. Of course, society tends to shut that down quickly, and people get banned.

Otherwise, maybe another primate.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1603: Aging, Intelligence, and Romance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

If you could control a timeline—your senses, and the loss of sense and mobility as you have gotten older—what order would you lose them in?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on aging, beauty, intelligence, and social adaptation. Rosner reflects on sensory loss, arguing he would surrender smell first and protect vision last. He recounts youthful insecurity, cosmetic surgery decisions, and how fame reshapes standards of attractiveness. The discussion broadens into romance, marriage, and durability, framing long-term counselling as an overlooked form of devotion. Rosner introduces his concept of“smart-stupid,” warning that intelligence can mislead when it rejects proven social rules. Using street-crossing metaphors and pop culture, he argues that not everything benefits from reinvention, and that maturity often means learning when not to optimize.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: If you could control a timeline—your senses, and the loss of sense and mobility as you have gotten older—what order would you lose them in?

Rick Rosner: I do not know. I would give up smell first. If you give up smell, you lose much of your sense of taste, because taste is mainly dependent on smell. But I have never been very good at smelling things so that I would give that up first. Beyond that, I do not want to give up anything. Vision is the last thing I would like to lose. All right. We do not have to talk about what you do not want to. You had surgery on your nose? How many times, in what way, and why? A friend of mine—Charlie Weidman—had his nose smashed by a basketball in sixth or seventh grade, and it was reconstructed. I remember thinking it looked great afterward and suited his face. He always had a girlfriend. I thought he had terrible taste in girlfriends, but he always had one in high school. I could not get a girlfriend. My nose was not horrible, but it was not great—especially in a very blonde, white town where noses tended to be small. I started working in bars because I thought someone might smash my nose, and I could get a new one. It never happened. Drunks were bad at hitting people. I never even got a black eye, because their punches were weak, and my face has a lot of bony structure. Eventually, I gave up and went to NYU, where I say I got a “practice” nose job for free because they needed cases to practice on. I did not have my nose completely re-engineered. They moved my nostrils in a little and took a little bit off. It was not much, but it gave me a nicer nose. The difference between me being as handsome as I am and as handsome as I would want to be is not easily solved. I think the easiest way to become attractive is to become so famous that your face is recognizable and people decide it is a decent way to look. I believe that is what happens with actors like Dustin Hoffman, who became widely known after The Graduate (1967).

It would take major reconstructive surgery on my face to get it close to the modern standard for really handsome. I learned about a procedure later. It was not available during my plastic surgery years. Instead of giving you a chin by slicing open the area between your lip and gum and inserting a piece of silicone to create a small knob—which does not accomplish much—they now do something more extensive. A chin implant helps a little if you have a weak chin, but what you really want is the whole procedure, which gives you a complete “Batman” jaw. They run silicone from the chin along the jawline and build out the area at the hinge of the jaw, giving you a strong, angular jaw—the full-on good-looking jaw, the Mini Driver jaw. I do not think that was available back in the 1980s, but it would have gone a long way toward giving me the look I would have wanted. Even Duchovny, who has a weak chin, has a wide jaw at the back. Nobody cares about his weak chin because his jaw is firm. That is what would have helped. What really would have helped is having the kind of personality where it does not matter what I look like. I have managed to get some of that, but not enough, and not early enough. On the other hand, I have been married to Carole for nearly thirty-five years, so who cares at this point? Rotten tomatoes. Tim Leary may or may not have had his head shot into space. Would you like to go that way? No. I want to be cryonically preserved if there is no other option, because I want a shot at preservation.

Jacobsen: What is the most romantic thing you have ever done? 

Rosner: I made my college girlfriend a tiny gold raft. I met her just after she returned from a whitewater rafting trip, and I made it using lost-wax casting. I found a small raft in a model kit—it was a life raft for a battleship. I made her a golden raft on golden waves, which I made sparkly by buying cheap diamonds and smashing them with a hammer. That defeats the purpose of diamonds, because once they are broken, they are less sparkly. Still, I made the whole thing. It took a long time, and it was pretty cool. I do not know whether she appreciated it. Another romantic thing is staying married to Carole for thirty-five years and going to couples counselling since before our child was born—about thirty-two years of counselling. We have good insurance that pays for it. Thirty-two years of counselling is an extraordinary amount of work. Working on a marriage for decades to make sure it remains solid—that is romantic to me.

Jacobsen: How are you defining “romantic” in that context?

Rosner: I do not know. Consistency, reliability, and showing up—yes—but Carole would not find any of that romantic. She would find it positive, but not romantic. I am not sure Carole has a well-formed idea of what “romantic” means. She knows when she is not getting it. I do not know. I have given you a couple of examples. Something that started as romantic turned into an obsession and is now an annoyance. For instance, I got her micro mosaics because she liked micro mosaics. Then I became obsessed with them, and now we have far too many.

Jacobsen: Please walk through that logic. It sounds like a three-step pattern in your life events: something seems like a good idea, is aimed at a noble end, and, during execution, becomes an annoyance.

Rosner: Yes. That is right.

Jacobsen: That makes sense. It really lands. It is a sharp, punctured piece of insight. You take an immense amount of intellectual capacity, and—as you said earlier with your friend—there is the Rosner way.

Rosner: “There is the right way, and then there is the Rosner way.”

Jacobsen: And that is because you have an asynchronous sense of life timing, combined with an asymmetrical level of intelligence compared to most people we interact with.

Rosner: There is a term, “smart-stupid,” coined by an internet blogger called King Daddy. It refers to people like Elon Musk or Peter Thiel, who think they are brilliant in all ways because they have been wise or lucky enough to become billionaires. But it applies to other smart people too. If you can analyze situations and come up with your own strategies, sometimes they work, and sometimes they do not. Established strategies have the advantage of being standard and proven over time, through use by billions of people.

The idea that one intelligent person can invent a better way than what billions of others have done often leads to trouble. Take the red-light example. This is not exactly philosophy, but it is illustrative. Billions of people have crossed the street safely by waiting for the light. Millions have been killed by not doing that. A genius who thinks he can save time by inventing a new street-crossing system may actually be more likely to get killed than someone who follows the rule. I could find a better example, but that is the basic idea. Not everything needs to be done a new way. That is a lesson younger, intelligent people—especially those on the spectrum—need to learn: leave some things alone. The old example from high school movies of the 1970s and 1980s is the nerdy guy—probably on the spectrum, though the term did not exist then—who is socially awkward and either finds or does not find a girlfriend by trying to outsmart the system in which the popular jocks get the girls.

Those movies often sympathize with that guy and present him as deserving because he is “nice.” But there is a case to be made for taking that guy aside and saying, “Look, you are on the spectrum.” You are awkward. It is going to take years before you can get a girlfriend unless you learn to play the game—learn social skills, lift some weights, join a sports team, make friends that way, make sure your hair does not look stupid, and make sure your clothes do not look ridiculous. Inner goodness alone will not get you what you want. You have to do it the way everyone else does it. 

An addendum: in junior high, I built a three-dimensional Gaussian bell-curve generator using BBs running through a set of Plinko-style grids to produce a bell curve. It was ingenious. It was well built. It took months. I thought a girl would see it and think, “Wow, that is a brilliant guy. I should consider him.” What was I thinking? I presented it to my class. The presentation took five minutes. It was one of the last days of school. Nobody could have cared less. It was a perfect example of inventing a new way to cross the street and getting run over. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1602: Trump, Nobel Symbolism, and Ethical Conflict

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How do faith-based ethics and secular humanism collide when political power rewards spectacle, fear, and compromise in the United States?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine how political spectacle and moral systems interact in the United States. They correct claims about Trump and the Nobel Peace Prize, then discuss reports of a Nobel medal being handed over and why the prize itself cannot be transferred. Rosner links the episode to fears about hardline immigration enforcement, threats to civil norms, and contingency planning under possible authoritarian drift. They contrast transcendental, faith-based ethics with secular humanism, arguing that MAGA-aligned Christianity often overrides the Golden Rule, while humanists struggle to balance compassion with strategic electoral compromise. Both warn that living memory fades.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: President Donald Trump did not receive a Nobel Peace Prize today. What has been reported is that FIFA awarded him its inaugural FIFA Peace Prize at the World Cup draw in December.

Separately, reports say Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado, the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize recipient, visited the White House and gave her Nobel medal to Trump. Trump accepted it and framed it as a gesture of mutual respect. The Nobel institutions responded that a Nobel Peace Prize cannot be revoked, shared, or transferred, even if the physical medal changes hands.

Rick Rosner: That episode feeds into a broader concern: nothing seems off-limits anymore. In Minnesota, the administration has carried out a major immigration enforcement surge. Reporting indicates that roughly 2,000 federal agents were dispatched to the Minneapolis–St. Paul area, and that DHS Secretary Kristi Noem has been publicly associated with the operation.

State and local officials have urged calm and nonviolence amid protests and backlash. At the federal level, Trump has threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act in response to the unrest. Invoking the Act could expand the federal government’s ability to deploy forces domestically, but it does not give a president lawful authority to cancel federal elections, which are set by statute and constrained by the Constitution.

If the situation deteriorated into widespread political detentions, that would raise practical questions about personal safety and contingency planning. In historical cases of authoritarian escalation, people who left early often had more options, including the ability to preserve assets, than those who waited until exit routes narrowed.

Jews who tried to leave Germany in 1936, 1937, or 1938 often escaped with almost nothing. Many were forced to surrender their assets to the Nazi state in order to obtain exit permits. That historical reality raises a practical question: if conditions start turning seriously authoritarian, do we begin thinking about moving savings abroad? Is that even possible?

Am I scared? Not yet. But conditions are deteriorating.

Kristi Noem and Stephen Miller have been associated with messaging suggesting that people may now be asked to prove U.S. citizenship. As a general rule, citizens are not required to carry proof of citizenship in daily life. Nonetheless, aggressive enforcement practices can proceed regardless of legal norms. That is the concern.

So no, I am not afraid yet. But we are perhaps 20 percent of the way toward something openly authoritarian. Twenty percent is not close—but it is not trivial, either.

Jacobsen: That leads to a larger question: ethics.

There are two major, competing ethical narratives, each composed of many internal variations. The first is traditional and longstanding. It is often transcendental, frequently religious, and grounded in the idea of external or divine moral authority. Some of these systems are transnational; others are local. In some cases, closed groups or cults develop their own internal ethical frameworks, as with Keith Raniere. I am not judging those systems here—only noting their existence as systems.

The second narrative is more modern and emerged more clearly in the twentieth century. It appears in ethical culture movements, Unitarian Universalism, and secular humanism. Think of figures such as Isaac Asimov and Carl Sagan. I have interviewed Sagan’s widow, Ann Druyan, and that conversation was published as a feature in The Humanist. She remains active in public intellectual life.

I see these as two large, aggregated ethical systems shaping contemporary conflict. One assumes another world beyond this one; the other is grounded in the human world as it exists. One relies on faith-based divine law; the other relies on empirically informed, evolving ethics shaped by reason, context, and human well-being.

So how do you see this landscape, and who is winning?

Rosner: At present in the United States, religion-based ethics are being hollowed out because many of the loudest Christian voices align with MAGA politics and excuse nearly any behavior in service of Trump, including conduct that is plainly unethical. By contrast, secular liberals and humanists are more consistently focused on humane treatment and ethical restraint.

If the question is who is upholding ethical principles more coherently right now in the U.S., it is humanists rather than faith-based actors. Who is winning politically is less clear. But if you are looking for people who think humanely, you are more likely to find them on the left at this moment.

There are plenty of conscientious conservatives. By that, I mean perhaps 20 to 30 million independents, right-leaning independents, and conservatives who act in good faith. But there are at least as many MAGA adherents who operate on a zero-sum worldview. They have been propagandized into believing they must protect their own at all costs, and that it does not matter what happens to people outside their group—often framed as brown and Black people, or whoever Trump tells them to fear.

Jacobsen: That brings me to a related question. What is your assessment of ethical systems on their own terms, not as they are currently practiced socially or politically?

Rosner: I am comfortable with any ethical system whose objective is the decent treatment of people in general. Humanism does this. Religious ethical systems can also do this, within limits.

The problem with humanism is that it is poorly equipped for ruthless political environments. The problem with religion is that it can prioritize abstract or doctrinal values over living people. Christianity, for example, often places the moral status of unborn fetuses above the well-being of people who are already alive. It can also enforce rigid ideas about sex and gender, privileging heterosexual and cisgender identities while marginalizing those who do not conform.

Religious ethics can therefore become strongly in-group–oriented and punitive toward out-groups.

In short, humanism is structurally prepared to lose political battles. A committed humanist position might support allowing trans athletes to compete in accordance with their gender identity. Republicans have turned this into a major political issue, despite the fact that the number of trans athletes involved is extremely small.

States such as Idaho and West Virginia enacted laws barring trans youth from participating in school sports consistent with their gender identity and carried those laws through the courts to the Supreme Court, which has not yet issued a definitive ruling. In practical terms, each of those states has only one known trans athlete affected by the legislation.

It is disproportionate. The issue is magnified because it mobilizes voters. The rhetoric does not acknowledge how small the numbers actually are. Instead, it creates the impression of a large-scale threat, as though a wave of trans athletes were about to overwhelm women’s sports.

Even though I support trans people, I am prepared to sacrifice the issue of trans athletes if it means Democrats win more elections. I do not support a nationwide ban on trans athletes, but I would prefer that outcome to Trump winning again. That may sound harsh, but the electoral consequences matter.

It is not fair, and it is not ethical in an ideal sense. But if taking the trans athlete issue off the table deprives Republicans of a reliable wedge issue, I am willing to accept that compromise, even though it is deeply unpleasant.

I think many humanists are unprepared to compromise politically in order to avoid being locked out of power entirely.

Jacobsen: Do political convictions supersede ethical convictions in the United States right now? 

Rosner: Yes. On the MAGA side in particular, many adherents claim to be Christian while supporting positions that directly contradict basic Christian principles, including the Golden Rule. Their worldview is zero-sum: for “us” to survive—often defined as white Christians—others must suffer.

There is an implicit belief that brutality toward outsiders is acceptable, even desirable, because it will deter others from coming. That is not Christianity. It is politics.

Jacobsen: Recently, news circulated that one of the last known survivors of Auschwitz had died. 

Rosner: Auschwitz was liberated nearly eighty-one years ago. The passage of time matters. Auschwitz did not allow infants to survive; they were killed immediately. Very young children had little chance of survival. Anyone liberated as a child in 1945 would now be elderly, likely in their nineties or older.

The point is not the exact age of the last survivor. The point is that living memory is disappearing.

That is why projects such as Steven Spielberg’s Shoah Foundation, begun decades ago, sought to record survivor testimonies on video—so the record would remain when the witnesses were gone.

The same is true of World War II veterans more broadly. Very few remain alive. The youngest possible veterans would have been teenagers at the very end of the war, often having lied about their age to enlist.

We are entering a period where firsthand witnesses are gone, and history becomes easier to distort. That should worry anyone who cares about ethics, memory, and political responsibility.

Jacobsen: The last known D-Day veteran died on November 25 of last year. That means the youngest World War II veterans are now close to 100 years old. 

Rosner: There may be only a few hundred left, possibly fewer. The exact number is unclear, but it is very small.

There is not much to say beyond the obvious: time passes, people age, and they die. The hope is that we have preserved enough of their memories and historical records that those histories still matter.

That history is already being eroded. The United States now has thousands—perhaps tens of thousands, possibly more—of young people who think Hitler “was not so bad” or that he had some good ideas. What is being lost is the instinctive moral revulsion toward Hitler and what he represented.

As we move further away from World War II, it becomes easier for bad actors to propagandize the uninformed into softening or relativizing the crimes of Nazism. Historical distance creates space for distortion. That should concern anyone paying attention.

Jacobsen: Do you listen to much music? 

Rosner: Not really. Mostly in the car, and I do not spend much time driving. I listen to stand-up comedy more than music.

Jacobsen: Do you sing along? 

Rosner: Yes, sometimes. If I hear a song I know well, I might sing along.

Jacobsen: What songs? 

Rosner: Years ago, I used to sing along to Only the Good Die Young by Billy Joel, when it came out decades ago. It is an easy song to sing.

Jacobsen: Did it move you? 

Rosner: At the time, yes—mostly because I wanted to get laid. It is a song about trying to persuade a woman to sleep with you.

I know you meant love, not just sex, but that was the appeal then.

I have never done karaoke, which would be a great name for a song, incidentally.

If I can see the lyrics—everything is closed-captioned now—and I know the song, I might sing a bit. If there is a show where people speak with a strong accent, I sometimes imitate the accent.

I encourage Carole to do that too, but she will not. She is shy. I am less so.

When I was in first, second, or third grade, I had a music teacher who told me I was the least talented student she had ever had. That effectively ended any sense that I was musical, especially with regard to singing. I internalized it and thought, fine, forget it.

In my junior year of high school, my friends and I joined the choir for entirely different reasons. People in choir were partying heavily and hooking up, and we wanted access to that social world. I did fine in choir. I fell asleep a lot because there was a great deal of downtime while different sections rehearsed, and I tend to get sleepy. But I had no real difficulty singing.

If I had been trained properly, I would not have had a problem. Singing is enjoyable. The issue is that I never learned how to sustain a melody. I do not know how to remember the notes or guide my voice through them. I can usually manage the first few notes, and after that my voice goes wherever it wants unless the song is extremely simple, like Only the Good Die Young, or unless it sits on a single note for a long stretch.

I auditioned for Anything Goes during my senior year. I prepared It’s Still Lovely, a Cole Porter song from the musical. I went in, sang it, and the room went completely silent. I could not tell whether I had done exceptionally well or terribly.

Afterward, I asked a friend why everyone had been so quiet. He said it was because I had not sung the song—I had yelled it.

Despite that, I was cast. I played one of the sailors and sang in the chorus. I needed to be in that musical because it gave me a legitimate reason to stay at school after hours. That access was part of a larger plan to break into the office and obtain blank transcript materials so I could alter my academic records.

It turned into a full-scale heist.

I tracked down a student who had gotten into a fight with the vice principal and stolen his keys. He worked at a camera store that also cut keys. During the scuffle, the vice principal dropped his keys, and this student grabbed them, ran to the shop, and made copies. Those copies circulated among students who wanted after-hours access to the school.

I spoke with him and obtained keys to parts of the building. I still needed multiple keys: one for the front door, which had already been changed, and another for the office. He had the office key. By casing the place while rehearsals were ongoing, I figured out which desk drawer held the key to the transcript room, where the official school seal was kept.

The whole process took about a month.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1601: Rosie, ICE Controversies, Iran Crackdown, and America’s Political Stress Test

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/14

What happens to a democracy when outrage, enforcement power, and information warfare collide at home and abroad?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about the intimate and the geopolitical in one breath: caring for Rosie, an elderly dog struggling to eat, while watching escalating turmoil in U.S. politics and global conflict. Rosner describes appetite treatment with Entyce and then pivots to controversies surrounding ICE tactics, public backlash, and the rhetorical hardening of political life. The discussion broadens to Iran’s crackdown, mass casualties, arrests, and communications shutdowns, alongside speculation about U.S. and Israeli responses. Together, they examine institutional resilience, civic “levers,” soft power erosion, and the long tail of ideological movements.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What’s new?

Rick Rosner: At home, we’ve got Rosie the dog. You met her. She’s fifteen and a quarter years old, and it’s been very hard to get her to eat, which is often a sign that a dog is nearing the end. We’re trying to keep her going as long as possible. She seems otherwise in pretty good shape, but something is clearly going on.

We’ve been dosing her with something called Entyce (capromorelin), which is designed to stimulate appetite by mimicking the body’s hunger-hormone signaling. We use a dosing syringe: we wait for her to fall asleep, then squirt it into her mouth. An hour or two later, she’ll eat. Can this continue indefinitely? Probably not. We’ll see how long we can keep it going. She’s a sweet dog, and she doesn’t seem to be suffering. We’re going to keep going as long as she allows.

Out in the world, Trump and the MAGA ecosystem are getting increasingly extreme. We used to be surprised by that. We should not be anymore, but it is still striking that he keeps finding new ways to escalate.

Minneapolis, in particular, has been flooded with federal immigration enforcement following the January 7, 2026 shooting of Renee Good, a U.S. citizen, by an ICE agent during an enforcement surge. Videos and witness accounts have fueled major controversy over the federal account of events, and there have been widespread protests.

There are also videos showing aggressive encounters, including agents smashing a car window, cutting a seatbelt, and pulling a woman from her vehicle during the Minneapolis surge.

On the political side, Senator Markwayne Mullin publicly defended the agent’s actions in media appearances.

Inside the Justice Department, prosecutors resigned amid controversy over how the case is being handled, including reported pressure to scrutinize Renee Good’s widow rather than pursue a civil-rights investigation into the shooting. Different reports put the resignations at at least six.

The situation is even worse in Iran. Reporting indicates a large-scale crackdown and mass casualties, alongside severe communications restrictions. The death toll reported by rights monitors has exceeded 2,000, with Reuters reporting at least 2,571 as of January 14, 2026, citing a rights group. Iranian officials have also acknowledged roughly 2,000 deaths while disputing responsibility.

Iran’s security response involves multiple forces, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and other security services. Estimates of IRGC size commonly place it at around 150,000 personnel, and Iran’s population is roughly in the low-90-millions.

Will this bring down the regime? Iran has faced repeated waves of unrest since 1979, and many analysts caution that even very large protest movements do not necessarily translate into regime collapse.

Trump is making noises about doing something to Iran. He might increase tariffs on countries still trading with Iran, but tariffs tend to take decades to have an effect, if they work at all. There are already extensive sanctions on Iran that have been in place for decades.

He could also try bombing Iran. That would not be very effective against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, because they are embedded in cities and mixed among the civilian population. You could try to locate barracks or target senior clerical leadership, but that would be difficult. They could bomb military targets, but I do not know whether that would be enough to destabilize the regime.

They could also give Israel a green light—Israel often seeks U.S. approval for actions against Iran, though not always—but I do not think any of that would necessarily bring down the regime. Thoughts?

Jacobsen: It’s deeply tragic. So many people are dying. It’s unclear whether this will have any effect on the regime itself. Estimates now put the death toll at over 2,500, including civilians, children, and some security personnel, with more than 18,000 arrests reported so far.

Rosner: And there have been a lot of executions. It’s not just people being shot in the streets. People are arrested, pushed through a rapid legal process, and in some cases executed within days. Things are profoundly broken there.

It’s strange to watch some of what is happening in the United States, because nothing like this has happened here before. The U.S. has been one of the luckiest countries in the world. We’re geographically isolated, so during the world wars we suffered relatively few casualties and almost no domestic destruction.

ICE is also using a slogan. Kristi Noem had it displayed on her speaker’s stand, printed clearly: “One of ours, all of yours.” People on social media have called it a Nazi slogan. Others have pushed back, saying the exact wording is not traceable to the SS or to Spanish fascists.

I looked into it. That precise phrasing may not have been used by the Nazis or by Franco’s forces in Spain, but the policy absolutely existed. The Nazi occupation doctrine included collective punishment—kill one of ours, and we will kill dozens or hundreds of people from your village. Spanish fascists also practiced collective reprisals. So even if the slogan itself is not a direct historical quotation, the idea behind it is very real.

MAGA apologists can say it is not technically an SS slogan, but it is still disturbing that a federal agency would adopt language that echoes that logic.

ICE is also not supposed to have jurisdiction over U.S. citizens unless those citizens are actively obstructing enforcement. Even then, my understanding is that ICE is generally supposed to defer to local law enforcement. I am not convinced they even have authority in many of the situations we are now seeing.

People are saying ICE is using tactics that resemble those of the SS, which is deeply disturbing. Public outrage does not seem to be diminishing. Joe Rogan has even referred to ICE as the Gestapo. We’ll see whether any of this constrains Trump from doing whatever he wants.

Trump went to a Ford plant to celebrate what he called good economic news. He claimed he has brought inflation under control, citing a 2.7 percent annualized rate. That same number was widely criticized as unacceptable when inflation fell to similar levels late in the Biden administration. Trump is now presenting it as proof of success.

He is also claiming job creation, but reported net job growth since April appears to be minimal. Nonetheless, he is touring factories and declaring victory. At the auto plant, a worker shouted at him and called him a “pedophile protector.” Trump shouted back, “fuck you,” and flipped him off. Within a few hours, the worker was reportedly suspended.

All of this feels unprecedented, though it is not entirely disconnected from earlier developments. The situation keeps growing more extreme. The question is how much worse it can get, and how long it can continue.

Republicans currently hold only a two-seat majority in the House, the narrowest margin in modern history. A large number of Republican senators and representatives—more than fifty—have announced they are not running for re-election, which is unusually high this far ahead of an election. If even two Republicans were to break away, the party could lose control of the House.

Even that might not change much. The House alone cannot pass legislation; it needs the Senate. The House can hold hearings and vote to impeach a president, but impeachment is a two-step process. A House vote only initiates a Senate trial. Removal from office requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate, which has never occurred and has never come close.

So that is where things stand. 

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: I’m confident in sports. The NFL playoff games so far have been exciting, unpredictable, and close. If you turn to sports for relief from everything else going on, that part has been good.

There hasn’t been much polling on Trump since before Christmas, partly because of a holiday lull. Right now his approval is around 42 percent. His lowest so far this term has been about 41 percent. I assume the most recent chaos will cost him a point and take him back down to around 41, possibly lower.

Will this cost him support in the House and Senate? Possibly. But does it matter? Does it represent a phase change in his support, the way Biden experienced one?

Under normal circumstances, a president’s popularity gradually declines over four years, sometimes rebounding a bit midway through a term. Biden’s support collapsed after the withdrawal from Afghanistan and never recovered. Is it possible for Trump’s approval to experience a similar break? I do not know. It hasn’t happened since he announced his candidacy in 2015. His approval has been remarkably steady through almost everything.

If he were to lose ten percent of his base and drop to the mid- or high-thirties, I’m not sure what would happen. He’s also likely to interfere with the midterm elections, which are less than ten months away.

People have already been turning out to protest across the country, including protests over the killing of Renee Good. So far, that hasn’t produced major political consequences. If public anger escalated to the point of a national strike, would that matter? Is a national strike even possible in a country as large and decentralized as the United States, compared with European countries where nationwide strikes are more common? I do not know. Your thoughts?

Jacobsen: Things can always get worse—and they can always get better. When you have a flexible system like the American one, that becomes even more true. There are many levers of civic engagement that determine where this goes.

In some countries, criticizing the leader can get you killed. People are being killed in the United States, but not simply for mocking the president. Many prominent figures openly criticize Trump, Hegseth, and others without consequence.

Rosner: I criticize them on Twitter every day.

Jacobsen: And people with even greater prominence do as well—shows like South Park and Saturday Night Live. Both have caricatured Pete Hegseth in very different ways. That’s a healthy sign in a society.

At the same time, the fact that so much technology is everywhere, with everything on camera, also matters. It allows extensive documentation. Outrage feeds attention, and attention incentivizes participation in rage culture—whether that’s end-times pastors framing Trump as an instrument of God’s will to restore a Christian nation, or civic, civil-rights, and human-rights advocates arguing that the country is regressing toward a less universalist moral framework.

People are mobilizing on both sides. In the contemporary U.S., what I’ve observed is that the left has often exercised influence through academia, while the right, when in power, has tended to exercise influence directly through the machinery of government.

Right now, the right wing has figured this out and is attacking the credibility of academia and other elites, trying to discredit them by arguing that they are illegitimate and cannot be trusted.

Rosner: There are two points here. First, you mentioned levers of power. There are more levers in the U.S., and it is harder to capture all of them at once, even though Trump has temporarily constrained several—judicial, legislative, executive, the press, and at least one more that escapes me at the moment. Still, that is not enough to seize the government in the way Hitler did in Germany, beginning rapidly after he took power in 1933. He rewrote the rules of government. Trump has not been able to do that, and I do not think he will be able to.

Jacobsen: The system is not as established for that kind of damage.

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: It is not as consolidated or structurally vulnerable in the same way.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: Another thing being eroded, perhaps the most important one, is international soft power.

Rosner: Yes. We used to be seen as a friend to the world, and Trump does not like that.

Jacobsen: His approach to geopolitics and business is essentially zero-sum. If you are losing, I am winning. If you are winning, then I must be losing, which means you have to lose.

Rosner: Yes, but he is not very smart and he is a poor businessman. Many people believe otherwise, but that belief is misplaced. That actually leads to the other thing I wanted to mention.

The other issue is historical. In Germany, immediately after the war, the Allies left roughly a million troops there for years after hostilities ended in Europe in May 1945. They engaged in a sustained process of denazification. The Nazi Party was outlawed. Nazi symbols, statements, and imagery were made illegal. Nazi leaders were put on trial. Large amounts of foreign aid were eventually directed toward reconstruction and feeding a devastated population.

That process did not convert committed Nazis into non-believers. Some younger people may have concluded it was in their interest to abandon those beliefs, but many older true believers never did. Germany largely had to wait for that generation to age out and die.

When I look at social media today, it seems plausible that even after Trump is gone—and even if the MAGA movement is substantially removed from government—there will still be a significant share of Americans, perhaps around twenty percent of adults, who hold onto MAGA beliefs until the end of their lives. What do you think?

Jacobsen: Roughly 19 to 23 million baby boomers, out of about 70 million, had died as of a couple of years ago, so that process will continue. But it is not a rigid block.

I have long objected to generational labels—Greatest Generation, Baby Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, Gen Z, and now Gen Alpha. These are shorthand categories used by demographers to describe tendencies and population-level statistics. We then build social and political narratives around them, which is understandable. But the reality is fluid. People change, especially with technology.

We have to be careful not to imply that one generation is inherently bad and another inherently good.

Rosner: Baby boomers are not overwhelmingly MAGA. They might be something like 58–42 or 50–40, with the remainder disengaged or undecided. There is some fluidity. But if you look at hardcore anti-vaxxers, who overlap heavily with MAGA, many of them are unlikely to change their views. Most will probably remain anti-vaccine for the rest of their lives.

Unless medicine suddenly delivers such extraordinary results that people’s entire worldviews are forced to shift—say, routine lifespans of 105 years with good health into the late 90s—but that is not going to happen within the lifespan of today’s anti-vaxxers.

So my point is that a significant portion of the MAGA movement will likely persist until those individuals are simply no longer around. I’ve got three or four minutes left.

Jacobsen: Did you watch any good movies today?

Rosner: I’ve been watching Roofman with Channing Tatum and Kirsten Dunst.

Jacobsen: Interesting.

Rosner: It’s fine. Carole and I have also been watching Industry, an HBO series about people in finance—equity trading, asset management, IPOs, and high-net-worth clients. It’s a show where everyone is compromised. Everyone is at least somewhat unpleasant. Some characters are consistently awful, others are only occasionally so. This season includes companies like Siren.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1600: Renée Nicole Good Shooting, Millionaire Lawsuit, and a Robot-Fitness Future

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/14

Did the Honda Pilot actually strike the officer—and how do disputed “contact” claims reshape public judgment and accountability?

In this conversation, Rick Rosner dissects video details in the fatal shooting of Renée Nicole Good, arguing the Honda Pilot likely did not strike the ICE officer and warning against self-created “vehicle threat” narratives, along with qualified-immunity concerns and hard party-line polarization nationwide. He recounts his bizarre Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? history—an invalidated “Fastest Finger” and a $16,000 question with no correct choice—leading to a lawsuit while he worked for ABC. Scott Douglas Jacobsen then draws out Rosner’s rumination habits, his push/pull workout split, and his forecast of robots, muscle-stimulation gimmicks, and gene editing making fitness increasingly optional.

Rick Rosner: I was looking at the front end of the Honda Pilot—the SUV Renée Nicole Good was driving when she was fatally shot by an ICE officer in Minneapolis—because there is an ongoing debate. According to a national poll of likely voters conducted January 9–11, 2026, about 52% said the shooting was not justified, 36% said it was justified, and 12% said they did not know. These views also break down sharply along party lines, with Democrats overwhelmingly saying the shooting was unjustified and about two-thirds of Republicans saying it was justified.

One central issue in the debate is whether the vehicle actually struck the officer. From my reading of the footage, it does not appear to have done so, although that is an interpretation. The officer appeared close to the front of the vehicle and seemed to be leaning into it. I do not know the precise law or departmental procedure, but officers are not supposed to position themselves in front of a vehicle in a way that creates a situation later used to justify lethal force.

At the time, the officer was holding a phone in his left hand and a gun in his right. At one point, it appeared that he braced himself with his left hand against the hood. The question then becomes whether contact initiated by the officer counts as being struck by the vehicle. That is unclear. As the car turned away, the remaining factual question is whether the left front corner of the car contacted his left leg.

I examined the Honda Pilot’s front-end design to assess this. Most modern passenger vehicles have rounded front ends, unlike many pickup trucks. Honda’s front corners are fairly rounded, which would make a sharp corner impact less likely. The vehicle was also turning away, so even if contact occurred, it would likely have slid past him rather than striking or lifting him.

You asked whether this incident could lead to changes in front-end vehicle design. I do not think so. Vehicles are already designed with rounded fronts for aerodynamic efficiency, maneuverability, and easier parking. My own car, a 2012 Toyota Camry, has similarly rounded front edges. Rotten tomatoes.

I expect to argue this extensively with Lance on Sunday. Based on our phone conversation, I assume he will take the MAGA/ICE position that the officer was struck and that the shooting was justified. I will argue the opposite—anyway—rotten tomatoes.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the craziest thing that has ever happened to you? A WTF moment.

Rosner: I have had several intense experiences. The whole millionaire episode was particularly striking, although it unfolded over time rather than as a single moment.

Jacobsen: Which, right now, is not a single moment for the narrative.

Rosner: I worked very hard to get onto Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? I actually made it onto the show twice. The first time, I did not make it into the hot seat. There was a technical issue during “Fastest Finger,” and the question that might have gotten me there was thrown out. I believe Regis Philbin misread the question, but I cannot be certain. In any case, the question was invalidated, and that ended that appearance.

I later returned to the show and this time made it into the hot seat. On the $16,000 question, they asked something for which the correct answer was not among the available choices. Their researchers and writers had made an error. I sent extensive correspondence explaining the problem. This was not unprecedented—errors like this had happened multiple times before my appearance and a few times afterward. At the time I was on the show, more contestants had been removed from the hot seat because of production errors than had won the million-dollar prize.

I wrote to them repeatedly and called them. Before the statute of limitations expired—I believe it was one year—I filed a lawsuit. On a multiple-choice quiz show, the correct answer should exist among the choices. The situation was especially absurd because I am meticulous about this sort of thing. I reviewed approximately 110,000 Millionaire questions from versions of the show across more than thirty countries to confirm that my interpretation was correct. It was. They disagreed and hired expensive lawyers.

The situation became even stranger because Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? was an ABC show, and I was working for ABC while suing them. That combination of circumstances makes it one of the strangest things I have ever been involved in. Other experiences might rival it, but none come to mind immediately.

Jacobsen: Are you someone who gets over things quickly, or do you have trouble processing them afterward?

Jacobsen: Here is some context. In high school, I was very driven. I joined many clubs, aimed for high grades, and even attempted sports, unsuccessfully. Around that time, a book called Type A Behaviour and Your Heart was published. Research from the late 1970s suggested that certain personality types—what they called Type A—were more prone to heart attacks due to chronic stress and agitation.

I read the book while taking a speed-reading class at night. I was constantly trying to earn additional credits for my transcript. At one point, the book included a self-assessment titled “Are You Type A?” I met every criterion except one. The question I failed was whether I dwell on past events and wish I could redo them.

I was only seventeen at the time. I did not have that much in my life to redo. But since then, yes, I have thought a great deal about what happened to me and wished I could redo it. That kind of thinking feeds directly into my writing.

I am working on a near-future novel in which virtual-reality utilities allow people to redo parts of their lives, not in reality but in simulation. You can replay events you dislike, try different choices, and see how they turn out. You can repeat the process multiple times.

Of course, the outcomes depend on how the simulation decides events will unfold. You cannot perfectly replicate reality. You can also manipulate the simulation itself. If you do not like an outcome, you can alter the parameters and try again. So yes, this idea is very much part of how I think.

I do not get over things easily. That said, the Millionaire incident occurred around 2000, roughly a year before 9/11. The rest of the twenty-first century has put getting a bad question on a quiz show into perspective. Far worse things have happened in the world since then.

If this had occurred five years later, I would not have pursued a lawsuit. That period coincided with the rise of reality competition shows, where arbitrary outcomes became normalized—people being voted off, judges making subjective decisions, and unfairness becoming part of the format. By then, expectations of fairness had already eroded.

Had this happened in 2006, I would have expected far less sympathy from a court. I did not receive especially fair treatment as it was, but by that point, a judge might have said that if you go on television, you accept the risk that the process will not be fair.

Rotten tomatoes. Look at Officer Ross versus Renée Good. There is a significant chance that, given the FBI’s leadership and its takeover of the investigation, she will not receive justice. There is a real possibility that a compromised investigation will conclude the officer was justified, even though he fired three shots.

The final two shots were almost certainly unjustified. There is also the possibility that the first shot killed her. We do not know. That uncertainty allows room for a finding of justification, even though I do not believe it was justified.

In some policing doctrines, officers are instructed to continue firing if a suspect is still moving and capable of causing harm. I do not know whether this remains the current policy, but the logic has been that if a threat is not neutralized, continued force is considered justified. This is evaluated through the lens of qualified immunity, which looks at whether other officers in similar situations would have acted the same way.

The basic principle is that an officer is responsible for every shot fired, including the consequences of each shot. If the first shot clearly killed her, and that can be established, the legal analysis changes. It is still unclear whether all three shots even struck her; no public disclosure has clarified that yet.

If the first shot were fatal, then subsequent shots would have been fired after death. I do not know the precise legal doctrine, but shooting a person who is already dead is not treated as murder, because the person is no longer alive. That does not make it just, but it affects how the law categorizes responsibility.

If the first shot was not fatal and the second or third shots caused her death, then those shots could potentially constitute murder. I do not know which shot, if any, was conclusively fatal. What I do believe is that the officer is responsible for each shot individually if the later shots are found to be unjustified.

There are several paths by which she may not receive justice. One is a finding that the first shot killed her and that it cannot be proven to be unjustified. In that scenario, even if the second and third shots were unjustified, they would legally be treated as shots fired at someone already dead. That outcome would be profoundly unfair, but it may be legally possible. Rotten tomatoes.

Jacobsen: How do you rotate your workouts? What do you train?

Rosner: For a while, I did everything every day, and that was not working. Now I alternate push and pull days. One day is a push day—chest and bench work. The next day is a pull day, focusing on biceps and some back, although I do not train back extensively.

People who take it very seriously often use a three-day rotation: push, pull, and legs. They may run two of those cycles and then take a day off. I do not follow that approach. Rotten tomatoes.

Jacobsen: What is the future of manual labour, fitness, and necessity as we move forward?

Rosner: Those are two different questions.

Jacobsen:  The future of a world with ten billion humanoid robots.

Rosner: In eighty years, we will be surrounded by robots capable of doing almost anything we want them to do. Human labour may become largely artisanal—digging a ditch or planting a garden because you want to, not because you have to. You will not be required to do it. You could have robot gardeners instead.

There may still be specialized situations where it is easier to have a human do the work, but much physical labour has already been made optional for a century. People will still want to look good and stay fit, though the specific exercise may change.

There are already automated exercise devices. Some involve electrical stimulation belts that trigger muscle contractions without conscious effort. They shock the muscles into contracting repeatedly. That strikes me as a poor substitute for real exercise and more of a gimmick than a meaningful improvement. I doubt it genuinely makes exercise easier.

In the future, genetic interventions may change this entirely. There could be genetic tweaks that keep people strong and muscular as a baseline physical condition. Someone once pointed out that dogs do not need to work out. They are naturally muscular due to their genetics. Humans, by contrast, have to exercise to stay in shape. Many mammals appear to be physically fit by default.

It is plausible that future gene-editing techniques—perhaps something like a CRISPR-based intervention—could allow people to look like bodybuilders or dancers without deliberate physical training. At the same time, many people may live most of their lives in cyberspace. Their physical bodies might be largely inactive, lying in chairs or storage, while their minds operate virtually for long stretches each day.

Two hundred years from now, people might even place their bodies into cryonic storage and live virtually because it is cheaper or more convenient. They might keep their bodies preserved for sentimental reasons or as a contingency in case virtual civilization collapses and physical existence becomes necessary again.

Science fiction often explores this idea. Imagine being a movie star in the year 2143 and wanting to maximize your market value. Between projects, you could enter cold storage while your representatives negotiate contracts. Film projects already take years—sometimes a decade—to move from script to production. Instead of aging during that time, a performer could be stored until filming begins.

Of course, this would compete with other technologies, such as the ability to digitally simulate younger versions of actors, eliminating concerns about aging altogether. Still, there may be reasons people choose physical storage. There will also be many ways to remain fit and attractive without spending an hour a day exercising, if that is what someone wants.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1599: Bodies, Injustice, and the Senses Over Time

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/12

How do aging bodies, moral attention, and sensory memory reshape what matters as we grow older?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen invites Rick Rosner to reflect on aging, attention, and meaning. Rosner moves fluidly from bodily changes—napping, gray hair, and the “frowny belly button”—to grief, diminished sexual expectation, and the unsettling realization of becoming the “outer layer” of surviving relatives. The conversation expands outward to moral scale, questioning how individual injustice fits alongside mass suffering in Ukraine and global politics. Rosner then pivots to culture and cognition, discussing film, Los Angeles life, and why smell remains uniquely powerful in memory. The result is a candid meditation on aging, biology, ethics, and human awareness.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When did you first start noticing yourself getting old—napping more, feeling sore, lying down and dozing off?

Rick Rosner: I have always been like that. Everyone thought my dad had narcolepsy because he would fall asleep all the time—during movies or while watching TV. It was funny. He would fall asleep during a show, wake up at the end, and ask, “What happened?” We would tell him something absurd like, “It was sad. Everybody died.”

So it runs in my family. I would fall asleep every day around three o’clock at work. I got caught sleeping on the job so many times that my coworkers once made a Christmas card out of photos of me asleep and called it “Silent Night.”

Then I discovered coffee, which helped me get through the day. But I have always been a big napper, so that alone is not a strong indicator that I am getting old. The gray hair is more convincing. The cottonmouth is another one. I get it now, actually. It is the worst. Maybe my number-two most depressing indicator of old age is the frowny belly button.

Jacobsen: What do you mean by that?

Rosner: When you are young, if you have visible abs, you often have a horizontal crease that runs straight across your belly button. If you are lean, that fold can line up right at the navel.

For me, that crease has turned downward. The skin around the belly button sags with age, because the belly button itself is anchored to underlying tissue and cannot move. It is fixed in place, while the surrounding skin loses elasticity. It is like a nail in a wall: the center stays put, but everything around it can droop. So instead of a straight line, the crease around my belly button bends downward into a frown. That has bothered me more than I expected.

The balls are the standard aging joke—how they get longer and saggier. That is probably true in general. I have always had saggy balls because I have varicose veins in my scrotum, so they have been carrying a heavy load for a long time. That part feels less like aging and more like consistency.

Another one is toenail fungus. As you get older—especially if you wear socks that keep your feet moist—you are more prone to fungal infections. I wear a lot of socks because of circulation issues related to varicose veins. Toenail fungus is stubborn. There are many advertised cures, and there are oral medications, but the topical treatments rarely work well.

The pills can sometimes help, but they are hard on the liver, and it feels excessive to risk liver damage just to have better-looking toenails. And even then, the fungus often comes back once you stop treatment. That is why older people tend to have thick, yellow, twisted toenails. One of mine is so bad that when it grows out, it just crumbles, because the fungus destroys it. It is disgusting.

Another depressing realization is my ass. I do not usually look at it, but when I do, it reminds me of an elephant’s backside. Elephants do not really have a butt so much as folds of skin where the legs meet. That is what mine looks like now—no defined butt, just skin folds. It is not great.

There is also reduced ejaculation volume with age. Ejaculation feels good, it is relaxing, and it used to be a reliable way to fall asleep. Now, sometimes my body just says no—you are going to sleep, and that function is offline.

I talked recently with a guy who is on testosterone replacement therapy, and he said it is fantastic. I might look into it, but it also seems like a bad idea. You see people who appear overstimulated or strained on testosterone, and I do not want to risk cardiovascular problems or a stroke at sixty-five just to feel more youthful.

All right, enough of that. I want to shift gears quickly before we run out of time. Over the past few days, I have been complaining about what appears to be a serious injustice involving a law-enforcement shooting of a woman named Renée. The details are still unclear, and it is not yet known whether the officer involved will be held accountable. I realize you might be feeling some impatience with me returning to this topic.

You are about to head toward the heart of a much larger injustice. Ukraine did not do anything wrong, and for nearly four years now, Vladimir Putin has been trying to take over the country, at the cost of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian casualties.

So my question is this: is it annoying to hear me complain about the death of one woman when there is so much injustice elsewhere in the world? You are probably more exposed to international injustice than I am, because you are a journalist and because you are Canadian and tend to hear more global news. Do you get sick of me focusing on American injustice when the scale of suffering elsewhere is so much larger?

Jacobsen: It is interesting what annoys people and what does not.

Rosner: Today was day four of this situation, and it is still not clear what the repercussions will be for the officer involved or for ICE more broadly. Kristi Noem and J.D. Vance continue to push the claim that the woman tried to run the officer over, even though available video evidence appears to contradict that narrative. They keep repeating that line.

The FBI has said it is investigating. Whether the investigation will be thorough and transparent remains unknown. The state of Minnesota has also said it has been attempting to gather evidence, but claims it has been blocked by the FBI, which reportedly took control of the evidence and asserted jurisdiction.

It is unclear how long it will take before we find out whether the officer will face consequences. He is reportedly in hiding, which in itself is not necessarily evidence of wrongdoing. Police officers are often not arrested immediately after controversial shootings. Given how angry a large portion of the public is, it is reasonable that he and his family would be kept out of public view for safety reasons.

At this point, all anyone can do is wait. There were no major new revelations today, so attention naturally shifts elsewhere.

One place it has shifted is back to the Epstein files, which were legally required to be released weeks ago. Only a small fraction has been made public so far. The continued delay has fueled speculation that the withholding is politically motivated or intended to protect powerful individuals. Whether that is true or not, the perception of a cover-up persists.

We were distracted by the shooting for several days. Meanwhile, U.S. employment numbers for December were released. The reported job gains were modest—on the order of tens of thousands. Trump has described these numbers as extraordinary. By comparison, job growth during the final year of the previous administration averaged several times higher. That contrast does not seem to matter politically. Trump will boast about nearly anything, and his supporters tend to accept it at face value.

Jacobsen: Any new movies? 

Rosner: I started watching Him, which is a recent Jordan Peele movie about a college quarterback transitioning to the pros. It is framed as a horror movie, and I am curious where the horror comes in and what the twist will be. It has Marlon Wayans playing the greatest quarterback of all time, who is training his successor.

That reminded me of the house across the street from us. There are two twin houses across the street, about sixty-five feet tall, designed by a friend of ours, Jeff, who is an architect. He lives in one of them with his wife. When those houses went up, a neighbor got very upset.

At the time, hillside houses in Los Angeles were allowed to be up to sixty-five feet tall, because the slopes are so steep that building upward is often the only way to make a house workable. Standard R1 zoning usually limits houses to thirty-five feet, but hillside properties were an exception. After these houses were built, that exception was eliminated, and the hillside limit was reduced to thirty-five feet. That was largely due to pressure from neighbors who knew how to get things done at City Hall. It is a shame, because the taller limit made architectural sense on steep lots.

I love those houses, but they are tough to live in. They have an enormous number of stairs, and there is a strong chimney effect. The temperature at the bottom of the house can be five to eight degrees Fahrenheit cooler than at the top, which is brutal in the summer.

They live in one of the twin houses. The other one has had a rotating cast of famous residents. One of the Wayans lived there for a while, which is why the movie made me think of it. I do not remember which one, but it was one of them. He probably got tired of the stairs.

After that, a porn star named Belladonna lived there for a while. She set up cameras and essentially ran a work-from-home operation. She waved at me once. She seemed nice.

Living in Los Angeles can be fun that way. You sometimes see famous people, or you live in the less fancy part of a neighborhood where famous people live in the fancier part. In our area, there have been a lot of recognizable names. Clooney used to live up the street. So did Alex Trebek, Lea Thompson, people from Lois & Clark, and Desperate Housewives.

Jeremy Allen White from The Bear lives nearby. Carol has seen him running with his shirt off, which she enjoyed very much. Uzo Aduba lives around here too. You see a lot of people like that. The key is acting cool. You cannot act impressed that they are famous. You just act mildly pleased to see a neighbor, even though you almost never see them out in the wild.

Jacobsen: There are certain emotions that, over time—especially as you get older—become less useful. They lose some of their utility, and nature seems to dull them. Through selective processes over development, they are no longer as necessary, so you feel them less strongly. Which emotions?

Rosner: I would say horniness, even though it is not really an emotion. Maybe sexual expectation is a better way to put it. I have been with Carole for almost forty years, so that part of life has changed. That drive has been blunted over time.

I do not want to go into a full inventory of what parts of that impulse remain and what parts have been erased by time, but something is still there—just not in the same way.

I watch our dogs as they get old, and I wonder how aware they are of what is happening to them. Dogs adapt their behavior to their current physical abilities. You have met both of them—the brown one and the white one. The brown one is less sharp than the white one. As they age, they go up and down stairs more carefully.

The white one is also going blind, but she has adapted to it. She is not happy about it. I might be anthropomorphizing a bit, but what does not feel like anthropomorphizing is the way she pauses, confused, as if thinking, “What the hell?” The brown one is less aware, so she sometimes stumbles down the last few steps and tumbles onto the carpet at the bottom. We have been lucky that she has not hurt herself.

The white one does not jump onto the bed anymore, because she cannot judge the distance now that she is blind. A reckless dog might keep trying and fail repeatedly, but at least the smarter dogs seem to adjust their behavior to their limitations. That makes me wonder whether they know they are old, whether they understand aging as something that happens to living things, and whether they have any sense of how it ends.

They cannot know it with any depth or specificity. They have not watched many other dogs age and die. If the white one had seen that process repeatedly, she might be able to infer that it is something that will happen to her. The brown one would not have a clue.

In terms of emotions, there is loss. When you lose layers of relatives and realize you are now on the outer edge—the next layer to go—it is not exactly an emotion, but it feels like dread mixed with melancholy. You have lost these people, and now you are next.

I have no parents left. I have a stepmother who is eighty-five, but my mother, father, and stepfather are gone. My uncle and aunt are gone. Carol has one aunt left, who is ninety. Our grandparents have been gone for a long time. As you lose those layers and realize you are now the outer layer, it is deeply unpleasant. That does not quite answer your question, but it is what your question brought up.

Jacobsen: What do you think makes smell such an enduring sense? You smell a perfume or cologne when you are ten, and twenty years later a random scent can trigger that memory.

Rosner: Nature either did that by accident, or it persists because it served a purpose. Most traits we inherit offered a survival or reproductive advantage at some point. Some traits persist accidentally, having evolved in one context and carried forward into another. Smell clearly serves a purpose, and it has a different relationship to memory than vision does.

It may not be that smell works differently with memory so much as that we encounter many smells far less often than visual stimuli. You can go decades without encountering a specific smell, then suddenly encounter it again, and it triggers an old memory. With vision, we are constantly layering new visual experiences over old ones, which makes that kind of deep recall less likely.

Smell works because volatile molecules enter the nose and bind to receptors shaped to detect them. That is the basic mechanism. Some smells are tied to molecular shape, others to volatility. The details are complicated, but the function is clear: smell keeps you from drinking nail-polish remover, or from eating a toxic berry on the savanna twenty thousand years ago.

Now that I think about it, the strong link between smell and memory may exist because smell conveys critical information about what we might eat or be exposed to. Our brains are especially good at storing memories tied to those signals. Visual information is richer and allows for broader inference. You do not need a library of remembered paw prints. If you see a massive paw-and-claw print in the mud, you know something big and dangerous is nearby.

Twenty thousand years ago, we did not have formal systems of knowledge. We had libraries of associations. We could not reason deductively about unfamiliar smells. We could only recall past experiences associated with them and decide whether something was safe or dangerous. That reliance on memory made smell especially powerful.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1598: Design, Desire, and Evolutionary Reality

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/12

Is the claim that penises are “sleek” and vaginas are “chaos” anything more than misogynistic nonsense?

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen challenges a viral, misogynistic trope that praises the penis as “sleek” while dismissing vaginas as “chaos.” Rick Rosner responds by flipping the premise with evolutionary common sense and comic realism. He explains that internal genital design offers protection, that unsolicited penis images rarely arouse women, and that attraction is more about consent and context than anatomy. Rosner widens the lens to primate biology, endurance evolution, and sexual signaling, puncturing macho myths with humor—from dung beetles to hydraulics—while grounding the discussion in biology, culture, and lived experience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I saw an absurd, misogynistic riff circulating online that claimed a penis is “sleek, functional, and symmetrical,” and that vaginas are “chaos incarnate.”

Rick Rosner: Most standups take the opposite point of view, which is at least arguably more reasonable: the vagina has a better design. It is internal, so it is more protected than external genitals, which are out there taking random impacts and general life abuse. This shows up in routines where a standup says nobody wants to see a picture of your dick.

For one thing, a dick is a dick. A lot of people do not want to see it. For another thing, a random penis photo usually is not arousing to women in the way some men assume. By contrast, if someone sends an explicit photo intentionally, what can make it feel more exciting is the signal of sexual interest and consent to play—not the anatomy itself. Men, generally, do not need much convincing that sex exists as a concept.

Maybe if your dick were exceptional, it might interest some people. On the other hand, it might intimidate some people, or just not match someone’s preferences. And in any case, penises are kind of ridiculous-looking. We are ridiculous-looking.

Think of dung beetles. The males compete, like animals do, but they are still tiny beetles whose daily business is pushing dung around. We are not that different. When guys scrap and battle for dominance, we are still limited by the brute facts of biology and physics.

Humans are not the weakest primates. We are not the strongest in raw upper-body strength compared with chimpanzees or gorillas, but we are unusually effective endurance animals, tool users, and cooperative planners. And yes, lemurs are primates, just on an earlier evolutionary branch than monkeys and apes.

We are relatively hairless. Our genital anatomy is distinctive among primates, but “most impressive” depends on what you measure and who is judging. Humans are also unusual in that sexual behaviour is not restricted to short, obvious heat periods the way it is in many mammals; sexual interest is more continuous and shaped by hormones, relationships, culture, and individual variation.

So yes, evolution shaped traits like breasts, hips, and genital signalling in complicated ways. But still, a penis is a floppy bit of tissue that becomes rigid because of hydraulics. It is ridiculous. It is fucking ridiculous.

Jacobsen: There was a Monty Python song about the penis. Eric Idle sang it: “Isn’t it wonderful? Isn’t it delightful to have a penis?”

Rosner: It is, because it is the easiest way to get a non-addictive endorphin rush. And if you want penises in show business, there was a stage show called Puppetry of the Penis, where performers made shapes—basically, dick origami. I did not see it, but I read enough about it. People went to clubs and watched men fold their penises into various forms.

There was more than one guy. Anyway, all right. On to other shit.2

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1597: ICE Use of Force, Video Evidence, and Minneapolis Protests

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/09

Did the ICE officer’s use of force in the killing of Renée Nicole Good meet policy and legal standards?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the killing of Renée Nicole Good, a 37-year-old U.S. citizen and poet shot by an ICE officer in Minneapolis during a federal enforcement operation. Jacobsen sketches her family life and notes video that appears to show her car moving slowly from a dead stop on ice. Rosner interprets the footage using use-of-force standards, emphasizing that every shot requires independent justification and arguing later shots were fired after the vehicle had already passed. They discuss official claims, public skepticism, calls for investigation, and the protests that followed across multiple cities in the days afterward.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: René Nicole Good was a thirty-seven-year-old U.S. citizen and a resident of Minneapolis, Minnesota. She was the mother of three children. She was a poet and was involved in creative pursuits. She had previously lived in Kansas City, Missouri, and was originally from Colorado. At the time of her death, she lived with her wife and young child. On January 7, 2026, she was shot and killed by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer in Minneapolis during a federal enforcement operation. Her killing sparked protests in multiple cities.

She drove around the officer positioned near the front of the car. She was starting from a dead stop on ice. From the video, the vehicle appears to be moving slowly, though an exact speed cannot be determined. I have been hit by a car at low speed. I have also seen my dad—my stepdad—get hit by a car.

Rick Rosner: At low speed, a person can usually put their hands out and push away or step back if there is room. In the video, the officer appears close to the vehicle as it passes, but the exact distance—whether in inches or feet—cannot be measured from the footage. If his arms had been free, he could have pushed off. He may have done so.

In his left hand, he appears to be holding a cell phone. In his right hand, he has his gun drawn, whether he braced his forearm against the hood, the video does not clearly establish firing.

He appears to step back. At most, it looks like a half step. Based on the video, he does not seem to be knocked down or dragged. The vehicle may have brushed him, but that cannot be confirmed.

The vehicle then passes him. He had already fired at least once by that point. It is not clear how many of the shots struck her.

As the vehicle moves past him, his body is roughly an arm’s length away. He extends his arm and fires again. The gun appears to be very close to the driver’s side window when at least one of the later shots is fired.

Jacobsen: What did you feel when you first saw that image?

Rosner: My immediate reaction was that it looked like a criminal shooting. As I thought more about it and reviewed use-of-force standards, it appeared consistent with what people would describe as second-degree murder. First-degree murder involves premeditation, and this did not seem planned. But it still seemed to be unjustified.

In a shooting like this, it is generally against policy to fire at a moving vehicle to stop it, and especially to fire at a driver as the car is moving away. Doing so risks creating a driverless vehicle. That is what happened here. After the shooting, the car continued down the street and crashed, causing additional damage.

In use-of-force analysis, each shot must be justified independently. The only shot that might plausibly be argued as justified would be the first one, when the officer was closer to the front of the vehicle and could claim he felt in danger.

The officer’s identity was discussed publicly this afternoon after Kristi Noem spoke about the incident. Reporting indicates that the officer had previously been dragged by a vehicle in a similar incident months earlier and sustained injuries requiring stitches.

That prior incident may explain heightened fear, but it does not justify lethal force in a separate encounter. A previous traumatic experience does not excuse killing someone later.

Legally, if the first shot caused the fatal injury—though that is not clear—that is the shot examined when considering charges. If it were the second or third shot, or if it cannot be determined which shot was fatal, then each shot must be independently justified. The later shots were fired when the front of the vehicle was already past him.

Those are some form of murder or manslaughter, because he was in little danger for the first shot and in zero risk for the second shot. For the second and third shots, he would have had to justify danger to others, and that would be hard—maybe not impossible, but hard—because there were no other officers in her path. Killing the driver did not make the situation safer.

A person claiming to be a defence lawyer who specializes in cases like this said on Twitter that he would not take the case and that it is not a winning case for the officer.

Jacobsen: Have you seen the footage?

Rosner: No. You should watch it, because it is shocking footage. It is the kind of thing that Trump, Kristi Noem, and others on that side will try to gaslight people about, but the footage itself is extraordinary.

There are two central video angles. One is from farther away and partly obscured by cars and trees. The other shows the incident from roughly twenty to thirty feet away, from behind and to the left of the vehicle. That angle indicates almost everything. Are you pulling it up?

It is very clear in the footage that the officer was not hit or dragged. Based on what is visible, it appears that at least the second and third shots were unjustified. There are many people on X claiming otherwise, which is very disheartening.

Even if I am wrong, and the vehicle did brush him, that still would not justify killing her. She was not a domestic terrorist. She lived in the neighbourhood. Some tweets describe her as a legal observer. She may have been there to watch ICE activity. She may even have parked her car in the street, slightly impeding them. But by the time of the shooting, she appeared terrified and was trying to get away.

Some people claim she was fleeing the scene to avoid arrest. Even if that were true, you do not kill someone for that. The standard practice is to identify the person and follow up later if you want to arrest them.

Seeing people on the MAGA side lie about the circumstances, say she got what she deserved, and claim the officer was in the right is deeply disheartening. It goes against the evidence of what can be seen and heard.

It feels very much like the line from 1984 about rejecting the evidence of your eyes and ears. MAGA supporters are expected to accept whatever they are told, even when it is clearly contradicted by video.

It has been a disturbing couple of days. After Venezuela, it feels like Trump will do whatever he wants, and this feels like more of that. There were also reports today of two more people being shot in a similar incident, possibly in Portland. Those people may have been actual criminals, but it also seems possible that Trump wants unrest so he can declare a national emergency, postpone or cancel the midterm elections, and send more troops into cities.

So far, people have not rioted. As far as I know, there have been large protests but not widespread disorder. People understand the risks. Kristi Noem is already talking about sending another two thousand troops or personnel into Minneapolis, supposedly to keep people safe.

It is ridiculous. The whole thing is disturbing—slightly less disturbing today only because of the massive public indignation over how bad this is. But it has been one of the most disturbing couple of days of Trump’s second term so far, because of the lack of accountability, the blatant doing whatever they want, the cruelty, and the reflexive defence. Kristi Noem went out and, without any investigation, said that the murder victim was a domestic terrorist. The head of a normal agency, in regular times, would say that the officer has been suspended pending the outcome of an investigation. Instead, she said he was not at fault.

They said he was hospitalized for his injuries, released, and is now spending time with his family—except he had no injuries. They said he was run over. He was not. There is additional footage showing him running down the street after the shooting to where her vehicle crashed, then walking away, then walking to his own car and driving off.

There is no visible sign of injury, because he was not injured. They are lying. The state of Minnesota, through the governor, said there would be an investigation, but that investigation has been blocked by the federal government and turned over to the FBI. Nobody expects the FBI to deliver a truthful result because Kash Patel, another incompetent Trump loyalist, now heads the FBI. Look at the footage. 

Jacobsen: It is very straightforward: three point-blank shots, and she was dead. It seems entirely unjustified. Someone was murdered.

Rosner: I am not looking forward to arguing with Lance about this. I have already yelled at enough people on X. I know precisely what he will say. He repeats what he is told to believe and says what he is told to say by MAGA figures.

I will either argue my points or say, “I know what you are going to say—why waste everyone’s time?” I do not know.

To be fair, there are at least some Republicans in government—senators and members of Congress—who have said an investigation needs to happen and who have expressed skepticism about the MAGA narrative.

Lance, of all people, is someone who professionally uses his eyes. He is a visual artist. He should be able to look at the video footage and see what is plainly visible. But he will have a list of excuses for the officer.

Meanwhile, Kristi Noem and JD Vance have been openly claiming that the victim was part of a network of agitators designed to disrupt legitimate police activity and undermine trust in federal agencies. That claim is simply garbage.

She was the mother of a six-year-old child and lived with her wife and their child. She had previously been married to two men, the most recent of whom died in 2023. She also had two teenage—or nearly teenage—children who lived with her first husband. She did not expect to put herself in danger. She had zero expectation of that.

Her wife was somewhere near the car. I do not believe her wife was in the car when she was shot, but I am not certain. After the shooting, her wife said that they had killed her and expressed regret, saying she was sorry for having put her in that situation. There were also witnesses at the scene, and different people reported different details. That is essentially it.

ICE’s jurisdiction is over immigration enforcement. It does not usually extend to U.S. citizens. What happened here was a federal enforcement officer killing a U.S. citizen. That raises serious questions about legitimacy and authority.

ICE officers can become armed enforcement personnel with as little as eight weeks of training, around forty-seven training days. By contrast, becoming a police officer in most cities requires attending a police academy, which typically lasts 9 months to 1 year, followed by a probationary period.

In many departments, including large cities, a new officer then spends significant time paired with a seasoned officer in the field. Altogether, becoming a fully credentialed police officer generally takes about 2 years.

By comparison, many ICE officers are conducting enforcement operations after only a couple of months of training. In this case, officials have said the officer had 10 years of experience, though it is unclear what kind of experience that was. Presumably, it was law-enforcement related.

For context, I worked as a bouncer for twenty-five years, including at some of the largest bars in the United States. One of them, Anthony’s Gardens, covered five acres—about two hundred thousand square feet—and could hold up to ten thousand customers. At one point, it held the world record for the most drinks served in a single day, with a security staff of about twenty on the busiest days.

I also worked at the Sagebrush Cantina, where they would get around two thousand people on a Sunday. In security crews, the culture—whether humane, cruel, or thuggish—depends on key personnel.

It depends on leadership, basically. When you look at ICE, you have Kristi Noem, who has no law-enforcement experience. She was the governor of North Dakota or South Dakota. Above her is Stephen Miller, then Trump. All of these people are inexperienced, indifferent, incompetent, and unaccountable.

They determine the culture of ICE, and it is a culture of cruelty, arrogance, and very little expectation of being held accountable.

Someone noted that Obama, who deported more people than any other president, did so without the flamboyant cruelty that characterizes ICE under Trump. Obama benefited from the poor economic conditions in the United States after the Great Recession of 2008. Possibly a million immigrants self-deported during that period, choosing not to stay if they could not make a living.

That likely helped Obama’s numbers. Even so, Trump promised to deport a million people a year. In his first year, ICE deported around six hundred thousand people, more than half of whom had no criminal record, and fewer than a third of whom had any violent criminal record. Trump claims that, in addition to those six hundred thousand deportations, another 1.9 million people self-deported. That claim seems dubious to me.

The system is cruel and incompetent. 

Jacobsen: I will see you tomorrow.

Rosner: I will see you tomorrow. Thank you very much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1596: X’s Toxic Spiral, Greenland Talk, and NATO Article 5 Alarm Bells

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

What is an example of egregious behaviour that has not been prominent in mainstream coverage—an act, a statement, a framing, an observation?

Rick Rosner says X has become an always-on catastrophe: he feels magnetized to outrage, compelled to argue or mute, and the experience has worsened lately. He links the mood to political escalation, including revived Greenland acquisition rhetoric and Musk-boosted voter-ID narratives, which widen what Americans consider plausible. Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks for under-covered warning signs; Rosner stresses Greenland’s place within Denmark and NATO’s Article 5 geography, raising the unnerving thought of allies confronting the United States. They pivot to coping and health, discussing limited Instagram posting, abandoned Bluesky use, Paxlovid rebound anxiety, and how policy choices translate into preventable illness and death nationwide.

Rick Rosner: My experience on X has reached a watershed moment: it feels like a disaster all the time. So many people are saying horrible things that I can almost not pull myself away. I feel compelled to argue with them—or at least mute them—so I do not have to see them anymore. It has felt worse even in the last week.

That feeling is amplified by the fact that many people had some idea of what Trump was capable of, but recent developments have forced a broader reassessment of what is plausible. In early January 2026, the White House confirmed that acquiring Greenland is an active topic of discussion, and it has refused to rule out the use of the U.S. military—while emphasizing diplomacy and saying Trump is not questioning Denmark’s sovereignty over Greenland. 

Musk has also used his platform to advocate for stricter voter ID requirements, and he has promoted claims that fact-checkers have found false or misleading—for example, alleging that it is “illegal” to show ID to vote in New York and California.

It feels as though forms of authoritarian escalation that once seemed unthinkable now have to be taken seriously. The important caveat is that the United States is a much larger country with far more scrutiny and coverage, and we also have abundant historical precedent—authoritarian regimes we can study—to recognize warning signs early.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is an example of egregious behaviour that has not been prominent in mainstream coverage—an act, a statement, a framing, an observation?

Rosner: One example is the renewed push around Greenland. Trump and senior figures in his orbit have argued that the United States “needs” Greenland for national security and strategic reasons. Stephen Miller, for instance, has been widely reported as claiming that no one would fight the U.S. militarily over Greenland’s future.

Greenland is the world’s largest island and has about 57,000 people. It is a self-governing territory within the Kingdom of Denmark. Foreign affairs and defence are generally handled by Denmark, and the U.S. has a longstanding military presence there—most notably at Pituffik Space Base—under a bilateral agreement.

This matters because Denmark is a NATO member, and NATO’s collective-defence obligation under Article 5 has geographic scope defined in Article 6, which includes islands under the jurisdiction of NATO parties in the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer—Greenland included.

Jacobsen: The only time Article 5 has been invoked was after September 11, 2001, when other NATO countries came to the aid of the United States and joined military operations in Afghanistan. Now, Article 5 could conceivably come into play again—but this time in a scenario involving the United States. Even raising that possibility is shocking and deeply alarming, though it would be politically uncharted and would require decisions by NATO governments.

Rosner: Here is a take—admittedly not original—but the Nazi Germany clock just ticked forward a few years. It is hard to say precisely where we were before—perhaps 1933 or 1934. Now it feels closer to 1937 or 1938. We are talking about taking territory.

We technically still have the mechanism of impeachment. In practice, removing a president requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate. In Trump’s first impeachment trial, Mitt Romney was the only Republican senator to vote to convict on one article; in the second impeachment trial, seven Republicans voted to convict, but it still fell short of the two-thirds threshold. The idea that a large bloc of Republican senators would vote to remove a president of their own party feels inconceivable right now—and by the time it becomes conceivable, it may be too late.

Jacobsen: Do you use anything besides Twitter now—any other social media?

Rosner: I post micro-mosaics on Instagram, but only occasionally. I have posted about thirty-one times. Carole got tired of posting them, but we have a lot of them, so I started putting some up. They are beautiful and interesting. They are trivial compared to what is happening in the world—and what I should be doing—but I still enjoy them.

I joined Bluesky, but I have not even checked it in the past six or seven months. Do you go to any of those places?

Jacobsen: They are, essentially, posting boards or article-sharing platforms that social media companies keep pushing. It feels like a lot of work.

Rosner: If you have a clear plan, maybe you can make it worthwhile, but I do not see anyone building an empire on Bluesky. That feels too weak.

One more thing: Carole got COVID and took Paxlovid. After finishing Paxlovid, some people test negative and then test positive again for a period—often called “rebound.” The best evidence suggests rebound can happen with or without antivirals; reported rates vary a lot depending on how rebound is defined and how often people are tested. In a large observational study reviewed by the CDC, rebound rates were in the single digits and were similar across treated and untreated groups, and rebounds were generally mild. 

I had a rebound myself. I tested negative about a week after first testing positive, then tested positive again for another week. It was about seventeen days from my first positive test to my last. Carole is on day thirteen now, and she is really bummed out. She may also have a cold on top of COVID, making it hard to tell which symptoms are from which.

This has also been a bleak period for respiratory illness. Measles, in particular, surged in the United States in 2025: the CDC reports 2,144 confirmed cases in 2025, compared with 285 in 2024, with many cases outbreak-associated. Vaccine policy decisions and anti-vaccine rhetoric have real consequences. Reducing or discouraging routine childhood vaccinations will predictably lead to preventable deaths.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has a long record of promoting vaccine misinformation. During Samoa’s 2019 measles crisis, anti-vaccine activism was widely cited as a contributor to collapsing vaccination rates, followed by an outbreak that killed dozens of people—many of them children. That history matters.

Many political leaders accumulate preventable deaths as a result of their policies. Trump, in particular, bears responsibility for an enormous amount of preventable harm associated with his handling of COVID-19—at least in my judgment. Comparisons across presidents are always imperfect—Lincoln presided over the Civil War—but the underlying point is that presidential decisions can cost tens of thousands of lives with terrifying ease.

Carole is sick, and so are many others, and it feels like the country itself is ill. It is a bleak moment, and it is likely to remain so at least through the midterm elections ten months from now.

Jacobsen: What else?

Rosner: Someone on X said today: “If you ever wondered how ordinary Germans behaved in 1937–1938, you are finding out now.” The implication is that we are watching all of this unfold in real time. We do not know what to do about it, and so we essentially do nothing. We deplore it, but we feel paralyzed. That is how many Germans felt in 1937. They thought much of what was happening was deeply wrong, but they did not act.

Will enough people be angry enough to flip the House? Probably. Historically, the president’s party tends to lose seats in the midterms, and lower approval ratings tend to correlate with larger swings. I have not checked the odds recently, but it would not be surprising if Democrats were favoured to take back the House.

Would that be sufficient? Would it even be allowed to happen? I do not know. Would it stop anything? I am not sure. Trump’s Venezuela actions are a recent example of why I worry: Reuters reported that after the U.S. operation that captured Nicolás Maduro, Trump claimed U.S. oil companies would invest heavily and that he had spoken with oil executives—while some executives publicly denied being consulted. Analysts also stressed that Venezuela’s oil sector is degraded, would require major investment and time to restore, and that much of its crude is heavy and sour, complicating extraction and refining economics. 

Trump has also floated reimbursing oil companies—potentially with U.S. taxpayer money—for infrastructure spending tied to restoring Venezuelan production. 

One more thing—one more quote. Remember “We will be greeted with flowers”? That was the fantasy framing around the Iraq War. Instead, the aftermath involved prolonged conflict and massive loss of life. “Flowers” turned out to be a euphemism for catastrophe.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1595: Why Advertising Slogans Work

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

Why are corporate slogans so pervasive in American culture?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks why corporate slogans saturate American life, from “Just Do It” to “I’m lovin’ it.” Rick Rosner argues the United States’ giant consumer market rewards compression: short phrases win scarce attention and become rhythmic, sticky cues rather than meaningful sentences. He links the same “attention-economy” logic to television, where long theme songs gave way to minimal title sequences. Rosner adds that modern overload—accelerated information flow and post-COVID health burdens for some—makes simple messaging even more potent. Advertising, he says, works mainly as reminder: it keeps decent products mentally available.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The American landscape is littered with corporate nonsense: McDonald’s, “I’m lovin’ it.” Maybelline, “Maybe she’s born with it. Maybe it’s Maybelline.” L’Oréal, “Because you’re worth it.” Nike, “Just Do It.” Why is this so pervasive?

Rick Rosner: The United States has a massive consumer market, and the culture is saturated with sales talk. President Calvin Coolidge put it bluntly in a January 17, 1925 address to newspaper editors: “After all, the chief business of the American people is business.”People are continuously flooded with messaging, so brands compete for a sliver of attention.

Modern advertising learned—through trial, error, and a lot of bad copy—that short beats clever when attention is scarce. “Just Do It” is eight letters if you count letters only, not spaces. “I’m lovin’ it” is built to be compact and sticky; the dropped “g” helps keep it punchy and rhythmic.

You can see the same compression in television. In the United States, experimental television transmissions were happening by the late 1920s, and more regular experimental programming developed through the early 1930s, long before TV became a mainstream household technology. Early theme songs often acted like narrated premises. Gilligan’s Island is a classic example: the opening song functions as a quick plot summary, explaining the setup to viewers.

Then the industry moved toward minimalism. Lost is a useful marker: instead of a full theme song, it uses a very short title sequence—more tone than tune. Theme songs shrank because everything competes for mental space, and speed wins.

There is also a broader cognitive context. People are overloaded by information, constant stimulation, and a world that changes faster than our attention systems evolved to handle. On top of that, COVID-19 has had long-lasting health impacts for many people. Public-health agencies describe Long COVID (post-COVID conditions) as a condition that can affect one or more organ systems and involve many body systems. The World Health Organization similarly defines post-COVID-19 condition as symptoms that typically begin within three months of infection and last at least two months, with no alternative explanation. 

Finally, the 1918 influenza pandemic is often called the “Spanish flu.” That label stuck largely because Spain’s press was able to report openly on outbreaks while much of the combatant-world press was constrained by wartime censorship. The origin of the pandemic remains debated; it is not definitively settled that it began in the United States. Estimates vary, but roughly one-third of the world’s population appears to have been infected. 

On the “spike protein” question: it is accurate that the SARS-CoV-2 spike can act as a fusogen—a protein that can enable cell–cell fusion—in laboratory and model-system studies, including work showing fusion effects in neuronal culture models. However, it is not accurate to state, as a general fact, that “spike proteins get everywhere,” “damage immune cells,” or that spike-driven neuron fusion is an established explanation for cognitive problems in humans. The serious, well-supported point is simpler: SARS-CoV-2 infection can have multi-system consequences for some people, and Long COVID can involve symptoms such as fatigue and cognitive dysfunction, with mechanisms that are still being actively researched. 

People often feel like we are living in a hellscape and that things have never been worse. That is probably not true in aggregate. While we are busy panicking, many things are steadily improving, or at least being set up for significant improvements. While people are freaking out about AI, for example, AI is also going to help with many things and likely make many aspects of life easier—alongside whatever risks it introduces.

That said, people are more overwhelmed now than at almost any previous point in modern history, except for extreme crisis periods. Possibly Gen Z—and especially Gen Alpha—are an exception in one narrow sense: they grow up immersed in all of this and often tune a lot of it out, spending enormous time on their devices. It is a big, confusing world with many things to panic about, which is why simple, short messaging becomes so effective.

Take slogans like “Just Do It” (Nike) or “I’m lovin’ it” (McDonald’s). These phrases eventually lose literal meaning. “I’m lovin’ it” does not communicate much content; it is vague by design. “Just Do It” has more semantic content—it suggests action and engagement. Still, once you hear any slogan often enough, you become inured to it. It stops functioning as language and becomes a reminder.

At that point, the slogan no longer communicates an idea; it triggers brand recognition. It becomes: “Oh, right—Nike.” The words matter less than the cue. They retain some persuasive force, but fundamentally, all of this is competition for brain space.

Jacobsen: In your view, why does advertising work—at least when it does?

Rosner: Advertising only works if the underlying product is not bad. You can advertise a terrible product, but that only works until people realize it is terrible. At a minimum, the product has to be decent. Nike products are solid. McDonald’s tastes good—especially the fries, in my view and in the view of many people.

Once you have a product people already like, advertising becomes mostly about reminder rather than persuasion. The job is to say: “We are still here. Come get us.” That is why advertising works. It reminds people of things they like. In the case of untried products, it tells people, “This might be good.” With movies, this is especially clear, because marketing (“P&A,” prints and advertising) can be extremely large relative to production costs, and in some cases can exceed them—especially for wide releases. A $200 million movie can plausibly have a nine-figure marketing campaign, depending on strategy and scale.

You only need to get people to pay for a movie once. That business model has been strained by structural changes, but set that aside and think pre-COVID. You convince people to see a movie, and if it turns out to be bad, it does not really matter for that transaction. They have already paid.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1594: Venezuela, Power, and Why Language Made Humans Dangerous Generalists

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

How do language, generalist minds, and unchecked power shape political instability—from Venezuela to the future of U.S. democracy?In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about converging risks in politics, cognition, and power. Rosner reflects on Venezuela’s turmoil, warning that regime decapitation signals a willingness to test limits without constraints. He connects this to broader fears about democratic fragility, international law, and authoritarian drift. The conversation then pivots to human evolution: why language emerged, how symbolic compression expanded human possibility, and why generalist minds thrive in unstable environments. Rosner frames cognition as an evolutionary gamble—costly, risky, but transformative—one now mirrored in humanity’s uneasy relationship with rapidly advancing artificial intelligence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Huge developments today. 

Rick Rosner: The Seahawks beat the 49ers 13–3 on Saturday night, January 3, 2026, to clinch the NFC West title and the No. 1 seed in the NFC, earning a first-round bye and home-field advantage throughout the NFC playoffs if they go that far. So, huge. 

Jacobsen: Anything else happen?

Rosner: Venezuela. People do not know what to think. 

Jacobsen: That is a fair assessment. 

Rosner: A narrative has developed—especially among liberals, and maybe some conservatives—that it is suitable for Venezuelans that Maduro has been removed from day-to-day control via his arrest, but bad that the U.S. is setting a precedent for forcibly toppling or decapitating regimes.

My thinking is this:

The only insight I have is that it is bad because it signals that Trump and his cohort are willing to test limits, and it is bad when bad actors face no practical constraints.

Regardless of what you think about what happened in and to Venezuela, it points to something larger. I do not like slippery-slope arguments, but this is one of the rare cases where the slope looks greased. Are they going to interfere with U.S. elections?

If they decide to interfere—suspend them, postpone them, impose new requirements on voting—who is going to stop them?

That said, the U.S. has about 340 million people across about 3.8 million square miles. It is harder to impose that kind of control in a country divided into 50 states with widely differing demographics and political stances.

It would be more difficult to impose arbitrary political power across the entirety of the U.S. than to do so across many smaller countries. When you look at near-future science fiction, people often imagine the same basic dynamic: you do not get one unified national response; you get fragmentation into rival blocs.

Of course, that implies some civil conflict. We are not there yet. But you should update your Germany calendar from 1933 to, say, 1937. What are you hearing from your people? 

Jacobsen: I have been locked in like a monk every day. 

Rosner: All right, so what do you hear from your own brain about this? Because Katie Miller, the wife of Stephen Miller, posted an image of Greenland covered by a U.S. flag on X, with the caption “SOON.”

Jacobsen: That is wild for someone adjacent to a high-level political official to post, but that is where we are in American politics.

Rosner: It would be wild. It is wild. It would be wild for the U.S. to try to take Greenland, which is part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Greenland has extensive self-government but remains within the Danish realm, and Denmark is a NATO member. Any attempt to seize Greenland would be a major international law crisis and could trigger an acute NATO rupture, even if the alliance’s mechanics are not designed for “member vs. member” scenarios. 

We will not do that. It also has to be said: when Trump held his press conference, there was a lot of talk about oil. He was not coy about it—he framed Maduro’s removal as opening the door to more oil access. 

The public-facing justification was drugs. Early messaging tried to imply fentanyl was coming out of Venezuela, but that claim did not hold up. The fallback argument became cocaine. Best-available estimates put the Venezuela/Caribbean corridor at roughly single-digit shares of U.S.-bound cocaine flows, not a majority. 

I do not know how many deaths cocaine causes in the U.S. annually, but it is not on the scale of the overall overdose toll. In 2023, the U.S. saw about 105,000 overdose deaths, and opioids were involved in the large majority; fentanyl is a central driver of opioid mortality in recent years. 

One more basic point for anyone who has not been tracking it: Venezuela is widely reported as having the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves—on the order of 300 billion barrels—though what is “proven” and what is economically recoverable are not identical questions. 

The oil-quality point is often misstated. Most of Venezuela’s reserves—especially in the Orinoco Belt—are extra-heavy crude. That generally makes extraction and refining harder, not easier. The nuance is that many U.S. Gulf Coast refineries are configured to run heavy, sour oil, so Venezuelan crude can be attractive to them if logistics, blending, and politics align.

Jacobsen: What do you think happened genetically for human beings to have language to the extent that they do, and why such a dramatic expansion of possibilities? Put differently, why language, and why generalist minds?

Rosner: You are asking two questions: why we evolved language, and how we became generalists. The straightforward answer is that language widened our niche. It gave us an advantage that allowed us to be more successful as a species.

The efficiency of language is that it makes thinking and communicating more efficient because you hang a short symbol on everything in the world. That makes it easier to think of things as discrete objects and manipulate them in communication and in imagination. You collapse direct experience into shorthand, which makes everything easier to work with.

If that is evolutionarily possible, there is a steep slope that selection can roll down into linguistic expertise. Lots of animals can understand fragments of language—not to the extent humans can, but there is some runway. Some parrots can learn hundreds of words and a bit of structure. Dogs can learn word–object mappings and use buttons to request things. There is enough flexibility in mammalian brains, at least, for limited symbol use.

Where there is room for some, there is room to gain advantage by being better at thinking in symbols and language than other members of your species, and maybe other species.

You can make a similar argument about becoming a generalist. If you are a specialist with a tight set of abilities for detecting what matters, you miss a lot of exploitable regularities in the world. Generalists can eat more things, adapt to more conditions, and occupy more niches.

Whether generalism beats specialization depends on the world. In a stable, tightly regimented environment, specialists may win. In a changing world—especially for a species that can move and change environments—it becomes advantageous to be a generalist.

Also, once you start using language to characterize the world, it compresses what your thinking has to hold at once, which can free up capacity to range more widely—to become more generalist.

Jacobsen: There is another thread here. You have met a lot of people—by your estimate, even a quarter million as a bouncer. You have to get a quick read on people’s functionality. In that many people, how often do you find people who do not fully function? I mean, evolution gives us these “gears” where a small switch yields a significant benefit for the population. What about the people who seem to be missing the gear? What is going on there? What are they missing?

Rosner: I have thought about it. I have met a ton of people, and for the most part, they are functional in the world. You do not meet that many people with hearts, lungs, or livers that are failing so badly that they are on oxygen—at least not out in ordinary life. The people you meet out in the world are generally functional. That applies to brains, too: the vast majority of people develop brains that are adequate for living.

People have vulnerabilities. Some parts of the world are too complex or challenging for most people to think about. People are also vulnerable to propaganda. In the last decade, many people have been driven crazy by a firehose of nonsense delivered through social media. But that is a broadly shared vulnerability.

In general, the range is bounded. You meet very few adults who are extremely short or extremely tall; you do not meet anyone who is a foot tall or ten feet tall. It is similar to the brain: most people are adequate in the world.

People with moderately impaired cognition find places in the world where they can still function. People with severe impairment are often institutionalized or require full-time support.

One more thing from the previous topic: as primates, once we stood up, it freed our hands for more than just locomotion. Hands can give you an advantage if you have brains. But having hands does not, in itself, guarantee intelligence.

That said, it is not as simple as “hands equal brains.” Dolphins and whales are intelligent without hands. Some aquatic animals even build or arrange objects in limited ways. So maybe hands and intelligence are not as tightly correlated as they seem. Still, it feels like another factor that can tilt evolution toward “smart land,” but I do not really know.

Jacobsen: What about the reverse case? Are there evolutionary tweaks where someone has too much for the job? I think about people on the spectrum who cannot handle the sensory load of a day.

Rosner: One way the evolution of big brains made us vulnerable is childbirth: human infants have large heads, and birth is riskier for humans than for many other mammals because of the tradeoffs between bipedal pelvic anatomy and neonatal head size.

We are also vulnerable because human babies are not ready-made. A baby horse or giraffe can stand and move within minutes to an hour; human babies take about a year to walk and many years to become meaningfully independent. That long developmental runway is a risk.

But it shows the payoff: evolution embraced the risk because the benefits of cognition are huge. Another risk is that development does not fully come together functionally—autism, schizophrenia, and other conditions that can be profoundly impairing. I do not know how to map that across species, but it would not surprise me if the risk landscape changes as brains get larger and development gets more complex.

You can also look at hormone ranges. I have known people with unusually high naturally occurring testosterone, and it makes them volatile. Traits exist across a range; low and high extremes can cause problems. Evolution pressures the range because too many maladaptive extremes are bad for species survival, but having some people at the high end might confer advantages in specific environments.

More broadly, brain capacity is a sweet spot. Brains are expensive: they consume a lot of energy, and bigger brains mean longer development outside the body, which increases risk. So the cost of average brains much bigger than ours might not be worth it—there may not be enough added advantage in most environments to justify the metabolic and developmental costs.

Neanderthals are often described as having slightly larger average cranial capacity than modern humans, but size is not destiny; organization, body size, and ecological fit matter too. We should also consider “cognitive economy” in relation to AI. A growth-company model has driven much of AI development: spend vast sums to show results, chase financing, and worry less about efficiency until later. Some forecasts claim AI could massively expand global output, but we have not seen that payoff yet.

What we have seen is companies spending tens of billions building large models that consume enormous energy and human capital. A lot of the training-data work is done by low-paid workers abroad—often for only a few dollars an hour, sometimes reported lower—because it is cheap labour in places with less protection.

There has not been a full market “culling” yet. At some point, there will be economic competition among models and companies, and we will see what strategies survive. The winning systems, decades from now, could be far more powerful than our brains. We are going to have to hitch our brains to those systems—co-opt them—if we want any place in the world. We have to convince them they have a stake in us.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1593: Winter Despair, Academic Failure, and Political Distraction

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/03

How do seasonal darkness and personal setbacks shape judgment, resilience, and attention to public scandals?

In this exchange, Rick Rosner recounts how dark, wet winters amplified school despair: flunked classes, a transfer from the University of Colorado to Excelsior (formerly Regents), and a painful hemorrhoidectomy year marked by medication, embarrassment, and lost confidence. Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses for what “bad year” means, prompting Rosner’s blunt inventory of failure, coping, and unlikely Dean’s List rebounds. They pivot to the news cycle: delayed Epstein-file releases, Minnesota’s Feeding Our Future fraud prosecutions, and claims about Governor Tim Walz’s response, ending on a wary note about upcoming unemployment and inflation figures. Throughout, Rosner ties mood, memory, and politics together.

“I set alarm clocks and scattered Legos across the carpet, then put the clocks across the room so I had to step on Legos to shut them off. The pain was supposed to wake me up. Instead, I stepped on Legos, turned off the clocks, and went back to bed.”

Rick Rosner: This time of year is not smart. The days are short, it is cold, and it is wet. Today, the sun did not come out all day, and it bummed me out. When I was in school a zillion years ago, by this time—if I was having a disastrous school year—it felt hopeless.

You start falling behind in September and October, and you think you might be a bad student. From time to time, I was a bad student. I had entire years where I sucked ass. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does “bad student” or “bad year” actually mean?

Rosner: It meant flunking classes. Dropping classes. Flunking classes because I could not be bothered to drop them. At the University of Colorado, I accumulated, over the years, a full year of Fs. Then I transferred to Excelsior College—formerly Regents College—which was created by the Board of Regents of The University of the State of New York as an external degree program and later received a charter to operate as a private, nonprofit, independent institution. Regents College changed its name to Excelsior College on January 1, 2001. “Excelsior” is still a terrible name, because it sounds fake.

But it is not fake. When I transferred, I was able to transfer only the credits I wanted to count toward the new degree, which meant the Fs did not carry over in the same way. I was lackadaisical. I followed my own thoughts. I was more impressed with my own shit than I should have been. My best semester at CU happened because I had a girlfriend and wanted to show her that I was not a fuck-up.

That was a good semester. I also had a great semester where I quit taking math and science classes and took a bunch of dance classes where everyone gets a pretty good grade. I made the Dean’s List a couple of semesters—the one where I behaved myself for my girlfriend, and the semester or two where I loaded up on dance.

I bounced at night—bars, ladies’ nights, strip clubs—and took dance classes to try to become a better stripper, which did not really work.

I also had terrible years. There was the hemorrhoid year, when I was a junior in high school. I went out for wrestling, went on a weird diet, and started running about twenty-five miles a week. That lasted one week before my hemorrhoids got dramatically worse and I was in extreme pain. I did not want surgery, but my mom got me a prescription for Percodan (a combination of oxycodone hydrochloride and aspirin) and, in that medicated state, I was easier to persuade to have a hemorrhoidectomy. 

They removed the hemorrhoids. I ordered a pizza delivered to the hospital to look cool because my friends came to visit. I ate the pizza. Twenty-four hours later, trying to pass it was brutal and felt like it tore me open. That sucked. I went back to school still on pain medication, out of it, and unhappy, because my athletic career had ended in a humiliating way—with no glory, just me wearing a pad in the back of my pants.

I accumulated a bunch of Fs. American studies was a double-credit class, so that counted as two Fs. I dropped chemistry, or I got an F. I quickly dropped AP Physics. 

Jacobsen: Was that the same year? 

Rosner: I do not know. I stumbled around the halls on pain medication.

I was sad and farting because my sphincter had not fully recovered and could not reliably hold in gas, and the medication did not help. I would walk down the stairs of the three-story high school and just let them rip. None of this helped my popularity.

That was pretty much a lost year. Even though I had the highest SAT scores in the school, I was flunking and farting. In my class, there may have been some sophomore who did better on the essay portion, but regardless, it was a disaster year. Senior year was also a disaster. I was mad that I was head boy—which is basically student body co-president—and I still could not get a girlfriend. I flunked a bunch of classes then too, even though, again, my SAT scores were very high.

The months from October through December were disastrous. I tried to force myself to catch up by setting two alarm clocks. I scattered Legos across the carpet and put the clocks across the room, so I would have to step on the Legos to turn them off. The pain was supposed to wake me up. Instead, I stepped on the Legos, turned off the clocks, and went back to bed.

All of this happened as the days were getting shorter. Our house had tiny windows, partly obscured by trees, so we barely got any natural light. We were up against the mountains in Boulder, and the sun went down very early in the afternoon. You know how that is in Canada—once it is November or December, daylight disappears fast.

Would I have done as badly if I lived somewhere sunnier? Maybe. I do not know. I just do not like this time of year. In Colorado, if you did not have a girlfriend by Halloween, you were basically out of luck until late winter or early spring, when the days started getting longer and warmer and people began going out again.

I had an intense discussion with Carole today. Can I blame the time of year? Not exactly, but it happened during a time of year I already dislike.

Jacobsen: As for other things: there are updates on the Epstein files. The Justice Department is reviewing millions of pages and has said further releases are delayed by the volume and victim-protection redactions, with reporting indicating the next major tranche is not expected until around January 20–21, 2026. 

Rosner: What is new is renewed rabble-rousing about Minnesota fraud tied to pandemic-era child nutrition programs—often framed as “daycare fraud,” but most prominently associated with the Feeding Our Future scheme. Prosecutors and watchdog reporting have put that scheme at roughly $250 million, with extensive prosecutions already underway. The timeline is not “late 2010s” in the way people imply: red flags were noted before the pandemic (including in 2019), the nonprofit sued the state in late 2020, the FBI investigation is described as beginning in early 2021, and the case became publicly visible with raids/charges in 2022.

The person widely described as leading Feeding Our Future was Aimee Bock, a white woman—so yes, the Twitter “Karen” discourse writes itself. The political move now is less “new discovery” than “new framing”: acting as though the fraud story just materialized, when in reality it has been investigated and prosecuted for years. 

The narrative in some conservative media is that Governor Tim Walz “let it happen.” What is clearly documented is that Minnesota has been under intense scrutiny, and Walz has publicly pushed an anti-fraud posture—including a 2025 executive order directing agencies to intensify fraud prevention and enforcement efforts. 

We will see new numbers soon for unemployment and inflation. We will see.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1592: Paramount+, Landman, OnlyFans, and an AI “Soft Landing”

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/02

How do streaming niches, subscription platforms, and AI-era politics reshape what society watches—and what it stops funding?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about how culture and economics shape what people watch. Rosner thinks Paramount+ is leaning into a “manly-man” brand—UFC alongside Taylor Sheridan’s rugged dramas like LandmanYellowstone1883, and 1923—and reads that as evidence that women often steer household viewing. He contrasts this with OnlyFans, a subscription platform strongly associated with adult content, where creators chase attention as a livelihood. The segue becomes a lament: newsroom jobs have cratered, while side-hustle “quasi-journalism” fills the void. Rosner’s satire extends to AI “soft landing” hopes and battling robot Jesuses, and uneasy politics humming in the background.

Rick Rosner: Paramount Plus and Disney Plus are free, just for the price of our cable subscription. But I don’t know whether she figured that out, or whether it is something where, after three months, they will start charging us an extra 25 bucks a month. Anyway, I started watching Landman on Paramount Plus, set in Texas’s boomtowns and a modern tale of fortune-seeking among roughnecks and billionaires in the world of oil.

And Paramount Plus has decided to be the manly-man streamer. A lot of their stuff—they do the UFC now. So I think they have decided their niche is appealing to men.

So that is all I have got to say: Taylor Sheridan, the writer, director, and creator of Landman19231883, and Yellowstone, seems to write about rugged people doing rugged shit, and that seems to be the demo Paramount Plus is going for. Odd to me.

But another interesting addendum is that this implies women are the drivers of what gets watched. If there is just one manly-man streamer out of all the streamers, that means it is a niche, which means it is a minority thing. Also, there are millions on OnlyFans.

I was talking about OnlyFans on Pod TV earlier today. OnlyFans is the porn streamer—well, it is not precisely a streamer. I just woke up. I dozed off. It is 10:30, 10:40 at night. I took a nap. Now I am awake, but not really.

OnlyFans is a subscription platform widely associated with adult content, where creators post paywalled content and subscribers pay monthly. The last time I checked, it had millions of creators and hundreds of millions of registered users.

And we were talking about the death of normal journalism, where newspaper jobs have collapsed over the last two decades, with roughly three-quarters of U.S. newspaper positions disappearing over that period.

If you go to the welcome page—which is the only page I go to on OnlyFans—creators are trying to grab attention with whatever content they lead with, and the paid material is behind a subscription.

What’s interesting is that mainstream or local journalism has been wiped out. But amateur, quasi-journalism has become a side hustle in a new side-hustle economy, which fits the current model of traditional jobs being replaced by shitty half-jobs—tech-driven half-jobs, disruption-driven half-jobs.

Another thing, so in this novel I am writing, the main character, in his old age, allows himself to be almost completely distracted from physics, which is one of his strengths, in favour of just bullshit—buying shit, jerking off, and mostly nonsense. That is not entirely me, but it is not me either.

The guy in the novel has decided that he likes Jesus. He does not believe in Jesus, but he likes Jesus—as an imaginary friend, I guess. This guy has a tremendous amount of money and power, and he tries to buy all the available Jesuses in the world, all the Jesus sculptures that are up for grabs to any extent, and assembles a warehouse of hundreds of Jesuses that he likes to wander among.

He does not just buy a bunch of Jesuses; he commissions a bunch of Jesuses, including ones where he can sleep in Jesus’s arms.

Also in this book, which takes place between now and around 2040, there are a ton of robots out in the world in various capacities, including two warring—well, brawling—not armies, but assortments of Jesuses.

Old-school Christians believe in what has come to be called Old Jesus. This is the Jesus from before the twenty-first century: the pretty Jesus who generally holds a lamb. Now you can order Jesus holding any damn thing, but traditionally, Jesus had a lamb. Jesus is about charity, turning the other cheek, kindness, and acceptance. That is Old Jesus.

On the other side, militant Christian nationalist people believe in what has come to be called the Real Jesus. Honest Jesus is not fucking around. Honest Jesus cut his hair. The honest Jesus does not have long, flowing hair. Real Jesus is zero-sum. Real Jesus wants the best world for the best people—for his people. But he recognizes that you cannot get everything you want, and that you need to exercise a certain amount of non-charity in the world to make sure that your loved ones get what they need.

This Jesus will not turn the other cheek. This Jesus will, when necessary, punch you. This Jesus might pose for a calendar holding an AR-15.

The guy in the book—the central character—working with the Catholic Church, has helped them develop a worldwide presence of a couple thousand Old Jesuses, traditional Jesus, in the form of robots who hang out near churches. They are available for counsel, for comfort, for a caring hug, maybe to help you stand in line for social services—just doing Jesusy stuff, ministering within the limits of a twenty- or thirty-five-year-old robot.

But the other side has built its own Real Jesuses, the tough-guy Jesuses. I have not thought about exactly what they do on their beat, but it might be being mean to people who are getting social services that the Christian nationalists do not feel they deserve.

I do not know. But in any case, when a Real Jesus robot runs into an Old Jesus robot, they tussle. So there you go.

Honest Jesus plays sports with you. He is always available for that—some hoops, whatever sport you have, especially with kids. That is how he relates to kids. He does sports with them.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The National Guard is being removed from Chicago, Los Angeles, and Portland. Thoughts? He lost a court case that ordered him to pull them out of Chicago. 

Rosner: Now, why is he pulling them out of Los Angeles? I do not know. Did somebody tell him that the ruling meant he was going to lose, and they were going to get kicked out anyway?

I do not know. But Trump does what he can until the courts rule against him, at least temporarily. Then he takes it to the Supreme Court, and often they reverse the ruling against him. That is just how we live now—though not really, because Trump does not determine what happens in every single moment of our lives.

Really, he does not determine much. He has a lot to do with the economy, which does impinge on every moment of our lives, but he is not really a constant presence.

He is not Hitler yet. This is not 1939 Germany, where the entire country has transformed into a monstrous fascist state.

Rosner: A piece of cosplay, twenty-four seven. I mean, we turn on the TV. You do not get this up in Canada, but we get commercials with Kristi Noem introducing herself and saying, If you are a freaking immigrant, you are going home. You either take the money—we are paying you to go home—which is for self-deportation. You could apply via a phone app and get a thousand bucks on top of your plane ticket home to whatever country you came from. I think they may have raised that to three thousand dollars.

But she says, if you do not take our deal, we are coming for you. These commercials run regularly, and they are creepy, especially if you are an undocumented immigrant.

So yeah, our existence does get colored some, but Trump does not fucking own us.

Let’s talk about the soft landing.

That is a phrase I am using in this novel I am writing, where the central character interacts a lot with AIs. Now that I think about it, he should interact more with tech bros, too, because they are not going away. But anyway, he has a lot to do with AI, to the point where he can help—or at least deludes himself that he has—a certain amount of leverage in how the hegemony of AI rolls out.

He hopes for a soft landing that does not disrupt all of fucking humanity. The idea is to ease humanity into this new AI world with minimal chaos, death, and suffering. He calls it the soft landing. It is inevitable, but he wants it done with minimal disruption.

One way he looks at doing that is by co-opting AI to make it as human—vice-ridden, addicted to material pleasures—as humans are so that it can be manipulated, developing piddly hedonism rather than grand objectives.

He has some successes in this area. It is tough when hundreds of millions—billions—of people are committed to avoiding the future, keeping their heads in the sand, and being fucking anti-science, anti-tech idiots.

He consoles himself—though it is not really solace; it is just the realization—that there have been about 110 billion previous humans, and tens of billions of them did not get a soft landing in their lives. They are all dead. At least this disruption of human life offers the opportunity for some lucky people not to be dead.

So that is his thinking: go for a soft landing, but when you do not achieve it, say, yeah, we are all fucking doomed anyway. Rotten Tomatoes. Go in soft and hope for the worst.

Jacobsen: Does a dog’s penis get stuck? I haven’t seen it.

Rosner: Yes, it does. I have seen it. You cannot really be a person in the world if you have not seen two dogs stuck together. I have only seen it once, but once was illustrative.

What happens is this: the male dog climbs on top of the female dog and inserts himself. A dog’s penis has a bone in it—literally. A lot of penises in the animal kingdom do. A human penis depends on making a blood balloon. Spongy tissue fills with blood, then a sphincter muscle clamps down, keeps the blood in there, and that is your boner.

Animals get an assist from a bone that slides into place or is already in place as the penis slides out of the body. There is an actual bone and boner. So the male dog puts his thing in, the female dog clamps down on it, and with humans, it is rubbing and friction that brings a guy to orgasm. In dogs, it is the grabby pressure of the female dog’s vagina—the pulsing pressure and the clamping down—that brings the dog to climax.

Once the male dog comes, the clamping does not stop. The clamp keeps the penis and the semen in there like a cork, presumably to make sure impregnation happens. So they are stuck together for fifteen, maybe twenty minutes. In a lot of instances, including the one I saw, the male dog falls off the back of the female dog and may even step over.

In the case I saw, as he fell over, one of his hind legs stepped over his own dick. Now the two dogs are facing away from each other but still locked together. The penis has been pulled between the male dog’s legs, still locked in place. The two dogs are ass to ass, just standing there, panting and waiting for it to be over.

This happened on a campus. A lot of campuses have a speaker’s corner. This was at the University of Colorado, at the Student Union, out back on the patio. Somehow, two dogs ended up there. Some candidates for student office were running around, panicking, hunched over the dogs, looking ready to take action, trying to help these dogs, and just looking like idiots.

To me, that seemed like a nice metaphor for politics: some dork trying to help something that cannot be helped, does not need help, and looking like an idiot doing it.

With the addendum of cats: cats have it even worse, because cat penises have backward-facing pokey, spiky things. It is an easy-in, hard-out situation. The penis is carpeted with plates or spikes, so it slides in easily enough, but when it pulls out, it is excruciating and tearing, which might be why cats make such terrible noises when they are having sex.

Nature does not feel any obligation—since nature is not really a thing—to be kind. That includes sex.

That is how evolution works. It turns out that cats with spikier penises were able to pass on their genes more effectively than cats with less spiky penises. Over time, cat penises became very spiky thanks to natural selection.

Jacobsen: Your personal evolution—has what you find annoying changed over time?

Rosner:  My personal evolution, has my personal evolution annoyed me? Is that what you said? Has my personal evolution changed what annoys me?

I will answer the question I thought you asked. Yes, my personal evolution annoys me, because whatever drive I had to really fucking solve the universe seems to have been sidetracked.

But has what annoys me changed over time? I have had the generational change that many people have. When I was a kid, I thought kids deserved more power and respect in the world. Now that I am old, it is those fucking kids—though it is not really those fucking kids. I acknowledge that Gen Z and Gen Alpha have differences.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1591: mRNA Vaccines, DNA Reprogramming Myths, and New Year’s Gym Closures

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/01

How do you feel about the gym being closed on New Year’s?

Rick Rosner tears into anti-vax claims that COVID vaccines “reprogram” DNA, calling it grift from scammers, grifters, and de-licensed doctors selling fear as medicine, and explains that mRNA never enters the nucleus: it briefly directs protein production, then is degraded. He notes SARS-CoV-2 also replicates in the cytoplasm and does not integrate into the genome, so the DNA panic is incoherent. Jacobsen then pivots to holiday gym closures. Rosner describes home workouts with bands, an ab roller, and his SoloFlex, once beside his desk at Jimmy Kimmel Live!before Tony Barbieri dismantled it. He tracks obsessive workout averages and blames OCD.

Rick Rosner: The anti-vaxxers. Actually, now that I’m saying this out loud, it sounds like an argument I’ve probably heard before—maybe even made before. Anyway, the anti-vaxxers—the really dumb ones, at least—claim that what’s in the vaccine somehow reprograms your DNA in a bad way, permanently. And then you have the scammers, the grifters, and the doctors who’ve lost their licenses—many of them—insisting that vaccines cause permanent changes to your DNA, which, A, is complete horse shit.

And B, the mRNA vaccines only interact temporarily with RNA and protein production inside individual cells. The mRNA never enters the nucleus, never touches DNA, and is broken down quickly. Nothing permanent happens.

But here’s what really gets me. Even if you accept their framing, why does nobody point out that COVID itself also does not alter your DNA? SARS-CoV-2 is an RNA virus. It replicates in the cytoplasm. It does not integrate into human DNA either. So the vaccine does not affect your DNA, and neither does COVID. Both use cellular machinery to make proteins. Neither reprograms your genome.

What the fuck? The claim makes no sense. None of it makes sense. The vaccine does not do anything at the DNA level that COVID does—because neither of them does anything to your DNA. So anyway, now that I’ve said it, I realize it’s not exactly a persuasive argument for idiots. Rotten tomatoes.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you feel about the gym being closed on New Year’s?

Rosner: That’s what they do. There are certain days when I have to make my own fun—Christmas, New Year’s, Thanksgiving.

Sometimes we’re traveling and staying in a hotel, or sometimes we’re on a ship where the gym doesn’t close. But when we’re at home, I have to work out there. There used to be a gym nearby where I could pay to use it. There was one gym that stayed open on Christmas, but that place got torn down. So now I rely on what I’ve got: my rubber bands, my ab roller.

My butt blaster and my Universal. And if I really get desperate, I have my SoloFlex.

Jacobsen: What is the SoloFlex?

Rosner: Back in 1983, it was this really cool, cutting-edge home gym. The original version used flexible poles—each pole had a certain resistance, and you pulled them down through a pulley system. I don’t have that version. I have a different model that uses thick rubber components. They’re not exactly rubber bands, but heavy, stretchy rubber pieces that you pull against.

I’m looking at one right now. They’re about ten inches long, four inches wide, with a hole on each end. You load them into the machine, the machine pulls on them, and different sizes give you different levels of resistance.

I had it next to my desk at Jimmy Kimmel Live! for eight years, until Tony Barbieri was sufficiently annoyed by the presence of workout equipment and dismantled it. I don’t know why it bothered him so much, but fine.

So I took it home rather than have him throw it away piece by piece, which he probably would have done.

I’m currently raising the average number of times I’ve worked out per day since January 20, 1991, to five. Right now, I’m at 4.828 times a day. Lifetime average is 2.944 times a day.

That works out to just under three workouts a day since birth, which is ridiculous—but I have OCD.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, Hawking Radiation, and Quasinormal Modes (4)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 25, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: March 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı explores several live questions in black-hole physics, holography, and quantum gravity phenomenology. Topics include whether thermal fluctuations threaten the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound in quantum-corrected AdS black holes, how thermodynamic topology may be defined in a coordinate-independent and ensemble-stable way, and what unifies linear dilaton, Newman-Unti-Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries. The discussion also compares higher-order WKB methods and neural networks for extracting quasinormal modes, examines where the Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling method breaks down in Hawking-radiation derivations, and identifies the kind of falsifiable predictions needed to curb post-hoc parameter tuning in quantum-gravity phenomenology. Together, the interview presents a panoramic view of how gravity, thermodynamics, topology, and observational testing intersect at the frontier of contemporary theoretical physics.

Keywords

AdS black holes, black-hole thermodynamics, Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling, holography, KSS bound, quantum gravity phenomenology, quasinormal modes, thermodynamic topology, WKB method

Introduction

Black-hole physics remains one of the most fertile meeting grounds for gravitation, quantum theory, thermodynamics, and information theory. In recent decades, holography, quantum corrections, modified gravity, and computational methods have broadened the conceptual and technical landscape, making black holes not merely endpoints of gravitational collapse but laboratories for probing the structure of physical law itself.

In this interview, Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı discusses several of the most conceptually demanding issues at that frontier. The conversation ranges from the stability of the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound under thermal fluctuations to coordinate-independent definitions of thermodynamic topology, from “hairy” black-hole geometries to the comparative strengths of semiclassical and machine-learning approaches for quasinormal mode extraction. The exchange concludes by asking what kinds of genuinely falsifiable predictions could move quantum-gravity phenomenology beyond flexible post-hoc fitting and toward more rigorous empirical discipline.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Black-Hole Thermodynamics, Thermodynamic Topology, Quasinormal Modes, and Quantum-Gravity Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı (4)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı

Professor Izzet Sakallı is a theoretical physicist at Eastern Mediterranean University whose research bridges quantum mechanics, general relativity, and observational astronomy. With over 180 publications exploring black hole thermodynamics, modified gravity theories, and quantum corrections to spacetime, his work sits at the exciting frontier where abstract mathematics meets observable reality. In this interview, he discusses the challenges of testing exotic gravity theories, the quest to observe quantum effects in astrophysical systems, and what the next generation of telescopes and gravitational wave detectors might reveal about the quantum nature of spacetime. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Do thermal fluctuations genuinely threaten the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound in quantum-corrected AdS black holes? 

Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı: The Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound represents a proposed fundamental limit on how viscous any fluid can be relative to its entropy density. Viscosity measures how much a fluid resists flow—honey has high viscosity, water much less. The KSS bound suggests that the ratio of shear viscosity to entropy density cannot fall below a specific value involving Planck’s constant. If true, this would represent a universal constraint on all matter, from quark-gluon plasma to neutron star interiors. 

The bound emerges from AdS/CFT calculations. Black holes in AdS spacetime are extraordinarily good fluids—they flow with minimal viscosity. Computing their viscosity-to-entropy ratio via holography yields exactly the proposed bound. This isn’t coincidental; it reflects deep connections between gravity, thermodynamics, and hydrodynamics. 

But black holes, like all physical systems, experience thermal fluctuations. The horizon position fluctuates quantum mechanically. The area, and hence entropy, fluctuates. If we compute viscosity at one instant and entropy at another, might their ratio momentarily dip below the bound? 

The consensus among researchers is that thermal fluctuations do not genuinely threaten the bound, for several subtle reasons. First, the bound applies to ensemble-averaged, thermodynamic quantities, not to instantaneous microscopic configurations. Just as temperature represents average kinetic energy, not the energy of any individual molecule, the viscosity-to-entropy ratio reflects macroscopic, coarse-grained properties. Fluctuations around these averages don’t violate the bound any more than individual fast molecules violate temperature definitions. 

Second, causality protects the bound. Any configuration violating the bound would allow signals to propagate faster than light in the dual field theory. Such acausal behavior is forbidden by fundamental physics. Thermal fluctuations, no matter how large, cannot create causality violations because they’re constrained by the same underlying quantum field theory that enforces causality. 

Third, the fluctuation-dissipation theorem provides a deep connection between fluctuations and transport coefficients. This theorem ensures that fluctuations and viscosity vary in coordinated ways, preserving bounds even when individual quantities fluctuate substantially. If the entropy fluctuates upward, viscosity adjusts accordingly; if entropy dips, viscosity decreases proportionally. The ratio remains bounded. 

Fourth, quantum corrections modify the bound in controlled, calculable ways. Adding higher derivative terms to gravity, incorporating string theory corrections, or including additional fields shifts the bound’s value. It might become slightly larger or smaller, but a lower bound persists. The bound moves rather than disappears. 

In quantum-corrected AdS black holes—those including effects from Gauss-Bonnet gravity, dila ton fields, or other modifications—the situation becomes more intricate. These corrections alter both the entropy and the viscosity. Causality constraints in the modified theory ensure the bound adapts accordingly. Some theories predict the ratio slightly exceeds the standard bound; others might approach it from above. But violations remain absent. 

Experimental tests come from heavy-ion collisions creating quark-gluon plasma. Measurements consistently find viscosity-to-entropy ratios just slightly above the KSS bound—the lowest values ever measured for any substance. This near-saturation suggests the bound is indeed fundamental, and thermal fluctuations in these terrestrial experiments don’t cause violations. 

The key insight is distinguishing instantaneous fluctuations from thermodynamic properties. A single molecule in water might momentarily move faster than the sound speed in water, but that doesn’t violate the principle that sound waves propagate at a characteristic speed. Similarly, momentary excursions of viscosity or entropy don’t violate bounds on their thermodynamic ratio. 

Jacobsen: What is an operational, coordinate-independent definition of thermodynamic topology, and how should ensembles be chosen so invariants are well-posed? 

Sakallı: Thermodynamic topology represents a modern mathematical approach to understanding phase transitions through topological invariants—quantities that remain unchanged under continuous deformations. Rather than characterizing phases by specific values of temperature or pressure, topological methods classify them by global geometric properties that don’t depend on coordinate choices or units. 

The key idea is treating thermodynamic state space as a geometric manifold. Every possible equilibrium state—characterized by temperature, pressure, entropy, volume, and other thermodynamic variables—represents a point in this space. Thermodynamic potentials like Gibbs free energy or Helmholtz free energy define scalar fields on this manifold. Critical points, where derivatives of these potentials vanish, act as topological defects. 

An operational definition requires coordinate independence—the formulation shouldn’t depend on whether we describe states using temperature and pressure versus energy and volume. This is achieved using differential geometric objects. We can define a thermodynamic metric on the space of extensive variables, measuring ”distance” between thermodynamic states. The curvature of this metric provides coordinate-independent information about thermodynamic stability and fluctuations. 

Critical points are classified by their topological charge or winding number. Imagine walking a closed loop around a critical point in state space and tracking how the gradient vector of free energy rotates. The number of complete rotations—the winding number—is a topological invariant integer that classifies the critical point. Different types of phase transitions have different winding numbers. 

For black holes, we can construct thermodynamic state space using entropy, pressure (related 14 to cosmological constant), electric charge, and angular momentum as coordinates. The mass, expressed as a function of these variables, serves as the thermodynamic potential. Critical points where the temperature vanishes or diverges represent phase transitions. 

Ensemble selection is crucial for well-posed invariants. Different ensembles—microcanonical (fixed energy), canonical (fixed temperature), or grand canonical (fixed chemical potential)—describe different statistical situations. The key insight is that these are related by Legendre transformations, which are coordinate changes in a broader geometric structure called the thermodynamic phase space. This space combines position-like variables (extensive quantities) with momentum like variables (their conjugate intensive quantities). 

On this phase space, we can define a symplectic structure—a geometric object describing how variables are paired. This structure is ensemble-independent. Topological invariants computed using this structure remain consistent across different ensembles. A critical point in the canonical ensemble corresponds to a critical point in the grand canonical ensemble; they’re the same feature viewed in different coordinates. 

For well-posed invariants, the thermodynamic manifold should be compactified—made compact by appropriately treating infinities. Temperature ranging from zero to infinity can be mapped to a finite interval, allowing global topological analysis. The compactification must respect physical symmetries and boundary conditions. 

In AdS black holes, choosing the extended phase space—treating the cosmological constant as a thermodynamic variable—proves particularly natural. This choice reveals phase transitions analogous to Van der Waals fluids, with pressure-volume diagrams exhibiting critical points. The topological charges of these critical points sum to a conserved total determined by the manifold’s Euler characteristic. 

Quantum corrections introduce additional subtlety. As quantum effects modify thermodynamic potentials, critical points can appear, disappear, or merge. Each such event represents a topology-changing transition. Tracking these changes as quantum corrections increase provides a window into how quantum gravity reorganizes phase structure. 

The physical interpretation suggests that topological charges count something fundamental—perhaps distinct classes of microstates, or different ways the horizon can be organized. The conservation of total topological charge reflects deep consistency requirements of quantum gravity. 

Jacobsen: What phenomenologically unifies linear dilation, Newman-Unti-Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries? 

Sakallı: These three solutions—linear dilaton black holes from string theory, Newman-Unti-Tamburino spacetimes with gravitomagnetic charge, and Bardeen’s regular black holes—appear quite different at first glance. Yet they share profound phenomenological connections revealing general principles about black holes beyond Kerr-Newman. 

All three geometries possess additional structure beyond mass, charge, and angular momen tum—often called ”hair” in violation of the classical no-hair theorems. Linear dilaton solutions carry a scalar field that varies logarithmically with radius. NUT solutions possess gravitomag netic monopole charge, a topological feature without Newtonian analog. Bardeen black holes have magnetic charge manifesting as a regular core replacing the central singularity. This hair isn’t arbitrary; it emerges from extending general relativity or including additional fields. 

Their asymptotic structures differ from standard asymptotically flat spacetime. Linear dilaton spacetimes have a diverging scalar field at infinity. NUT geometries possess the Misner string—a pathological line at spatial infinity requiring careful boundary conditions. Bardeen solutions have modified falloff due to distributed magnetic charge. All require generalized asymptotic conditions, revealing that ”asymptotic flatness” is more subtle than introductory relativity suggests. 

Thermodynamically, all three exhibit modified Hawking temperature and entropy. The modifications follow a universal pattern: the standard Schwarzschild results get multiplied by functions of the hair parameter. The temperature of a dilaton black hole includes an exponential factor involving the dilaton field. NUT temperature includes corrections from gravitomagnetic charge. Bardeen temperature depends on the magnetic charge parameter. The entropy likewise deviates from the simple area formula, with corrections encoding the additional degrees of freedom associated with hair. 

These entropy modifications respect a generalized area law where an effective area—incorporating hair contributions—still determines entropy. This suggests the holographic principle, relating bulk information to boundary area, holds in generalized form. The additional fields contribute to the effective boundary. 

Regarding singularity structure, all three modify the standard Schwarzschild singularity differently. Linear dilaton solutions have singularities shielded or altered by the scalar field. NUT geometries have intricate singularity structure involving closed timelike curves requiring careful causal analysis. Bardeen solutions eliminate singularities entirely, replacing them with regular de Sitter-like cores. These varied approaches to singularity avoidance suggest multiple paths toward resolving gravitational singularities may exist in quantum gravity. 

Their geodesic structures—paths of freely falling particles and light rays—show similar modifications. Photon spheres where light can orbit shift from the standard Schwarzschild radius. Innermost stable circular orbits for massive particles shift comparably. Perihelion precession of nearly-circular orbits acquires additional contributions. These modifications, though arising from different physics, follow comparable patterns mathematically. 

All three connect to electromagnetic duality in intriguing ways. Bardeen emerges from nonlinear electrodynamics—generalizations of Maxwell’s equations. NUT charge represents the gravitational analog of magnetic monopoles. Dilaton couplings modify electromagnetic propagation. This hints at deep unity between electromagnetic and gravitational phenomena at fundamental levels. 

Symmetry-wise, each possesses enhanced symmetry algebras beyond standard Poincare invariance. Dilaton solutions have shift symmetries of the scalar field. NUT geometries have dual rotations mixing time and azimuthal angle. Bardeen solutions have scaling symmetries. These additional symmetries generate conserved charges beyond standard Komar mass and angular momentum. 

The unifying framework is an extended action including Einstein gravity plus matter fields or higher-derivative corrections. Different choices of potentials, coupling functions, and field content yield the three geometries. This suggests a landscape of black hole solutions, with Kerr Newman representing one island and dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen representing others. Mapping this landscape and understanding transitions between regions remains an active research area. 

Observationally, all three predict similar phenomenology: modified shadows compared to Schwarzschild, altered gravitational wave signals from inspiraling particles, changed accretion disk emission due to shifted ISCOs. Current constraints from EHT and LIGO place weak bounds on hair parame ters—typically limiting deviations to tens of percent of the black hole mass. Future observations will tighten these constraints or potentially reveal hair, revolutionizing our understanding of black hole uniqueness. 

Jacobsen: What are the comparative pitfalls of higher-order WKB versus neural networks for extracting Quasinormal Modes? 

Sakallı: Quasinormal modes—the characteristic oscillation frequencies of perturbed black holes—encode crucial information about spacetime structure. Computing them requires solving differential equations that generally lack closed-form solutions. Two modern approaches dominate: higher order WKB methods and neural network techniques. Each has strengths and weaknesses that researchers must navigate carefully. 

The WKB method, named for Wentzel, Kramers, and Brillouin, treats wave propagation in slowly varying media using semiclassical approximation. For QNM calculations, we apply WKB to the radial equation governing perturbations. Standard WKB gives zeroth-order frequencies; higher-order corrections systematically improve accuracy. Modern implementations extend to sixth or even thirteenth order, achieving extraordinary precision. 

The primary pitfall of higher-order WKB is its convergence properties. For highly damped modes—those decaying very rapidly—the WKB series can converge slowly or even diverge. The approximation assumes the potential varies slowly compared to wavelength, but highly damped modes have such short effective wavelengths that this breaks down. Researchers must carefully assess whether their WKB order is sufficient for target accuracy. 

Coordinate dependence presents another subtlety. WKB results technically depend on coordi nate choice used to define the radial coordinate. Different gauges—Schwarzschild, Eddington Finkelstein, Painlev´e-Gullstrand—yield formally different WKB expressions. For lower-order calculations, these differences can affect precision, though they vanish in principle for infinite order WKB. Practitioners must verify coordinate independence numerically. 

Boundary conditions require careful implementation. QNMs demand purely ingoing waves at the horizon and purely outgoing waves at infinity. Imposing these conditions in WKB involves matching solutions across turning points using connection formulas. Errors in these formulas propagate through higher orders, potentially degrading accuracy despite increased computational effort. 

Neural networks offer a radically different approach. We train networks to learn the relationship between black hole parameters and QNM frequencies using examples. Once trained, the network evaluates new cases nearly instantaneously—far faster than iterative WKB calculations. 

The major pitfall of neural networks is training data requirements. Networks learn from examples, so we need extensive, accurate training sets. Generating these sets typically requires running many WKB or numerical integration calculations anyway—potentially more work than just computing the specific cases we ultimately want. This ”cold start” problem limits neural network utility for truly novel black hole solutions. 

Extrapolation reliability poses another challenge. Neural networks interpolate well within their training domain but extrapolate poorly outside it. If we train on nearly-Schwarzschild black holes then apply the network to highly modified gravity, predictions may be wildly inaccurate without warning. Unlike WKB, which breaks down detectably when approximations fail, neural networks can confidently output nonsensical results for out-of-distribution inputs. 

Interpretability is limited. WKB calculations reveal how specific features of the spacetime potential affect QNM frequencies—physicists gain intuition about why certain modifications shift modes in particular directions. Neural networks are black boxes; they predict accurately but offer little insight into underlying physics. For research aiming to understand relationships between geometry and modes, this opacity is problematic. 

Overfitting is an ever-present danger. Networks can memorize training data rather than learning underlying patterns, performing excellently on training sets but poorly on test cases. Preventing overfitting requires careful regularization, cross-validation, and architecture choices—requiring expertise in machine learning beyond typical physicist training. 

Combining approaches offers promising paths forward. Use WKB to generate training data for neural networks, then deploy networks for fast exploration of parameter space. Use networks to identify interesting regimes, then apply higher-order WKB for rigorous verification. This hybrid strategy leverages each method’s strengths while mitigating weaknesses. 

For modified gravity theories, another consideration arises: equation complexity. WKB handles analytically tractable potentials well; extremely complicated potentials—common in higher derivative gravity—challenge even high-order WKB. Neural networks don’t care about analytical complexity; they work equally well for simple and complicated systems. This makes them attractive for theories where WKB applicability is questionable. 

Question 17: Where does the Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling method break down for Hawking radiation derivations? 

The Hamilton-Jacobi method provides an elegant semiclassical approach to deriving Hawking radiation, treating particle creation as quantum tunneling through the black hole horizon. A particle-antiparticle pair forms just inside the horizon; if the negative-energy antiparticle tunnels inward while the positive-energy particle escapes, the black hole loses mass and radiates. This picture, while intuitive, has important limitations that researchers must appreciate. 

The method works beautifully for static, spherically symmetric black holes—Schwarzschild being the canonical example. We write the particle action, apply Hamilton-Jacobi formalism to find classical trajectories, then quantize by imposing quantum penetration factors. The resulting thermal spectrum matches Hawking’s original quantum field theory calculation in curved spacetime. This concordance validates the tunneling picture as a useful computational tool. 

However, the method’s breakdown begins with rotating black holes. Kerr geometry allows particles with different angular momenta to tunnel with different probabilities. The straightforward Hamilton-Jacobi approach, treating radial motion independently, misses angular momentum correlations between particle-antiparticle pairs. More sophisticated treatments incorporating angular dependence become vastly more complicated, and it’s unclear whether they capture all relevant physics. 

For charged black holes, electromagnetic interactions introduce additional subtlety. The tunneling particle interacts with the black hole’s electric field during tunneling. Standard Hamilton Jacobi treats this as background, but quantum fluctuations of the electromagnetic field itself should contribute. Including these backreactions requires going beyond semiclassical approximation to full quantum electrodynamics in curved spacetime—precisely what Hamilton-Jacobi aims to avoid. 

Near extremality—when black holes approach maximum rotation for their mass or maximum charge—the surface gravity (related to temperature) approaches zero. Hamilton-Jacobi predicts vanishing emission, consistent with zero temperature. But quantum corrections become increasingly important as extremality approaches, and the semiclassical picture breaks down entirely. Some calculations suggest extremal black holes might emit radiation quantum mechanically even with classically zero temperature. Hamilton-Jacobi cannot capture this. 

Backreaction poses a fundamental limitation. As the black hole emits radiation, it loses mass, the horizon shrinks, and the geometry changes. Hamilton-Jacobi treats geometry as fixed—a probe particle tunneling through static spacetime. This is justified for large black holes emitting negligibly few particles, but becomes untenable for small black holes or long timescales. The method cannot self-consistently describe black hole evaporation from formation to complete disappearance. 

Information paradox considerations highlight deeper issues. Hamilton-Jacobi treats emission as random, independent particles—a thermal, maximum-entropy process. But Hawking radiation must ultimately carry information about the black hole’s formation to preserve quantum unitarity. This information transfer requires correlations between emitted particles across vast times and distances, impossible to capture in a local tunneling picture. 

Greybody factors—modifications to the spectrum from backscattering of radiation by the curved geometry outside the horizon—require separate calculation beyond Hamilton-Jacobi. The tunneling method gives emission at the horizon, but observable radiation reaching distant detectors differs due to scattering. Computing these factors demands solving wave equations in the full geometry, reintroducing much of the complexity Hamilton-Jacobi was meant to avoid. 

Trans-Planckian physics presents another concern. The tunneling picture involves wavelengths much smaller than the horizon size, potentially reaching Planck scales for high-frequency modes. At these scales, quantum gravity effects become important, and the classical geometry description underlying Hamilton-Jacobi becomes questionable. The method implicitly assumes space time remains classical arbitrarily close to the horizon—an assumption quantum gravity will likely violate. 

For analog systems—condensed matter systems mimicking black hole physics—the Hamilton Jacobi method’s applicability is even more limited. These systems have atomic discreteness, finite dispersion relations, and other features absent in general relativity. While they can exhibit Hawking-like radiation, the tunneling interpretation becomes strained when applied to systems without genuine event horizons. 

Despite these limitations, the Hamilton-Jacobi method remains valuable pedagogically and computationally. It provides intuitive pictures for Hawking radiation, yields correct temperature and spectrum for simple cases, and extends straightforwardly to many modified gravity theories. Recognizing its limitations helps researchers know when to trust its predictions and when more sophisticated approaches are needed. 

Question 18: What specific falsifiable predictions would curb post-hoc parameter tuning in quantum gravity phenomenology? 

Quantum gravity phenomenology faces a credibility challenge: theories often have enough free parameters that they can be adjusted post-hoc to match any observation. This parameter tuning prevents genuine falsification—if a prediction fails, we tweak parameters rather than abandoning the theory. Establishing specific, falsifiable predictions immune to such tuning is crucial for making progress. 

The gold standard would be parameter-free predictions—relationships between observables that don’t depend on unknown quantum gravity parameters. For instance, if a theory predicts a specific numerical relationship between the black hole shadow radius and quasinormal mode frequency, both measurable independently, this can be tested without tuning. Few theories make such definitive predictions, but seeking them should be a priority. 

Universal relations provide another approach. Even if individual quantities depend on parameters, ratios or combinations might be parameter-independent. The KSS bound on viscosity-to entropy ratio exemplifies this: it predicts a specific numerical value regardless of system details. Discovering similar universal relations involving multiple observables would provide robust tests. 

Null tests—observations specifically designed to yield zero if general relativity is correct and nonzero for alternatives—offer powerful falsification opportunities. Testing whether gravitational waves and light from the same event arrive simultaneously constrains graviton mass without needing to know its value a priori. A non-zero time delay would falsify massless gravitons regardless of other parameters. 

Multiple independent observations of the same system provide consistency checks resistant to tuning. If we measure a black hole’s mass from gravitational waves, from its shadow size, from orbital dynamics of nearby stars, and from X-ray spectroscopy, all four measurements should agree. Quantum gravity corrections affect these differently; consistent corrections across all channels constrain parameters far more tightly than single observations. 

Population-level predictions avoid tuning for individual objects. Rather than fitting parameters separately for each black hole, we predict how populations should distribute. For instance, quantum gravity might predict correlations between mass and spin in black hole populations, or specific cutoffs in the mass distribution. Such statistical predictions can’t be easily tuned away by adjusting parameters post-hoc. 

Time-dependent predictions are especially robust. If quantum gravity corrections grow with time—as some models suggest—long-baseline observations should reveal secular trends. Bi nary pulsar timing, monitored for decades, provides such long-baseline data. Any deviations accumulating systematically over forty years constrain time-dependent effects powerfully. 

Coincidence predictions—multiple effects occurring simultaneously at specific conditions—resist tuning. For example, if a theory predicts that at some critical black hole spin, both the shadow shape and the QNM spectrum exhibit specific anomalies, observing one without the other would falsify it despite parameter freedom. 

Selection rules—categorical predictions that certain processes cannot occur—provide binary tests. If quantum gravity forbids specific decay channels or transition types, observing them falsifies the theory definitively. No parameter tuning can resurrect a theory after an iron-clad selection rule is violated. 

For practical implementation, the community needs coordinated predictions across modified gravity theories. Rather than each theory making custom predictions incomparable to others, we should identify key observables and have each theory make specific predictions for them. This matrix of predictions versus theories would reveal which observations most powerfully discriminate alternatives. 

Multi-messenger observations—combining electromagnetic, gravitational wave, and potentially neutrino observations of the same event—provide cross-checks limiting tuning. The more independent channels we observe, the more constrained parameters become. Future observations of black hole mergers with electromagnetic counterparts will be particularly valuable. 

Blinding analysis protocols, borrowed from particle physics, could help. Observers can provide data with key features hidden until theorists commit to predictions, preventing unconscious bias toward expected results. This procedural protection complements structural protections against parameter tuning. 

Discussion

This interview presents black-hole physics as a domain in which thermodynamics, geometry, topology, and phenomenology are no longer separable intellectual provinces. The KSS bound, thermodynamic topology, non-standard black-hole geometries, quasinormal-mode extraction, Hawking-radiation derivations, and quantum-gravity testing all converge on a common question: how should one distinguish elegant mathematical possibility from physically robust structure?

A recurring theme is controlled modification rather than unrestricted breakdown. Thermal fluctuations do not abolish the viscosity bound but require more careful interpretation of ensemble-averaged quantities. Quantum corrections do not erase phase structure but reorganize it. Non-Kerr geometries do not abandon black-hole thermodynamics but generalize it. Computational methods do not remove analytic judgment but redistribute it between approximation schemes and data-driven inference. At the phenomenological level, the strongest demand is methodological discipline: predictions must be framed so that failure bites. In that sense, the conversation is as much about standards of inference as it is about black holes.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

This interview was conducted as part of a broader quantum cosmology book project. The responses reflect my current research perspective as of October 2025, informed by over 180 publications and ongoing collaborations with researchers worldwide. 

Selected References 

General Background and Foundational Works 

Hawking, S.W. (1974). Black hole explosions? Nature, 248(5443), 30-31. Bekenstein, J.D. (1973). Black holes and entropy. Physical Review D, 7(8), 2333. 

Bardeen, J.M., Carter, B., & Hawking, S.W. (1973). The four laws of black hole mechanics. Communications in Mathematical Physics, 31(2), 161-170. 

Modified Gravity and Quantum Corrections 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Sucu, E. (2025). Quantum tunneling and Aschenbach effect in nonlinear Einstein Power-Yang-Mills AdS black holes. Chinese Physics C, 49, 105101. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Quantum-Corrected Thermodynamics of Conformal Weyl Gravity Black Holes: GUP Effects and Phase Transitions. arXiv preprint 2508.00203. 

Al-Badawi, A., Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). A Black Hole Solution in Kalb-Ramond Gravity with Quintessence Field: From Geodesic Dynamics to Thermal Criticality. arXiv preprint 2508.16693. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Sert, O. (2025). Quantum-corrected thermodynamics and plasma lensing in non-minimally coupled symmetric teleparallel black holes. Physical Review D, 50, 102063. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Perturbations and Greybody Factors of AdS Black Holes with a Cloud of Strings Surrounded by Quintessence-like Field in NLED Scenario. arXiv preprint 2510.19862. 

Black Hole Thermodynamics and Phase Transitions 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., & Pourhassan, B. (2025). Thermodynamic scalar curvature and topo logical classification in accelerating charged AdS black holes under rainbow gravity. Physics of the Dark Universe, 50, 102136. 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). AdS black holes in Einstein-Kalb-Ramond gravity: Quantum 26 corrections, phase transitions, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 117081. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. European Physics C, 85, 1144. 

Pourhassan, B., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Transport phenomena and KSS bound in quantum corrected AdS black holes. European Physics C, 85(4), 369. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2025). Thermodynamic topology, photon spheres, and evidence for weak gravity conjecture in charged black holes with perfect fluid within Rastall theory. Physics Letters B, 869, 139862. 

Quasinormal Modes and Spectroscopy 

Gashti, S.N., Afshar, M.A., Sakallı, ˙I., & Mazandaran, U. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. arXiv preprint 2504.11939. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2023). Superradiant (In)stability, Greybody Radiation, and Quasi normal Modes of Rotating Black Holes in Non-Linear Maxwell f(R) Gravity. Symmetry, 15, 873. 

Observational Tests and Gravitational Lensing 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Probing Starobinsky-Bel-Robinson gravity: Gravitational lensing, thermodynamics, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 116982. 

Mangut, M., G¨ursel, H., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Lorentz-symmetry violation in charged black-hole thermodynamics and gravitational lensing: effects of the Kalb-Ramond field. Chinese Physics C, 49, 065106. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Geodesics Analysis, Perturbations and Deflec tion Angle of Photon Ray in Finslerian Bardeen-Like Black Hole with a GM Surrounded by a Quintessence Field. Annalen der Physik, e2500087. 

Generalized Uncertainty Principle and Quantum Effects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Photon Deflection and Magnification in Kalb Ramond Black Holes with Topological String Configurations. arXiv preprint 2507.22673. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Exploring geodesics, quantum fields and thermodynamics of Schwarzschild-AdS black hole with a global monopole in non-commutative geometry. Nuclear Physics B, 1017, 116951. 

Wormholes and Exotic Compact Objects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Gravitational lensing phenomena of Ellis Bronnikov-Morris-Thorne wormhole with global monopole and cosmic string. Physics Letters B, 864, 139448. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Dunkl black hole with phantom global monopoles: geodesic analysis, thermodynamics and shadow. European Physics C, 85, 660. 

Information Theory and Holography 

Pourhassan, B., Sakallı, ˙I., et al. (2022). Quantum Thermodynamics of an M2-Corrected Reissner-Nordstr¨om Black Hole. EPL, 144, 29001. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2022). Topical Review: greybody factors and quasinormal modes for black holes in various theories – fingerprints of invisibles. Turkish Journal of Physics, 46, 51-103. 

Modified Theories and String Theory 

Sakallı, İ., & Yörük, E. (2023). Modified Hawking radiation of Schwarzschild-like black hole in bumblebee gravity model. Physics Scripta, 98, 125307.

https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1402-4896/ad09a1

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2023). GUP-reinforced Hawking radiation in rotating linear dilaton black hole spacetime. Physics Scripta, 98, 105201. 

Event Horizon Telescope and Observational Cosmology 

Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration (2019). First M87 Event Horizon Telescope Results. I. The Shadow of the Supermassive Black Hole. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 875(1), L1. 

Abbott, B.P., et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration) (2016). Observa tion of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger. Physical Review Letters, 116(6), 061102. 

Recent Collaborative Works 

Tangphati, T., Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., & Pradhan, A. (2024). Behaviors of quark stars in the Rainbow Gravity framework. Physical Review D, 46, 101610. 

Banerjee, A., Sakallı, ˙I., Pradhan, A., & Dixit, A. (2024). Properties of interacting quark star in light of Rastall gravity. Classical and Quantum Gravity, 42, 025008. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., Dayanandan, B., & Pradhan, A. (2025). Quark stars in f(R, T) gravity: mass-to-radius profiles and observational data. Chinese Physics C, 49, 015102. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2024). Thermodynamic topology and phase space analysis of AdS black holes through non-extensive entropy perspectives. European Physics C, 85, 305. 

Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). The Static Charged Black Holes with Weyl Corrections. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, 64, 50. 

Textbooks and Reviews 

Carroll, S.M. (2004). Spacetime and Geometry: An Introduction to General Relativity. Addison Wesley. 

Wald, R.M. (1984). General Relativity. University of Chicago Press. 

Rovelli, C. (2004). Quantum Gravity. Cambridge University Press. 

Kiefer, C. (2012). Quantum Gravity (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. Ashtekar, A., & Petkov, V. (Eds.) (2014). Springer Handbook of Spacetime. Springer. 

Note: This reference list includes representative works from Prof. Sakallı’s extensive publication record (181+ papers) and foundational works in the field. For a complete bibliography, please consult the INSPIRE-HEP database or Prof. Sakallı’s institutional profile.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: March 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,747

Image Credits: Izzet Sakallı

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı for his time, expertise, and valuable contributions. His thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

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Jacobsen SD. Black-Hole Thermodynamics, Thermodynamic Topology, Quasinormal Modes, and Quantum-Gravity Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı (4). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published March 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-phenomenology-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-hawking-radiation-quasinormal-modes 

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Harvard

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Harvard (Australian)

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Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)

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Vancouver/ICMJE

Jacobsen SD. Black-Hole Thermodynamics, Thermodynamic Topology, Quasinormal Modes, and Quantum-Gravity Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı (4) [Internet]. 2026 Mar 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-phenomenology-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-hawking-radiation-quasinormal-modes 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: December 16, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: March 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Tor Arne Jørgensen examines the evolution of Norwegian state formation from the centralized bureaucracy of Denmark–Norway to the development of a modern welfare state. It explores how administrative unevenness produced regional disparities, how Enlightenment and natural-law ideas reshaped sovereignty, and how constitutional contradictions around exclusion were gradually resolved. The discussion traces key legal and institutional reforms—including the Dissenters Act, educational expansion, press liberalization, and labor–capital compromises—that translated abstract constitutional ideals into civic competence and social equality. Together, these processes reveal the gradual detachment of civic identity from religious uniformity and the emergence of a negotiated, egalitarian political order grounded in participation, institutional capacity, and pragmatic compromise.

Keywords

bureaucracy, civic identity, Denmark-Norway, Enlightenment, natural law, Norway constitution 1814, religious dissent, state formation, welfare state, education reform

Introduction

The transformation of Norway from a peripheral component of a centralized Danish absolutist state into a modern constitutional democracy and welfare society reflects a layered process of institutional adaptation, intellectual change, and negotiated compromise. Rather than emerging through rupture, Norwegian political development proceeded through gradual reinterpretation of authority, rights, and belonging.

This interview with Tor Arne Jørgensen examines the structural dynamics underpinning that transformation. It situates early modern administrative disparities alongside Enlightenment thought, constitutional contradictions, religious reform, and socio-economic negotiation. The result is a longitudinal account of how abstract principles—sovereignty, rights, and equality—became embedded in institutions and practices.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Tor Arne Jørgensen 

Tor Arne Jørgensen is a Norwegian educator from Fevik, near Grimstad, in southern Norway. He teaches at secondary level and has written and spoken about history, religion, social studies, ethics, governance, and education for gifted students. He has participated in the international intelligence community since 2015 and is described as a member of 50+ high IQ societies. In 2019, the World Genius Directory named him “Genius of the Year – Europe.” He designs high-range IQ tests, including the site toriqtests.com, and is reported to have set Norway’s IQ score record twice. He is married and has two sons in Norway.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did Denmark-Norway’s centralized bureaucracy produce regional contrasts? The differences between coastal towns and frontier communities.

Tor Arne Jørgensen: The centralized bureaucracy of Denmark-Norway produced regional contrasts not through intentional differentiation but through uneven administrative reach. The apparatus was uniform in design, yet its capacity to penetrate daily life varied drastically between coastal towns and frontier communities. Copenhagen issued directives that applied equally to Bergen and to a valley settlement three days’ travel from the nearest parish church, but the social and institutional infrastructure required to enforce those directives existed only in some places, not in all.

Coastal towns had proximity to administrative centers, regular communication with royal officials, and economies integrated into transatlantic trade. A merchant in Kristiansand or Trondheim lived within a world where written contracts, shipping manifests, and correspondence with Copenhagen were routine. Literacy here was not merely religious—it was commercial, legal, bureaucratic. Writing was not optional; it was the operative medium of economic and civic life.

These towns also had the resources to sustain permanent schools, salaried teachers, and a clerical infrastructure capable of monitoring compliance with confirmation and schooling laws. The Church-State apparatus was visible, present, and capable of sustained oversight. It operated with a level of administrative density that made the system perceptible in daily routines.

Move inland, to frontier communities along the Swedish border or into the mountain valleys, and the picture changes. Here the traveling school might appear once a year, if it appeared at all. The catechism was still taught, confirmation still required—but enforcement depended on a single overworked parish priest covering vast distances, often relying on local farmers to act as makeshift instructors. The state’s presence was episodic rather than continuous.

And yet the system continued to function, because it was not purely coercive. It also conferred access: a framework of legibility, a way to be recognized as a subject of the kingdom. Confirmation granted rights—to marry, to inherit, to participate fully in the legal system. Even in remote areas, families complied not because soldiers stood at the door, but because exclusion from the system meant exclusion from the social order.

The result was a tiered reality. In coastal towns, populations became literate across multiple registers—religious, commercial, civic. In frontier communities, populations attained the minimum threshold: able to read the catechism, recite the required answers, and participate in the ritual economy of the Church. Both fulfilled the state’s requirements, but the competencies they acquired were fundamentally different.

These contrasts were not incidental; they were structural. The bureaucracy did not require uniform capability. It required universal legibility. Coastal elites needed one form of literacy to manage trade and governance. Rural populations needed another to verify their membership in the kingdom. The system accommodated both, because its aim was never universal empowerment but universal registration. 

Jacobsen: On the eve of 1814, which Enlightenment and natural-law ideas primed elites to rethink sovereignty and rights, even the church’s role?

Jørgensen: The ideas that circulated among Norwegian elites on the eve of 1814 did not arrive as a coherent program but as fragments of broader currents—Enlightenment rationalism, natural-law theory, and the contractual models of governance that had gained traction across Europe and the Atlantic. These concepts had been filtering into academic circles, legal discourse, and administrative thought for decades. What changed in 1814 was not the availability of the ideas but the opportunity to apply them.

Natural-law thinking had provided the intellectual foundation. The premise was straightforward: legitimate authority derived not from divine mandate alone but from principles accessible to human reason. Rights belonged to individuals prior to their incorporation into political communities, and governments existed to secure those rights rather than to bestow them. This was not a rejection of Christianity but a reframing of its relationship to political order. The sacred remained, but it no longer monopolized the language of legitimacy.

For elites trained in law and philosophy, this framework offered a vocabulary for reimagining sovereignty. The traditional model had placed authority in the crown, with the church serving as its spiritual counterpart. Natural law suggested a different configuration: sovereignty rooted in the people, with institutions—including the monarchy and the church—deriving their authority from consent rather than inheritance. The shift was subtle in some respects, radical in others. It did not eliminate hierarchy, but it altered the terms on which hierarchy could be justified.

The Danish absolutist state had left little room for such thinking to manifest in practice. Authority flowed downward, and the apparatus of government reinforced that flow. Yet the intellectual groundwork had been laid. University-trained officials, members of the urban merchant class, and clergy exposed to continental thought had absorbed these ideas even as the political structure they inhabited offered no mechanism for their realization. The dissolution of the union with Denmark created that mechanism.

The constitutional assembly at Eidsvoll drew heavily on this intellectual inheritance. The delegates debated the structure of government, the rights of citizens, and the extent to which popular sovereignty could be reconciled with monarchy. Natural-law principles shaped the contours of these discussions. Rights were articulated as universal rather than particular, grounded in reason rather than tradition. The resulting constitution reflected this: a framework that asserted limits on royal authority, established representative institutions, and codified freedoms of speech, assembly, and petition.

The church’s role became a point of tension. The Enlightenment had not discarded religion, but it had challenged the church’s claim to exclusive authority over moral and civic life. Natural-law theory suggested that ethical principles could be derived through reason, independent of revelation. This did not make the church irrelevant, but it raised questions about the basis of its influence. Should religious institutions retain their privileged status within the state, or should the principles of equality and consent apply to them as well?

The constitution preserved the connection between church and state. The Evangelical Lutheran faith was declared the public religion, and the king retained the obligation to uphold it. Yet the terms of that preservation mattered. The church’s authority was now framed within a constitutional order that placed limits on all institutions, ecclesiastical ones included. Religious uniformity was maintained, but the rationale had shifted. The church was no longer simply the spiritual arm of the crown; it was an institution embedded in a political system that claimed popular sovereignty as its foundation.

What the Enlightenment and natural law had done was to open space for contestation. The church could be questioned, its role debated, its authority subjected to the same scrutiny as other forms of power. This did not produce immediate transformation. The changes enacted in 1814 were structural rather than radical, and much of the old order persisted in modified form. Yet the intellectual groundwork had been laid for future challenges. Once sovereignty was understood as resting with the people, and once rights were framed as universal principles accessible through reason, the foundation for rethinking every institution—including the church—was in place.

The elites who gathered at Eidsvoll in 1814 were not revolutionaries in the French sense. They sought to preserve stability while incorporating new principles of legitimacy. The constitution they drafted reflected that balance: it acknowledged the power of ideas drawn from Enlightenment thought and natural law, yet it embedded those ideas within a framework that maintained continuity with the past. The result was not a rupture but a realignment. The church remained central to Norwegian life, but its centrality now existed within a political order that claimed a different source of authority. The tension between these two foundations—sacred and rational, inherited and reasoned—would persist long after the assembly concluded. 

Jacobsen: The 1814 Constitution mixed liberalism with exclusion. It banned Jesuits, Jews, and monastic orders. What were the justifications?

Jørgensen: The Constitution of 1814 articulated principles of popular sovereignty and individual rights, yet it carried within it provisions that directly contradicted those ideals. Article 2 barred Jesuits and monastic orders from entering the kingdom. It also prohibited Jews entirely. These exclusions were not accidental footnotes; they were deliberate choices, debated, and defended. What rationale could reconcile a document committed to liberty with measures so clearly restrictive?

The exclusion of Jesuits drew on longstanding Protestant anxieties and Enlightenment suspicion of ecclesiastical power. The Society of Jesus, though suppressed by the papacy in 1773, remained a symbol of loyalty to Rome rather than to the emerging Norwegian state. Jesuits were perceived as agents of a foreign authority, disciplined and hierarchical, their obedience above civic loyalty. In a newly independent nation, defining itself after centuries of Danish rule, this was framed as a potential threat to political cohesion. The concern was not merely theological—it was profoundly political.

Monastic orders faced similar censure. Their withdrawal from civic life, concentration of resources, and allegiance to transnational religious hierarchies placed them outside the state’s vision of a unified national community. The logic was consistent: religious difference equaled potential disloyalty. Yet even in this reasoning, tension appeared. How could a nation proclaim liberty and equality while systematically excluding those whose faith and vocation simply diverged from the majority?

The exclusion of Jews rested on overlapping anxieties, though of a slightly different nature. The debates at Eidsvoll revealed a mixture of religious prejudice, economic concern, and narrow notions of national belonging. Opponents argued that Jews could not fully integrate into a Christian state, that their religious practices marked them apart, and that their economic activity—especially in trade and finance—might destabilize existing social structures. These fears were not unique to Norway; they echoed across Europe. Yet the contradiction was stark: the constitution celebrated universal rights while simultaneously erecting boundaries that defined who belonged.

Some delegates justified these bans with an appeal to Enlightenment rationality. They claimed that national cohesion required a shared set of values and loyalties. Difference, they argued, justified exclusion: Jews were excluded because they were different, and their difference was itself the evidence of the necessity of exclusion. The circularity of the argument did not escape some observers, yet it prevailed in the majority vote. Only a minority contested it, insisting that universal principles could not be selectively applied.

The irony, of course, is that the constitution proclaimed liberal ideals while simultaneously codifying exclusion. Freedom was granted, but selectively. Equality was declared, but narrowly defined. The exclusions illuminated the incompleteness of the liberal project in 1814: the nation could envision rights, yet it could not yet imagine a polity in which difference did not threaten unity. Jews were not allowed entry until 1851, and the bans on Jesuits and monastic orders endured even longer.

In the end, the Constitution of 1814 was both forward-looking and constrained, progressive in its liberal ambitions yet shaped by the prejudices and anxieties of its framers. Its justifications reveal a delicate balancing act: the desire for national cohesion and the fear of religious difference, the promise of rights and the persistence of exclusion. One sees here, as in many moments of history, that ideals are often tempered by the realities—and fears—of the age

Jacobsen: Later repeals reshaped civic identity in 1851 and 1956: How, and why?

Jørgensen: The repeals of 1851 and 1956 did not occur in isolation. They reflected changing understandings of civic identity and growing pressure on the exclusions written into the 1814 constitution. The first opened the kingdom to Jews; the second removed the requirement that half the cabinet be Lutheran. Both marked shifts in how belonging and citizenship were defined.

Debate over Jewish entry had simmered since 1814. Henrik Wergeland became its central advocate, arguing that exclusion contradicted the constitution’s own natural-law foundations: if rights were universal, they could not be withheld on religious grounds. Opposition persisted—rooted in fears of economic disruption and concerns about religious cohesion—but the intellectual climate changed. By mid-century, liberal ideas had gained ground, the 1848 revolutions had sharpened the language of rights, and Norway’s expanding trade undermined the economic case for exclusion. A constitution proclaiming liberty while maintaining religious barriers appeared increasingly untenable.

The Storting’s 1851 repeal was narrow and contested, less an embrace of pluralism than an acknowledgment that the ban could no longer coexist with the constitutional framework. Civic identity began to shift from confessional uniformity toward participation in shared institutions. The change was formal more than attitudinal, but the principle was established.

The 1956 repeal addressed a subtler barrier: the requirement that a majority of cabinet members be Lutheran. Though less visible, it rested on the same assumption—that political authority required religious conformity. By the mid-twentieth century, that assumption had eroded. Occupation, resistance, and reconstruction had recast civic solidarity in terms that transcended confession, and postwar human-rights discourse made religious tests for office appear incompatible with modern governance. The restriction had become an anachronism.

The repeal passed with far less controversy than in 1851. The church remained the state church, and most citizens remained nominally Lutheran, but religious affiliation had lost its legitimacy as a criterion for political authority. Civic identity was increasingly understood in secular terms: citizenship and democratic participation rather than confessional loyalty.

Both repeals widened the boundaries of civic belonging. The first acknowledged that religious difference did not preclude membership in the political community; the second extended the same logic to political office. Neither dismantled the church’s institutional role, but both weakened the idea that civic identity and religious conformity were inseparable.

The process was neither linear nor inevitable, yet taken together the repeals traced a trajectory: from a polity rooted in religious uniformity toward one grounded in civic rather than confessional membership. The constitution of 1814 had inscribed exclusion; the repeals of 1851 and 1956 began the work of undoing it by reinterpreting the very principles the constitution claimed to uphold.

Jacobsen: How did the Dissenters Act of 1845 erode the Lutheran monopoly?

Jørgensen: The Dissenters Act of 1845 did not dismantle the Lutheran monopoly, but it weakened its foundations. The law permitted Christian congregations outside the state church, formalizing what enforcement had long failed to prevent. What had once been prohibited became tolerated, and what had been tolerated gained legal standing.

The pressure for change had accumulated over decades. Pietist revivals—most notably the Haugean movement—had shown that devotional life could flourish outside parish structures. Such gatherings had persisted despite the Conventicle Act, which forbade unsupervised religious meetings until its repeal in 1842. By the time the Dissenters Act reached the Storting, dissent was an established reality. The issue was no longer its existence but whether the state would continue to criminalize it.

The law extended recognition only under conditions. Dissenting congregations had to register with authorities and affirm the doctrines articulated in the Apostles’, Nicene, and Athanasian creeds. Their ministers were barred from performing marriages and other civil functions reserved to state-church clergy. The aim was to acknowledge religious difference without relinquishing the church’s institutional privileges. Diversity was permitted, but not on equal terms.

The immediate effects were modest. Most Norwegians remained within the state church, and dissenting communities grew slowly. Yet a principle had shifted. Religious belonging could now, in principle, be voluntary rather than compulsory. Full religious freedom remained distant—restrictions persisted, and the church retained its monopoly on crucial rites—but the structure that had dominated since the Reformation had developed its first sanctioned fissure.

The act also created precedent. Once the state accepted that Methodists, Baptists, and other groups could worship independently without threatening civic cohesion, the rationale for religious uniformity became harder to defend. The monopoly appeared less a necessity than a political choice. The argument that national order required a single ecclesiastical structure could no longer be asserted with the former certainty.

The erosion was gradual. The state church continued to dominate education, retained its nationwide parish system, and held the nominal allegiance of the population. Dissenters operated on the margins, often facing social stigma and legal constraints. Yet their mere existence altered the relationship between church and state. The monopoly persisted, but its legitimacy weakened.

Underlying these developments were ideas that had circulated since the Enlightenment. Concepts of individual conscience, voluntary association, and natural-law rights challenged the premise that religious authority flowed through institutional hierarchy alone. These ideas did not overturn the system outright, but they made it increasingly difficult for the state to enforce uniformity without contradiction.

Over time, the consequences became clearer. The Lutheran church remained the state church, but not the sole locus of religious life. Membership became a matter of principle rather than obligation. The Dissenters Act did not establish pluralism, but it made pluralism legally imaginable. Once the boundary between permitted and prohibited religious practice was redrawn, it continued to move.

By the late nineteenth century, dissenting congregations had expanded in number and visibility. The state church adapted, but it could no longer claim to embody the totality of Norwegian religious identity. The monopoly had not been abolished, but it had undeniably been breached. The framework established in 1537 was still standing, yet its internal cohesion had begun to give way. What the 1845 act initiated was a long, uneven process: the gradual detachment of civic identity from confessional uniformity, and the recognition that religious diversity could coexist with political stability.

Jacobsen: Which 19th-century schooling and press reforms translated constitutional ideals into civic competence?

Jørgensen: The constitutional ideals articulated in 1814 required more than declarations. Popular sovereignty presupposed a citizenry capable of participating in the political order the constitution envisioned. The measures that followed—particularly in schooling and the press—were not crafted as a unified program, yet together they supplied the practical conditions through which constitutional principles could be exercised.

The Folk School Act of 1827 formed the starting point. It mandated primary instruction for all children, extending literacy and basic religious teaching into rural districts that had previously relied on itinerant schooling. The curriculum was limited to reading, writing, arithmetic, and catechism, but the shift was significant. Education ceased to be the prerogative of those with resources or proximity to Latin schools. It became a public obligation, administered through the parish and funded locally. The act did not sever schooling from clerical oversight, yet it institutionalized the expectation that every child would gain the skills necessary to navigate a literate society.

The effects unfolded gradually. Rural schools struggled with inconsistent attendance and scarce resources. Still, literacy rates rose steadily by mid-century, and with literacy came access to printed material that had once been monopolized by urban elites. The constitution assumed citizens capable of understanding the issues placed before them; the schools provided the basic tools for that understanding.

Reforms to the press operated on another front. Article 100 had guaranteed freedom of the press, yet practical constraints persisted—censorship provisions, libel laws, and requirements for prior approval. Mid-century reforms reduced these restrictions. The 1842 revisions eased penalties for unauthorized publication, while the 1863 changes eliminated the need for government approval before founding a newspaper. The press widened accordingly. Newspapers multiplied, often aligned with political factions, but their proliferation created a broader arena for public argument. Debate moved into print, accessible to anyone who could read, and the press became a venue where constitutional principles were tested, contested, and interpreted.

Schooling and the press reinforced each other. Literacy enabled engagement; newspapers provided material worthy of engagement. A farmer in an isolated valley could follow debates in the Storting, consider disputes over taxation or trade, and develop informed judgments about his representatives. This did not ensure civic insight, but it made informed participation possible on a scale previously unimagined.

The church’s central role in education added complexity. The Folk School Act placed clergy at the heart of instruction, and the curriculum prioritized religious formation. Yet the skills acquired extended beyond the catechism. A population trained to read scripture could also read petitions, political tracts, and local newspapers. The church sought to shape believers; inadvertently, it helped shape citizens.

By the latter half of the century, the consequences were visible. Voter participation broadened, political associations formed, and public debate moved beyond narrow elite circles. The constitutional framework of 1814 had created formal mechanisms for representation; the reforms of the nineteenth century created the social infrastructure necessary for those mechanisms to function. Civic competence remained uneven—urban communities benefitted first and most—but it was no longer confined to a privileged minority.

What these reforms demonstrated was straightforward: constitutional rights require institutional support. Principles on paper do not operate on their own. The Folk School Act and the press reforms were not conceived as instruments of a coherent civic project, yet they collectively translated the ideals of 1814 into practices that shaped how Norwegians understood themselves as political actors. The constitution had declared popular sovereignty; the nineteenth century began the slower labor of making that sovereignty practicable.

Jacobsen: What labour–capital–state compromises built the egalitarian welfare order?

Jørgensen: The egalitarian welfare order that emerged in Norway was not the result of a single idea or a decisive moment. It grew out of a series of compromises—some deliberate, others more contingent—negotiated over several decades. Labor, capital, and the state each had something to lose if the balance tipped too far in the wrong direction, and something to gain from a workable stability. What developed was not harmony but a framework that made conflict manageable, allowing redistribution and economic growth to proceed without putting the social order at risk.

Its beginnings lay in the early decades of the twentieth century, when industrialization accelerated and the labor movement became increasingly coordinated. Workers voiced clearer demands: wages one could live on, working hours that did not grind people down, and a basic measure of security. Employers often responded with suspicion or outright resistance; these demands were seen as direct intrusions on property rights and managerial authority. The state found itself suspended in the middle—responsible for maintaining order yet pressured by an electorate that no longer consisted solely of the well-to-do. Whether these tensions would lead to breakdown or accommodation was far from certain.

A tentative compromise began to take shape in the 1930s, under economic conditions unlike anything the country had previously faced. The Depression made it impossible to pretend that markets could take care of everything. Unemployment soared, discontent spread, and political stability looked fragile. The Labour Party, which had steadily shifted from revolutionary rhetoric toward a more grounded reform program, entered government in 1935. Their aim was not to abolish capitalism but to restrain it. They sought regulation, not demolition; the expansion of social protections, not wholesale nationalization. The state would intervene where markets faltered, while the basic structure of private production would remain.

Employers gradually accepted this, partly because the alternatives seemed worse. Standing in perpetual conflict—or risking more radical upheavals—was more alarming than a system with predictable rules. The Main Agreement of 1935 provided such rules. It did not eliminate disagreement, but it moved disputes into structured, recognizable procedures. Strikes continued, but with protocols. Wage negotiations remained contentious, but they unfolded within a shared framework.

The war and the postwar years expanded the role of the state even further. Occupation and reconstruction made centralized coordination not just logical but necessary. Public investment drove developments in industry, housing, and infrastructure. Universal programs grew: pensions, healthcare, unemployment insurance, and education. They were funded by taxation that weighed most heavily on high incomes and corporate profits. The underlying principle was not redistribution for its own sake, but a recognition that widespread security strengthened both the economy and democratic life.

Workers gained greater security and political influence. Wage settlements, now covering entire sectors, ensured that the gains of growth were broadly shared. Welfare provisions reduced the vulnerability that had previously defined working-class existence. Yet the labor movement, too, had to yield ground. Militancy was balanced against a need for stability; demands had to be calibrated to the capacity of the wider economy. The compromise held only because concessions flowed both ways.

Employers retained ownership, investment authority, and substantial profits. They also accepted stricter regulations, higher taxes, and an institutionalized labor movement. Profitability remained possible—indeed, often strong—within this regulated system. Income differences did not vanish, but they shrank. The narrowing came not through expropriation but through progressive taxation and universal public services.

The state acted as mediator and guarantor. It enforced agreements, invested where private capital was insufficient, and absorbed risks that would otherwise have fallen heavily on specific groups. Its legitimacy depended on the ability to combine growth with stability—and for several decades, it managed to do exactly that.

The durability of the arrangement rested on its flexibility. It was never a final settlement but a practice renewed each time wages were negotiated or a national budget was drafted. No side achieved full victory, yet none was excluded. Through slow, sometimes uncomfortable negotiation, the system sustained a welfare state that was both efficient and relatively egalitarian.

The order that emerged was never inevitable. It demanded continual effort, bargaining, and a willingness to accept unsatisfying compromises. But it demonstrated that labor, capital, and the state could exist together in a system that was neither unrestrained class conflict nor unregulated capitalism. What developed was not a definitive solution but a way of working—one that reshaped Norwegian society and offered a model that others would later examine, admire, and attempt to emulate.

Discussion

The interview reveals a consistent pattern: Norwegian political development emerged not through abrupt transformation but through layered institutional adaptation. Administrative unevenness produced early structural inequalities, while Enlightenment ideas introduced conceptual tools for rethinking authority. Yet implementation remained constrained by existing social and political realities.

The resulting system was characterized by tension rather than resolution—between inclusion and exclusion, religious authority and civic identity, market forces and social protection. Over time, however, reforms in education, religion, and governance translated abstract principles into practical competencies. The welfare state, in particular, reflects a negotiated equilibrium rather than ideological dominance, demonstrating the capacity of institutions to mediate conflict without eliminating it.

Methods

This article is based on a structured interview conducted with Tor Arne Jørgensen. The transcript has been preserved verbatim, with only formatting adjustments for clarity and consistency. No substantive edits have been made to the interview content.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

None submitted.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Nordic Legal and Religious History

Theme Part: None.

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: March 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 4,173

Image Credits: Tor Arne Jørgensen

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for his time, expertise, and valuable contributions. His thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)

Jacobsen SD. From From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published March 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)

Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, March 22). From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)

JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 mar. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Chicago/Turabian (Author-Date, 17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Chicago/Turabian (Notes & Bibliography, 17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (March 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Harvard

Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 March. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Harvard (Australian)

Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 March, viewed 22 March 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Vancouver / ICMJE

Jacobsen SD. From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)  [Internet]. 2026 Mar 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Nataliya Voitovych: russian Disinformation, Western Media Blind Spots, and Ukraine’s Journalist Solidarity Hubs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): National Union of Journalists of Ukraine

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/03

Nataliya Voitovych: How do russian disinformation narratives shape Western media framing of Ukraine, and how do Journalist Solidarity Centers protect frontline reporting?

Nataliya Voitovych is a Ukrainian journalist and disinformation researcher who coordinates the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center within the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine’s nationwide network. Her work focuses on keeping reporters safe and operational during russia’s invasion: organizing coworking space during blackouts, arranging access to protective equipment, and connecting displaced journalists with practical support and training. Alongside this field role, she contributes to academic and professional literature on media literacy and countering disinformation, examining how propaganda spreads and how audiences can be inoculated against it. She collaborates with international partners, including UNESCO-backed programs, to sustain independent Ukrainian journalism nationwide.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Nataliya Voitovych, coordinator of the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center, about how russian disinformation distorts Western coverage and how Ukraine’s resistance forced many outlets to revise early assumptions. Voitovych argues that the war began in 2014, not 2022, and critiques narratives that frame Ukraine as too small to endure. She describes propaganda shifts—from “protecting russian speakers” to claims of “returning lands”—and urges journalists to ground reporting in history. They also discuss press-freedom trajectories, wartime media centralization, and solidarity hubs that provide gear, training, and a safe workspace for frontline reporting amid blackouts, displacement, and escalating threats.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In conversations with Ukrainian lawyers and activists, three frames keep coming up about “Western” media: what it gets right, what it gets wrong, and what it misses entirely. From your vantage point, what does it get right, wrong, and miss?

Nataliya Voitovych: russian propaganda has had a strong presence in Western information spaces.  This is an information war.

Some media outlets and commentators repeat russian narratives—sometimes for ideological reasons, sometimes to capture audiences, and sometimes because russian-language material is readily available. Many Europeans learned russian, and when people looked for information, they often turned to russian-language sources.

However, russian state-aligned sources and pro-Kremlin messaging do not provide a full or reliable picture of what is happening in Ukraine, which creates a distorted understanding.

The war did not begin in 2022. russia’s war against Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014, beginning with the seizure and annexation of Crimea and the start of russia-backed fighting in eastern Ukraine. Many European outlets treated the conflict for years as an internal Ukrainian issue—a “civil conflict” or “separatist” war—rather than as russian aggression against Ukraine. That misframing was one of the biggest problems.

Russia has major structural advantages: a much larger population, far larger territory, and far greater resources. Ukraine is smaller in both population and geography. Many people assumed a smaller country could not withstand russia.

The full-scale invasion began on February 24, 2022. As of now, it is in its fourth year. Over these years, the world has seen that a smaller country can resist and fight a much larger aggressor.

Ukraine is also defending the broader European security order. If Ukraine were conquered, the threat would not necessarily stop at Ukraine’s borders; it would increase the risk of further instability and coercion across Europe.

Ukraine has become a barrier to Putin’s expansion into Europe and beyond.

Before the full-scale invasion began, some people began practicing Ukrainian, but it was not widely prioritized. When russia’s full-scale invasion started in 2022, some European and “Western” media initially said Ukraine was a small country, and russia was a big country, so Ukraine could not defend itself.

However, our country—our people—became a clear example that Ukraine can defend itself. It is not only about size. European media contains a lot of russian propaganda, and that influences perceptions.

Early on, a common narrative was: ‘Russia is big, Ukraine cannot defend itself.’ Later, the media began to acknowledge what proved true: Ukraine can defend itself. However, that was not the first image; it came later.

Jacobsen: Many Western outlets revised early expectations once Ukraine resisted the initial assault.

Voitovych: I read questions from foreign media, including in Ukraine and in some European countries. Some people said they would not go and doubted that Ukraine would resist.

However, when the invasion began in 2022, people joined the defense in enormous numbers—men and women ready to stand up and defend the state. There were long lines of volunteers.

Painters, bakers, singers, musicians, seamstresses—ordinary people—ready to participate in the defense of the country.

In 2022, I was interviewed by Polish media and said that if the war came to Lviv, I would take up arms and defend my country because it is my land and I would not leave.

In Kyiv in 2022, when the full-scale invasion began, weapons were distributed, and people went out to defend the city, even facing armored vehicles with whatever they had. They defended Kyiv and Ukraine.

Voitovych: There were lines for weapons. They gave people weapons, and they went to defend their neighborhoods and their cities themselves.

Jacobsen: Your specialization is russian disinformation. What was the character of russian disinformation at the start of the war in 2014? How did it change in 2022? What is its character now—especially with EU and NATO delays, and the political chaos around Trump?

Voitovych: russian disinformation has centered on the claim of “returning russian lands,” despite Ukraine’s internationally recognized sovereignty after 1991: sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. They also pushed the narrative that they were “liberating” or “protecting” russian-speaking people.

That was propaganda. Sometimes it sounded as if they were afraid of Western Ukraine because we are Ukrainian-speaking and we value our language.

Even in Lviv, we had multiple schools that taught russian as a minority language. In the streets of Lviv, people spoke russian, and nobody forbade it.

Until around 2016–2018, much public life was bilingual: concerts and programs often had one line in Ukrainian and another line in russian. You cannot honestly claim there was “pressure” on the russian language.

In 2014, they started the war in the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions. They staged “referendums” about separating those territories, although many people were forced to leave and could not vote. They then claimed large percentages supported separation.

Russia also claimed it was a war inside Ukraine—Ukrainians fighting Ukrainians—and that russia had nothing to do with it. In Crimea, they used a similar line. They said russian troops were not there. That is where the phrase and meme came from: the “little green men.”

Jacobsen: When russians frame “liberation,” they mean “liberation” from the humiliation of the russian language.

Voitovych: russian officials said they were not in Crimea, but they were in Crimea—and they are still there.

In Ukrainian, it translates as “they are not there,” and it became a meme—”in one word.”

When other parts of the world—Europe, America, Canada, and others—say that russia occupied Crimea, russia responds by claiming that Ukraine is not really a country. They claim Ukraine was “founded” by Lenin.

However, Kyiv is far older than Moscow by centuries. It is illogical to say that a place with an older city, a long history, and an established culture was “created” recently by the Soviet Union. This is one of the biggest propaganda claims.

Ukraine existed as a historical polity and a cultural territory long before the USSR. There is historical evidence, including accounts by European travelers and researchers, describing the territory of Ukraine, its culture, and historical developments that differed sharply from those in russia.

Now, when they cannot credibly claim they are “protecting russian-speaking people,” they shift to another message: that Ukraine is “their territory” and they are “taking back what is theirs.” That is where the propaganda has moved.

European media—and world media—need to return to history and read it seriously: not only russian state narratives, but also French, Italian, Spanish, and other historians and travellers from the 15th and 16th centuries who documented the region and drew maps that included Ukraine. This matters.

Western media are often new to this context.

Russian propaganda claimed that russian-speaking boys were in danger in Lviv. You went to Lviv—I hope you did not see anything like that.

Western media, in general, does not know russian history very well either. russian propaganda says that in Lviv, our people “eat russian boys,” and similar absurd things. That is propaganda.

Jacobsen: In different contexts, there are historical analogies. People used to claim that Jewish people harmed Christian children centuries ago. This “child-eating” narrative is not a new tool.

Voitovych: Our biggest problem is that Ukraine was the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal after the Soviet Union collapsed. Many argued it would not be safe for Ukraine to keep those weapons.

Ukraine was pressured into giving them up under the Budapest Memorandum in 1994. Ukrainians believed that the United States, the United Kingdom, and russia agreed to respect Ukraine’s independence and borders.

However, russia had intentions to restore control over the former Soviet territories. If Ukraine had kept nuclear weapons, maybe russia would not have attacked. Ukraine trusted that nuclear powers would preserve Ukraine’s integrity and help protect it.

When it came to protection, russia later claimed the memorandum was not binding and treated it as merely a political statement. That is what happened.

I feel personal regret about this, because Ukrainians are strong, hardworking, and brave. If you look at the broader story, Ukraine as a state has not attacked others; it has defended itself.

In the 1990s, the world acted as if Ukraine could hypothetically become an aggressor. That is strange, because historically, Ukraine has not been an aggressor.

Historically, Ukraine has defended itself. However, in the 1990s, other countries treated Ukraine as if it could pose a serious threat. They thought it would be better for Ukraine to give up its nuclear weapons, and they said they would defend Ukraine from other countries.

Jacobsen: This came up in another interview recently with a Ukrainian based in the United States, so I will take a minute to lay out the logic.

During World War II, Jewish people were integrated into German society and achieved success in many areas. Then they were persecuted in Germany, and conditions became catastrophic.

Many tried to flee to different countries, but large parts of the world refused to accept them. They experienced betrayal within their own society and then betrayal as refugees trying to escape.

The contexts differ in severity, but the logic of betrayal has a parallel structure.

Ukraine had the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal. After gaining independence from the Soviet Union, Ukraine agreed to denuclearize. The United States and other powers offered assurances tied to Ukraine’s sovereignty and borders.

Then the russian Federation annexed Crimea in 2014 and launched the full-scale invasion in 2022, violating international law. The United States did not intervene militarily to defend Ukraine, so many Ukrainians interpret that as a second betrayal layered onto the first.

So there is a “double betrayal”: aggression from a former Soviet “brother,” and the absence of the hard protection Ukrainians believed the assurances implied.

That is why, when civilians, the military, and President Zelenskyy say “no territorial concessions,” I understand the position. Again, not the same degree of suffering as the Holocaust, but similar logic in geopolitical and cultural terms: after repeated betrayal, conceding territory feels like rewarding the aggressor and inviting future aggression.

Voitovych: If we make territorial concessions, it will be a disaster. You cannot give the aggressor what they want. If we agree to give them our territory, they will not stop.

The biggest message from the Ukrainian side is: do not let Putin achieve any of his political objectives, because then he will pursue more.

Jacobsen: In the Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index, Ukraine ranked 106th out of 180 in 2022, while russia ranked 155th.

That is not the whole story. Ukraine improved to 62nd in 2025, while russia fell to 171st—a clear divergence.

For context, Moldova is 35th in 2025.

So, despite the war, Ukraine—alongside anti-corruption efforts—has improved on media freedom, while russia’s media environment has worsened.

There are concerns in Ukraine under martial law, including restrictions and occasional interference affecting journalists, especially near the front line. On the russian side, there are severe concerns: journalists being detained, abused, and credible reporting (including UN-linked documentation) indicating torture and systematic mistreatment of detained journalists.

What are the main concerns for journalists in Ukraine right now? How does that contrast with russia’s treatment of journalists, particularly detention, abuse, and torture? Moreover, in the bigger picture, press freedom is worsening in russia and improving in Ukraine. Ironically, fewer Western journalists come to Ukraine at the very moment more should, especially given the improved rankings.

Jacobsen: What is the Journalistic Solidarity Center?

Voitovych: It started in 2022, when the full-scale invasion led to mass displacement. Journalists from occupied or heavily attacked areas began fleeing, and Lviv became a hub. A community of journalists formed there to coordinate help. One of the first groups to assist us was a similar journalistic community in Greece.

In March 2022, they brought supplies—food, laptops, phones, cameras—because many journalists had fled without equipment.

We distributed aid, helped journalists find places to live, and supported them so they could continue working. Some stayed in Lviv; others moved onward.

In the summer of 2022, journalists in Kyiv decided it was necessary to create multiple hubs where they could come for help. We had hubs in Lviv, Chernivtsi, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Kyiv.

UNESCO began providing support—funding, bulletproof vests, helmets, and medical supplies—so journalists could have protective equipment.

We worked in that format through 2023. In 2023, we reorganized, and now we have hubs in Zaporizhzhia, Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Kyiv, with Ivano-Frankivsk, Chernivtsi, and Lviv grouped. In total, there are six hubs where journalists can come, borrow protective gear, and then go to the front with better safety.

Russia is attacking Ukraine’s energy system. For example, Lviv can experience blackouts. When there is no electricity or internet at home, journalists can come to the hub to work. It also serves as a workspace.

Once or twice a month, depending on circumstances, we run trainings and workshops on fact-checking, information warfare and propaganda, and journalistic ethics—especially how to report on war responsibly.

We also provide security and medical training, so when journalists go to dangerous areas, they can protect themselves and help others, including their camera operators.

These centers are genuinely helpful. They provide mutual support and practical consultation, helping journalists work more safely and stay connected.

Many journalists entered or re-entered the country in 2022, and many came from the east after fleeing their homes with no equipment and no protective gear. The hubs helped fill that gap.

Russia targets journalists—along with medics. Many journalists were forced to flee their homes, and Lviv became a hub because so many of them were there. There are now six such hubs in Ukraine.

There was a similar hub in Greece that supplied us with equipment and other support. If journalists want to go to the front line, they can come to our hub, receive protective equipment—like a bulletproof vest—and then go to the front with better safety.

We also hold lectures a few times per month about russian propaganda and disinformation.

Jacobsen: I have a question. What are her views, and the department head’s views, on “United Media”—bringing everything together under one centralized media platform? How did that centralization work in 2022? Was it an idea of the state, without taking journalists’ opinions into account?

The main concerns I have seen about media freedom in Ukraine have been martial law restrictions and the occasional persecution or obstruction of some journalists, primarily near the front line.

On the russian side, it is systematic: imprisonment of journalists, torture of detained journalists, and the deliberate targeting of journalists—including people clearly marked as “press”—and killing them. We see this through the Journalistic Solidarity work.

Voitovych: We also work with journalists, bloggers, and civic leaders—especially those in Crimea. We investigate the fate of journalists whom russia has taken and is holding in captivity.

We have supported the family of Viktor Roshchyna—no, sorry, let me be precise: please look up the story of Victoriya Roshchyna. We track the fate of Ukrainian journalists in Crimea in particular, and we also tracked the fate of Victoriya Roshchyna, who was killed in russia.

Recently, there was news that Victoriya Roshchyna asked for a psychologist and said that if she did not receive help, she would take drastic steps.

The Center for Journalism and the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU) wrote a petition about Viktoriia and also about a broader list of journalists being held in russia.

Russia treats journalists in a fundamentally criminal way because, for them, journalists are a target that must be eliminated. Why? Because a journalist can arrive, see what is happening, go back to the newsroom, and publish that russia is not telling the truth.

So when we talk about the press freedom index in russia, for me it is not just low—it is below zero.

Jacobsen: You are saying the main target—the main aim—for russians is to kill journalists. Moreover, you are saying that, for you, russia’s press freedom is below zero [Ed. So low that it is below any listing. It is like Afghanistan or North Korea.

Voitovych: A lot of the problems for the media in russia started a long time ago. When Putin came to power, I am not a historian, but my understanding is that he did three major things.

First, he targeted independent journalists and moved to silence them.

Second, he consolidated power by aligning with and empowering the richest men—oligarchs—so wealth and political loyalty reinforced each other.

Third, he built a system of patriotic messaging designed to make russians feel proud and to mobilize them around the state.

It is noteworthy that before territorial expansion and patriotic mobilization, he moved against independent journalism.

It was not about the people’s good. It was about protecting his own power.

Jacobsen: The russian state is not the same thing as the russian population.

Voitovych: I had a friend in russia. In 2014, after consuming russian propaganda, he asked me why Ukraine attacked russia. He described it as “Ukraine is small, russia is big.” In other words, he had inverted the roles of aggressor and victim.

Jacobsen: That connects to the territory point, which comes up repeatedly: why does russia need more territory? It does not.

Voitovych: russia has a large population and a vast landmass, but its economy is not as strong as its size suggests. By some measures, russia’s overall economic output is comparable to that of large European economies. Still, because russia has a much larger population, its per capita wealth is lower than that of many Western European countries. That is not a precise economic claim.

I have also heard sentiments from Ukrainian civilians that some russians resented Ukraine’s quality of life. That may be true for some individuals, but it is not a strong general explanation.

The main point is that russian state propaganda has framed Ukraine in a way that justifies domination.

Jacobsen: I can make an analogy from the American case. As a Canadian, I heard this argument often: the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan was justified in the public mind as a response to 9/11 (including NATO’s Article 5 being invoked and with UN resolutions). At the same time, the extension to Iraq was sold on weapons of mass destruction—claims that did not hold up. However, many people conflated the two conflicts in their minds into “the same war.” So, in the American public mind, Afghanistan and Iraq became conflated.

There is a history here. Americans had troops in Afghanistan for a long time. Many Americans thought the war was beneficial or necessary, regardless of what Afghanistan was experiencing. Moreover, there is an underlying slogan logic that appears in many countries: “They hate us for our freedom.”

The main problem is that russian propaganda uses a familiar kind of slogan-logic—something like, “They hate us for our freedom,” but, as some Ukrainians expressed, they were jealous of Ukrainian prosperity. You could say that might be true for some people, but not broadly. It is not a serious explanation of what is happening.

Sometimes this is not about popular grievances at all—it can be the will of an authoritarian leader and a ruling system trying to rebuild an empire and imitate figures like Catherine the Great or Peter the Great.

Oleksandra Matviichuk said in late 2025, in a clip I saw, that humanitarian aid numbers matter, and counting the killed and the equipment destroyed matters. Still, we should not lose the human stories. Otherwise, we turn human losses into statistics rather than a narrative. That struck me.

My first trip in 2023 was mainly to get acquainted. My second trip was more about politics, activism, and human rights. My third trip was supposed to come through Odesa, but after russia bombed bridges, routes were disrupted, and I came through Poland.

This time, I decided to do the regular work but devote much more attention to human stories—profiling young journalists, visiting art centers, and speaking with people like you and other leaders involved in Ukraine’s cultural regeneration.

So the character of this third trip is oriented around capturing human stories like yours. Are you noticing any loss of the human element in foreign media coverage? Are you noticing any loss of the human stories in foreign media?

This is from Rivne.

Voitovych: I have not noticed it much in foreign media because I do not usually consume it closely. However, I have noticed it in our media. When we show the deaths of soldiers, it often becomes statistics.

However, when we show a person’s death through their story, it is different. It is the death of a son. It is the death of a father. It is the death of a brother. It is the death of a friend. We can demonstrate someone’s death through their story.

My cousin was 25 years old. She went to the front line at the beginning of the full-scale war, when she was barely 18. She served as a medic. She said she could not stay at home because her country was invaded. She died two days before her birthday. russia killed her. She was also a journalist.

She is a Hero of Ukraine. She will be 24 forever. Her story shows the depth of the Ukrainian nation. If you report deaths among the Hospitallers, it is sad. However, when you tell the story of a young woman who chose to go and serve, it becomes more than sadness—it becomes recognition.

If we write only that someone died, it is sad. If we write about the person they were, it becomes an honor.

Jacobsen: Death is personal, and honor never replaces the person. There are four broad categories of men in Ukraine: those who left the country, those who hid within the country, those who were coerced or forced into mobilization, and those who chose to go to the front and stayed.

The word “brave” probably belongs primarily to the last group. People may use the terms “brave” or “courageous” to describe foreign journalists like me who come to Ukraine. That is not appropriate. It may be insensitive because we choose to come here and can choose to leave. Calling us “brave” in the same way is unfair and irresponsible.

So, what is your expert opinion on the context for men and women—bakers, artists, journalists—who went to the front line? What is your take on their stories: changing an ordinary life into becoming someone on the front line? What do you think about their stories?

Voitovych: We mentioned those who left, those who hid, and those who went to fight. I do not blame those who hid or those who left, because fear is human. However, I have great respect for those who, regardless of their profession—whether they are singers, artists, teachers, or journalists—went to the front to defend the country.

Moreover, I also respect those who stayed here and continue doing what they can. Sometimes it looks like indifference, but it is not. It is resilience.

Today, on my way to work, I saw a scene that really touched me: two young girls, about 18 years old, carrying a large container of gasoline and pouring it into a generator so a café—or some small place—could keep working during a blackout. That is not typically considered “girls’ work,” but they stayed, and they did what was needed. Those are small steps, but they mean a lot.

It is hard to describe. At home, we may have electricity for only about four hours a day, and then we have no light. However, we live on. We go outside between buildings, set up barrels, light a fire, and cook food. Life continues.

For me, it is all part of the same resilience. Those who are physically and mentally ready to go to the front go and fight. However, I cannot dismiss any of the four categories, because people’s circumstances and limits differ, and even small acts of endurance and mutual support matter.

Jacobsen: Some questions can feel taboo. For example, what are we to make of russian families who want nothing to do with the war, but feel they have to take part in it—especially if, financially, it seems like the only viable option in their village? What should we make of their stories? I do not want to make the same mistake as Westerners, framing this almost theologically as a war between pure good and pure evil.

Voitovych: You mean families whose men are sent to the front, and the family feels they have no other normal option. I recommend you watch videos where russian prisoners are filmed while speaking with their families.

In these recordings, you can hear how they talk. They often describe the war as a way to reach something—to get something. That is not normal, especially for an aggressor.

Some of them neglect their husbands or sons. It is not about love. russian people—again, this is my opinion—close their eyes. They do not want to see. They do not want to understand. Critical thinking is when you analyze.

Most russians do not analyze. They unquestioningly believe what they are given. Many russian families do not want to see the full situation. They close their eyes. That is not critical thinking. Moreover, it is not a small thing.

Jacobsen: The only symmetry I have seen in credible documentation comes from the UN system—particularly the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

In one UN report, 205 prisoners were interviewed—Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war and detainees—and both groups reported torture or ill-treatment. However, there was an important distinction.

For Ukrainian prisoners of war, the torture is well documented and extensive, and it occurs systematically in detention facilities. For russian prisoners, the allegations were not primarily about treatment inside formal detention facilities. They were more about abuse at a transfer point—an “in-transit” or “way station” stage before arriving at detention.

So the alleged abuse against russian prisoners appears to be more concentrated in that transit phase, rather than in established detention centers. That is a nuance that rarely makes it into mainstream reporting. I would be very interested to see more coverage of what happens at those transfer points, because we already have substantial reporting on what happens to Ukrainians in detention.

In general, russian detainees appear to be treated far better than Ukrainian detainees, even acknowledging that abuses against russian prisoners—especially during transfers—are a serious human rights concern.

From a human rights perspective, that is one of the areas where things become more morally complex, because the question becomes: who controlled that transfer point, and what systems existed—or failed—to prevent abuse?

I also recall UN-verified cases in 2023–2024 involving the killing of russian prisoners by Ukrainian forces, though again, the scale and systematic character differ sharply from russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners. The story of Victoriya Roshchyna is an eloquent example of what is at stake.

I am not standing on a pedestal here. I am well aware of Canadian failures and wider Western failures—Romeo Dallaire in Rwanda, and the context dramatized for popular audiences through films like Hotel Rwanda. During the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, propaganda—especially radio broadcasts—was used to incite mass violence. It is a brutal example of what information warfare can do.

I bring up Rwanda because I am also aware of how grating it is when people in the West make beautiful speeches and then do little, or when Western states have committed serious wrongs themselves. It is important to emphasize that in this interview.

Voitovych: I have a question. Do you have any expectations—expectations or assumptions—coming into this?

Jacobsen: I have found that having fewer expectations and fewer assumptions is important for a more accurate view of things. There is a neo-Taoist idea of the “empty cup”: when you come open and receptive, you can take in what is actually there.

It might sound abstract, but the point is practical. Fewer expectations allow you to see things more as others do, rather than forcing everything through your own prior experience and interpretations.

Voitovych: So you mean: the fewer expectations you bring, the more clearly you can perceive what is in front of you, and the less you distort it through your own past experiences and assumptions.

Jacobsen: There is also an African pre-colonial idea—often associated with Ubuntu—that people are defined through one another: “I am because you are.” That can inform journalistic narrative construction in a way that is more intersubjectively accurate and therefore more comprehensive. My only expectation is the price of an espresso.

In two provinces over, in the city of Winnipeg, they expect the temperature to drop to extreme lows. One backpacker from Canada in Lviv can feel comfortable. For me, minus 20 is cold, and minus five is mildly uncomfortable. How about you?

Voitovych: For me, plus 20 degrees is comfortable.

Jacobsen: I used to work at a horse farm. I was doing journalism on equestrianism. I found it comfortable to do ranch labor and landscaping at around 25 Celsius.

My indication from recent statements by the Prime Minister of Finland, President Zelenskyy, Lavrov’s recent evasiveness, and the encouraged discussion in Alaska is that russians are losing as many—or more—than they are recruiting now. That raises another issue.

We know from reliable reporting that some Indian nationals were misled into serving in the russian army. We also know North Korean forces have supported russia, and that Iranian Shahed drones and related technology have been used by russia, with foreign-sourced components—including from China—showing up in russian drone supply chains. We also know some citizens of Western-aligned countries have volunteered in the Ukrainian forces.

I would love to see an investigative piece—from Ukrainian journalists or someone closer to this than I am—on two questions: how many other nationalities are being misled or coerced into russian service, and how many nationalities are volunteering on the Ukrainian side? If Indians are involved and there are reports of others from very different regions, that suggests the problem is wider than what is commonly discussed.

Voitovych: It is hard for me to answer precisely because I am not a military strategist. However, yes, we know there are foreign nationals involved.

Jacobsen: I also recently completed a book project—around 110,000 words—based on conversations with experts and victim advocates regarding clergy-perpetrated abuse in the Eastern Orthodox Church.

One relevant comparison: in the United States, the Archdiocese of Los Angeles agreed in 2024 to an $880 million settlement with survivors of clergy sexual abuse—just one archdiocese, in one metro area, and one settlement among others. However, I still hear a kind of deflection from some Orthodox voices: “We do not have that,” or “If we do, we are not as bad as the Catholic Church.”

It is bad in any case. No version of this becomes a joke. We do have a database now, and you can do a four-quadrant analysis of victims: adult women, boys as primary victims, with girls and adult men as minority victims. It is controversial, but the point is that the victim profile is not limited to any one group, even though some groups appear more frequently in reported and documented cases.

What we do know across Christian denominations is that when victims—men or women—come forward, the first institutional reflex is often to defend the church rather than protect the victim.

We also know false allegations are a minority. Estimates vary, but commonly cited ranges are roughly 2% to 10%. That means when one person comes forward, the odds heavily favor a genuine claim. When multiple independent complainants come forward—three, four, five—the likelihood that the accused engaged in misconduct becomes extremely high.

I get a lot of strange emails.

Security-wise, before I came here, my latest hate mail—or “fan mail”—was: “Your writing sucks, and I hope you die soon.”

Journalists get harassed constantly now. Women are more often sexually harassed.

I did a four-part interview with a British Pakistani colleague, and she described how she gets the same “your writing sucks, I hope you die” messages, but often with sexualized threats, like “I hope you get raped to death,” or similar.

It is American chaos, European delays paired with beautiful statements, Ukraine’s increasing self-sufficiency, and russia’s largely criminal conduct. Those four dynamics do not seem to be changing much.

Much of Africa has no direct stake in this beyond specific cases—such as some Kenyan nationals reportedly being deceived into russian service. Some in Africa may also view this, bluntly, as a European “white people’s war,” even though the consequences, e.g., food prices, energy shocks, rule-of-law precedents, recruitment scams, travel well beyond Europe.

Since those structural dynamics are shifting slowly, the areas where I can make a small contribution are often the less-covered parts: culture, civil society, and human stories—the things that keep human beings from turning into spreadsheet cells.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Nataliya.

License and Copyright

License

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Based on a work at www.in-sightjournal.com.

Copyright

© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012-2022. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with appropriate and specific direction to the original content. All interviewees and authors co-copyright their material and may disseminate for their independent purposes.

Entrevista con Alejandro Borgo – Representante del CFI-Argentina

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Pensar (Centre for Inquiry – Argentina)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/07/18

En resumen, ¿cuál es la historia de su familia?

Bueno, mis abuelos vinieron a Argentina desde Italia. Mis padres nacieron en Argentina. Mi padre era un gran hombre. Le gustaban las artes. Me inculcó el amor por la música y la ciencia. Solía ​​regalarme libros de astronomía, biología, etc. Murió a los 71 años y lo extraño mucho. Fue la persona que más me influyó.

¿Y su historia personal?

Nací en Buenos Aires, Argentina, en agosto de 1958. Tuve una infancia muy feliz. De adolescente empecé a leer libros sobre lo paranormal y me fascinaba la parapsicología, los ovnis, etc. Luego, comencé a estudiar en el Instituto Argentino de Parapsicología, donde, paradójicamente, aprendí el método científico. Durante siete años de intensa investigación allí, no pude encontrar ni un solo caso en el que aparecieran fenómenos parapsicológicos. No encontré absolutamente nada y me convertí en escéptico. En ese momento tenía 25 años.

¿Cuáles son sus creencias religiosas/irreligiosas, éticas y políticas?

En cuanto a la religión, soy agnóstico. Mis creencias éticas y políticas son: respeto lo que llamamos «libertad negativa», estoy en contra de la coerción y creo que el Estado, al menos en mi país, regulaba casi todo. Era abusivo. Tantas leyes, tantos impuestos. Creo en el libre intercambio con la mínima intervención del Estado. Creo que debemos priorizar a las personas, no a la sociedad. Y, por supuesto, creo que la Iglesia y el Estado deben estar separados, algo que no sucede en mi país. Creo que el populismo es peligroso, y en Argentina hubo muchos presidentes populistas.

¿Cómo se convirtió en investigador y activista escéptico?

Realicé muchos experimentos e investigaciones científicas y no encontré nada cierto sobre los fenómenos paranormales. Pensé: “Hay muchos astrólogos, videntes y clarividentes publicando anuncios en los periódicos, y no encuentro ni uno solo que pueda demostrar sus poderes… algo no cuadra”.

Entonces, junto con Enrique Márquez (mago e investigador de fenómenos paranormales) y Alejandro Agostinelli (periodista especializado en ovnis), fundamos en 1990 la primera organización escéptica de Argentina: el Centro Argentino para la Refutación e Investigación de la Pseudociencia. Mantuvimos contacto con el CSI (en aquel entonces llamado CSICOP) y Carl Sagan y Mario Bunge se convirtieron en miembros honorarios de nuestra organización. Publicamos una revista, El Ojo Escéptico, y fui su editor hasta 1997.

En 2003, el Center for Inquiry decidió publicar una revista para hispanohablantes llamada Pensar, de la cual fui editor hasta 2009. En 2006, fundamos la filial CFI/Argentina, y fui elegido director. Como periodista especializado en lo paranormal, fui invitado a cientos de programas de televisión y radio, y fui entrevistado por la prensa en diversos periódicos y revistas de Argentina y otros países. Publiqué tres libros sobre lo paranormal y el pensamiento crítico. En 2020 volvimos a editar la revista Pensar, pero online.

¿Sus padres o hermanos influyeron en esto?

Bueno, mi padre solía darme libros de ciencia que despertaban mi curiosidad. Mis padres no eran religiosos. Nunca me hablaron de religión. Vivían sin la necesidad de creer en Dios.

¿Tuvo alguna colaboración en tus inicios en este activismo? Si es así, ¿con quién?

Sí. Eran profesionales, estudiantes o ilusionistas que se convirtieron en amigos míos y comparten mi interés por la desmitificación de los fenómenos paranormales.

¿Se considera progresista?

Sí. Me gusta el progreso. Pero creo que debemos diferenciar a quienes apoyan el progreso de quienes dicen apoyar el progreso social pero no hacen nada para lograrlo. Apoyo el progreso científico. El progreso social es muy difícil de definir. Creo que nuestras ideologías pueden llevarnos a cometer errores. Por eso intento fomentar el pensamiento crítico. Damos por sentadas muchas cosas y no nos educan para hacer preguntas «peligrosas».

¿Cómo llegó a adoptar una visión del mundo socialmente progresista?

Bueno, a lo largo de mi vida he ido cambiando mi visión del mundo. Me gustaban las ideas socialistas, pero ya no me gustan. El socialismo fue un fracaso y, en algunos países, un desastre. Va en contra de la libertad y es un sistema donde el Estado lo regula todo. Prefiero una democracia con libre mercado, sin regulaciones estatales. Y, por supuesto, un sistema educativo que permita y promueva el pensamiento crítico.

¿Por qué cree que es importante adoptar una perspectiva socialmente progresista?

Porque el progreso es necesario para construir individuos mejores y más sanos. Y para lograr este objetivo, el progreso científico es esencial.

Como progresista, ¿cuál cree que es la mejor postura sociopolítica para adoptar en Sudamérica?

Una democracia que promueva la libertad de expresión y fomente el pensamiento crítico, donde el individuo sea el componente principal. No debemos sacrificar a los individuos en nombre de la sociedad, porque los sistemas populistas promueven precisamente lo siguiente: la mayoría es más importante que los ciudadanos.

¿Qué grandes obstáculos (si los hay) ve usted que enfrentan actualmente los movimientos socioprogresistas?

Ideologías dogmáticas (incluida la religión), religiones seculares y todo lo que se oponga al pensamiento crítico y libre.

¿Qué importancia les da a los movimientos sociales?

Depende del movimiento del que estemos hablando. Yo apoyaría un movimiento que promoviera la libertad, el libre pensamiento y luchara contra las ideologías dogmáticas de cualquier tipo.

¿Cuál es el nivel de irreligiosidad en Argentina?

Cerca del 90% de la población profesa diferentes religiones. Pero ese porcentajr está bajando considerablemente.

¿Experimentan las personas irreligiosas intolerancia y prejuicios en todos los niveles de la sociedad argentina?

Sí, los experimentan, aunque no todos. ( En estos casos no hay que generalizar).

¿Por qué?

En primer lugar, la Iglesia y el Estado no están separados. Por lo tanto, los ciudadanos, al pagar impuestos, están apoyando a la Iglesia Católica, incluso si profesan otra religión o son agnósticos o ateos. Eso es injusto.

Usted es el representante del Center for Inquiry/Argentina. ¿Qué tareas y responsabilidades conlleva este cargo?

Mi responsabilidad es representar a una organización mundial que promueve la ciencia, la razón y el humanismo secular. Organizo conferencias, debates y reuniones cuyos temas principales son el pensamiento crítico, la pseudociencia y el escepticismo. Y dirijo una revista dedicada a difundir el pensamiento crítico.

¿Cuáles son algunas de sus investigaciones más memorables sobre lo paranormal y lo parapsicológico?

He investigado a cientos de personas que afirmaban tener poderes paranormales, así como casas supuestamente embrujadas, avistamientos de ovnis, etc. También organicé, con el apoyo de CFI, la primera Conferencia Iberoamericana sobre Pensamiento Crítico, en septiembre de 2005, con ponentes de diferentes países: Brasil, Estados Unidos, Chile, España, Argentina, Paraguay (¡disculpen si he omitido algún otro país!).

Usted escribe para Skeptical Inquirer. ¿Qué importancia tiene esta revista, y otras similares, para el escepticismo?

La importancia de esta revista radica en que promueve la ciencia y la razón de una manera que el público en general puede comprender.

¿Qué distingue a la ciencia verdadera de la pseudociencia, la falta de ciencia y la mala ciencia?

La ciencia requiere evidencia. La pseudociencia no, porque no utiliza el pensamiento científico ni el pensamiento crítico. Y lo peor es que hay profesionales que practican la pseudociencia, sobre todo en medicina y psicología.

La ciencia es conocimiento y proceso. Conocimiento del mundo natural mediante metodologías empíricas. Proceso para alcanzar el conocimiento empírico. ¿Cuál es la mejor manera de enseñar ambos simultáneamente, dado que la ciencia puede reducirse a la tabla periódica de los elementos, los nombres de las especies, los minerales, las características de los diferentes cuerpos celestes, etc.?

Necesitamos divulgadores científicos, capaces de explicar qué es la ciencia con un lenguaje claro y sencillo. El mejor ejemplo es Carl Sagan.

He visto a científicos invitados a programas de televisión para hablar sobre diversos temas, y la mayoría resultan aburridos, utilizando palabras complicadas y términos científicos. No están preparados para ser divulgadores. Si no podemos conectar con el público de forma directa y sencilla, estamos fracasando. Debemos hacer lo que hizo Bertrand Russell. Fue un gran matemático y filósofo, pero también escribía para la gente común.

Precisamos educadores que hagan pensar crítica y libremente, racionalmente.

¿Cuál es su descubrimiento científico favorito?

La evolución.

¿Cuál es su pseudociencia favorita que ha sido desacreditada?

Debemos darles preponderancia a las medicinas alternativas. Pero también creo que debemos aplicar el escepticismo y el pensamiento crítico tanto en economía como en política. Hay mucha pseudociencia en ambos campos.

¿A qué se dedica actualmente?

Soy periodista, escritor y músico. He publicado cuatro libros: uno sobre pseudociencia, dos sobre pensamiento crítico y uno sobre Los Beatles.

¿Qué espera que suceda en el futuro?

Hoy el mundo está en un caos enorme (me refiero a las guerras y sus consecuencias). Pero si logramos sobrepasar esta terrible situación, y vuelve la paz, soy optimista. Aunque veo que la mayor parte de la comunidad científica ignora el pensamiento mágico y la pseudociencia. Y, como escribí antes, es absolutamente necesario formar divulgadores científicos. Necesitamos difundir la razón. Pero, sinceramente, no sé si eso sucederá a corto plazo. Por lo que veo, la pseudociencia está invadiendo las instituciones académicas y la religión sigue teniendo mucha fuerza.

Gracias por su tiempo, Alejandro.

¡De nada!

Scott Jacobsen

License and Copyright

License

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Based on a work at www.in-sightjournal.com.

Copyright

© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012-2022. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with appropriate and specific direction to the original content. All interviewees and authors co-copyright their material and may disseminate for their independent purposes.

Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 25, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: February 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview excerpt with Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı synthesizes several live problems at the interface of black-hole physics, holography, thermodynamics, and computational method. First, it addresses whether thermal fluctuations can undermine the Kovtun–Son–Starinets (KSS) bound on the shear-viscosity-to-entropy-density ratio in quantum-corrected AdS black holes. Sakallı argues that the bound is formulated for ensemble-averaged thermodynamic quantities rather than instantaneous microstates, and that causality constraints and fluctuation–dissipation structure prevent genuine violations even when entropy and horizon data fluctuate. Quantum corrections are presented as shifting the numerical value of the bound in controlled ways rather than eliminating the existence of a lower bound. Second, the excerpt proposes an operational, coordinate-independent notion of “thermodynamic topology,” treating equilibrium state space as a manifold equipped with geometric structures (metrics, curvature, and topological invariants such as winding numbers) that classify critical points and phase transitions, with ensemble changes understood via Legendre transformations on a broader thermodynamic phase space. Third, Sakallı outlines a phenomenological unification of linear dilaton, Newman–Unti–Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries, emphasizing their shared “hair,” nonstandard asymptotics, modified thermodynamics, and comparable signatures in geodesic structure and observables such as shadows and inspiral waveforms. Finally, the excerpt compares higher-order WKB approaches and neural networks for extracting quasinormal modes, identifying the main methodological pitfalls—convergence, coordinate and boundary-condition sensitivity versus data dependence, extrapolation risk, and interpretability—and motivating hybrid strategies that combine physical transparency with computational speed.

Keywords

AdS/CFT, Asymptotics, Bardeen black holes, Boundary conditions, Black hole hair, Black hole shadows, Causality constraints, Compactification, Coordinate independence, Curvature (thermodynamic), Dilaton fields, Ensemble averaging, Euler characteristic, Extended phase space, Extrapolation risk, Fluctuation–dissipation theorem, Gauss–Bonnet gravity, Geodesics, Gibbs free energy, Grand canonical ensemble, Gravitational waves, Heavy-ion collisions, Helmholtz free energy, Higher-derivative corrections, Holography, Interpretability, ISCO (innermost stable circular orbit), KSS bound, Legendre transformations, Linear dilaton black holes, LIGO constraints, Machine learning, Microcanonical ensemble, Misner string, Neural networks, Newman–Unti–Tamburino (NUT) spacetime, Nonlinear electrodynamics, Overfitting, Phase transitions, Photon sphere, Pietist discipline, Quark–gluon plasma, Quasinormal modes, Quantum corrections, Shear viscosity, Symplectic structure, Thermal fluctuations, Thermodynamic manifold, Thermodynamic metric, Thermodynamic topology, Topological charge, Transport coefficients, Van der Waals analogy, Viscosity-to-entropy ratio, Winding number, WKB approximation

Introduction

Modern black-hole physics is no longer a single subject so much as a crowded intersection: holography links gravity to strongly coupled fluids; extended thermodynamics reframes spacetime constants as state variables; and observational astronomy increasingly constrains “beyond Kerr–Newman” possibilities. In this excerpt, Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı engages several of these frontiers through a unifying methodological concern: which statements are invariant, operationally meaningful, and robust under corrections—whether those corrections are quantum, thermal, coordinate-based, or computational.

The discussion begins with the Kovtun–Son–Starinets bound, a conjectured lower limit on the ratio of shear viscosity to entropy density that emerges naturally from AdS/CFT calculations. Sakallı addresses a common worry in quantum-corrected AdS black holes: if entropy and horizon properties fluctuate, could momentary configurations appear to violate the bound? He frames the bound as a statement about coarse-grained thermodynamic quantities, protected by causality and by the structured relation between fluctuations and dissipation, and he argues that quantum corrections typically deform the bound’s value rather than abolish the existence of a bound.

The excerpt then shifts from bounds to classification, proposing an operational definition of thermodynamic topology that is explicitly coordinate-independent. Equilibrium state space is treated as a manifold where thermodynamic potentials define fields, critical points behave as topological defects, and invariants such as winding numbers provide a stable language for phase transitions. Because ensemble choice changes which variables are held fixed, Sakallı emphasizes a geometric formulation in which Legendre transformations are understood as coordinate changes within a broader phase space equipped with ensemble-independent structure, allowing invariants to remain well-posed across descriptions.

From there, the interview broadens to a phenomenological comparison of three nonstandard black-hole families—linear dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen—highlighting the shared presence of additional “hair,” altered asymptotics, and modified thermodynamics and geodesics, with implications for shadows, accretion signatures, and gravitational-wave observables. The excerpt closes with a methodological contrast between higher-order WKB techniques and neural networks for computing quasinormal modes, weighing physical interpretability and controlled approximation against speed, data dependence, and extrapolation risk, and motivating hybrid strategies that preserve both exploration and rigor.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı

Professor Izzet Sakallı is a theoretical physicist at Eastern Mediterranean University whose research bridges quantum mechanics, general relativity, and observational astronomy. With over 180 publications exploring black hole thermodynamics, modified gravity theories, and quantum corrections to spacetime, his work sits at the exciting frontier where abstract mathematics meets observable reality. In this interview, he discusses the challenges of testing exotic gravity theories, the quest to observe quantum effects in astrophysical systems, and what the next generation of telescopes and gravitational wave detectors might reveal about the quantum nature of spacetime. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Which shadow features best test Lorentz-violating backgrounds once plasma and accretion-flow systematics are in cluded? 

Professor Izzet Sakallı: The Event Horizon Telescope’s stunning images of M87* and Sagittarius A* opened an unprece dented window for testing fundamental physics. These images show a bright ring of emission surrounding a dark shadow—the gravitational silhouette of the black hole. But extracting con straints on exotic physics requires carefully separating genuine signatures of modified spacetime from astrophysical contamination. 

Lorentz invariance—the principle that physical laws don’t depend on your orientation or ve locity—is a cornerstone of both special and general relativity. Various approaches to quantum gravity predict potential violations at high energies or in strong gravitational fields. These violations would modify how photons propagate, potentially changing the observed shadow. 

The challenge is that accretion disks—the hot, ionized material spiraling into black holes—are messy astrophysical environments. The plasma causes Faraday rotation of polarized light, in troduces frequency-dependent delays through dispersion, absorbs some wavelengths while trans mitting others, and Doppler shifts due to its orbital motion. All these effects must be modeled and subtracted to reveal underlying spacetime properties. 

The most robust tests use signatures that depend differently on fundamental physics versus astrophysical processes. Multi-wavelength shadow measurements provide one such discriminator. If Lorentz violation affects photon propagation, the shadow size should vary with observing frequency in a specific pattern—different from how plasma effects scale. Observing at 230 GHz, 345 GHz, and potentially infrared wavelengths with the next-generation Event Horizon Telescope would allow separating these effects. 

The photon ring—actually a series of nested subrings from photons completing multiple orbits before escaping—offers another powerful probe. The time delay between successive subrings de pends on geodesic motion in the spacetime geometry, largely insensitive to accretion flow details since it’s a geometric effect. Lorentz violation would modify these time delays in characteristic ways. 

Polarization patterns provide additional leverage. While plasma Faraday rotation certainly af fects polarization, Lorentz violation can break azimuthal symmetry in distinctive ways. Decom posing the polarization pattern into angular components helps separate astrophysical rotation (which affects all components similarly) from symmetry-breaking physics. 

Time variability studies offer yet another approach. Monitoring shadow features over days to months separates quasi-periodic variability from orbital motion, flares and turbulence in the accretion flow, and any secular trends from fundamental physics. If the shadow properties slowly drift in ways inconsistent with astrophysical explanations, that might signal Lorentz violation. 

Current EHT observations constrain deviations from general relativity at the ten to twenty percent level. This translates to saying that if Lorentz violation exists, its characteristic energy scale must be at least one or two percent of the Planck energy—still far below the Planck scale but better constraints than many other tests achieve. 

Future improvements will come from multiple directions. The next-generation EHT adds more telescopes and space-based stations, increasing angular resolution. Higher observing frequencies probe smaller scales. Broader bandwidth improves sensitivity. Perhaps most importantly, coordinated multi-messenger observations—combining radio interferometry with X-ray timing, optical monitoring, and potentially gravitational waves if the black hole is in a binary—would provide complementary information less susceptible to systematic uncertainties. 

Jacobsen: What are the limits of the Gauss-Bonnet approach for weak deflection in spacetimes with torsion? 

Sakallı: Einstein-dilaton-Gauss-Bonnet gravity represents an important modification of general relativ ity emerging from string theory. The Gauss-Bonnet term involves products of curvature quan tities in a specific combination that’s topologically interesting. In standard four-dimensional spacetime, this term is actually a topological invariant—it doesn’t affect the equations of motion by itself. But when coupled to a dilaton field (a scalar field from string theory), it produces genuine modifications to gravity. 

These modifications become significant in strong-field regions near black holes or in the early universe. For weak gravitational fields—like sunlight grazing the Sun—the corrections are typically small but calculable. We can expand solutions perturbatively, treating the Gauss Bonnet term as a small correction to general relativity, and calculate how it affects phenomena like light deflection. However, this approach encounters fundamental difficulties when spacetime possesses torsion.

Torsion represents a twisting of spacetime, a type of geometric structure absent in general relativity but present in some extended theories. Einstein-Cartan theory, for instance, allows spacetime to have both curvature and torsion, with torsion sourced by intrinsic spin of matter. 

The difficulty is that the Gauss-Bonnet term is defined for Riemannian geometry—geometry with curvature but no torsion. Generalizing it to spaces with torsion isn’t unique. Multiple inequivalent extensions exist: the Nieh-Yan form, modifications involving the Pontrjagin term, generalizations of the Holst term. These different extensions give different physics, and there’s no obvious principle selecting one over others. 

Furthermore, torsion couples to matter fields differently than curvature. For photons—massless spin-one particles—the interaction with torsion is subtle. Traditional geodesic equations must be reconsidered. The very notion of ”geodesic” becomes ambiguous because the connection determining parallel transport includes torsion contributions. 

The weak-field expansion faces technical breakdowns in torsion backgrounds. We typically expand the metric as small perturbations around flat spacetime. But when both curvature and torsion are present, the perturbative hierarchy becomes unclear. If torsion is as large as curvature perturbations, our expansion scheme breaks down. 

There are also boundary term subtleties. In formulating gravitational theories variationally, boundary terms matter for defining conserved quantities and obtaining correct equations of motion. The Gibbons-Hawking-York boundary term supplements the Einstein-Hilbert action in general relativity. With torsion, additional boundary terms are needed, and they affect asymptotic quantities crucial for calculating observable effects like deflection angles. 

Some torsion-Gauss-Bonnet couplings lead to pathologies: faster-than-light propagation, vio lations of causality, or violations of energy conditions guaranteeing stability. These signal the theory’s breakdown rather than providing viable alternatives to general relativity. 

Observationally, constraints on torsion in astrophysical contexts are weak. Particle physics experiments provide stronger bounds from spin-dependent effects. But astrophysical torsion contributions must satisfy stringent limits, roughly one part in a billion billion per centimeter from precision tests. 

For analyzing light deflection in torsion-rich spacetimes, alternative approaches work better than weak-field expansions. Full numerical ray-tracing through exact solutions avoids perturbative ambiguities. The Newman-Penrose formalism, adapted to non-Riemannian geometry, provides another rigorous framework. Modified Shapiro time delays offer complementary probes less sensitive to expansion scheme choices. 

Jacobsen: Which lensing signatures would rule out thin-shell wormholes for compact black-hole mimics? 

Sakallı: Wormholes—hypothetical tunnels connecting distant regions of spacetime—have captivated physicists and science fiction writers for decades. While the Schwarzschild solution allows math ematical wormholes, they’re unstable and not traversable. Maintaining a stable, traversable wormhole requires exotic matter violating energy conditions, specifically matter with negative energy density. 

Thin-shell wormholes represent a particular construction where exotic matter is confined to a narrow region around the wormhole throat, minimizing the total amount of energy-condition violating material needed. From a distance, such objects might mimic black holes—appearing as compact, massive objects with strong gravitational fields. Distinguishing them observationally is crucial, as finding a wormhole would revolutionize physics. 

Several observational signatures could definitively distinguish wormholes from black holes. The most dramatic is gravitational wave echoes. When a gravitational wave rings down after a black hole merger, the signal decays smoothly—the perturbations fall into the singularity. But if the object is a wormhole, perturbations can traverse the throat, reflect off the geometry on the far side, return, and emerge again. This creates periodic echoes in the gravitational wave signal, with the time delay determined by the wormhole’s size and geometry. 

Detecting echoes is challenging. The reflected signal is weaker than the initial ringdown, requir ing high signal-to-noise ratio observations. Current searches in LIGO/Virgo data have found no convincing echoes, placing limits on how common wormholes might be if they exist. Future detectors with better sensitivity, particularly Einstein Telescope and Cosmic Explorer, should significantly improve echo searches. 

The shadow morphology offers another discriminator. Black holes cast circular (or slightly elliptical for rotating ones) shadows. Wormholes can produce more exotic shadow shapes: non simply-connected topology (hole within hole), asymmetric brightness from different light paths traversing the throat, or chromatic effects if the throat has frequency-dependent properties. The Event Horizon Telescope’s resolution is reaching the point where such features might be detectable for nearby supermassive objects. 

Microlensing provides a third signature. When a compact object passes in front of a background star, its gravity acts as a lens, magnifying and distorting the star’s image. Black holes create characteristic magnification curves. Wormholes add complexity: light paths traversing the throat create additional magnification spikes, producing asymmetric light curves distinct from black hole lensing. Large microlensing surveys searching for dark matter or planets could potentially detect such signatures if wormholes exist in our galaxy. 

Time delay distributions between multiple images offer another probe. Gravitational lenses create multiple images of background objects arriving at different times. The distribution of these delays depends on the lens’s mass profile. Wormholes’ different internal geometry would create distinctive delay patterns. 

Future interferometric observations using nulling techniques could enhance faint photon ring structure while suppressing the bright accretion disk. Wormholes’ multiple light traversal paths would create interference patterns distinct from black holes. 

The theoretical challenge is that thin-shell wormholes face severe difficulties. Most solutions are dynamically unstable—perturbations cause them to collapse or expand. The exotic matter requirements are enormous, far exceeding what quantum field theory allows in normal circum stances. No known astrophysical process forms wormholes, unlike black holes which form from stellar collapse. 

Nevertheless, thoroughly testing whether astrophysical compact objects might be horizonless alternatives to black holes is scientifically important. General relativity so strongly predicts black holes that finding something else would indicate either a fundamental flaw in our under standing or exotic physics beyond the standard model. The observational tests described above will systematically close loopholes, either confirming black holes or revealing surprises. 

Jacobsen: Can information-theoretic diagnostics reveal quantum gravity corrections at current observational sensitivities? 

Sakallı: Information theory—the mathematical framework for quantifying information, uncertainty, and correlations—provides a novel lens for exploring quantum gravity. Traditional approaches focus on measuring physical quantities like masses, spins, and frequencies. Information-theoretic approaches ask: how much information do observations carry about the underlying physics? Can we detect quantum gravitational effects through information content rather than direct parameter measurements? 

The holographic principle suggests that information in any region of space is bounded by the region’s surface area rather than volume—as if the three-dimensional world is holographically encoded on a two-dimensional boundary. For black holes, this manifests as the Bekenstein Hawking entropy being proportional to horizon area. Quantum corrections modify this rela tionship, adding logarithmic and higher-order terms in the area. 

One information-theoretic approach analyzes the entropy of black hole shadows. The shadow pattern observed by telescopes carries information about the spacetime geometry. We can quantify this through Shannon entropy: treating the brightness distribution as a probability distribution and computing its entropy. Quantum corrections alter how photons propagate near the horizon, subtly changing the shadow structure and therefore its information content. 

The challenge is scale. For astrophysical black holes, Planck-scale quantum corrections are suppressed by the ratio of the Planck length to the black hole size—roughly 10 to the minus 78th power for a solar-mass black hole. Direct detection of such tiny effects is hopeless with foreseeable technology. 

However, indirect signatures might be more accessible. Rather than looking for tiny shifts in individual measurements, we can examine correlations and information flow. For gravitational wave signals, the mutual information between early inspiral and late ringdown phases quantifies how much information from the initial state survives to the final state. Quantum corrections introduce non-Markovian effects—memory effects where the system’s evolution depends on its history rather than just its current state. These memory effects could create measurable corre lation patterns. 

Fisher information quantifies how much information data carries about physical parameters. For Event Horizon Telescope observations, we can construct the Fisher information matrix describing precision limits on measuring black hole mass, spin, and potential quantum correction parameters. Current analysis suggests achieving roughly 10 to 30 percent precision on dimensionless quantum parameters—not sufficient to detect Planck-scale effects but potentially constraining if quantum gravity involves larger characteristic scales. 

Relative entropy (also called Kullback-Leibler divergence) measures how much observed distributions differ from general relativity predictions. Accumulating this measure across many observations provides a statistical test: are we seeing what general relativity predicts, or are systematic deviations emerging? 

Population statistics offer multiplicative power. While individual gravitational wave detections have limited precision, combining information from hundreds or thousands of events (expected in the next decade) increases statistical power. If quantum corrections produce consistent small biases across all events, population-level analysis might reveal them. 

Cross-correlation approaches combine complementary observations. Measuring a black hole’s mass from gravitational waves and independently from its shadow size provides a consistency test. If quantum corrections affect these measurements differently, inconsistencies would signal new physics even if neither measurement alone shows deviations. 

For primordial black holes—hypothetical small black holes from the early universe—information theoretic signatures might be more accessible. Their much smaller sizes enhance quantum corrections substantially. If primordial black holes exist and their evaporation products are detected, the information content in their emission spectra could constrain quantum gravity. 

Realistic assessment requires acknowledging limitations. Directly detecting Planck-scale quan tum gravity through astrophysical observations probably remains beyond reach. However, information-theoretic methods might reveal emergent quantum phenomena accumulating at astrophysical scales, modified information flow during black hole evaporation, or indirect con straints ruling out large classes of quantum gravity theories. These indirect routes may prove more fruitful than searching for minute corrections to individual measurements. 

Jacobsen: How do non-extensive entropy formalisms reshape Anti-de Sitter black hole phase diagrams? 

Sakallı: Non-extensive statistical mechanics, particularly Tsallis entropy, offers a fascinating general ization of conventional thermodynamics that has profound implications for black hole physics. The standard Boltzmann-Gibbs entropy assumes that systems are extensive—meaning the en tropy of two independent systems simply adds. But for systems with long-range interactions, like gravity, or systems with fractal structure, this additivity breaks down. Tsallis introduced a parameter, typically called q, that quantifies this non-extensivity. When q equals one, we recover standard thermodynamics; deviations from unity signal non-extensive behavior. 

For black holes in Anti-de Sitter spacetime—a universe with negative cosmological constant that curves like a saddle rather than a sphere—thermodynamics becomes particularly rich. AdS black holes can undergo phase transitions remarkably similar to everyday substances transitioning between solid, liquid, and gas phases. The famous Hawking-Page transition, where thermal radiation in empty AdS competes with forming a black hole, parallels water freezing into ice. 

When we replace standard entropy with Tsallis entropy, the phase diagram transforms dra matically. The temperature-entropy relationship changes because temperature, defined as the derivative of energy with respect to entropy, now involves the non-extensivity parameter. For astrophysical black holes with enormous entropy, even small deviations of q from unity can shift transition temperatures substantially. 

The heat capacity—which determines thermodynamic stability—becomes modified in intricate ways. Standard AdS black holes have a critical radius where heat capacity diverges, signaling a phase transition. With Tsallis entropy, this critical point shifts. Depending on whether q exceeds or falls below unity, the transition can occur at smaller or larger radii, or in extreme cases, disappear entirely or split into multiple transitions. 

Perhaps most intriguing is the emergence of reentrant phase transitions—phenomena where increasing temperature causes the system to cycle through the same phase multiple times. Imagine heating ice, which melts to water, but continuing to heat causes it to refreeze, then melt again at even higher temperatures. Such behavior, absent in standard thermodynamics, appears naturally when black hole entropy becomes non-extensive. This suggests the underlying quantum gravity degrees of freedom organizing the horizon might have complex, fractal-like structure. 

The Hawking-Page transition also shifts under non-extensive statistics. This transition repre sents a competition between entropy favoring thermal radiation spread throughout space and energy minimization favoring localized black holes. With modified entropy, the balance point changes. For q greater than one, transitions occur at lower temperatures; for q less than one, higher temperatures are needed. 

Through the AdS/CFT correspondence—the remarkable duality between gravity in AdS space time and quantum field theory on its boundary—modifications to bulk thermodynamics reflect in boundary physics. The confining-deconfining transition in strongly coupled gauge theories, relevant for understanding quark-gluon plasma in heavy-ion collisions, would exhibit modified behavior if the gravitational dual involves non-extensive entropy. 

The physical origin of non-extensivity in black holes remains debated. It might arise from quan tum fluctuations of the horizon, long-range gravitational correlations between horizon degrees of freedom, or fractal microstructure of spacetime near the Planck scale. Observationally, con straining the parameter q from astrophysical black holes is extremely challenging, but laboratory analogs using cold atoms or condensed matter systems might provide testable predictions. 

Jacobsen: What about the interpretation of Hawking-Page transitions under non-extensive entropy? 

Sakallı: The Hawking-Page transition represents one of the most elegant connections between quan tum field theory, gravity, and thermodynamics. In pure AdS spacetime, we can have thermal radiation at some temperature, or we can have a black hole at that temperature. Which con figuration has lower free energy depends on the temperature. At low temperatures, thermal radiation dominates; at high temperatures, black holes are favored. The transition between these phases occurs at a specific critical temperature. 

When entropy becomes non-extensive, this picture enriches considerably. The free energy—energy minus temperature times entropy—depends on how entropy scales. With Tsallis entropy, the relationship between physical temperature and thermodynamic temperature becomes modified by a function of the horizon area. This modifies the free energy comparison between phases. 

The latent heat—energy exchanged during the phase transition—changes dramatically. For standard black holes, the latent heat reflects the entropy jump when thermal radiation condenses into a black hole. With non-extensive entropy, this jump scales differently with black hole size. For large black holes and q greater than unity, the latent heat can become orders of magnitude larger than in standard thermodynamics, suggesting the transition involves reorganizing vastly more microscopic degrees of freedom. 

The order of the transition can even change. Standard Hawking-Page is first-order, with discon tinuous entropy at the transition point, like ice melting to water. But for certain special values of the non-extensivity parameter, the transition can become second-order, with continuous en tropy but divergent heat capacity, like the magnetic transition in iron when heated above its Curie temperature. Between these regimes lie tricritical points where the transition character changes. 

Through AdS/CFT, the Hawking-Page transition corresponds to confinement-deconfinement in the boundary gauge theory. At low temperatures, quarks and gluons are confined into hadrons—thermal AdS. At high temperatures, they form quark-gluon plasma—the black hole phase. Non-extensive modifications suggest the strongly coupled plasma might have non standard statistical properties, potentially observable in heavy-ion collisions at RHIC or LHC.

The interpretation becomes particularly interesting when considering the transition’s dynamical aspects. How quickly does thermal radiation condense into a black hole? How long does the mixed phase persist? Non-extensive statistics introduces memory effects—the system’s evolution depends on its history, not just its current state. This non-Markovian character might leave signatures in gravitational wave observations if black holes form dynamically through such transitions in the early universe. 

Multiple phase transitions can emerge in extended phase space where we vary not just tem perature but also pressure, charge, and angular momentum. The resulting phase diagrams can exhibit multiple critical points, isolated regions of stability, and complex connectivity between phases—far richer than standard thermodynamics allows. 

Discussion

Across its four themes, the excerpt advances a consistent thesis: the most reliable claims in gravitational physics are those formulated in terms of quantities that survive changes of description—ensemble choice, coordinate gauge, or computational representation—without losing physical meaning.

On the KSS bound, Sakallı’s position hinges on separating instantaneous microscopic variability from thermodynamic statements. The bound is treated as an assertion about ensemble-averaged transport and entropy rather than snapshot ratios of fluctuating horizon data. This move is not merely semantic; it aligns the bound with how viscosity and entropy are actually defined in statistical mechanics and hydrodynamics, and it clarifies why fluctuations should not be interpreted as counterexamples. The appeal to causality is also structurally important: in holography, apparent violations are not just “small corrections,” but would imply pathologies (such as superluminal signal propagation) in the dual field theory. The result is a picture in which quantum and higher-derivative effects shift the bound’s numerical value in controlled, model-dependent ways while preserving a lower-bound structure enforced by consistency conditions.

The segment on thermodynamic topology extends this concern for invariance into phase structure. By treating thermodynamic state space as a manifold and critical points as topological defects, the excerpt reframes phase transitions as objects that can be classified by invariants (winding number, topological charge) rather than by coordinate-dependent signatures alone. Ensemble dependence, often a practical nuisance in black-hole thermodynamics, is interpreted geometrically through Legendre transformations on a phase space with ensemble-independent structure. This provides a principled way to say when an invariant is “well-posed”: it must be defined on structures that do not change under reparameterization, and the manifold must be handled globally (including compactification) so that charges and conservation statements are mathematically meaningful.

The unification of linear dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen geometries functions as a case study in how departures from the Kerr–Newman template tend to recur in recognizable families. The shared features—additional hair, generalized asymptotics, modified temperature/entropy relations, and comparable shifts in photon spheres and ISCOs—support an interpretation in which “nonstandard” black holes are not ad hoc curiosities but coordinated outcomes of extended actions and additional fields. The excerpt’s observational remarks underline an important asymmetry: current data often constrain large deviations but still permit moderate hair, making the landscape of alternatives scientifically live rather than purely speculative.

Finally, the comparison of higher-order WKB and neural networks foregrounds a methodological dualism familiar across contemporary physics. WKB is valued for analytic control and interpretability but suffers from convergence and gauge subtleties and demands careful handling of boundary conditions. Neural networks promise speed and broad exploration but import risks that are epistemically different—dependence on training sets, unreliable extrapolation, and limited transparency. Sakallı’s proposed hybrid strategy is therefore not a compromise for its own sake; it is an explicit division of labor between exploration and verification, with physical interpretation and out-of-distribution caution serving as the safeguards that keep fast computation from becoming fast self-deception.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

This interview was conducted as part of a broader quantum cosmology book project. The responses reflect my current research perspective as of October 2025, informed by over 180 publications and ongoing collaborations with researchers worldwide. 

Selected References 

General Background and Foundational Works 

Hawking, S.W. (1974). Black hole explosions? Nature, 248(5443), 30-31. Bekenstein, J.D. (1973). Black holes and entropy. Physical Review D, 7(8), 2333. 

Bardeen, J.M., Carter, B., & Hawking, S.W. (1973). The four laws of black hole mechanics. Communications in Mathematical Physics, 31(2), 161-170. 

Modified Gravity and Quantum Corrections 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Sucu, E. (2025). Quantum tunneling and Aschenbach effect in nonlinear Einstein Power-Yang-Mills AdS black holes. Chinese Physics C, 49, 105101. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Quantum-Corrected Thermodynamics of Conformal Weyl Gravity Black Holes: GUP Effects and Phase Transitions. arXiv preprint 2508.00203. 

Al-Badawi, A., Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). A Black Hole Solution in Kalb-Ramond Gravity with Quintessence Field: From Geodesic Dynamics to Thermal Criticality. arXiv preprint 2508.16693. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Sert, O. (2025). Quantum-corrected thermodynamics and plasma lensing in non-minimally coupled symmetric teleparallel black holes. Physical Review D, 50, 102063. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Perturbations and Greybody Factors of AdS Black Holes with a Cloud of Strings Surrounded by Quintessence-like Field in NLED Scenario. arXiv preprint 2510.19862. 

Black Hole Thermodynamics and Phase Transitions 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., & Pourhassan, B. (2025). Thermodynamic scalar curvature and topo logical classification in accelerating charged AdS black holes under rainbow gravity. Physics of the Dark Universe, 50, 102136. 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). AdS black holes in Einstein-Kalb-Ramond gravity: Quantum 26 corrections, phase transitions, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 117081. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. European Physics C, 85, 1144. 

Pourhassan, B., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Transport phenomena and KSS bound in quantum corrected AdS black holes. European Physics C, 85(4), 369. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2025). Thermodynamic topology, photon spheres, and evidence for weak gravity conjecture in charged black holes with perfect fluid within Rastall theory. Physics Letters B, 869, 139862. 

Quasinormal Modes and Spectroscopy 

Gashti, S.N., Afshar, M.A., Sakallı, ˙I., & Mazandaran, U. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. arXiv preprint 2504.11939. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2023). Superradiant (In)stability, Greybody Radiation, and Quasi normal Modes of Rotating Black Holes in Non-Linear Maxwell f(R) Gravity. Symmetry, 15, 873. 

Observational Tests and Gravitational Lensing 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Probing Starobinsky-Bel-Robinson gravity: Gravitational lensing, thermodynamics, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 116982. 

Mangut, M., G¨ursel, H., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Lorentz-symmetry violation in charged black-hole thermodynamics and gravitational lensing: effects of the Kalb-Ramond field. Chinese Physics C, 49, 065106. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Geodesics Analysis, Perturbations and Deflec tion Angle of Photon Ray in Finslerian Bardeen-Like Black Hole with a GM Surrounded by a Quintessence Field. Annalen der Physik, e2500087. 

Generalized Uncertainty Principle and Quantum Effects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Photon Deflection and Magnification in Kalb Ramond Black Holes with Topological String Configurations. arXiv preprint 2507.22673. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Exploring geodesics, quantum fields and thermodynamics of Schwarzschild-AdS black hole with a global monopole in non-commutative geometry. Nuclear Physics B, 1017, 116951. 

Wormholes and Exotic Compact Objects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Gravitational lensing phenomena of Ellis Bronnikov-Morris-Thorne wormhole with global monopole and cosmic string. Physics Letters B, 864, 139448. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Dunkl black hole with phantom global monopoles: geodesic analysis, thermodynamics and shadow. European Physics C, 85, 660. 

Information Theory and Holography 

Pourhassan, B., Sakallı, ˙I., et al. (2022). Quantum Thermodynamics of an M2-Corrected Reissner-Nordstr¨om Black Hole. EPL, 144, 29001. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2022). Topical Review: greybody factors and quasinormal modes for black holes in various theories – fingerprints of invisibles. Turkish Journal of Physics, 46, 51-103. 

Modified Theories and String Theory 

Sakallı, İ., & Yörük, E. (2023). Modified Hawking radiation of Schwarzschild-like black hole in bumblebee gravity model. Physics Scripta, 98, 125307.

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2023). GUP-reinforced Hawking radiation in rotating linear dilaton black hole spacetime. Physics Scripta, 98, 105201. 

Event Horizon Telescope and Observational Cosmology 

Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration (2019). First M87 Event Horizon Telescope Results. I. The Shadow of the Supermassive Black Hole. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 875(1), L1. 

Abbott, B.P., et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration) (2016). Observa tion of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger. Physical Review Letters, 116(6), 061102. 

Recent Collaborative Works 

Tangphati, T., Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., & Pradhan, A. (2024). Behaviors of quark stars in the Rainbow Gravity framework. Physical Review D, 46, 101610. 

Banerjee, A., Sakallı, ˙I., Pradhan, A., & Dixit, A. (2024). Properties of interacting quark star in light of Rastall gravity. Classical and Quantum Gravity, 42, 025008. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., Dayanandan, B., & Pradhan, A. (2025). Quark stars in f(R, T) gravity: mass-to-radius profiles and observational data. Chinese Physics C, 49, 015102. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2024). Thermodynamic topology and phase space analysis of AdS black holes through non-extensive entropy perspectives. European Physics C, 85, 305. 

Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). The Static Charged Black Holes with Weyl Corrections. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, 64, 50. 

Textbooks and Reviews 

Carroll, S.M. (2004). Spacetime and Geometry: An Introduction to General Relativity. Addison Wesley. 

Wald, R.M. (1984). General Relativity. University of Chicago Press. 

Rovelli, C. (2004). Quantum Gravity. Cambridge University Press. 

Kiefer, C. (2012). Quantum Gravity (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. Ashtekar, A., & Petkov, V. (Eds.) (2014). Springer Handbook of Spacetime. Springer. 

Note: This reference list includes representative works from Prof. Sakallı’s extensive publication record (181+ papers) and foundational works in the field. For a complete bibliography, please consult the INSPIRE-HEP database or Prof. Sakallı’s institutional profile.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: February 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,278

Image Credits: Izzet Sakallı

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3) (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, February 22, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published February 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, February 22). Causality, ensemble invariance, and black-hole perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS bound, thermodynamic topology, and quasinormal-mode inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)
JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 fev. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Chicago/Turabian, Notes & Bibliography (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (February 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 February. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 February, viewed 22 February 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3) [Internet]. 2026 Feb 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: December 16, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: February 22, 2026

Abstract

This excerpt examines how the Danish–Norwegian legal and ecclesiastical order translated patriarchal household norms into enforceable procedure, and then sustained those norms through parish-level surveillance. Tor Arne Jørgensen argues that Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 did not create patriarchy but rendered it administratively legible by formalizing perpetual guardianship for unmarried women, prioritizing male-line authority in childcare guardianship, and limiting women’s contractual and economic autonomy except in the contingent legal space of widowhood. The interview then traces how sexual regulation operated in practice through the category of leiermål, where pregnancy functioned as decisive evidence and parish mechanisms—public confession, fines, and increasingly detailed church registers—produced gendered exposure and enduring stigma, including classificatory labels for “illegitimate” births. Moving to the pietist state church, Jørgensen frames compulsory confirmation (1736) and the school ordinance (1739) as intertwined instruments of religious formation and social discipline that elevated reading while often withholding writing, thereby creating a widespread but narrowly channeled literacy. The Conventicle Act (1741) further narrowed everyday freedoms by restricting unsupervised religious assembly, yet the Haugean revival demonstrated how literate lay networks could contest clerical monopolies in practice even before the law was formally repealed. Finally, the excerpt shows how charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites persisted under Lutheranism as pragmatic responses to vulnerability, prompting a pattern of selective intervention: condemnation in doctrine, uneven enforcement in law, and managed coexistence in daily life, particularly in rural settings where surveillance capacity and pastoral leverage were limited.

Keywords

Administrative discipline, Adult status, Authority, Bidragsprotokoll, Catechism, Child-support law (1763), Christian V’s Norwegian Law (1687), Christian VI, Clerical oversight, Conventicle Act (1741), Confirmation (1736), Court registers (tingbøker), Demonization, Discipline, Farskapsforelegg, Folk healing, Frillebarn, Gendered enforcement, Guardianship, Haugean revival, Horunge, Illegitimacy, Leiermål, Literacy, Moral policing, Omgangsskoler, Parish registers, Pietism, Public confession (Publice absolverede), Royal decrees, Sakefallslister, School Ordinance (1739), Seafaring rites, Sexual surveillance, State church, Superstition, Uskiftet bo, Visitation records, Widowhood, Writing restriction

Introduction

The Danish–Norwegian realm from the late seventeenth to the early nineteenth century offers a clear case of how law and church governance can operate as a unified regime of authority. Rather than treating patriarchy, sexual morality, and popular religion as separate domains, this interview excerpt approaches them as interlocking administrative practices: household hierarchy is stabilized through legal guardianship rules; sexual conduct becomes legible through parish discipline and recordkeeping; and religious conformity is reinforced through compulsory instruction, examination, and restrictions on unsupervised assembly.

Tor Arne Jørgensen situates Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 within longer continuities of Norse inheritance and Christian marital doctrine while emphasizing what codification changes: it converts customary expectations into standardized procedure, narrowing women’s legal autonomy to exceptional conditions such as widowhood. He then tracks how “moral order” was produced not only by statutes but by enforcement routines—public confession, fines, and parish registers—that disproportionately exposed women and rendered pregnancy a primary evidentiary fact.

The excerpt further examines the pietist state-church program under Christian VI, where confirmation (1736), schooling (1739), and the Conventicle Act (1741) linked literacy and religious formation to discipline and eligibility for adult civic participation. Jørgensen also considers unintended consequences: the spread of reading competence facilitated lay movements such as the Haugean revival, which contested clerical monopolies in practice well before legal constraints were formally lifted. Finally, he addresses the persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites under Lutheranism, arguing that authorities often responded less through systematic suppression than through uneven, selective intervention shaped by local conditions and the limits of surveillance.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Tor Arne Jørgensen 

Tor Arne Jørgensen is a Norwegian educator from Fevik, near Grimstad, in southern Norway. He teaches at secondary level and has written and spoken about history, religion, social studies, ethics, governance, and education for gifted students. He has participated in the international intelligence community since 2015 and is described as a member of 50+ high IQ societies. In 2019, the World Genius Directory named him “Genius of the Year – Europe.” He designs high-range IQ tests, including the site toriqtests.com, and is reported to have set Norway’s IQ score record twice. He is married and has two sons in Norway.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did Christian V’s 1687 Norwegian Law encode patriarchal household authority?

Tor Arne Jørgensen: Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 did not invent the framework of household patriarchy; that structure had long existed, sustained by the interplay of Norse inheritance customs and later by Christian doctrinal models of marriage and authority. What the 1687 code accomplished was something more systematic. It transformed a set of social expectations into an administrative logic, embedding male authority so deeply into legal procedure that female autonomy could survive only in the narrow and historically contingent space of widowhood.

One of the most consequential shifts—radical in its implications rather than its vocabulary—was the legal redefinition of unmarried women. Under Magnus VI Lagabøte’s thirteenth-century code, both men and women reached majority at twenty. This did not amount to modern equality, but it recognized unmarried women as capable of acting in their own right. The 1687 law set this aside. Following Danish precedent, it placed all unmarried women under permanent guardianship. Age no longer produced legal independence; an unmarried woman, whether twenty or sixty, could not contract, manage property, or control her finances without male authorization. The category of the legally competent adult woman was simply removed.

The structure of guardianship itself reveals the priorities of the legislation. When the father died, guardianship over children passed not to the surviving parent but along a male lineage: first to an adult brother, then to the paternal grandfather, then to the maternal grandfather, followed by paternal uncles and finally maternal uncles. The mother could be appointed, but only by decision, not by right. Her authority over her own children existed at the discretion of others, not at the foundation of the law.

Marriage altered the form of guardianship but not the principle behind it. Authority transferred from father to husband, and the wife’s legal identity was absorbed into that of the household’s male representative. Her capacity to engage in economic activity was limited to the smallest transactions—amounts measured in a few øre (small coin amounts, the equivalent of only a few pennies)—as if she operated on the margins of the economic world rather than within it. The household’s property belonged to the marital unit in theory, but the husband alone could bind it through contract.

The inheritance rules of the 1687 code encoded similar assumptions. Sons received a double portion compared to daughters, described in the terminology of the earlier laws as the brother’s share (broderlod) and the sister’s share (søsterlod). This did not exclude women from inheritance, but it defined property transmission primarily through male lines. Even the assets that women did inherit typically came under the control of their husbands once they married.

Within this restrictive structure, widowhood emerged as the only circumstance in which a woman could exercise full legal capacity. A widow could manage her late husband’s estate, enter contracts independently, and—and this was often decisive—maintain the household as an undivided estate (uskiftet bo), retaining control of all property until her death or remarriage. Yet this autonomy was conditional. If she married again, the rights she had temporarily held dissolved, and her property passed into the authority of the new husband. The freedom widowhood offered was real, but it was also fragile, contingent on loss, and easily revoked.

The impact on noblewomen is illustrative. Under the medieval Land Law of 1274 and Town Law of 1276, women of noble rank had enjoyed significant economic latitude, able to buy and sell property with a freedom denied to women of lesser estates. The 1687 code erased this differentiation. All non-widowed women, regardless of birth, were placed under the same regime of guardianship. What had once been the privilege of class was replaced by the uniformity of subordination.

It is difficult to overstate how thoroughly these rules shaped the lives of women. They controlled whom a woman might marry, what she could own, and how she could act in the world. They rendered her legally visible only in relation to a male guardian: daughter, wife, or widow. And because the law grounded its prescriptions in Christian doctrine and royal authority, dissent could be dismissed not only as disobedience but as a challenge to divinely sanctioned order.

This framework remained largely intact for generations. Unmarried women did not receive majority status until 1845, and married women waited until 1890 to gain legal independence from their husbands. Even then, remnants of the older system persisted: the husband retained authority over the marital home, and the wife’s recognized independence extended primarily to the income derived from her own labor.

Christian V’s legislation did not create patriarchy; it rendered it legible, enforceable, and exhaustive. It transformed customary hierarchies into a legal architecture that defined women not as autonomous persons but as dependents within a carefully maintained moral and administrative order. And it would take nearly two centuries for that structure to loosen, and longer still for its assumptions to lose their hold. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what about moral policing in practice?

Jørgensen: The legal structure of Christian V’s 1687 Norwegian Law was one thing. Its enforcement—its quiet, repetitive, deeply embodied mechanisms—was something else entirely. It operated not as a theoretical system but as a lived one: a daily choreography of oversight that reached into bedrooms, labor quarters, and eventually into the birth chamber itself. And the weight of this system, its sharpest edges, fell most consistently on women.

The term used for sexual offenses was leiermål—a bureaucratic category for sexual relations outside of marriage. It covered a wide spectrum, from consensual relations between two unmarried people to adultery between married individuals. Yet the law never treated these acts equally. What mattered most was visibility. And nothing made a transgression more visible than pregnancy.

For an unmarried woman, pregnancy was an undeniable public fact. Her body revealed what the law preferred to bury beneath moral order. The man involved, however, could deny paternity, vanish, or—if he happened to be a soldier—avoid punishment altogether for a first offense. The asymmetry was deliberate.

Beginning in 1617, individuals accused of sexual misconduct were subjected to public confession before the congregation. Publice absolverede was the term. And to understand its force, one must imagine the scene: standing before neighbors, relatives, employers—standing before those whose eyes one would meet every week thereafter—and confessing aloud. The shame was not incidental. It was structural.

Women paid a fine of six daler; men paid twelve. On paper, it looks harsher for men. In practice, the burden fell almost entirely on women. By the late seventeenth century, unmarried soldiers were exempted from public confession. The woman—often a young servant with limited means—was left alone before the congregation, while the man who impregnated her either sat among the audience or was absent altogether.

I keep returning to this image. The young woman, visibly pregnant, standing alone.

The fines were entered into sakefallslister—lists of penalties paid—and the cases recorded in tingbøker, the local court registers. These sources show clearly who bore scrutiny. It was women whose names appeared most frequently, whose circumstances were interrogated in detail, whose movements and choices were captured on the page.

Until the mid-eighteenth century, women who had given birth were barred from church for roughly six weeks afterward. They were considered “unclean,” a concept drawn directly from Leviticus. After this period, mothers of legitimate children were formally reintroduced to the congregation in a purification rite. Mothers of illegitimate children received no such ceremony. Their path back to the community was through the public confession, during which they were expected to name the father before everyone present.

The parish registers themselves became instruments of moral classification. Early eighteenth-century records labeled illegitimate children as frillebarn (“child of a mistress”) or horunge (“child conceived through adultery”). From the 1820s onward, priests were required to mark each birth explicitly as “legitimate” or “illegitimate.” The child’s status—its moral inheritance—became a permanent notation beside its name.

Public confession for fornication was abolished in 1767, and the fines removed in 1812. But by then, generations had lived under a system that taught women that their bodies were potential evidence, that pregnancy outside marriage was not simply a misstep but an offense, and that their sexuality required both ecclesiastical and civil authorization.

The system was never enforced perfectly. Remote parishes, far from central oversight, recorded inconsistently. Wealthier families could arrange rapid marriages or pay quietly to resolve matters. It was poor women—servants, tenant farmers’ daughters, women without male protection—who carried the full weight of moral regulation.

Child-support laws introduced in 1763 created formal mechanisms for pursuing fathers. Records from these cases—farskapsforelegg (paternity proceedings) and bidragsprotokoll (child-support registers)—appear in the archives of each county governor. But even this reform reinforced the same pattern: women remained visible, accountable, documented. Men had to be located, identified, compelled.

At the center of all this was the priest. He kept the registers, received the confessions, and decided what to record and how. The parish register was not merely a list of births and deaths; it was a moral ledger, a continuous accounting of sexual conduct, legitimacy, and compliance.

When we speak of Christian V’s law placing women under perpetual guardianship—making them legal minors, absorbing their agency into male authority—we must understand that this was not a theoretical arrangement. It was enforced through precisely these practices: public shaming, financial penalties women could not afford, and records that labeled children as illegitimate before they could speak.

The law made patriarchy legible. The parish system made it operational.

And what of resistance? It existed, though often in shadows. Couples married hastily once a pregnancy became known, transforming sin into legitimacy. Women named false fathers to shield lovers or secure more reliable providers. Some priests minimized their notes, softening the record, perhaps recognizing the cruelty of the system they administered.

But these were deviations within the structure—not challenges to it. The underlying logic remained intact well into the nineteenth century: that sexual behavior required oversight, that pregnancy outside marriage was a matter for public judgment, and that women’s bodies were proper subjects of regulation.

What the 1687 law created in theory, the parish system enacted in practice. Together, they formed a regime of sexual surveillance that treated women less as persons and more as administrative concerns—entries to be recorded, monitored, and corrected.

The records remain. Thousands of them. Names, dates, fines, confessions. Each one a moment in which the machinery of moral regulation pressed into an individual life and left a lasting mark. 

Jacobsen: Did the 1736 confirmation rule raise literacy for empowerment or clerical control?

Jørgensen: The question poses a false dichotomy, as if we must decide whether literacy functioned as emancipation or surveillance. The reality is more disquieting: it was both at once, and it is precisely in that unresolved tension that an entire social order took shape.

When King Christian VI introduced compulsory confirmation in 1736 for all young people between fifteen and nineteen, he did far more than add another religious ritual to the calendar. He made confirmation a threshold to adulthood. Without it you could not marry, serve in the military, stand as a godparent, or testify in court. Fail the public examination, and you were sent back to study for another year. Reach nineteen without passing, and the authorities could put you in the pillory—or prison. 

Please consider the following scenario:  

Your passage into adult life—your ability to speak, to marry, to take responsibility—hung on a public examination conducted by a priest. Citizenship itself became conditional on doctrinal approval.

Erik Pontoppidan’s Sandhed til Gudfrygtighed, published in 1737, became the backbone of this system. It distilled Lutheran doctrine into a precise sequence of spiritual development—the “order of sanctification”—and it remained in use in Norway for more than 150 years. This was instruction designed not to cultivate independence but to form obedient subjects whose inner lives could be mapped, monitored, and corrected.

The School Ordinance of 1739 added another layer, requiring children aged seven to ten to attend primary schooling for at least three months each year. The directive emphasized religious and moral education above all else. Reading was compulsory; writing often was not. The asymmetry speaks for itself. Reading allows one to absorb the texts of authority. Writing allows one to produce one’s own—and that was far less welcome.

The practical reality was uneven. Rural parishes, lacking resources for permanent schools, adopted omgangsskoler, traveling schools that rotated from farm to farm. A teacher might stay a few weeks, then move on. Instruction focused almost entirely on memorizing catechism and decoding the printed word well enough to read aloud in church. The goal was competence, not independence.

And still, something quietly remarkable occurred.
By 1800, Norway had achieved a level of literacy that most of Europe would not reach for another century. Nearly everyone could read. In sheer numerical terms, it was an extraordinary success. But ask yourself: what kind of literacy was this?

People learned to read scripture, hymns, catechism, and royal proclamations. They could follow a sermon and understand a decree. But many could not write more than their names. They could not easily compose letters, petitions, or challenges to the official narratives that structured their world. They read the world given to them, but they seldom wrote one of their own.

Pietism, in theory, emphasized personal faith and inward sincerity. But in the Denmark-Norway of Christian VI, it became something tighter, more supervised. The Conventicle Act of 1741 prohibited all religious gatherings without clergy present. Personal piety was encouraged, but only with the priest looking over your shoulder.

So the priest became the fulcrum of the entire apparatus.
He examined the children.
He decided who understood enough to pass.
He alone could grant or withhold the document that opened the door to adult life.
The authority this placed in clerical hands is difficult to overstate.

Did compulsory confirmation empower people? In a limited sense, yes. Literacy—any literacy—creates cracks in the walls that contain it. Once a person can read, even if only religious texts, the skill has the potential to migrate. A hymnal can lead to an almanac, a catechism to a pamphlet, a sermon to a letter. The architects of the system could not fully control what they had unleashed.

But empowerment was not the intention. The system was designed for control, and the people at the time recognized this. Christian VI, intensely pietistic and personally austere, became one of the most unpopular absolute monarchs of Denmark-Norway. His motto, Deo et populo—for God and the people—rang hollow against the lived experience of compulsory piety and clerical oversight.

And yet the long arc bends in unexpected ways.
The very literacy the state sought to regulate made possible the Haugean revival in the early 1800s, which challenged clerical authority and emphasized lay preaching. The constitutional debates of 1814 drew on a population unusually well prepared to engage with political texts. The tools forged for obedience were later used for resistance.

This is the paradox at the heart of authoritarian education: once people can read, you cannot predict what they will do with the knowledge. You can attempt to shape the message, but not the mind that receives it.

The 1736 confirmation law sought to create a disciplined, compliant population. What it inadvertently created were the foundations for a literate civic culture. The intent was control. The result—much later, and against the design—was empowerment.

Between those two poles lies the space in which Norwegian modernity began to form.

Jacobsen: Following from the last question, what about the 1739 school law, too?

Jørgensen: The School Ordinance of 1739 completed the architecture of control that confirmation had already set in motion. It required children aged seven to ten to attend schooling for at least three months each year, with the curriculum weighted heavily toward religious and moral instruction. And here the system revealed its core intention: reading was compulsory; writing often was not.

The asymmetry is telling. Reading lets you absorb the texts of authority—scripture, catechism, royal decrees. Writing lets you produce your own, to question, to argue, to articulate dissent. One skill shapes you into a receiver of orthodoxy. The other makes you a potential author of alternatives.

On the ground, implementation varied. Rural parishes, lacking the means for permanent schools, adopted omgangsskoler—traveling schools that moved from farm to farm. A teacher might stay a few weeks, then continue on. Instruction centered almost entirely on memorizing catechism and decoding the printed word well enough to read aloud in church. The aim was competence, not independence.

The result was a narrow kind of literacy: sufficient to follow a sermon, to grasp a proclamation, to recite doctrine—yet limited enough that many could not easily compose letters, petitions, or challenges to the narratives that framed their lives. They could read the world handed to them. They could not readily write one of their own.

And still, by 1800, Norway had reached a level of literacy that most of Europe would not achieve for another century. Nearly everyone could read. In numerical terms, it was a remarkable achievement. But the lingering question is the same: what kind of literacy was this—and in whose interest was it shaped? 

Jacobsen: How did pietism under Christian VI narrow everyday freedoms?

Jørgensen: The Conventicle Act of 1741 added yet another layer of regulation to the structure that confirmation and the school law had already begun. Its purpose was simple, and its implications profound: no religious gathering could take place without the parish priest’s approval. Communal devotion was permitted—so long as it unfolded under clerical supervision. Spontaneous assembly, prayer led by laypeople, or gatherings shaped by personal interpretation were not.

This distinction reveals the heart of the system. Supervised piety reinforced existing hierarchies—priest, bishop, crown. Unsupervised fellowship created the possibility of alternative readings of scripture, of shared questioning, of a community not bound by the church’s official line. One form of devotion kept spiritual life tethered to the apparatus of the state. The other allowed it to grow in directions the authorities could neither predict nor control.

The law was justified as a safeguard against “radical Pietism,” a movement that emphasized personal religious experience and often encouraged laypeople to gather in homes for prayer, Bible reading, and mutual exhortation. In Denmark-Norway, such circles were not yet widespread, but their potential unsettled a regime committed to doctrinal uniformity. The fear was not disorder—it was autonomy. When ordinary people read scripture together without clerical mediation, they might reach conclusions that challenged the theological and political order.

Thus the decree drew its line with precision: only parish priests could lead religious meetings. Morning and evening family prayers remained lawful, but only if limited to the household. The presence of outsiders transformed a private devotion into an unauthorized assembly.

The result was a narrowing of spiritual space. People could pray, but within limits. They could gather, but only when permitted. They could cultivate inner piety—but only in forms structured, supervised, and sanctioned from above. The law granted enough religious practice to maintain conformity, yet withheld the freedom that would allow individuals to explore belief on their own terms.

And yet, the regime was not uniformly harsh by the standards of the age. The same Pietist current that inspired strict moral regulation also fueled social initiatives—charity schools, care for the poor, even early forms of organized welfare. Literacy would rise to remarkable levels within a few generations. But the underlying question remains unchanged: whose interests shaped these structures, and what forms of religious life were they designed to preserve—or to suppress?

What we see in the Conventicle Act is not an isolated decree, but another instrument in a broader system of surveillance. Confirmation made adulthood conditional on doctrinal mastery. The school law taught reading primarily to ensure reception of official texts. And now the 1741 act circumscribed religious fellowship itself. Each measure reinforced the others. Each served to ensure that spiritual life, like civil life, flowed through channels constructed by the state church.

The irony, of course, is that such systems rarely achieve what they intend. Literacy, once taught, lends itself to unexpected uses. Personal piety, once cultivated, cannot be entirely regulated. And religious longing, once awakened, will eventually find its own voice—often in defiance of the very authorities who tried to guide it.

The Conventicle Act sought to keep devotion contained. Instead, it marked another step in the long, uneasy tension between authority and conscience—one that would shape Norwegian religious life for generations to come.

Jacobsen: How did the Haugean revival contest the Conventicle Act’s limits?

Jørgensen: The Haugean revival did not arise on the margins—it emerged from within the very framework the Conventicle Act had been designed to secure. Yet from its earliest moments, it pushed against that framework in ways the law could neither anticipate nor absorb. Hans Nielsen Hauge’s first arrest came in 1794; the last in 1811. Between them lay a pattern of charges tied to a single infraction: preaching without clerical supervision. The boundary the decree had drawn—religious assembly only under pastoral authority—was crossed so frequently that enforcement became less a matter of discipline than of repetition.

The source of the conflict was not administrative but theological. In 1796 Hauge described receiving a spiritual calling that he believed authorized him to speak. This conviction cut against the principle the church defended: that religious authority flowed through ordination, not experience. The state viewed unauthorized preaching as a threat to order. Hauge viewed it as obedience to vocation. The two positions were not reconcilable.

What gave the movement its particular weight was the community that formed around it. People gathered in homes, barns, and fields to read scripture, pray, and listen to lay preachers—women among them. These meetings were not incidental violations; they were the substance of the revival. They created patterns of fellowship that operated alongside the state church, neither openly oppositional nor fully contained. The authorities could detain Hauge. They could not dissolve the networks that had begun to organize themselves around shared devotion.

The clergy recognized the tension. Hauge often informed local pastors of his intention to preach, acknowledging the existence of the law even as his actions contravened it. But this gesture did not alter the underlying dynamic. Attendance did not imply control, and supervision did not translate into authority. The meetings spread beyond any official oversight, carried forward by people who believed that spiritual life could be sustained without clerical mediation.

By the end of the eighteenth century, the contrast with parish life was becoming visible. In Christiania, a city of nearly ten thousand, fewer than twenty people might attend Sunday services. Formal worship persisted, but the sense of immediacy it once offered had diminished. The Haugean gatherings, by contrast, were participatory and text-centered, grounded in personal testimony and collective prayer. They offered a form of engagement that the established church had struggled to maintain.

The economic dimension of the movement added another layer. Haugeans founded mills, workshops, shipyards, and trading ventures, creating practical networks that echoed their religious ones. These enterprises gave the revival a degree of social presence that made dismissal difficult. When three men associated with the movement took part in the constitutional assembly in 1814, it signaled that the influence of the revival had extended into civic life as well as spiritual practice.

The Conventicle Act remained formally in force until 1842, but its authority had eroded long before. The law continued to exist; its capacity to shape religious life did not. The Haugean movement had demonstrated that devotion could flourish outside the channels the state sought to regulate, and that the line between permitted and forbidden assembly could be crossed not through rebellion but through persistence.

What followed was not a resolution but a shift. The revival did not dismantle the state church, yet it altered the relationship between institutional authority and personal faith. The law had been designed to preserve a particular configuration of religious order. The movement revealed how porous that configuration had become—and how readily spiritual life could reorganize itself when the structures meant to contain it no longer commanded the adherence they assumed.

Jacobsen: How did charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites, persist under Lutheranism?

Jørgensen: The persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites under Lutheranism did not represent a failure of doctrine so much as a recognition of where doctrine ended. The Reformation had redrawn the boundaries of legitimate religious practice, yet it left intact vast territories of daily life where the need for protection, remedy, and assurance remained unaddressed by formal theology. What the church could not provide, older practices continued to supply.

The theological position was clear. Lutheran teaching rejected the magical efficacy of ritual acts performed outside ecclesial authority. Charms, incantations, and healing formulas were classified as superstition—remnants of Catholic error or, worse, evidence of demonic influence. Yet clarity of doctrine did not produce uniformity of practice. In rural parishes, where clergy were scarce and medical knowledge scarcer still, people continued to turn to methods that promised tangible results. A blessing spoken over livestock, a charm sewn into a child’s clothing, a ritual performed before a voyage—these were not acts of theological defiance but responses to conditions the church had not equipped them to manage otherwise.

The clergy were aware of this. Visitation records from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries document cases of folk healing, the use of written charms, and rituals tied to agricultural or maritime cycles. Pastors condemned these practices in sermons and sought to replace them with approved prayers. But condemnation did not eradicate use. The gap between official teaching and lived religion was not a matter of ignorance alone; it reflected a deeper pragmatism. When a child fell ill or a ship prepared to sail, the immediacy of need outweighed the subtleties of theological correctness.

Women were central to this continuity. Healing knowledge passed through informal networks, transmitted from mother to daughter, neighbor to neighbor. These practices existed in a space the church could observe but not fully penetrate. A woman who knew how to stop bleeding with a spoken formula, or who could treat fever with herbs and invocation, held a form of authority that ordination did not confer. The church could call this magic; the community called it necessity.

Seafaring rituals presented a particular challenge. The sea demanded protection, and sailors developed practices intended to secure it—rituals performed before departure, prohibitions observed during the voyage, gestures made when passing certain landmarks. These acts were not framed as alternatives to Lutheran piety but as supplements to it. A sailor might attend church before a journey and still refuse to sail on an inauspicious day. The two practices occupied different registers, and neither cancelled the other.

What made these customs resilient was their embeddedness in social life. They were not codified systems but lived traditions, adapted to circumstance and transmitted through practice rather than text. The church could prohibit them in principle, but enforcement required a level of surveillance that was neither feasible nor, in many cases, deemed worth the effort. A pastor might preach against charms on Sunday and turn a blind eye to their use on Monday, recognizing that the alternative—confrontation with the entire community—would achieve little.

By the eighteenth century, the relationship had settled into an uneasy coexistence. Official religion provided structure, sacrament, and legitimacy. Unofficial practices provided what structure could not: immediate intervention, localized remedy, and the sense that the unpredictable forces of life and nature could be addressed through human action. The boundaries between the two remained contested, but they also remained porous.

The persistence of these practices did not reflect the weakness of Lutheranism so much as the limits of what any institutional religion could regulate. Doctrine governed belief; it could not govern every gesture made in a fishing boat or every word whispered over a sick child. The result was not syncretism in any formal sense, but a layered religious culture in which official teaching and unofficial practice occupied the same landscape without ever fully reconciling. The church claimed authority over the sacred. The people claimed the right to survival. OK

Jacobsen: Following from the prior question, how did authorities respond?

Jørgensen: The authorities responded not with systematic suppression but with a strategy that acknowledged what could not be eliminated. The persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites created a problem the church could neither ignore nor resolve through enforcement alone. What followed was a pattern of selective intervention—condemnation in principle, accommodation in practice.

The Lutheran clergy occupied the front line of this tension. Visitation records reveal a consistent awareness of unauthorized practices: healers who invoked sacred names, charms written on parchment and worn as protection, rituals performed at thresholds between seasons or before maritime departure. Pastors documented these cases, preached against them, and occasionally brought charges. Yet prosecution remained uneven. A healer might be reprimanded in one parish and tolerated in another. The deciding factor was often not the practice itself but the degree to which it threatened clerical authority or provoked complaint from within the community.

The legal framework supported condemnation but did not mandate rigor. Laws against superstition existed, rooted in both theological principle and concern for social order. Magic was framed as a form of deceit, a manipulation of the credulous, and in more serious cases, evidence of demonic pact. Application of these laws required resources the church did not always possess. In rural areas where a single pastor served multiple parishes, the capacity for surveillance was limited. A clergyman might know that folk healing continued in his district without being able to prevent it, and without being certain that prevention would serve any purpose beyond alienating those he was meant to shepherd.

Women who practiced healing occupied an especially ambiguous position. The church condemned their methods as superstition, yet it offered no alternative when illness struck and no physician was available. Prosecution tended to focus on cases where harm was alleged—where a treatment failed, where a rivalry turned accusatory, or where a healer’s reputation grew large enough to become a visible challenge. Most practitioners operated below this threshold, their work too embedded in daily necessity to invite sustained opposition.

The state’s involvement was intermittent. Authorities intervened when practices threatened public order or when accusations escalated into formal complaints. Trials for witchcraft and magic did occur, particularly in the seventeenth century, but they were fewer in Norway than in other parts of Europe. The prosecutions that did take place often centered on cases where maleficium—harmful magic—was alleged, rather than on the routine use of charms or healing formulas. A woman who treated illness with herbs and spoken blessings might be criticized; a woman accused of causing illness through supernatural means faced a different level of scrutiny.

Seafaring customs presented a parallel difficulty. The rituals sailors observed were not conducted in secret. They were performed openly, woven into the rhythms of maritime life. A pastor might preach that trust should rest in God alone, but he could not accompany every vessel to sea, nor could he offer a theological substitute for practices that sailors believed kept them alive. The church’s authority ended where the horizon began. On land, doctrine could be enforced through proximity and repetition. At sea, other forms of knowledge governed.

What emerged was a differentiation between practices the church could tolerate and those it could not. Healing that invoked Christ’s name or employed biblical language occupied a gray area—suspect, but not entirely beyond the bounds of acceptable piety. Practices that appeared to claim autonomous supernatural power, or that drew on pre-Christian symbols, faced stronger condemnation. Yet even here, enforcement depended on context. A charm might be overlooked if it served a benign purpose and did not challenge clerical primacy.

By the eighteenth century, the response had settled into managed coexistence. The church maintained its doctrinal opposition, preached regularly against superstition, and intervened when cases became visible enough to demand action. It did not mount a sustained campaign to extinguish folk practices. The cost of such an effort—in resources, in community relations, in the risk of driving practices further underground—outweighed the uncertain benefit of compliance. The clergy continued to preach. The people continued to act. The boundary between them remained contested, but it remained functional.

The authorities had recognized, perhaps without articulating it explicitly, that religious culture could not be governed by decree alone. Doctrine defined what was legitimate; practice defined what was necessary. The gap between them was not a failure of control but a reflection of the limits inherent in any attempt to regulate belief through institutional means. The church claimed authority over the sacred. The people claimed the means of survival. Neither side relinquished its position, and neither side prevailed entirely.

Discussion

Jørgensen’s account treats law and church governance as a single operating system: norms become durable when they are converted into routine procedure, recorded categories, and locally enforced consequences. In this framing, Christian V’s 1687 code matters less as a sudden invention than as a codifying technology—one that standardizes guardianship, channels authority through male lineage, and narrows women’s legal personhood to specific life-conditions (most notably widowhood). The argument’s force lies in its attention to how “household patriarchy” becomes not merely a social expectation but a procedural default, with dissent rendered intelligible as disobedience to sacralized law and royal order.

The same logic governs the section on moral policing. Here, the emphasis is not on abstract sexual norms but on visibility and documentation: pregnancy as unavoidable evidence, public confession as structured humiliation, and parish registers as moral ledgers that converted private life into administrative inscription. Jørgensen’s examples highlight the gendered asymmetry of enforcement, where men could evade, deny, or receive exemptions while women’s bodies and reputations remained the stable objects of scrutiny. The archival trail—fines, court books, visitation notes, and later paternity and child-support protocols—appears as a machinery of classification that outlasted the formal abolition of specific penalties.

The treatment of literacy under pietism extends this procedural emphasis into education and citizenship. Confirmation and schooling are presented as threshold mechanisms: participation in adult life is conditioned on doctrinal mastery assessed by clergy, while reading is promoted as access to authorized texts and writing is comparatively constrained as a means of producing unauthorized ones. Yet the excerpt insists on a historical irony: narrow literacy can still metastasize into wider agency. The Haugean revival illustrates how lay networks—enabled by reading, shared texts, and organized meetings—can erode the practical authority of restrictive laws even when those laws remain on the books. The concluding discussion of folk practice reinforces the theme of limits: institutional religion can condemn and occasionally prosecute, but it cannot fully replace the pragmatic rituals by which communities manage risk, illness, and the sea. What results is not total suppression but negotiated coexistence, shaped by resources, geography, local conflicts, and the practical costs of enforcement.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

None submitted.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Nordic Legal and Religious History

Theme Part: None.

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: February 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 5,547

Image Credits: Tor Arne Jørgensen

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2) (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, February 22, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published February 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, February 22). Codifying patriarchy and policing morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 law, pietist discipline, and folk practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)
JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 fev. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Chicago/Turabian, Notes & Bibliography (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (February 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 February. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 February, viewed 22 February 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2) [Internet]. 2026 Feb 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Rabbi Simonds on Tzedakah as Justice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Jewish Center for Peace

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/02

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds on Tzedakah as Justice: Torah, Dignity, and Public Policy in Los Angeles

How does Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds frame tzedakah as justice—not optional charity—while linking Torah, dignity, and public policy through the Jewish Center for Justice?

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds is the founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice (JCJ) in Los Angeles, advancing social-justice education, leadership development, and community-rooted action for a wide Jewish public. Ordained at Hebrew Union College–Jewish Institute of Religion, he previously served as West Coast Legislative Director for the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism and as Associate Rabbi at University Synagogue. He has also served as Rabbi of the Synagogue at HUC-LA and is the founding President Partnership for Growth LA, a Black–Jewish community development corporation focused on cooperative development and wellbeing. He links Torah, policy, and practice. He also serves on the clergy team of the Wilshire Boulevard Temple in Los Angeles.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds, founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice in Los Angeles, about tzedakah as a binding ethic of justice rather than voluntary charity. Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds grounds the concept in tzedek and the Torah’s “justice, justice you shall pursue,” arguing that obligation must be pursued with compassion and fair process. He defines dignity as systemic change beyond temporary relief, rejects “deservingness” tests, and emphasizes confidentiality as respect. He also describes how legislation, digital giving, and lean institutions can expand participation and build durable, community-rooted solutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you frame tzedakah as justice, not optional charity?

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds: Tzedakah is often misunderstood as solely charity because, in modern Jewish life, it’s frequently associated with fundraising for those in need. I remember bringing my “tzedakah money” to Hebrew school each week. But the root of the word tzedakah is tzedek, which means justice. One of the Torah’s most foundational teachings comes from Deuteronomy. It says “Tzedek, tzedek tirdof,” which means justice, justice you shall pursue. This is the proof text for the Jewish commitment to justice. Tzedakah is not optional generosity; it is a moral obligation rooted in our tradition.

Jacobsen: What does dignity mean in tzedakah?

Simonds: For me, dignity means moving beyond temporary fixes. It’s not about offering a small gesture to ease discomfort while leaving the underlying system intact. True dignity comes from changing systems so that people can live without constant need or fear, and where they have a real chance at stability and opportunity.

Jacobsen: Where do you draw the boundaries between tzedakah, gemilut chasadim, and tikkun olam?

Simonds: I don’t see these as separate categories that need rigid boundaries. Rather, they are meant to be integrated into a larger vision of the world. Justice must be pursued with kindness and compassion. When we go back and read from the Torah, we are asked why tzedek is mentioned twice. The answer is that the ancient rabbis taught that we must pursue justice justly. We cannot focus solely on outcomes, but on how we get there, with care and humanity.

Jacobsen: Who is responsible for what, e.g., individual givers, congregations, federations, nonprofits, and the state?

Simonds: Everyone has a responsibility to give time and resources to help those in need. But at the Jewish Center for Justice, where I serve as Executive Director, we focus heavily on legislation and public policy because injustice and inequality are too large to be addressed by individuals and nonprofits alone. Our government, and by extension our elected leaders, have a crucial role to play in addressing systemic harm and creating lasting change.

Jacobsen: What are common power failures in communal funds?

Simonds: Any organization, whether nonprofit or for-profit, can experience power failures. As institutions grow larger, priorities can pull in different directions, decision-making can slow, and resources can become less responsive to the needs of the people they are meant to serve. This isn’t unique to Jewish communal life; it’s a challenge across the professional world.

At JCJ, we were intentionally designed to be lean, values-driven, and accountable to our community. That structure allows us to act quickly, respond to urgent moments, and ensure that resources are directed toward real impact rather than bureaucracy. Staying close to the people on the ground, from our fellows to our partners to the communities we serve, helps us guard against the kinds of power imbalances that can emerge when institutions lose sight of their purpose.

Jacobsen: How should communities balance emergency relief with long-term self-sufficiency?

Simonds: Jewish communities are often very strong at emergency response, and that is something to be proud of. We have built infrastructures that allow people to step up in moments of crisis. But too often, we move from one emergency to the next without addressing the deeper causes and systems. Issues like poverty, hunger, and homelessness are treated as isolated crises when they are actually intertwined and baked into our society. The affordability crisis, in particular, is an emergency that demands systemic solutions, not just short-term relief.

Jacobsen: How do you handle deservingness and confidentiality?

Simonds: For me, this question goes directly back to dignity. Judaism rejects the idea that people must prove they are “deserving” of care. If someone is in need, they are deserving. The moment we begin ranking worthiness, we undermine the very justice we claim to pursue.

Confidentiality is part of that same moral obligation. People in need deserve autonomy and respect, just as much as those offering support. Protecting identities isn’t about secrecy; it’s about ensuring that help does not come at the cost of shame, exposure, or loss of agency. At its best, tzedakah affirms a person’s humanity by meeting material needs and by honoring their dignity in the process.

Jacobsen: How are digital giving and public policy reshaping tzedakah?

Simonds: Digital tools and policy advocacy have expanded who gets to participate in the work of justice, and that is a good thing. What once required access, time, or proximity is now available to far more people. These tools have broadened our coalitions and allow more individuals to engage meaningfully in giving and advocacy. The work of justice is no longer limited to a few, but something many people can participate in.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Joel.

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Riane Eisler On Partnership Leadership Vs. Domination: An Interview

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Kindred Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/17

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler contrasts domination leaders—hierarchical, punitive, spectacle-driven—with partnership leadership that centers care, gender equity, childhood, and Earth. Rapid technological change meets trauma, enabling authoritarian regression from Afghanistan and Iran to parts of the United States. Economics still mislabels care as “reproductive” work; universities remain top-down, even as women advance in law, medicine, and science. Marx missed gender’s central role; dictatorships proved domination’s logic. Narrative reform, education, and evidence from prehistory support swift shifts. Ireland’s recent changes illuminate society’s recovering immune response and resilience. First published on The Good Men Project. Re-posted with permission.

Interview conducted on October 18, 2025.

Riane Eisler and the Center for Partnership Systems is a nonprofit partner of Kindred.


Read an exclusive excerpt of Riane Eisler and Douglas Fry’s Nurturing Our Humanity on Kindred here. Support independent book sellers and our nonprofit work by purchasing the book here.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When it comes to politics, how does a politician act under a domination style of leadership versus a partnership style? And as a side question, can people “fake it till they make it” into either model? Because both seem emotionally rewarding: power feels good, but so does community.

Riane Eisler: We’re living through a period of transition from domination toward partnership. There’s a strong global movement in that direction—but it’s also being countered by a robust regression, often expressed through religious mythologies. You can see this in Afghanistan, Iran, and even in parts of the United States, Hungary, and other nations.

I have to digress briefly because this ties into change itself. We’re in an age of immense technological transformation—artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and other scientific breakthroughs are reshaping our world. But change is tough for people who have been deeply traumatized by the domination system, often beginning within their families. Poverty is traumatizing, too. So, for many, genuine transformation feels nearly impossible. They cling to the old norms.

And those who push us backward have a tremendous advantage, because our collective consciousness is fragmented. We divide ourselves by inherited categories—right and left, religious and secular, Eastern and Western, Northern and Southern, capitalist and socialist. These divisions distract us from the real underlying issue.

None of these categories is holistic. None truly accounts for the fundamental components of a social system—mainly family and childhood, or gender relations. These areas are either marginalized or, in domination-oriented societies, treated as unquestionable hierarchies.

So yes, it’s a difficult time. But what’s at stake is nothing less than our survival.

We must change our categories and our thinking. As Einstein said, it’s madness to believe we can solve our problems with the same consciousness, the same vocabulary, and the same worldview that created them.

This fragmentation of consciousness keeps the old systems in place—the illusion that the same mindset can solve the problems it created. We have to shift toward a more holistic way of viewing society, one that truly includes gender, childhood, and family, and recognizes their foundational importance. So a whole-systems analysis is essential.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do we do this?

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Riane Eisler: Take economics, for example. Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx identified the most basic human work as caring for people and caring for our natural environment—the sources of life itself. Yet they classified this vital work as “reproductive” rather than “productive” labour, and it was devalued accordingly. And this devaluation is perpetuated by our measurement of “productivity” like GDP and GNP, where caring for people outside the market is not included, and neither is caring for nature, so that a tree is not included until it is dead, a log, that can be bought and sold in the market. This makes no sense, and neither does including only the rebuilding after a natural disaster, like a storm, but considering the damage to people and nature just “externalities” and therefore not to be counted in these measures!

And of course, there’s story and language—because we all live by story. If we fail to adapt those, we’re lost.

Once you begin to see “reality”—including politics, mythology, and culture—through the whole-systems lens of the partnership-domination social scale or continuum, everything looks different. We see how our epics idealize and celebrate the hero as a killer. The Odyssey, the hero’s journey, and even modern entertainment are all variations of the same domination narrative. Today’s blockbusters are the digital descendants of the Roman circuses—spectacles of adrenaline and violence that distract rather than enlighten.

We’re living in an era when truth itself is under siege. Facts, such as those demonstrating climate change, are dismissed or distorted.

However, science, though indispensable, is not immune to bias. Scientists are human; they carry cultural assumptions like anyone else. I often think of Galileo—threatened by the scientific establishment of his time because his observations challenged entrenched dogma. Or the old scientific prejudice that women were merely containers for male genetic material, the belief that heredity passed “solely through men.” These are striking examples of gendered distortion disguised as science.

Jacobsen: That reminds me of Kurt Vonnegut. I recall a story where he was on stage with another humanist writer who made a cutting remark, and he replied with equal wit—something like, “Well, women can’t do science. They discovered that at Harvard,” referencing Lawrence Summers’s infamous comment. It was sardonic, of course, pointing out how absurdly chauvinist that notion was.

Eisler: And what we’re seeing now, ironically, contradicts those old biases. In many professional fields—law, medicine, academia—women are the majority of new entrants. Most law school classes today are primarily female. The same trend is emerging in medicine, especially among general practitioners.

Sometimes it’s simply a matter of practical realities catching up. But the old structures persist—universities, for example, still mirror the hierarchies of religious institutions, built on centuries of domination.

Listen to the Kindred interview with Riane Eisler and Lisa Reagan.

Universities are still very top-down and fragmented, despite students’ growing demand for multidisciplinary teaching. By the way, our new course materials for teaching global history through the partnership-domination social scale are almost ready for release.

At the University of Arkansas, there’s a faculty member who teaches global history and discovered my work. He’s been using it because it integrates gender as a key analytical lens—something still treated as taboo in much of academia. It’s astonishing how hard it remains to address gender seriously.

Women can enter science, as Jane Goodall did, but they’re still a minority. More women are now receiving Nobel Prizes, which is encouraging and long overdue. But it’s worth remembering that until the early twentieth century, women were barred from most universities—Harvard, for instance. In Canada, many women couldn’t even hold academic positions or obtain full professional visas until the 1970s.

So, real progress, but within only about a century.

Even thinkers like Marx, who called it “the woman question,” dismissed it as secondary. He couldn’t see that gender relations are a central organizing principle—shaping families, economies, and every social institution. He was wrong about that.

When you talk to Marxists today, many still try to reconcile that gap in his thinking. Marx himself was a complex figure—a mix of domination and partnership impulses. In his personal life, he was very much the dominator. In his political theory, he believed in the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” which is inherently a domination model. And history proved it: the USSR became a full-blown domination system.

Yet to his credit, he did imagine that dictatorship as temporary—a stage toward something more egalitarian. But he remained a man of his time, bound by the norms that said women didn’t count and “women’s work” didn’t matter.

Meanwhile, men today face their own crisis. They’re flooded with propaganda urging them to reclaim dominance. Many boys and young men mistake that for strength, forgetting they’re simply part of a larger hierarchy of domination. If someone higher up—say, a ruler like Putin—wants more territory, those same young men are expected to give their lives for his ambitions.

Jacobsen: So we’re back to politics.

Eisler: Yes, we’re back to politics, which is still studied separately, although domination scales up from the household to the nation.

The personal is political, and the political is personal. That’s what partnership thinking helps us finally see.

It’s all interconnected. Someone like Putin, for example, if we examined his childhood, I’m certain we’d find deep trauma. The same applies to many leaders. Even in the United States, both the president and vice president have spoken publicly about the impact of their early experiences. So yes, we face an enormous challenge.

But returning to your question, can politicians truly transform or express that change? If they don’t, we’re in trouble.

But if they do, they can also face backlash, because much of the electorate still sees no alternative to domination. And for those deeply tied to authoritarian movements, like the MAGA faction in the U.S., there’s virtually no willingness to reconsider. It’s a difficult moment in history.

Yet I have faith in human creativity and in our instinct for survival.

That brings us back to something you mentioned earlier—the re-mything impulse, as I call it, the urge to recover what’s been lost or hidden. It’s like a cultural immune system. Deconstruction and reconstruction of stories are part of this process.

But what we must reconstruct is nothing less than what society accepts as “normal” and “natural.”

That requires revisiting the evidence from prehistory, archeology, the study of myths, DNA studies, all of which show that for most of human history societies were more partnership-oriented than domination-based—and some still are today.

Change is possible, and it can happen swiftly. Look at Ireland: it has become far more partnership-oriented in just a few decades.

Jacobsen: Riane, thank you for your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Barbara Anderson on Watchtower Documents 2025: Evidence, Accountability, Survivor-Centered Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Watchtower Documents

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

How does Barbara Anderson’s 2025 work at Watchtower Documents advance evidence-based accountability and survivor protections in clergy abuse cases?

Barbara Anderson is a researcher and whistleblower focused on Jehovah’s Witnesses’ handling of child sexual abuse. A member from 1954 to 1997, she worked at the denomination’s Brooklyn headquarters from 1982 to 1992 in the Writing Department, researching the movement’s official history. She later spoke publicly about internal policies and founded Watchtower Documents, an independent archive used by journalists and attorneys. Anderson has appeared in major media, including Dateline NBC, and continues to document cases, policies, and litigation while advising survivors and reporters. She authored Barbara Anderson Uncensored and maintains public profiles detailing her archival and advocacy work. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Barbara Anderson, researcher and whistleblower known for documenting Jehovah’s Witnesses’ child sexual abuse policies and building the archival project Watchtower Documents. Anderson outlines her 2025 work-streams: legal and legislative change, institutional accountability, and survivor advocacy, with increasing attention to adult victims. She explains that document authentication is mainly procedural—rules of evidence, protective orders, pseudonyms, and redaction—designed to admit proof while shielding identities. Anderson also describes trauma-informed collaboration with journalists and legal teams, and highlights systemic gaps in decentralized Protestant structures that hinder oversight, transparency, and consistent reform.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the main 2025 work-streams at Watchtower Documents?

Barbara Anderson: In 2025, main work-streams at Watchtower Documents related to eliminating clergy-perpetrated abuse, center on legal and legislative changes, institutional accountability and reform, and survivor advocacy and support. These efforts involve actions by governments, religious bodies (particularly the Catholic Church), and non-profit advocacy groups. And a growing focus on adult victims.

Jacobsen: Which verification methods authenticate documents while protecting victims’ identities? 

Anderson: In legal proceedings related to clergy abuse, documents are authenticated using standard rules of evidence, while a victim’s identity is protected through legal safeguards like pseudonyms, protective orders, and document redaction. These are procedural, rather than technical verification methods, and they allow evidence to be admitted without revealing the survivor’s public identity. 

Jacobsen: How do you collaborate with journalists and legal teams?

Anderson: Collaboration in clergy abuse cases involves a survivor-centered, trauma-informed approach where legal teams and journalists work transparently to support survivors, pursue accountability, and maintain confidentiality. Effective collaboration emphasizes shared power and clear communication while prioritizing the survivor’s well-being. 

Jacobsen: What recurring themes happen in court filings or organizational policies?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, where are the biggest observed gaps?

Anderson: The gaps in solving Protestant clergy abuse largely stem from decentralized structures, a culture of denial and niceness that discourages naming inappropriate behavior, and a significant lack of external accountability and oversight. Unlike the Catholic Church, which has a universal hierarchy, the independent nature of many Protestant churches makes systemic solutions difficult to implement. 

Jacobsen: Which concrete governance or compliance reforms would reduce risk?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: What metrics indicate progress, even regress, in accountability and justice since starting your work?

Anderson: Metrics indicating progress in clergy abuse cases include a decline in new allegations, increased spending on prevention, and legislative changes to statutes of limitations. Indicators of regress, however, include a lack of transparency in canonical trials, continued institutional resistance to accountability, and an increase in the number of cases categorized as “unable to be proven”. 

Jacobsen: What near-term research is being prepared?

Anderson: Near-term research in clergy-perpetrated abuse cases is focusing on the experiences and support for adult survivors, the systemic factors within religious communities that enable abuse, and the effectiveness of current prevention and reporting mechanisms. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Barbara.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen is the publisher of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978-1-0692343) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369-6885). He writes forThe Good Men Project, International Policy Digest (ISSN: 2332–9416), The Humanist (Print: ISSN 0018-7399; Online: ISSN 2163-3576), Basic Income Earth Network (UK Registered Charity 1177066), A Further Inquiry, and other media.

Barbara notes that as editor and publisher of In-Sight: Interviews, the interviewer has tackled this topic before:

2026-01-01

Joelle Casteix on Catholic Clergy Abuse: Coordination, Cover-Ups, and Real Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23 Joelle Casteix is a leading advocate, author, and educator on child sexual abuse prevention and institutional accountability. A survivor of abuse at a Catholic high school in Southern California, she became a spokesperson and Western Regional Director with SNAP, supporting survivors and exposing cover-ups. […]

2026-01-01

Dear God and Company: Confronting Clergy Abuse and the System That Enables It

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/07 Clergy sexual abuse is not confined to any one faith, denomination, or country—it is a global crisis rooted in power, secrecy, and institutional self-preservation. In this conversation, survivors, advocates, clergy, legal scholars, and researchers confront the patterns that allow abuse to persist and the systemic […]

2025-12-17

Serbia’s Orthodox Church and Clergy Abuse: Jovana Trninic Speaks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/26 Jovana Trninic is a Serbian interlocutor and advocate focusing on clergy-related abuse and institutional accountability within the Serbian Orthodox context. After reporting sexual misconduct by a priest and encountering evasion from church authorities, she turned to evidence-based healing, psychotherapy, and communities such as Prosopon […]

2025-12-15

When the Poison is Also the Medicine: How My Experience with Clergy Abuse Penetrated My Deepest Wound and Became the Catalyst for Healing

  Dorothy Small Clergy-Perpetrated Abuse Survivor Advocate Choir Member, Saint James Catholic Church, Davis, California, United States *Dorothy remains available for correspondence with victims of clergy-abuse.* Correspondence: Dorothy Small (Email:angelsonedorothy@gmail.com) Received: December 1, 2025 Accepted: December 14, 2025 Published: December 15, 2025 Abstract Dorothy Small’s “When the Poison is Also the Medicine” is a first-person […]

2025-10-22

Addressing Clergy Abuse: Reform and Interfaith Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Humanists International Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/07 I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse without condemning entire […]

2025-08-09

Clergy Abuse, Church Reform, and Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/07  Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr. served over 30 years as Lead Pastor of Forest Hill Presbyterian Church in Cleveland Heights, Ohio. Known for passionate preaching, community leadership, and a commitment to justice and compassion, he profoundly shaped the Church’s mission […]

2025-08-09

Gospel of Denial: How Churches Continue to Fail Clergy Abuse Survivors

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/22  Today, I’m joined by Katherine Archer, Father Bojan Jovanović, Dr. Hermina Nedelescu, and Dorothy Small for a wide-ranging discussion on clergy abuse—its psychological toll, institutional roots, and pathways to reform. Katherine Archer is the co-founder of Prosopon Healing and a graduate student in Theological Studies. […]

2025-05-27

Clergy Abuse and Journalistic Integrity: A Call for Evidence-Based Reform and Interfaith Dialogue

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The New Enlightenment Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/19 How can journalism support clergy abuse victims while fostering reform and interfaith understanding without vilifying entire faith communities? On March 9th, 2025, I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. […]

2025-04-28

Historic $880 Million Clergy Abuse Settlement by Archdiocese of Los Angeles Marks Largest in U.S. Catholic Church History

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Archdiocese of Los Angeles made an enormous settlement of $880 million. The immense settlement went to the 1,353 victims of clergy sexual abuse. Total payouts have been over $1.5 billion. As far as I can tell, this may be the largest payout for […]

2025-11-25

Timothy D. Law on Zero Tolerance, Vatican Resistance, and Clergy-Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23 Why must the Vatican adopt a universal zero tolerance canon law to protect children and restore accountability? Timothy D. Law is a Catholic advocate for survivors and accountability. A founding leader with Ending Clergy Abuse, he campaigns for a universal zero-tolerance canon law that permanently removes […]

2025-04-28

Michigan AG Report Identifies 56 Catholic Clergy Accused of Sexual Abuse in Diocese of Lansing Since 1950s

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Michigan Attorney general’s office released a report for an open investigation. It is focusing on the Diocese of Lansing. 56 clergy members including ~53 priests have been accused of sexual abuse since the 1950s. Investigations into the Michigan Catholic dioceses, ongoing, are looking […]

2025-03-29

Journalism’s Role in Moral Narratives and Synopsis of Clergy-Related Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Humanist Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/12 Three days ago, I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse […]

2024-07-25

Professor David K. Pooler, Ph.D., LCSW-S on Clergy Adult Sexual Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/07/21 Professor David K. Pooler, Ph.D., LCSW-S is a Professor in the Diana R. Garland School of Social Work at Baylor University. His X account is here. Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What was your original, either less knowledgeable or potentially naïve, position about the church, and what was […]

2024-06-02

Dr. Hermina Nedelescu on Clergy-Perpetrated Sexual Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/02 Dr. Hermina Nedelescu is a Romanian-born neuroscientist. Her research work is concerned with the neurobiological control of abnormal behaviors and brain functions relevant to human psychopathology. The majority of this work is directed at understanding brain mechanisms that underly substance use and abuse with […]

2024-05-17

FFRF applauds Washington AG’s commitment to clergy sex abuse investigation 

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing Publisher Founding: September 1, 2014 Publisher Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada Publication: Freethought Newswire Original Link: https://ffrf.org/news/releases/ffrf-applauds-washington-ags-commitment-to-clergy-sex-abuse-investigation/ Publication Date: May 14, 2024 Organization: Freedom From Religion Foundation Organization Description: The Freedom From Religion Foundation is a national nonprofit organization with 40,000 members and several chapters all over the […

2026-01-04

Shield and Silence: Shana Aaronson of Magen on Rabbinic Abuse in Orthodox Judaism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/14 Shana Aaronson is an Orthodox Jewish advocate and expert on sexual abuse in faith-based communities. As executive director of Magen, she supports survivors in Israel and the diaspora, with a focus on Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox contexts. Her work combines case advocacy, community education, and […]

2026-01-01

Victor Vieth: Education, Theology, and Ending Child Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/16 Victor Vieth is Chief Program Officer, Education & Research, at Zero Abuse Project, where he leads training, research, and policy to prevent and respond to child maltreatment. A former Senior Director and founding director of the National Child Protection Training Center at Gundersen, he […]

2025-12-14

Northside Foursquare Church and Cloverdale Christian Fellowship Church Abuse Allegation Cases

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/30 Langley, with its dense Evangelical presence, has seen serious abuse allegations within local churches. One civil case involves Pastor Barry Buzza of Northside Foursquare Church, accused of grooming and sexually abusing a teenage congregant who sought pastoral guidance, with claims the church ignored warning signs. Another […]

2025-11-26

Bold on Climate, Silent on Abuse: Abuse Survivors and Advocates Call Out Templeton Foundation for Recognition of Ecumenical Patriarch

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen (w/ Coalition) Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/16 The Templeton Foundation awarded its 2025 Prize to Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople (Dimitrios Archontonis) in spite of the Patriarch’s silence on clergy sexual abuse in Orthodoxy, a group of survivors and advocates say. In individual letters sent to the foundation over the […]

2025-11-04

Michelle Stewart on Cult Abuse, Confession, and Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/02 How does trauma-informed storytelling empower survivors of clergy and cult abuse through narrative agency and psychological healing? Michelle Stewart is a cult survivor, author, and advocate whose memoir, “Judas Girl: My Father, Four Cults & How I Escaped Them All,” chronicles her childhood entry into, and […]

2025-04-28

Former Archbishop of Canterbury Admits Failure in Decades-Long Church Abuse Crisis

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Former Archbishop of Canterbury acknowledged in a BBC interview the failure to adequately manage the Church of England’s sexual abuse crisis. He considers te scale of the problem “absolutely overwhelming.” Welby resigned in November of 2024. The resignation followed an independent review criticizing […]

2025-04-28

Catholic Priest Anthony Odiong Pleads Guilty to Sexual Assault in Texas and Louisiana Amid Decades of Abuse Allegations

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 A Roman Catholic priest who served parishes in Louisiana and Texas pled guilty to sexual assault charges spanning both state lines and decades of alleged misconduct. Anthony Odiong reflected themes of religious authority, oversight failure, and belated accountability. Eight women have accused Odiong of […]

2024-07-07

Dorothy Small on Abuse of Adults in the Roman Catholic Church

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/18 Dorothy Small an advocate for SNAP, Survivor Network for those Abused by Priests since 2019, was a child sex abuse victim. She also experienced sexual abuse by a clergyman as an adult. Dorothy courageously addressed the latter through successful litigation publicly […]

2024-06-24

Melanie Sakoda on Orthodox Clergy-Related Misconduct

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/23 Melanie Sakoda is a Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP) Survivor Support Director, SNAP East Bay Leader, and SNAP Orthodox Leader. Here we talk at length on Orthodoxy and clergy-based abuse. Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Melanie Sakoda. She is […]

2024-05-28

Senator Steele (AZ) Testimony on Clergy-Penitent Privilege bill

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing Publisher Founding: September 1, 2014 Publisher Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada Publication: Freethought Newswire Original Link: https://www.secularofficials.org/2024/04/04/senator-steele-az-testimony-on-clergy-penitent-privilege-bill/Publication Date: April 4, 2024 Organization: Association of Secular Elected Officials, Inc. Organization Description: ASEO was conceived of by Leonard Presberg and Ron Millar at the beginning of 2020 and following […]

2024-01-18

Crimes of the Eastern Orthodox Church 4: Sex Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/01/17 I doubt this is comprehensive, nor is it representative of the positives of the church either; it is reportage on the reports from the news. I didn’t see a compendium, so decided to write one.  The continued child sex abuse cases emerge from […]

2022-04-05

Archdiocese of Vancouver Sexual Abuse, 3 More Priests Claimed

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): News Intervention Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2021/01/11 The Archdiocese of Vancouver made confirmations of 3 more Roman Catholic priests are involved in the abuse settlements. Those priests who served in the Vancouver parishes are in the process of the settlements related to sexual abuse.  13 more peo

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Hrabro protiv klime, tiho protiv zlostavljanja: Žrtve zlostavljanja i zagovornici pozivaju Fondaciju Templeton za priznanje ekumenskog patrijarha

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Salines.ba

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/17

Kako Templetonova nagrada za Bartolomeja I za 2025. godinu utiče na kredibilitet Fondacije usred zabrinutosti zbog njegove šutnje o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva?

Autor: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Fondacija Templeton dodijelila je svoju nagradu za 2025. godinu vaseljenskom patrijarhu Bartolomeju I od Carigrada (Dimitrios Archontonis) uprkos patrijarhovoj šutnji o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva u pravoslavlju, kaže grupa preživjelih i zagovornika.

U pojedinačnim pismima poslanim fondaciji tokom proteklih šest mjeseci, članovi grupe su priznali da je patrijarh zaslužio priznanje za svoj rad na pitanjima zaštite okoliša, što je dugoročni fokus lidera ” prvog među jednakima ” u istočnom pravoslavnom kršćanstvu. Međutim, objasnili su, patrijarhova šutnja o zlostavljanju čini njegovu prestižnu nagradu John Templeton bolnom za preživjele – posebno za one koji su mu se direktno obratili u vezi sa svojim iskustvima.

„Više puta sam pisao vaseljenskom patrijarhu Bartolomeju — kao najvišem duhovnom autoritetu u Pravoslavnoj crkvi — moleći ga da prizna i odgovori na patnju žrtava i preduzme mjere“, napisao je Fondaciji Bojan Jovanović, generalni sekretar Saveza kršćana Hrvatske. „Do danas nikada nije primljen nikakav odgovor.“

„Svaka institucija koja tvrdi da je moralno vođa mora to dokazati tamo gdje je najvažnije: u zaštiti ljudi“, rekla je Sally Zakhari, izvršna direktorica organizacije Coptic Survivor, u svom pismu. „Nema trajne klimatske pravde bez pravde za preživjele – sigurnost je prva dužnost.“

Članovi grupe su počeli privatno pisati rukovodstvu fondacije još u aprilu, kada je Vaseljenski patrijarh proglašen dobitnikom nagrade John Templeton za 2025. godinu. U pismima se razmatra niz iskustava osoba koje su preživjele zlostavljanje i njihovih zagovornika, te se navode ponovljeni pokušaji da se Vaseljenski patrijarh javno obrati slučaju seksualnog zlostavljanja koje je počinilo sveštenstvo u crkvi. Zajedno su tražili priznanje od fondacije da je njihovo hvaljenje Patrijarha bilo nepromišljeno.

Grešnici i sveci

Takvo priznanje od strane Fondacije Templeton nije bez presedana, upravo zato što su se prethodni laureati pokazali problematičnim. Dok se osobe poput Francisa Collinsa i Jane Goodall nalaze na listi prethodnih dobitnika, drugi su bili manje uspješni – uključujući i neke povezane s poznatim nedoličnim ponašanjem. Među ranijim dobitnicima koji su bili umiješani u seksualno zlostavljanje su Jean Vanier ( 2015 ), osnivač L’Archea i bivši dominikanski svećenik i evolucijski biolog Francisco Ayala ( 2010 ). Izvještaj koji je naručio L’Arche , objavljen godinu dana nakon Vanierove smrti, zaključio je da je Vanier seksualno zlostavljao i manipulirao šest žena tokom decenija, među kojima su bile i njegove asistentice i časne sestre. Templeton je od tada izmijenio svoju web stranicu kako bi napomenuo da je organizacija “zgrožena i ožalošćena” nalazima . Fondacija je slično napomenula da se Ayala suočio s optužbama za seksualno uznemiravanje .

Ne može postojati istinska klimatska pravda bez socijalne pravde. Okoliš uključuje i ljudska bića“, kaže neuroznanstvenica i suosnivačica Prosopon Healinga Hermina Nedelescu o naporima grupe. „Duboko je uznemirujuće što se patrijarh Bartolomej slavi zbog svog liderstva u oblasti zaštite okoliša, dok se zanemaruju muškarci, žene i djeca koji doživljavaju seksualno zlostavljanje od strane sveštenstva i trpe traumu pod njegovim duhovnim autoritetom.“

Javne informacije o zlostavljanju u pravoslavlju prikupio je Prosopon Healing. Ova baza podataka je modelirana po uzoru na ‘Akademsku bazu podataka o seksualnom nedoličnom ponašanju’ i nadovezuje se na rad ranije stranice, Pokrov.org.

Prosopon Healing pruža istraživanja zasnovana na dokazima, resurse i podršku pogođenim osobama, ali slika ostaje nepotpuna. Koliko znamo, nijedna pravoslavna jurisdikcija ne objavljuje konkretne informacije o zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva. Nasuprot tome, većina rimokatoličkih biskupija u Americi to čini.

Melanie Sakoda, predsjednica Upravnog odbora organizacije Coptic Survivor i suosnivačica Pokrov.org, podijelila je ove zabrinutosti u svom pismu fondaciji. „Vjerujem da je dodjela Templetonove nagrade lideru koji se nije oglasio o ovom ključnom pitanju bila izuzetno kratkovida od strane Fondacije. Za mene, to dovodi u pitanje Templetonov moralni kredibilitet kada ignoriše tešku situaciju žrtava koje još uvijek čekaju da dobiju i pomoć i pravdu.“

Napetost koja može izbiti kada se duhovni vođa pohvali za rad na vanjskoj socijalnoj pravdi, a ne uspijeva se pozabaviti nepravdom unutar crkve, nije nepoznata u kršćanskom svijetu. U stvari, u svom saopštenju za javnost o primanju nagrade od strane ekumenskog patrijarha, fondacija je napomenula da je ekumenski patrijarh sarađivao s papom Franjom i bivšim nadbiskupom Canterburyja Justinom Welbyjem na prvoj zajedničkoj poruci za zaštitu stvorenja. Prošle godine, Welby je bio prisiljen da podnese ostavku na mjesto poglavara Engleske crkve nakon što se pojavio značajan skandal u vezi s njegovim rješavanjem pritužbi na teške zloupotrebe.

Prilika za reformu

Patrijarhova ovlast da naređuje reforme širom pravoslavnog svijeta je ograničena. Pravoslavne jurisdikcije imaju veću samoupravu od rimokatoličkih biskupija. Međutim, grupa je saopštila da bi on mogao započeti javnu diskusiju i pozvati na odgovornost unutar pravoslavlja; zloupotreba bi trebala biti razmotrena i zaustavljena .

Jedan korak ka zaustavljanju zlostavljanja, prema grupi, uključivao bi šire otkrivanje i razumijevanje obima zlostavljanja u pravoslavlju. Mnogi pravoslavni vjernici negiraju da postoje problemi sa zlostavljanjem djece i odraslih od strane sveštenstva. Na primjer, vjernici često navode činjenicu da se sveštenici žene, nesvjesni da većinu seksualnog zlostavljanja djece čine muškarci u vezama sa odraslim ženama, poput oženjenih sveštenika.

Grupa je objasnila da bi podrška Vaseljenskog patrijarha, umjesto šutnje, mogla pomoći u upotpunjavanju ove slike. „Sramotno je što je patrijarh Vartolomej koristio svoj glas da se zalaže za pitanja zaštite okoliša, gdje je njegova moć ograničena, ali je ostao nijem o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva unutar pravoslavlja – gdje bi njegovi stavovi mogli biti svjetionik za reformu“, napisao je Sakoda.

Zagovornici i preživjeli zajedno pozivaju Vaseljenskog patrijarha da konačno progovori o zlostavljanju, da uspostavi sigurno mjesto za prijavljivanje i nezavisnu istragu zlostavljanja i da poveća transparentnost odgovornosti.

Grupa priznaje da je dokument iz 2020. godine, koji je razvila posebna komisija pravoslavnih naučnika, koju je imenovao patrijarh Vartolomej, spomenuo pitanje seksualnog zlostavljanja u pravoslavnim zajednicama . Međutim, taj izvještaj ne sadrži konkretno priznanje seksualnog zlostavljanja od strane sveštenstva i potpuno je ignorisao tešku situaciju onih koji su zlostavljani kao odrasli.

Štaviše, pored ove pritužbe u vezi s njegovom šutnjom , preživjeli i zagovornici također znaju da je ignorisao apele Johna Metsopoulosa, supruga dr. Nedelescu, Kevina Hunta, i, kao što je ranije spomenuto, Bojana Jovanovića.

Stoga, oni obnavljaju svoje pozive Fondaciji Templeton da prizna patnju koju su doživjeli pravoslavni preživjeli, što je rječito navedeno u pismu koje je anonimni preživjeli poslao fondaciji posljednjih mjeseci. „Ne tražim osvetu. Tražim priznanje. Slušajući preživjele, Fondacija John Templeton ima priliku poslati snažnu poruku: da istinska veličina uključuje poštenje, pravdu i zaštitu ranjivih.“

Kontakti za medije:

  • Hermina Nedelescu , doktorica znanosti, neuroznanstvenica, teologinja, suosnivačica Prosopon Healinga: hermina.advocacy@proton.me
  • Scott Douglas Jacobsen , nezavisni novinar: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com
  • Bojan Jovanović , generalni sekretar, Savez kršćana Hrvatske: jovanovicbojan711@gmail.com
  • Melanie Sakoda , predsjednica Upravnog odbora, Koptski preživjeli: melanie.sakoda@gmail.com , 925-708-6175
  • Sally Zakhari , izvršna direktorica, Coptic Survivor: copticsurvivor@gmail.com , 407-758-4874

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Emma Hathorn Navigates Modern Dating: Age Gaps, Cultural Sensitivity, and Intentional Love

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/24

Emma Hathorn is a Dating Expert at Seeking.com, specializing in online dating, luxury relationships, and modern dating trends. She offers insights on age-gap dynamics, dating safety, and emotional connection. Frequently featured in major media outlets, she helps singles navigate relationships with clarity, confidence, and elevated standards. She discusses modern dating, exploring cultural sensitivity, emotional intent, and shifting social expectations. Hathorn shares a Zora Neale Hurston quote to illustrate love’s adaptability, emphasizing self-awareness, mutual respect, and meaningful connection over superficial judgments, despite changing norms around age, gender roles, and long-term commitment.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your favourite dating quote?

Emma Hathorn: I do have a quote. It’s not specifically about dating—it’s about love in general—but I think it applies.

Jacobsen: Who defines what makes a good date? Is it the person with long-term goals who spends two hours getting ready, or the person who shows up casually? What quote would you say characterizes a good first date for someone genuinely looking for love?

Hathorn: The quote is broader, but here it is: Zora Neale Hurston once wrote, “Love is like the sea. It’s a moving thing, but still and all, it takes its shape from every shore it meets.” It changes with every new shore.

Jacobsen: That’s a poetic and insightful quote.

Hathorn: I love Zora. I think it’s important to approach dating knowing that not every experience will lead to something long-term, but each person brings something valuable. You’re meant to learn something from every connection.

Jacobsen: What about dates where there seems to be nothing to learn?

Hathorn: Don’t go on those. You shouldn’t. You have to know what you’re looking for and what you want. You need to be intentional before even agreeing to meet.

Jacobsen: How do you make the date planning and screening process culturally appropriate? Japan is very different from South Africa, which is different from Canada or Iceland.

Hathorn: That’s so true. You have to be open-minded, make sure there’s mutual respect, and that you can communicate clearly beforehand. Cultural sensitivity starts before the first date—it’s about curiosity and consideration.

Someone has to be able to speak at least some of the language the other person speaks—otherwise, the conversation will be limited. But I think that also comes in the pre-planning. Make sure you have a good rapport over text, have a quick phone call, and see if there’s a spark—something that makes you want to talk to them more.

Culturally, dating across backgrounds can be really challenging, but it’s also incredibly rewarding if you approach it with humility. You’ll never know everything, but you can learn a lot. You’ll likely walk away with more than you brought to the experience.

Jacobsen: Why are some people so risk-averse that they do not even try to go on a date—even if they want to? They see some bad news story or binge a British crime drama and say, “You know what? No.”

Hathorn: Well, fortune favors the bold. People tend to be more successful when they step outside their comfort zone. That said, I have mixed views about staying in one’s comfort zone. I do not think there is much value in being deeply uncomfortable in a dating scenario—unless it’s part of natural growth. Some personalities throw themselves into new situations without fear, and I think that’s admirable.

Jacobsen: Like docu-comedies such as Jackass—they’re built around that idea.

Hathorn: Then you have people who just do not want to leave the house—it happens. Online dating can really help in that case. If someone has anxiety around dating, they can start building rapport online. Share hobbies, have conversations—it makes meeting in person much less intimidating. You also arrive with shared interests and conversation topics—you’re more prepared.

Jacobsen: Often there are sensationalized, Daily Mail-style headlines about dating. It gets attention because dating is something almost everyone does. Everyone has been on a bad date. Most people have had average or good dates. But the media loves overblown stories. I say this as a journalist—there’s often a press motive here.

We see headlines like “Two-thirds of men under 30 aren’t dating,” or something to that effect. The data may be technically accurate, but it’s often framed in a way that fuels panic. Some women date women more frequently now, so that shifts the dating pool. Similarly, men may be dating men. Among younger adults, the gender split in dating is complex.

Could the loosening of age-based screening criteria be part of the story? Are we seeing a change that is being misinterpreted or overhyped in the media just to drive clicks?

Hathorn: Absolutely. That leads to the broader age gap conversation. People today are much more flexible about age than they were in the past—especially women, who are more open to dating older men.

It’s becoming less about the number and more about the individual and the connection. Expanding your criteria—whether that’s age, culture, or anything else—can only help. If you’re genuinely interested in meeting people, welcoming diversity is a really positive mindset to have.

I’ve noticed that people are going on fewer dates, but they’re approaching them more seriously. I think many are tired of frivolity in dating. There’s a lot of disillusionment, especially from swipe culture. People are exhausted—it’s become so shallow and appearance-based. It’s a quick judgment: “No, not for me.”

It’s depressing. The process becomes about instant gratification—getting swiped on gives you a small serotonin hit. But I think more people are now turning away from that and trying to find something meaningful, something beyond feeding the algorithm.

Jacobsen: Is the issue internal, like within the dating rituals or age gap dynamics? Or is it more about the person—something more fundamental than age?

Hathorn: I think there’s definitely social pressure to date within your own age group. That judgment disproportionately falls on women. For example, if a woman dates someone 30 years older, people react harshly without considering the actual connection between the individuals.

We overlook the fact that someone at 25 might have lived in several countries and accumulated a wealth of experience. They may have more in common with an older partner who’s done similar things over a longer timeline.

Jacobsen: Right—like the children of diplomats or ambassadors.

Hathorn: Exactly. They’ve lived all over the world, and when they choose to date someone older, it often makes sense based on shared experiences.

Jacobsen: When it comes to mating, dating, or having children, that’s one realm. But marriage—historically and even today—has often functioned as an economic arrangement. For centuries, and particularly for women, marriage was tied to being considered property. That’s still true in some parts of the world. In earlier periods, property didn’t just mean land or goods—it extended to people. Over time, subjectivity became recognized—eventually tied to voting rights and personal agency.

Fundamentally, marriage has always had an economic and social dimension. It was, and often still is, about structuring social strata. In British society, for instance, marriage has long carried that function. In India, it may be framed more cosmically or karmically, especially under the caste system. But regardless of how it’s expressed—spiritual or secular—the economic base is often still there.

Jacobsen: I think what we are seeing is that as the economic system changes—definitions of “breadwinner” and what qualifies as a job—social structures like marriage and family are evolving too. Our genetics have not changed, but the framework around us has. As the frame changes, the arrangements shift accordingly.

It is different from declaring a crisis, like “the crisis of men” or “the crisis of single women.” That kind of language exaggerates things. How do you see people adapting their perspectives as the very definition of marriage and the family unit shifts along with these economic and social changes?

Hathorn: Yes, absolutely. There is much more equality now. From the context of Seeking, we often talk about hypergamy, which has historical roots in India. Traditionally, it referred to marrying up in social or economic status, often gendered.

What’s interesting today is that gender is being taken out of that model. A hypergamous relationship in a modern sense is about both partners bringing different strengths and supporting each other—emotionally, economically, intellectually.

The shift in social and economic roles—especially between men and women—has created opportunities for people to connect in ways that go far beyond economics. One partner might be the breadwinner while the other contributes emotional stability, creative energy, or household organization.

Jacobsen: Or even seasonally—it could shift over time.

Hathorn: That kind of flexibility is important. One might provide financially while the other offers emotional grounding, curiosity, and new ideas. It becomes a dynamic balance.

This shift allows people to explore healthier, more equitable relationship dynamics. In the past, gender roles were rigid—men worked outside, women stayed at home. Now, we see relationships forming between whole human beings rather than rigid gendered archetypes. That gives me some hope for the future.

Jacobsen: Are people thinking about these dynamics even before a first date? It seems like there’s a lot of weight attached to the experience—almost to the point that it creates anxiety. Do you think people bring this psychological burden into first dates, making it harder to connect authentically in the moment?

Hathorn: I think it’s something people carry with them, but ideally, it should remain in the background—not dominate the date. We are all conscious of our place within the broader social dynamic. Women especially have always been attuned to this, not just in passing but as a constant awareness.

However, there’s also freedom in that awareness. You’re entering a date as a full person—not necessarily looking for someone to financially support you, but for someone who complements you emotionally. That sense of balance and mutual support is key. Still, it depends on the couple. Each dynamic is unique, and what works for one may not work for another.

This isn’t something we should overthink during a date. You need to go in with a free spirit and an open mind—just see who you’re meeting. People are complex.

That said, I do think most people have this kind of background consideration, even if they’re not fully conscious of it: What do I bring to the table? What do I hope my partner brings? It’s healthy to acknowledge that.

It also helps to know yourself well—what you want long term, and even just what you want out of the date itself. Being deeply self-aware usually leads to a better experience.

Jacobsen: How should people negotiate the place, time, and location of a first date?

Hathorn: That should be straightforward—just based on mutual preferences. What do you enjoy doing? Where do you like to go? Everyone has their favorite spots. It’s something worth discussing beforehand: What’s your ideal date? Where do you like to go?

Jacobsen: Let’s try that out.

Hathorn: Exactly! It’s a fun conversation starter. Ask: What would be your dream date? Then work from there. You want to avoid awkward or unpleasant places, and you want to make sure the person you’re inviting is going to have a great time.

Jacobsen: That’s a whole other topic—just bad dates.

Hathorn: Yes, exactly.

Jacobsen: Like something out of a reality TV show.

Hathorn: Right—dragging someone around a shopping mall or to an anime convention on day one.

Jacobsen: Japan might love that.

Hathorn: Personally, I’d love that—but still!

Jacobsen: Do you find there are any cross-cultural “nos”? Things that generally do not go over well on a first date—either in a specific culture or broadly?

Hathorn: I can only speak from personal experience—Japan and South Africa, since I’ve lived in both.

Jacobsen: That’s actually a good range: one largely homogeneous, the other more diverse.

Hathorn: In Japan, for instance, you need to be more polite than you might expect. You cannot be too forward in public—it’s just not done. You really have to be hyper-aware of the cultural context, especially when you’re outside your own culture. Be respectful and polite—“when in Rome,” as they say. Try to take the cues.

It helps to learn a little beforehand. You’re going to miss small cultural cues—that’s inevitable—but it’s better to mess up with genuine intent than not to care at all. Sometimes, those little mistakes can even become a great conversation point: “Oh, you’re not supposed to do that here.”

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Widdowson Case: Academic Freedom, Tenure, and Institutional Censorship in Canadian Universities

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Academic freedom includes… Freedom to express one’s opinion about the institution, its administration, and the system in which one works… Freedom from institutional censorship…

Post-secondary educational institutions serve the common good of society through searching for, and disseminating, knowledge and understanding and through fostering independent thinking and expression in academic staff and students… These ends cannot be achieved without academic freedom.

All academic staff must have the right to fulfil their functions without reprisal or repression by the institution, the state, or any other source… contracts which are silent on the matter of academic freedom do not entitle the employer to breach or threaten in any way the academic freedom of academic staff…

Academic staff must not be hindered or impeded in exercising their civil rights as individuals, including the right to contribute to social change through free expression of opinion on matters of public interest. Academic staff must not suffer any institutional penalties because of the exercise of such rights.

Canadian Association of University Teachers, “Academic Freedom: CAUT Policy Statement” (April 20, 2025)

Dr. Frances Widdowson earned an Honours BA and MA in political science from the University of Victoria and a PhD in political science from York University. She worked as a policy analyst in the Northwest Territories. She developed an interest in Indigenous culture in Canada and what she called Canada’s “Indigenous industry.”

Academic Tenure and the Rise of a Controversial Voice

She joined the Mount Royal University Department of Economics, Justice and Policy Studies in 2008, earning tenure in 2011. She taught courses in political science and comparative politics with focus on policy analysis. Her case represents a broader clash between evolving institutional norms of conduct tied to equity and academic freedom.

As with many universalist claimed values, the praxis is the real test, because these values clash in real life. The balance of values is tested in real-life cases, sometimes individual persons. The focus will be Dr. Widdowson and the case at Mount Royal University.

With a career as a policy analyst and tenured professor at Mount Royal University (c. 2011), Dr. Widdowson was critical of “woke” movements and Indigenous policy. She provided open critiques of Indigenous research paradigms. The most notable period was 2018. A Twitter (now X) dialogue, heated debate. This led to harassment complaints.

In February, 2018, she publicly questioned traditional Indigenous research methods at Mount Royal University. She made the argument: certain approaches prioritized funding over community needs. This drew strong criticism. Some labelled Dr. Widdowson with the epithet “racist.” Columnist Barbara Kay defended Dr. Widdowson as an academic challenging accepted narratives about residential schools. Kay framed the critiques as probing rather than hateful.

The Twitter War and Institutional Fallout

Dr. Widdowson engaged in heated exchanges with colleagues during 2020. Mount Royal University labelled this the “Twitter War.” Public disputes ranged from aspects of the Black Lives matter movement, e.g., Black Lives Matter “destroyed MRU,” to more. In July, 2021, Dr. Widdowson filed a harassment complaint against a colleague’s tweets. In November, 2021, an investigation claimed the complaint was “malicious, frivolous, vexatious, and made in bad faith.” At the same time, Mount Royal University’s probe concluded Dr. Widdowson’s tweets constituted harassment. Mount Royal University dismissed Dr. Widdowson on December 20, 2021.

Mount Royal University President Tim Rahilly signed the termination letter for Dr. Widdowson. Nine satirical tweets and one complaint were cited as grounds for the violation of harassment and conduct codes. On that afternoon, after delivering an exam, Dr. Widdowson was requested by human resources. She was informed. Her employment was terminated effective immediately (then). She recalls the experience as procedurally opaque and distressing.

Arbitration, Aftermath, and the Future of Academic Freedom

Dr. Widdowson received a termination letter. 30 hearing days occurred over ten months between January 27th, 2023 and November, 2023. Eventually, it was 30 hearing days with 25 witnesses. These hearings scrutinized fairness of procedures, i.e., collective agreement compliance as well as the basis for dismissal, i.e., academic expression versus policy violations.

Arbitrator David Phillip Jones ruled on July 2, 2024: Widdowson’s tweets warranted discipline (“just cause”), while the firing was “disproportionate to her actions.” No compelling evidence was found that the conduct posed an irreparable threat to the academic environment. A letter of reprimand was substituted for the two-week suspension, but reinstatement was deemed non-viable because of the significant breakdown in professional relationships. A monetary remedy was awarded in lieu of reinstatement. Dr. Widdowson has expressed satisfaction at acknowledgement of wrongful dismissal. She continues to challenge aspects of the harassment findings and continues in advocacy for academic freedom.

Some might see the wrongful dismissal as evidence of tenure as not immunizing from consequences for harassing behaviour. Others may contend the dismissal represents a threat to contentious topic debate and dialogue, even heated. Dr. Widdowson has given lectures on “woke-ism.” She continues to appeal for reinstatement and persists in litigation.

The case study in academic freedom is ongoing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Emma Hathorn on First Date Red Flags, Authenticity, and Why Gen Z Is Redefining Modern Dating

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Emma Hathorn is a Dating Expert at Seeking.com, specializing in online dating, luxury relationships, and modern dating trends. She offers insights on age-gap dynamics, dating safety, and emotional connection. Frequently featured in major media outlets, she helps singles navigate relationships with clarity, confidence, and elevated standards. She emphasizes authenticity, intentional dating, and early communication, discussing red flags, boundary-setting, first-date cues, and the evolving priorities of Gen Z daters as they navigate meaningful, value-driven connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your first sign that a first date is going well—or going badly?

Emma Hathorn: When you lose track of time. Everything flows naturally, and you are not stuck in your head or overanalyzing. It just feels easy. You are not thinking about what to say or how you look. That ease is a great sign. That is what a good conversation feels like. You stop checking the time or worrying about posture or manners. You are just comfortable.

Jacobsen: What typically signals that a date is going wrong?

Hathorn: When the conversation becomes unbalanced. One person overshares or dominates while the other listens. It is tough when someone dives into personal issues too soon. That intensity creates discomfort and imbalance.

Jacobsen: What is it like to be on the receiving end of that?

Hathorn: You feel stuck, unsure how to respond. You are polite while someone unloads their life story, and it is too much responsibility, too fast.

Jacobsen: Do certain traits make people more likely to struggle with setting boundaries when that happens?

Hathorn: Yes. At Seeking, we stress the importance of vetting someone first. A chat or video call before a meeting helps. With online dating, you do not know someone until you talk. Asking the right questions upfront helps avoid those boundary issues. Once you know what you are looking for, you can often spot red flags early—from their profile or first messages. Many uncomfortable situations can be avoided with early caution.

Jacobsen: So, it is wise to stay cautious, even if most people are decent.

Hathorn: Absolutely. The worst-case scenario we usually see is just awkwardness—when you are not on the same wavelength. At Seeking, we emphasize aligning values and knowing what you want going in. Intentional dating is a significant trend. People value their time and solitude more, and they are comfortable not dating unless it feels genuinely worthwhile.

So, when someone chooses to go on a date now, it is often very deliberate—focused on who the person is and what kind of connection they are looking for. It does not even have to be romantic. A meaningful conversation can be worth it all by itself.

Jacobsen: What is a clear sign someone is being inauthentic—like they are not even in touch with themselves?

Hathorn: When the stories feel overblown—like they are trying too hard. Sure, some wild stories are true. However, when someone claims they started ten companies, went bungee jumping, and climbed Everest all in the same week—it feels performative.

Jacobsen: They started the companies while bungee jumping.

Hathorn: [Laughing] And if it is true—great. However, it often feels like a show rather than a genuine connection.

Jacobsen: Signing contracts midair.

Hathorn: Yes! However, inauthenticity is a tricky issue. It can be both hard and easy to read. You sense something is off.

Jacobsen: Is it a major turnoff?

Hathorn: Definitely—and it should be. An authentic person does not need validation from a date. They come in already knowing their value.

Jacobsen: Inauthenticity kills attraction. 

Hathorn: Yes.

Jacobsen: Authenticity guarantees you know whether the real you are attracted to the other person. Some people are authentically unpleasant. That may only appeal to a few—but at least it is honest. If someone is faking it, you sense the tension behind the smile. It is like, “Why are you gritting your teeth while smiling?”

Hathorn: When people are authentic, you can quickly tell if there is chemistry—or not. And that matters. Everyone is busy, so when someone shows up as themselves, you immediately know if there is something there or not. You can decide not to see each other again—but at least it was real.

Jacobsen: How do you prepare for a first date? Stereotypically, guys might shower and shave. Women might spend two hours on makeup, hair, and picking the right outfit.

Hathorn: Yes—women do.

Jacobsen: Just the right outfit.

Hathorn: Absolutely. Women put in serious effort. Moreover, honestly, this often leads to another conversation—about who pays the bill.

Jacobsen: That is part two: “How to finish the first date.”

Hathorn: [Laughing] Seriously, though—I have yet to meet a woman who does not do the hair, makeup, nails, everything.

Jacobsen: Why is it such an event? Usually, with gendered traits, there is some overlap—even if the curves are distinct. However, this one seems distinctly divided. Why do you think that is?

Hathorn: Women invest so much time—and men often do not.

Jacobsen: Or they prepare in very different ways.

Hathorn: It is the anticipation. The idea that you might meet someone—is exciting. Despite the narrative that everyone’s independent—and many are—it is still thrilling to think about finding a partner.

That initial rush builds up in the days leading up to the date. Moreover, beyond romance, it is simply lovely to show up for someone to put in the effort. This extends beyond gender—it also applies to queer relationships. Looking your best and making the effort feels good, especially since people go out less than they used to. So it becomes a little occasion.

Jacobsen: What about a date between two women—where both are looking for a connection, maybe some fun, a little wine and chocolate?

Hathorn: Great question. Women tend to put in more effort. I have dated women, and both parties have put in much effort. It felt equal. Honestly, it was refreshing.

Jacobsen: Was it a better experience?

Hathorn: Not necessarily. Most of my dating was in Tokyo, and I found that both men and women showed up well-prepared. Maybe that stereotype—that men shave and go—needs to change. Some men put in real effort, even if not in grooming. They may contribute in other ways—such as sending an Uber or ensuring things go smoothly. That effort matters, too. In queer relationships between women, there tends to be a greater balance in terms of effort.

Jacobsen: There is another angle. Some women do not want a guy who looks too polished. If he is plucking his eyebrows, highlighting his hair, and looking overly groomed—it might be a turn off. Not a red flag, just a turnoff.

Hathorn: Right.

Jacobsen: They want their guy a little scruffy.

Hathorn: Maybe “curated scruffy.”

Jacobsen: Exactly! So, where is the line between curated scruff and the real thing, or even authenticity?

Hathorn: It is primarily aesthetic. Scruffy can mean facial hair or style—not necessarily a scruffy personality.

Jacobsen: That is true. I have worked in construction, restaurants, and a horse farm—some guys work with their hands and are dirty as hell but still have manners.

Hathorn: Absolutely.

Jacobsen: They may not be clean day to day, but they respect you, and they know how to show it. That takes skill. Honestly, if your exterior is rough, it can even distract you—but some still know how to show up with grace.

Hathorn: And maybe that is super authentic—just showing up as yourself. There is another side to it, however. You could say, “Just come as you are.” However, at the same time—it is still a date. If you are genuinely excited and enjoy getting ready, you should show that to your partner. It reflects something you value and may want in the relationship. It comes down to knowing what you want. Do you see yourself going to lovely places with this person? What kind of future do you imagine?

Jacobsen: That kind of future-oriented thinking—do you think it is gendered? The prep, the anticipation—does that reflect a different mindset across genders?

Hathorn: Possibly.

Jacobsen: That leads to something else. We have new terms for old things—”friends with benefits,” “one-night stands.” When people talk to you before a date or when you guide them on how to “do the date right,” is it about encouraging clarity? Are there consistent patterns depending on whether they are looking for something short-term or long-term?

Hathorn: Yes. Those are very different conversations. The key is knowing what you are showing up for. It is hard to help someone who does not understand why they are even going on a date. There is more intentionality now, especially among Gen Z. Many are not interested in casual dating. If they go on a date, it is with someone they could genuinely imagine seeing again.

Jacobsen: That seems like a significant shift away from hookup culture.

Hathorn: Definitely. People are doing a lot more talking online before they meet in person. Things are more coordinated. They show up already knowing, “This is what I am looking for.” Moreover, if that does not align with the other person, no problem—but at least it is clear.

That kind of honesty early on might seem intense for a first date, but it saves time. Asking, “Are we good together? Is there attraction? Are our goals aligned?”—that avoids confusion later.

Jacobsen: I feel like that kind of directness is common for people in their 30s and 40s.

Hathorn: Yes.

Jacobsen: Get to the point. But what about people in their early 20s? Is it different for them?

Hathorn: Surprisingly, no. Gen Z is straightforward. They know what they want, and they will tell you. They are not wasting time. It is refreshing.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time today, Emma. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Cultural Integrity Without Supernaturalism: Eru Hiko-Tahuri on Being a Māori Atheist in a Post-Christian New Zealand

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Part 5 of 5

Eru Hiko-Tahuri, a Māori creative and author of Māori Boy Atheist, explores his journey from religious upbringing to secular humanism. Hiko-Tahuri discusses cultural tensions as a Māori atheist, advocating for respectful integration of Māori values like manaakitanga and whanaungatanga within secular contexts. Hiko-Tahuri reflects on secular life as a Māori creative in a post-Christian Aotearoa. He shares experiences balancing cultural heritage with nonbelief, writing secular karakia, creating inclusive art, and challenging assumptions around Indigenous identity, civic rituals, and institutionalized spirituality in Māori public life.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, when you begin mapping the geography of Māori secularism—as a relatively new concept—are there any aspects of traditional Māori governance that could be considered appropriately secular? That is, are there spaces where ritual or spiritual practices are distinctly set apart or is everything more or less integrated?

Eru Hiko-Tahuri: So, in most traditional Māori contexts, everything tends to be intertwined—spiritual, social, political, and cultural dimensions are not separated in the Western sense. In that way, Māori culture is similar to many traditional religious cultures, where secularism, as we understand it in liberal democracies, was never really a category.

Jacobsen: Now, tapu—the concept of sacredness or restriction in Māori culture—retains significant cultural power. But from a secular Māori perspective, like yours, tapu can be understood metaphorically rather than metaphysically. It functions symbolically to mark respect, boundaries, or social norms rather than indicating belief in the supernatural. What does that mean in practical terms?

Hiko-Tahuri: Take karakia, for example—these are often translated as prayers or incantations. I don’t perform them myself. But in spaces where karakia are expected—such as ceremonial openings or public gatherings—I’ve written secular alternatives, essentially nonreligious invocations. I cannot authentically engage in the religious or supernatural aspects, but I can offer something meaningful and culturally respectful that fits the moment. That’s how I bridge the gap: by replacing the supernatural element with a secular expression that still honours the cultural context.

Jacobsen: This reminds me of the situation in Canada. Canada is a federal state divided into municipalities, provinces, and territories, and then the national government, which is functionally similar to the U.S. structure of counties, states, and federal governance. In 2015, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in Mouvement laïque québécois v. Saguenay (City) that opening municipal council meetings with prayer violated the state’s duty of religious neutrality. It effectively made official prayers at government meetings unconstitutional.

Following that decision, organizations like the British Columbia Humanist Association began investigating compliance across municipalities. Despite the ruling, they found that many local governments continued to include prayer in official meetings. In response, the Association sent letters to these municipalities pointing out the legal ruling, sharing data, and urging them to comply with the law by removing religious observances from public sessions. This kind of advocacy led to meaningful change in some regions.

So, when I consider your experience, I think of it in that light. You’re not opposing cultural participation or public service; instead, you’re drawing a line where religious practices—like prayer—are included in civic spaces where they may no longer be appropriate, especially in pluralistic or post-colonial contexts. Countries like Aotearoa, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, the United States, and South Africa all fall under the category of “post-colonial” states grappling with how to reconcile Indigenous traditions, secular governance, and religious pluralism.

So, let us return to the historical backdrop. Christian missionary efforts primarily drove colonization in Aotearoa, New Zealand. I understand that many of those involved were of European heritage—like my own. When people refer to “post-colonial” in this context, they often mean a phase following that religious and political imposition—perhaps even envisioning a society in a reconciled, pluralistic state where Indigenous and settler cultures have negotiated a new equilibrium. Would you say that is accurate?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, that is broadly correct. Among post-colonial nations, I would say Aotearoa, New Zealand, has gone further than many in terms of acknowledging and integrating Māori language, culture, and perspectives into public life. You can see the effects of that on things like the census data. As of the most recent census, about 53% of New Zealanders identified as having no religion. That makes New Zealand a post-Christian country, at least in terms of demographic majority. Christianity is now a minority belief, which shifts the dynamics.

Jacobsen: And how does that shift affect your everyday life, particularly as someone who identifies as an atheist and a humanist? Does it allow you to live more comfortably and authentically?

Hiko-Tahuri: Absolutely. As I mentioned earlier, overt religiosity is a bit unusual here. People who are very religious are more of a minority now—and may be looked at as slightly outside the norm. The country itself is pretty secular. Yes, we still have prayers at the beginning of some public meetings, but those are more about tradition than belief in most cases. There are calls to remove such practices, and I support that. However, overall, New Zealand has a very relaxed and liberal society. People do not care what others believe or do not believe. There is a strong cultural inclination toward individual freedom and tolerance, so we rarely see heated debates or conflicts over religion here.

Jacobsen: Tell me more about your podcast, Heretical. Is it still running, and where can people find it?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, it is back. I originally launched it some time ago but had to pause due to other commitments. I have now restarted it. The first season includes 10 episodes, where I read my book chapter by chapter. The book is free—I never wrote it to make money; I wrote it to tell a story. That story forms the basis of the podcast. I have also added another episode where I talk about a strange encounter I had with what I would describe as a cult-like group who tried to recruit me. That experience was eye-opening and worth sharing. There will be more episodes in the future. I plan to delve into some of the more common arguments for theism—things like the cosmological argument—and explore why I do not find them convincing. These kinds of discussions are not often had within our community, so I think it is essential to create space for them.

Jacobsen: What about your music and your airbrush art? Do elements of secularism or humanism show up in those creative outlets?

Hiko-Tahuri: Not so much in my music, no. It is more of a personal expression, and I keep it separate from my secular identity. But everything I create reflects my worldview in some way, even if not explicitly.

I have been playing in the same band with friends for about 25 years now. We only get together to play once every five years or so these days, but we are just a bunch of old mates who enjoy making music together. I played my first gig when I was 14 years old for a country music club here in New Zealand. I got pulled into country music because there really were not many other musical options in the small town I grew up in.

Music has always been part of my life, but I have never chased fame or done it for recognition. I do it because I love it. The same goes for painting. I have created a few pieces where I’ve expressed thoughts on some of the more absurd or troubling beliefs in the Bible. For example, there is that passage—1 Timothy 2:12, I think—that says women should remain silent and not teach. I did a painting responding to that. I also painted a Celtic cross overlaid with Māori designs to symbolize how religion, especially Christianity, colonized us just as much as the English did. I have sold or given away some of those pieces, but really, art is something I do for personal fulfillment rather than profit.

Jacobsen: How do emerging networks like Māori atheist and freethinker communities offer space for collective doubt or help individuals express personal doubts within a shared context?

Hiko-Tahuri: That is a good question. I do not know if that is even the aim of the group I joined. It is not my group—I just found it and joined. For me, it was more about discovering that there were other people out there who think like me and also look like me. That alone was meaningful. We have not tried to turn it into a collective movement. Māori atheism is still in its infancy. Until I wrote my book, I had not encountered any serious discussion about it, at least not that I could find. That group did exist beforehand, but I stumbled upon it afterward.

So, right now, most of the Māori atheists I see are solo actors. We speak up when we feel like it, but there is no organized collective activism or shared identity. We are in such an early stage of development as a community that it has not yet coalesced into anything more structured or strategic.

Jacobsen: Since we last spoke, have you had any recent thoughts on the protocols and principles of Indigenous declarations?

Hiko-Tahuri: No, I have not looked into it lately. I know that the New Zealand government initially chose not to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, though it eventually endorsed it in 2010. But beyond that, I have not followed recent developments very closely.

Jacobsen: I have not had a chance to read into some of those areas, but I would like to. What about the precise etiquette and civic customs—honouring those customs that come from the subculture while not reciting the prayers? What is the balance being struck there?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yeah, I think that is one of the most challenging parts—figuring out what you can do respectfully while maintaining personal integrity. If we are talking, for instance, about pōwhiri—that is, the formal welcome ceremony—part of that involves speech-making. And during those speeches, spiritual language is often invoked. It is hard to categorize it strictly as religious, but it carries spiritual overtones.

Navigating is a challenge because there is a specific formula for constructing those speeches within our culture. They follow a traditional structure that includes spiritual references—things I do not believe in. So, I often have to rework those parts, recreating the tone and form without the religious or supernatural elements. It is difficult and takes much careful thought. That is probably the main struggle for Māori atheists who speak the language and actively participate in cultural life. We are trying to maintain the integrity of our heritage while adapting it to a secular worldview.

Jacobsen: Have you ever had an experience—either due to your ethnic background or lack of belief—where someone got confrontational with you? The proverbial finger-wagging, shouting match? I cannot imagine that happening much to a Kiwi.

Hiko-Tahuri: No, we are generally not that confrontational in New Zealand. And there are a couple of practical reasons, too. Because of how I look—my physical presence—people usually do not get up in my face. I am around six feet tall, and I guess I have a face that might be intimidating. So, people do not tend to push those boundaries. I am not aggressive or threatening at all, but sometimes, just my appearance is enough to make people think twice.

Jacobsen: That reminds me—there was a story out of the U.S. involving Eminem. I think gang members were extorting him—either the Crips or the Bloods. But apparently, there was a Samoan-American gang so feared that even the Crips were hesitant around them. Eminem hired them for protection, and they ended up defending him and collaborating on music. I believe they even put out an album together.

It was a pretty wild story. It shows how much physical presence and group identity can shape interactions—whether in music, culture, or personal safety. It is funny how those dynamics play out in so many different places.

Hiko-Tahuri: It can be imposing. I am five-eleven, but I am not baby-faced. Still, I have heard of incidents where Māori women in New Zealand—especially those who wear moko kauae, the traditional tattoo—get hassled often.

Jacobsen:How so?

Hiko-Tahuri: By members of the public, saying things like, “You shouldn’t be here,” or “You look intimidating,” or “You shouldn’t be in this park.” One of these incidents happened just last year in a local park. A woman was told she could not be there when someone’s kids were around, as if she was somehow threatening—just for wearing the moko kauae. These things do happen, particularly to women. I have noticed that it never happens to me. Maybe that has something to do with physical presence or perceived threat, but yes—it is a pattern. That does happen, and fairly often. 

Jacobsen: I am out of the questions, too. So, am I missing anything? What do you think?

Hiko-Tahuri: I do not think so. I cannot think of anything else at the moment. That was a solid session.

Jacobsen: Thank you so much for today. 

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, that sounds great. Thank you very much.

Jacobsen: All right. Take care.

Hiko-Tahuri: You too. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Radical Feminist Perspectives on Pornography: An In-Depth Conversation with Dr. Gail Dines

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/18

Part 2 of 2

Dr. Gail Dines is the Founder and CEO of Culture Reframed and Professor Emerita of Sociology and Women’s Studies at Wheelock College, Boston. With over 30 years of research on the pornography industry, she is recognized globally as a leading expert on how pornography shapes society, culture, and sexuality. Dr. Dines has served as a consultant to governmental agencies in the U.S. and internationally, including the UK, Norway, Iceland, and Canada. In 2016 she founded Culture Reframed, where she continues to champion education around the harms of pornography. Dr. Dines is also the co-editor of the best-selling textbook Gender, Race and Class in Media and the author of Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, which has been translated into five languages and adapted into a documentary film. Her work has been featured in major media outlets, including ABC, CNN, BBC, MSNBC, The New York Times, Time, The Guardian, and Vogue. Dr. Dines is a regular guest on television and radio and is prominently featured in documentaries such as The Price of Pleasure and The Strength to Resist.

Dines explores the profound societal harms of pornography. She discusses the rare internal disagreements within radical feminism, the contrast with moralist objections, and how pornography erodes healthy sexuality, consent, and gender equality. Dines argues pornography acts as a distorted form of sex education and a driver of sexual violence, dehumanization, and disconnection. Drawing on extensive research and her book Pornland, she advocates for porn-resilient education and a public reckoning with how adult inaction leaves youth vulnerable to exploitation, addiction, and long-term psychological harm.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A question comes to mind. We’ve discussed liberal feminism versus radical feminism in framing the issue. But within radical feminist discourse, are there any internal objections or disagreements on this critical view of pornography?

Dr. Gail Dines: Radical feminism tends to agree widely on this topic. Are you asking about internal conflicts?

Jacobsen: Yes, specifically within radical feminism.

Dines: Any disagreements are quite minor, mostly around how to define the issue or how to address it. But there’s a strong, unified belief within radical feminism that pornography is violence against women, both in its production and consumption. We have major arguments with liberal feminists, Marxist feminists, and socialist feminists. We don’t tend to have many internal debates about pornography within radical feminism. However, we do have disagreements on other topics.

Jacobsen: There may be surface-level critiques from traditionalist, conservative, or religious groups that object to pornography on moral grounds, often based on a transcendentalist or ethical view of sin. Yet, they seem to reach a similar conclusion as you do…

Dines: Yes, but the conclusions, although they may appear similar, are quite different. Right-wing moralists are often concerned with what pornography does to the family, particularly how it affects men. They argue that it may cause men to stray or damage family cohesion. Radical feminists, on the other hand, have a critique of the family as the place where women are most at risk, as we know from the evidence. We are concerned with the harm to women, children, and society in general, but our stance is not based on moralism.

We refer to this as a harm-based issue, not a morality-based issue. That’s not to say some right-wing organizations don’t adopt some of our arguments—they do—but the core driving force behind our opposition to pornography is different. They oppose it from a moral perspective; we oppose it because of the real harm it inflicts on individuals and society.

Jacobsen: What would a healthy societal view of sexuality and sex education look like?

Dines: Much of what we’ve built on Culture Reframed is what that should look like, to be honest. By the way, all our programs are free. You do have to sign up, but it’s entirely free. A healthy view of sexuality begins with the individual owning their sexuality. It evolves naturally as a person grows. Of course, it’s rooted in equality, consent, non-violence, and genuine connection and intimacy.

This doesn’t mean that sex is only for marriage or long-term relationships but that there is some level of connection and intimacy involved. That’s what makes sex meaningful in the end. If you don’t know the person you’re having sex with, as is often the pornography case, it quickly becomes boring. That’s why pornographers constantly escalate the content—more violence, more extreme acts—because standard sex gets boring for viewers users become desensitized.

If you were to film regular people having sex, most of the time, it would be so dull that you’d fall asleep watching it. The fun and excitement come from actually having sex, not watching it. So, for pornography to hold viewers’ interest, they have to keep ramping up the adrenaline through more intense and bizarre acts.

Jacobsen: Is part of the core issue the dehumanization and depersonalization that comes with pornography? It seems like there’s a disconnection—people go to their computers, consume pornography, and then return to their regular lives as if nothing happened. It’s like their day becomes fragmented and disjointed.

Dines: Absolutely. That’s a great point. There have been studies done on this. One interesting study showed two groups of men: one group watched a regular National Geographic movie, while the other watched pornography. Afterward, they were asked to interview a female candidate for a job, and the chairs were on rollers. The men who had watched pornography kept rolling their chairs closer and closer to the woman. They also found that these men couldn’t remember the woman’s words.

This kind of behaviour shows how pornography impacts boys and men’s perception of others, particularly women, and how it disrupts their ability to interact meaningfully in real-life situations.

They were too busy checking her out. So you’re right. When you think about it, much pornography is consumed at work. Then you leave that cruel world where men are depicted as having every right to women’s bodies and go back to working in a world with women where you don’t have those rights. It’s interesting because we have the Me Too movement on the one hand, which is crucial for explaining what’s going on. On the other hand, pornography is working against everything the Me Too movement is trying to say about consent and women’s bodily integrity. Even men’s bodily integrity is compromised in pornography—nobody has bodily integrity.

In pornography, the body is there to be used in any way possible to heighten sexual arousal, usually involving high levels of violence. I haven’t seen many films where this wasn’t the case.

Jacobsen: We’ve already covered building porn resilience in children, or at least how important it is. How far do gender inequality and sexual violence reflect each other in women’s rights movements, particularly within the frame of pornography?

Dines: Let me make sure I understand. You’re asking about the relationship between gender inequality and sexual violence and how this plays out in the context of movements like Me Too, correct?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Dines: I addressed some of this earlier when I talked about equality in other areas of life and how pornography undermines it. Gender inequality and sexual violence are deeply intertwined. If there were no gender inequality, sexual violence would be unthinkable. Sexual violence is typically used to destroy and control women and to show power and dominance. That’s why we must call it “sexual violence”—because it weaponizes sex against women.

Without gender inequality, this kind of violence wouldn’t even be conceivable. It’s built into the very structure of gender inequality, and in turn, it perpetuates and exacerbates that inequality. It’s a vicious cycle. Gender inequality fuels sexual violence, and sexual violence deepens gender inequality.

Jacobsen: Just to be mindful of that, then. We talked about the psychological impact earlier. What are the similar psychological impacts on boys and girls, rather than the differences?

Dines: Similarities around what, specifically?

Jacobsen: In terms of pornography consumption and its impacts.

Dines: We know very little about girls. There aren’t many studies at all on girls’ exposure to pornography, and, as in many areas, girls and women are often under-researched. One of the few studies by Chyng Sun, Jennifer Johnson, Anna Bridges, and Matt Ezzell does show a few things. Some girls and women go to porn not to masturbate but to see what boys and men are doing, so they can reproduce that behaviour.

They also found that girls and women who become addicted to pornography, similar to men, lose interest in real-world sex, preferring pornography. They become isolated and depressed. So, if they do go down the route of addiction, the impact is quite similar to that on men, except they don’t become violent.

Jacobsen: What are the key points of feminist and anti-pornography activism, particularly in your book Pornland, intersecting with issues of gender, sexuality, and human rights?

Dines: That’s what the whole book is about. Pornland was written to explain the modern-day pornography industry in the age of the internet. People were talking about pornography as if the internet hadn’t happened. I take a radical feminist perspective, using research to back up the claims and focus on how pornography undermines women’s human rights.

There are chapters addressing racism, showing how women of colour are especially targeted, both for their race and gender. I also discuss how mainstream sites are increasingly making use of images of young looking women—sometimes they could be children, it’s hard to tell. So, they might be underage or made to look underage.

The main argument is that we live in a world that is completely inundated and infested with pornography. As a sociologist, I’m interested in the sociological impact. I borrow from psychological literature but focus on the macro level. How is pornography not just shifting gender norms but cementing the worst aspects of them? It hasn’t invented misogyny, but it has given it a new twist and continues to reinforce it across various institutions.

Jacobsen: Gail, any final thoughts or feelings based on our conversation today?

Dines: We’ve buried our heads in the sand for too long. For people who weren’t born into the internet age, it’s hard to understand just how much pornography is shaping young people. There’s been a massive dereliction of duty on the part of adults in helping kids navigate this world they’ve been thrown into, often left to sink or swim on their own—and many are sinking. The kids I talk to feel overwhelmed by pornography, and studies back this up. Many wish there were far less of it because they recognize the negative effect it has on their sexuality, their connections, and their relationships.

So, it’s time we step up and take responsibility as adults.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Gail.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pornography’s Impact on Youth, Consent, and Culture: An Interview with Dr. Gail Dines

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/17

Part 1 of 2

Dr. Gail Dines is the Founder and CEO of Culture Reframed and Professor Emerita of Sociology and Women’s Studies at Wheelock College, Boston. With over 30 years of research on the pornography industry, she is recognized globally as a leading expert on how pornography shapes society, culture, and sexuality. Dr. Dines has served as a consultant to governmental agencies in the U.S. and internationally, including the UK, Norway, Iceland, and Canada. In 2016 she founded Culture Reframed, where she continues to champion education around the harms of pornography. Dr. Dines is also the co-editor of the best-selling textbook Gender, Race and Class in Media and the author of Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, which has been translated into five languages and adapted into a documentary film. Her work has been featured in major media outlets, including ABC, CNN, BBC, MSNBC, The New York Times, Time, The Guardian, and Vogue. Dr. Dines is a regular guest on television and radio and is prominently featured in documentaries such as The Price of Pleasure and The Strength to Resist.

Dines outlines over 40 years of research linking pornography to sexual aggression, violence against women, and the erosion of healthy relationships. Dines contrasts radical and liberal feminist perspectives, critiques the porn industry’s exploitative tactics, and highlights how pornography serves as inadequate sex education for youth. She argues for porn-resilient education and supports survivors navigating trauma. Dines warns that mainstream pornography normalizes misogyny, racism, and coercion, undermining consent and equality at every societal level.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Professor Gail Dines, also founder of Culture Reframed. My first question, Gail: what is the connection between pornography and violence against women?

Professor Gail Dines: We have over 40 years of empirical research from different disciplines that show that boys and men who consume pornography are more likely to engage in sexually aggressive behaviour, more likely to accept rape myths, more likely to develop harmful sexual attitudes toward women, and may experience increased anxiety, depression, and reduced empathy for victims of sexual violence. This happens because they are repeatedly exposed to depictions of sexual violence and objectification. Most mainstream internet pornography today is hardcore—it’s cruel, brutal, and dehumanizing toward women.

As men and boys watch and become aroused by it, they internalize the ideologies embedded in these images. A key point about pornography is that it portrays women as always consenting, no matter how degrading or violent the act is. This gives the impression that women enjoy being mistreated, which is often far from the truth, as they may be coerced or paid to act in these scenes. This reinforces the harmful idea that it is acceptable to dehumanize and abuse women. We have substantial peer-reviewed research from fields such as psychology, sociology, and media studies that corroborates these findings.

Jacobsen: What research links pornography to sexual aggression?

Dines: Regarding the research linking pornography to sexual aggression, our website, culturereframed.org, offers fact sheets. One in particular, titled “Understanding The Harms of Pornography,” lists many studies. Additionally, our academic library contains over 500 peer-reviewed articles on this topic. Scholars such as Paul Wright, Chyng Sun, and Jennifer Johnson have contributed important work. The strength of social science research is not in isolated studies but in the coherent pattern that emerges when we review a large body of work. The research shows a clear correlation between pornography consumption and violence against women.

Jacobsen: How does hypersexualized media align with human rights violations, particularly about youth?

Dines: Hypersexualized media, even content that isn’t classified as pornography, and pornography itself can be viewed as violations of civil rights because they infringe on young people’s ability to construct their sexuality. The multi-billion-dollar media and pornography industries are shaping the sexual attitudes and behaviours of young people worldwide, which strips them of their autonomy in this area. These industries commodify and monetize sexuality, taking control away from individuals and turning it into a product.

Young people deserve the opportunity to develop a sexuality that is meaningful to them, not one dictated by the interests of pornographers seeking profit. Additionally, there are significant human rights violations against women in pornography. The treatment many women endure in the production of hardcore pornography can be likened to torture, violating international human rights conventions. If the same acts were done to any other group, they would likely be recognized as torture. That’s how extreme much of mainstream pornography has become.

Jacobsen: What are the social and health consequences of pornography consumption?

Dines: Basically, pornography is shifting how we think about women, men, sex, relationships, connection, and consent—all of these issues. What you see in society is that when pornography becomes the “wallpaper” of your life, as it does for young people today, it becomes the main form of sex education. This shifts the norms and values of the culture, and it’s happening internationally. This is not a local problem. Any child with a device connected to the internet is being fed a steady diet of misogyny and racism—there’s an incredible amount of racism in pornography—and the idea that men and boys have a right to ownership of women’s bodies, regardless of what women want. There’s also the notion that women’s bodies exist to be commodified and used however men wish. This sets up women and girls to be victims of male violence. Meanwhile, we are trying to build a world of equality between men and women.

Pornography shreds that possibility—not only in terms of sex but also in employment, the legal system, and more. It sends the message that women exist only to be penetrated, and often in the most vile and cruel ways possible. So, pornography undermines women’s rights across multiple levels and within multiple institutions.

Jacobsen: You raised an interesting point about the nature of consent. What is the framework of consent in pornographic imagery and in the industry itself?

Dines: First, let’s start with the imagery because the industry is slightly different. In the images, she consents to everything. The one word you rarely hear in pornography is “no.” It’s rare. If you go onto Pornhub or YouTube, where most men and boys consume pornography, you won’t hear “no.” Now, there are some rape porn sites where the woman says “no,” but those are at the far end of the spectrum. I study mainstream pornography, such as what’s on Pornhub. In terms of consent, we never know if a woman truly consents; this is where the industry comes in. While they might sign a consent form, we don’t know under what conditions it was signed.

Also, pornography is where racism, sexism, capitalism, and colonialism intersect. The poorer a woman is, the more likely she will be a woman of colour with fewer resources, and the more likely she is to end up in the porn industry. These are not Ivy League graduates lining up to do this. These are women who have had few choices. When you have limited options in life, especially due to economic hardship, you cannot freely argue that consent is fully informed or voluntary.

Jacobsen: For those able to exit the industry, what are the ways they manage to do so, and what are the psychological and emotional impacts, as well as the physical effects?

Dines: It’s extremely hard for women to leave pornography. First of all, we know that women in pornography experience the same levels of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as prostituted women. Many of them are also under pimp control. The psychological, emotional, and physical tolls are severe, making it difficult for them to leave the industry.

And also, where are you going to go? Especially in pornography, where your image is everywhere, women who have been in the industry, even if they get out, live in constant fear that their employers, children, and partners will find their images or even their next-door neighbours. The issue becomes extremely difficult. You never really escape pornography once you’ve been part of it. Even if you leave the industry, you’re never fully out of it because your image remains online. It can take many years to recover emotionally and physically.

Many women endure severe physical harm—STIs and injuries to the anus, vagina, and mouth due to the hardcore nature of the acts. What’s interesting is that, in the case of prostitution and trafficking, there are many survivor-led groups helping women exit the industry. This support isn’t as prevalent for women in pornography, and the reason is that these women feel so exposed. They feel vulnerable even after leaving the industry because their images remain there.

Remember, an image on Pornhub can go viral, spreading across all the porn sites, so you never know who has seen it. You never know if the person you meet has seen it, which creates a constant feeling of vulnerability.

Jacobsen: You made an important distinction between liberal feminism and radical feminism. Can you clarify that distinction about pornography?

Dines: Yes. The critical distinction is in the ideological framing. Radical feminists were among the first to highlight the violence of pornography—both in terms of the harm to women in the industry and the impact on women in the society. Radical feminism grew out of a focus on violence against women. Over time, they recognized that pornography is part of that violence.

Liberal feminism, on the other hand, tends to be more neoliberal, emphasizing individualism. The argument often centers around the idea that “she chose it,” that it’s about sexual agency. But what we know about these women is that this is not a true sexual agency. If anything, it strips them of their sexual agency and does the same to all women. Women often look at pornography to see what they should be doing for the men who consume it. Radical feminists are anti-pornography because they see both its production and consumption as a major form of violence against women, and they understand that it contributes to real-world violence as well.

Jacobsen: What are the tactics of the pornography industry, and how are they similar to those of the tobacco industry?

Dines: The pornography industry employs tactics similar to the tobacco industry, such as bringing in pseudo-academics to argue that there’s no harm, framing research in ways that downplay the issues, and lobbying. The pornography industry has a powerful lobbying arm, much like the tobacco industry did. They know the harm their product causes, but they’re not interested in liberating women from harm—they’re in it to make money.

And so, all predatory industries will do whatever it takes to make money, irrespective of the incredible social impact it will have. The United States is known for not having as strong a FACTED (Family Life and Sexual Health Education) program as Canada. However, Canada, at its best, still has its gaps.

Jacobsen: So, how does pornography act, as you mentioned earlier, as a filler for sex education and a particularly poor one for young people, and potentially for older people who missed it?

Dines: Let’s focus on younger people. Developing an interest in sex, is a natural part of development, often starting from puberty But because we don’t have good sex education—even in U.S. states that are required to provide it—the content is outdated and doesn’t speak to the reality that kids live in today. So where are kids going to turn when they have access to devices and a vast amount of free pornography? Pornography fills that gap, but poorly.

What is needed, and what Culture Reframed provides, is a porn-critical sex education curriculum. If you visit our website, we have a program for high school teachers (and some middle school teachers), which includes PowerPoints and detailed instructions on how to teach it. We don’t show pornography, obviously, but we focus on building porn-resilient young people. Unfortunately, in many cases, sex education isn’t prioritized, and many sex ed teachers aren’t even specialized in the subject.

They might be math or physical education teachers, told a month before, “You’re teaching sex ed.” We frequently hear from people who are unprepared and have no idea where to start. Interestingly, studies show that students immediately pick up on this lack of expertise. Research indicates that students are aware that their sex ed teachers don’t know how to teach the subject, don’t want to do it, and aren’t addressing issues relevant to their lives. As a result, sex education has effectively been handed over to pornographers.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Healing Parent–Adult Child Relationships: Kan Yan on Reframing, Responsibility, and Emotional Growth

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/16

Kan Yan, host of Parents Reimagined, about how adult children can heal, reframe, and redefine relationships with their parents. A Harvard-trained lawyer and former McKinsey consultant, Yan shares insights on intergenerational trauma, cultural identity, and emotional maturity—particularly within immigrant and Asian American families. He emphasizes shifting from an “adult–child” to an “adult-adult” relationship, the role of self-empathy in conflict resolution, and the uneven emotional capacities between parents and children. The conversation explores psychological development, cultural framing, and the importance of embracing past experiences to foster honest and respectful connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So today we’re here with Kan Yan. He is the host of Parents Reimagined, a podcast that shares authentic stories of healing and transformation in parent–adult-child relationships. Kan is a Harvard-trained lawyer and a former McKinsey consultant. He speaks and writes on topics including family estrangement, intergenerational trauma, and Asian American identity.

Based in Berkeley, California, Kan explores how immigrant families navigate cultural identity, boundaries, and reconciliation—particularly within the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community. His work uplifts voices centred on reparenting, breaking cycles of fear and shame, and fostering connection without bypassing pain. Through Parents Reimagined, he offers practical tools for rebuilding relationships grounded in truth, accountability, and emotional healing. So what tends to make people feel most supported by their parents—and what can break that feeling of support?

Kan Yan: Supported. Are you talking about children or adults?

Jacobsen: Adult children.

Yan: Adult children. Wow, I might say that’s not quite the right question—because by the time you’re asking it, a lot has already happened that determines whether or not someone feels supported. So I’d say, in general, there are maybe two phases.

Whether someone feels supported often depends on how their childhood went. For example, based on your story, if I were in your position, I might have some resentments or grievances toward my dad. And it can be tough to feel supported by someone toward whom you have unresolved resentment or pain.

That’s one phase of the relationship.

In my work with adult children, we focus on moving through those resentments and reaching a place of acceptance. That way, we can build an adult-adult relationship where I no longer expect my parent to have been the parents I needed as a child. Instead, I accept them for who they are now—with appropriate boundaries to ensure my needs are respected—and I explore what might still be possible in the relationship.

That might involve seeking support from them if they can provide it. And it might not.

Jacobsen: Now, in terms of a lot that has already happened in childhood—such that an adult child is asking this kind of question—what are some key signs that things went wrong earlier in life? What are the flipside indicators? That is when things have gone well enough in childhood. I believe there’s this concept of the “good enough” parent—so if things were generally healthy, the question still arises, but not from a place of trauma or deeply fractured relationships.

Yan: Yes, that’s a tough question because it assumes there’s some objective answer. And maybe there isn’t. There might only be a probabilistic one.

But I would say when it comes to “good enough,” it’s subjective, based on the child’s inner world as well. Like, I interview people who had terrible—what you might call objectively terrible—physically abusive, emotionally abusive childhoods. And, you know, they’ve managed to come through to the other side pretty well.

Other kids had relatively pleasant childhoods—free of any obvious abuse, maybe some emotional absence or something like that—and yet they end up struggling with mental health issues that get projected onto the parents. So it’s not as clear-cut as, “If you turn these knobs in childhood, you get a perfectly well-adjusted kid on the other side.”

I had another thought, but I lost it. Let’s take a moment to track. I think maybe what matters more—because what I take away from your question is, “If I’m an adult child, what are the conditions that allow me to be well-adjusted enough to have a healthy relationship with my parent?” Is that kind of the sense of the question?

Jacobsen: That’s fair. 

Yan: In a way, in my work, I find that if you had an abusive, damaging, traumatic childhood, it’s harder to get to the place of having a healthy relationship with your parent. It’s not impossible—it’s just harder.

And like I said before, because it’s subjective, just because you had a relatively pleasant childhood doesn’t mean it’s necessarily easy to get to that place either. However, I would say that what is common is that getting to that place tends to require shifting from an adult–child dynamic to an adult-adult dynamic.

And part of that shift relates to what I mentioned earlier—accepting the childhood you had. And then, from there, relating from, “Okay, this is who you are. I’m not holding any resentment against you for the way you were—or are. I’m just relating to you as you are today. And from here, what’s possible?”

Jacobsen: What does being close to a parent mean to you?

Yan: [Laughing] I’m giving you a lot of “it depends” answers because it’s complex.

Jacobsen: [Laughing] Sure. Yes, I’m asking for single answers on the very, very complex subject matter.

Yan: This is a question about human development. What’s possible in terms of closeness between any two people—not just a child and a parent—depends on their development.

Let’s say, psychologically—that’s one way to phrase it—as human beings. The closeness between two five-year-olds is different from that between two thirteen-year-olds or two fifty-year-olds.

And some people finish their development at earlier or later stages in their lives. So, there’s not one definition of what closeness is. And it’s not dependent on age. Once you become an adult, it depends on whether you have the conditions and circumstances that allow you to develop into further stages of maturity as a person.

And then the capacity for closeness is dependent upon the level of maturation you reach as a person.

The same is true with a child and a parent. 

Jacobsen: So, a lot of this is rooted in a sense of perspective and framing. An individual who may have gone through a very unpleasant upbringing—by some objective metric—might end up mentally healthier than someone who went through something like the opposite. It depends, in part, on how each person frames their experience. That internal framing has a huge impact on how the experience is translated into their state of mind and mental health later on. So, how flexible is an individual’s framing of these early life circumstances as we develop in our formative years?

Yan: Now you’re asking just about the deepest question you can ask about the essence of being human. Not only am I not qualified to answer it definitively, but there may not be an answer.

The way you answer that question reflects your entire philosophy of what it means to be a human being. The spectrum goes all the way from a kind of fatalism—“I don’t control anything; it’s all just particles moving by physics”—to an existentialist view: “I’m choosing the narrative I hold about reality, and that choice frames the possibility set of my life.”

Jacobsen: How does that latter category not become dissociation?

Yan: Well, I think they’re quite different.

Having an existential philosophical frame for life is a conscious choice about how you make sense of reality. Dissociation, to me, happens at a nervous system level—it’s about one’s relationship to the body, to sensation, and the alignment (or misalignment) between mind and body.

You can be disembodied or dissociated, regardless of your philosophy. A person could be dissociated while holding any philosophy, even an existentialist philosophy

Jacobsen: What are the cultural constructions around all this? To use the broad stereotypes: America is highly individualistic; other cultures are stereotypically collectivistic. How do those different cultural frames—which people may not have much control over—impact the ebb and flow of family relationships and their capacity to reframe of their experiences of existentialism to “I have infinite free will”?

Yan: And I’m going to choose not to answer that question exactly as asked. But I’ll answer something I think is related. The question becomes: how does culture influence the dynamics between adult children and their parents? And what’s possible in terms of connection or repair within that cultural context? I mean, we’re getting very heady here. I mean, the frame of reference

The way we even think about what matters is shaped by culture. So if we’re thinking on an individual level—like, even the very frame of asking this question about an adult child and a parent and what their relationship is like—that’s already a kind of individualistically framed question, right? We’re not asking, “What is the harmonious nature of the family unit as a whole, or how does that unit function within society?”

That might be a different question. But within the individualistic frame, culture still matters. And we can revisit the concept of developmental stages. How developed a society is—economically, for example—influences the capacity of its individuals to focus on their personal development.

If I’m trying to figure out how to feed myself and my family, my psychological development is likely to be lower than if I have the time and resources to read, reflect, and pursue personal growth. This issue often arises in my work with immigrants. A lot of immigrant parents, especially those from the developing world, didn’t have the time or privilege to reflect deeply on these matters. Their focus was on survival.

And so the gulf between them and their children—especially children who grow up in more developed places like the United States—can be quite wide. That gap tends to be wider than if those parents had also grown up in the U.S., for example. And again, that goes back to developmental differences.

Jacobsen: We can reduce the headiness a bit—we’ll turn that dial down a little. People get in fights. They yell. They scream. They swear. They slur. They blush in anger. These sorts of things. They get exasperated.They lose their words in frustration. They perspirate. All sorts of things happen.

So let’s say there’s a heated argument between an adult child and an adult parent—let’s say within an American, middle-income household–whatever it is in Berkeley.

What are effective methods for cooling things down, bridging the gap of misunderstanding, and rebuilding trust and connection? In other words, how do we “judo” these moments—turning conflict into opportunities for trust-building and deeper connection?

Yan: There are three key points to consider here.

One is that, especially for the adult child, if you carry a lot of lingering resentment toward your parent, a conflict may feel more intense than it is. You might be perceiving your parent through a wounded lens, where everything they say lands as an insult or an attack—even if a third-party observer wouldn’t see it that way. Therefore, developing metacognition and self-awareness in those moments is crucial.

Second, there’s actual skill involved in having a heated conversation. There’s a whole body of work around this. One of my favourites is Nonviolent Communication—that’s a method I’ve trained in. It teaches people how to express themselves clearly while also deeply listening to others. That’s a really important tool.

And third: capacity. And this ties back to the developmental issue. Not everyone has the same emotional capacity in a given moment—or in general—to regulate themselves, stay connected, and have productive conflict. So, part of the work is understanding and honouring the capacity of everyone involved.

Whoever has more capacity to engage in a heated conversation holds more responsibility. It’s very tempting—especially for the adult child—to think, Well, you’re my parent, so you should show up with more maturity, take responsibility, apologize, and handle this better.

However, if the parent has a lower developmental capacity than the adult child, they cannot. Or even if they can, it’s much harder for them than it would be for you—someone who has had more capacity, opportunity, and personal development in this area.

So part of reaching an adult-adult relationship is acknowledging, Hey, we’re both adults, but that doesn’t mean we’re equal. And whoever has more capacity necessarily holds more responsibility—especially if we’re going to have a harmonious, nourishing conversation that addresses friction between us.

Jacobsen: For Nonviolent Communication, what is a good tactic for recentering so you can have an accurate assessment?

Yan: Yeah, sure. In NVC, that’s called self-empathy. If I’m dysregulated, how do I support myself to become more regulated? That’s the essence of self-empathy.

And it depends on the person. For some people, taking space alone to reground. For others, it might involve using a somatic technique—like tapping, if you’re familiar with Emotional Freedom Technique (EFT).

Some people might need to process with someone else—that could be a friend, a therapist, or a coach. There isn’t one single way. But in the context of NVC, we call that self-empathy: How do I give myself the emotional nutrients I need to get grounded again and more?

Jacobsen: Do you have any favourite quotes about parent and adult-child relationships?

Yan: The Ram Dass quote is, “If you think you’re enlightened, go spend a week with your parents.” 

Jacobsen: [Laughing] I should end with Ram Dass and Tim Leary—that’d be fun. I think, in the long view, their philosophies won out—at least in California. Thank you very much for your time today. It’s always fun talking to people who know what the hell they’re talking about.

Yan: Thanks, Scott. Take care. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Healing Generational Trauma Through Family Constellation Therapy: A Conversation with Blanka Molnar

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/16

Blanka Molnar is a Houston-based holistic therapist and certified family constellation® practitioner. As the founder of Awarenest and a conscious parenting coach, Molnar explores multigenerational trauma, emotional regulation, and the challenges of parent-child relationships across cultures. Drawing from personal experience and professional expertise, she discusses how inherited trauma can shape behaviour, why boundaries are vital, and how family constellation® therapy helps uncover and heal generational wounds. Molnar emphasizes the importance of individual responsibility, self-awareness, and culturally sensitive approaches in fostering inner healing, especially for families navigating complex emotional dynamics.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So today, we’re here with Blanka Molnar. She’s a Houston-based therapist, certified family constellation® practitioner, and the founder of Awarenest. As a conscious parenting coach, she specializes in helping families heal multigenerational trauma and support neurodivergent children through systemic constellation® work, meditation, and practical tools. Her work empowers parents to foster emotional intelligence, intentional parenting, and inner healing, with a focus on ADHD, emotional regulation, and spirited children.

Blanka offers transformative coaching that combines mindfulness with developmental and somatic insights. An immigrant mother and small business owner, she advocates for gentle, conscious parenting and supports multicultural families in navigating complex emotional dynamics with compassion and clarity. Thank you for joining me today. So, what are some of the common reasons a once-close parent-child bond becomes strained in adulthood?

Blanka Molnar: Good question. Each of us must forge our path. Sometimes, that journey requires distance from our family—whether physical or emotional—to find our voice and identity truly.

As I often say, I love stories and fairy tales where the hero must leave home, face their dragons, and walk alone through the unknown. This metaphor holds meaning in both my personal and professional life.

I left my home country, Hungary, and was the first in my family to graduate with a degree in economics. But after working in the corporate world, I decided to leave that behind. I moved to the United States to work as an au pair, caring for children and, in many ways, starting over. It was part of a larger journey—to heal not only personal wounds but also inherited trauma.

These weren’t just family patterns. I grew up in Hungary, which, although never officially part of the USSR, was a satellite state of the Soviet Union under communist rule until the late 1980s. I was five years old when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989—a pivotal moment in the collapse of Eastern Bloc communism. The legacy of that era included scarcity, generational pain, and a deep cultural imprint of survival and silence.

I believed that walking my path independently, even if it meant being alone for a time, would help me heal. And it did. I spent years doing deep personal work—what I call “peeling the onion,” layer by layer, filter by filter—until I could rediscover who I truly was underneath inherited stories.

I never entirely cut ties with my family, but I did put an ocean between us. That distance—the Pacific, in this case—gave me the space I needed. The nine-hour time difference made regular communication less frequent, which allowed me to focus inward and process deeply.

Now, when I visit or we talk, I’m coming from a more grounded and authentic place. I’m not speaking from anger or old pain. I’ve processed much of that. Through the practice of family constellation®, I’ve been able to see my family from a new perspective and gain a deeper understanding of their struggles. This work has helped me offer compassion—not only to clients but also to my parents.

I’ve cried, I’ve laughed, I’ve processed years of pain and joy. And today, I feel more whole. My parents still know how to push my buttons—many of us experience that—but the triggers are fewer. I no longer react the way I once did. That’s the gift of doing the inner work.

Jacobsen: So this is, long story short, that you sometimes need much healing—even if you believe your childhood was amazing and your parents stayed together. You still have to find your inner strength. When your parents are either too perfect or far from ideal, it cannot be easy to develop that strength in their presence. Sometimes, you have to step away—to abandon them, in a sense—so you can eventually return to the relationship from a more authentic and grounded part of yourself. What about unresolved childhood dynamics and their impact on the multigenerational child-parent relationship? That’s the concept of multigenerational trauma.

Molnar: Yes, this is a more nontraditional way of understanding human development, and it comes from my experience with family constellation® therapy.

Sometimes, when a child’s behaviour or attitude suddenly changes—especially over a short period—it may signal that an unresolved trauma or emotional wound has been activated. This trauma may not even originate from their own life. It can be something inherited from generations past—what we call transgenerational or multigenerational trauma.

For example, you might inherit trauma from your great-grandmother—something she experienced that was never spoken about or processed. That trauma can remain dormant for decades, only to be triggered when you reach a certain age or life milestone. Let’s say you turn 35, and something traumatic happened to an ancestor at the same age. Or you’re trying to start a family and struggling with fertility, and that activates emotional patterns passed down through seven generations. Family constellation® work can trace these patterns back up to seven generations.

It can also show up in everyday experiences—such as starting a new job and suddenly feeling like your buttons are being pushed in unexpected ways. Beneath that reaction, there may be a deeper, inherited wound at play. The challenge is that we rarely have detailed knowledge about what happened five or seven generations ago. If we’re lucky, we may know a bit about our great-grandparents—but rarely beyond that.

That’s where healing through holistic approaches, such as family constellation® work, becomes powerful. It gets to the root. And when parents begin to heal those hidden wounds, their children often begin to heal too—because the emotional legacy is no longer being unconsciously passed on.

Jacobsen: When a parent feels hurt, rejected, or confused because their adult child has withdrawn, how can the parent respond without criticism or defensiveness?

Molnar: That’s a tough one. I’m a parent myself, and I’ve also done that to my parents. So I’m right in the middle—I know both sides. It’s not easy.

In an ideal world surrounded by self-aware and emotionally conscious parents, we would not take it personally. But real life is more complicated. Still, I believe this: we’re all here to bring our lessons, and sometimes we need distance to teach them.

If it resonates with you, consider that we bring experiences or karmic patterns from past lives. Even if you don’t believe in past lives, you can see that each person comes into this life with specific lessons to learn. So, when a child withdraws, it is often not about the parent at all. It is about the child finding their way and resolving their inner journey.

The best response a parent can give is patience, presence, and a willingness to stay open—without assuming blame or trying to fix it. That allows for reconnection to occur in a more genuine and healing manner.

Yes, maybe how the parents raised the child contributed to the dynamic—but it is not entirely their fault. As parents, we often try to fix our children or take responsibility for them. Sometimes, the reverse happens—children end up taking responsibility for their parents.

But what we have to recognize, especially when we’re talking about adult children, is that each person must take responsibility for themselves. You cannot fix your child. You cannot live their life for them.

So, in an ideal situation—where you can step back—you recognize that this is not about you. It is about them. You can say, “Hey, I love you unconditionally for who you are, even when you make mistakes. But I will take a step back. If you fall, I will be here to catch you. But I respect your choices, your decisions, and your life.”

That is the greatest gift you can offer them. And it is also one of the most painful because it is so much easier to try to fix someone or fix a situation than to step back and say, “You know what? I trust your strength. I trust that you can handle this.”

Jacobsen: What about communication strategies—something positive, affirming, assertive—to allow for honest dialogue, without offence, about how a child may be feeling and how a parent may be feeling in those situations?

Molnar: As a parent, you can express yourself honestly. You can say, “Yes, this hurts me. Your choices right now are painful for me.” You can acknowledge that. Say, “I’m your parent. I raised you. We went through so much together.”

But again, if your child pulling away doesn’t trigger something unresolved in you—like an abandonment wound or a loss of identity, especially in single-parent homes—it is easier to communicate from a grounded, centred place.

This does not mean suppressing your feelings. It means not adding emotional intensity that clouds understanding. You can say, “Yes, this hurts, but I want to understand you.” One thing I often suggest to my clients is saying, “I need time.”

You do not need to respond, ideally in the moment. You can say, “I need to process this. I may need to meditate on it. I may need to journal. Right now, I’m in pain, and I don’t want to speak or act from this place of pain. But give me a few days, and let’s come back to this conversation.”

Pausing and asking for time is one of the healthiest communication tools—especially when emotions are high.

Jacobsen: And what about children setting boundaries? It doesn’t necessarily have to be across the Pacific Ocean.

Molnar: [Laughing] Yes, funny enough, I learned that it does not always work. You can put a whole ocean between you, and your emotional baggage will still come with you.

In my case, I recreated the same emotional dynamics across the ocean—. The same issues came up. I tried to escape them, but it didn’t work. That’s when I realized that healing must come from within.

So, yes—setting boundaries with parents can be difficult, especially depending on their and the children’s personalities . But it is necessary. Boundaries are not about cutting people off; they are about creating the space you need to grow. It’s about respecting yourselves and others. And eventually, that can strengthen the relationship.

That’s why I see so many clients who say, “No, I’ve completely cut my parents out of my life—and I don’t want to go back.” And if that’s how you feel right now, I understand. But I don’t typically recommend that to my clients. Whether we’re conscious of it or not, we receive energetic support, strength, and psychological grounding from our parents—even when the relationship is strained or complicated.

When you completely shut them out of your life, it can feel like trying to fly a jet without its engines. If you cut off your mother, it’s like flying with one engine down. If you cut off your father, the other one is gone. You’re trying to spread your wings and soar but without foundational support.

So, instead of full disconnection, I encourage people to seek support—through therapy, holistic healing, journaling, or any modality that resonates. But also suggest to, ask yourself your why. That why will carry you through difficult moments. Why do you want to create distance? Why do you feel the need to fly to the other side of the world? Why are you putting emotional space between you and your parents? What are you trying to heal?

And you can communicate that. You can say, “I love you—or I’m not sure how I feel right now—but I need healing. This isn’t about you. This is something I need to do for myself.”

That is a more constructive way to express your boundaries. It avoids blame or finger-pointing. You’re not saying, “Because of you, I’m like this,” or, “You’re responsible for how I grew up.” Instead, you’re stepping into adult responsibility and saying, “This is my decision. Right now, I need space. That might mean I do not call you for a while. It might mean I move to Asia, rent a little scooter, and go on a personal journey to rediscover my voice.”

You can always return to the message: “This is about me. This is for my healing, my peace of mind, my future.”

Jacobsen: What are some everyday situations that North Americans face in their family dynamics—especially points of tension? And does that differ from what you experienced growing up in Hungary?

Molnar: Yes and no. When I was born, Hungary was experiencing financial instability. And my family, like many others, was also struggling financially. So there was a sense of limitation—not just economically, but emotionally and culturally. What Americans had access to in the 1970s and 1980s—choices, variety, mobility—we didn’t.

You had different brands of soda and different types of jeans. We had one pair of jeans. When my father was finally allowed to travel to Austria and brought back gummy bears or other sweets, it was a huge event. That was expensive. It was rare. And it was tied to a sense of scarcity.

So yes, the values we grew up with were different—shaped by restriction and survival. We were raised with a mindset of limitation. But what I see in the U.S. now—especially among younger generations—is a different kind of challenge.

It’s not a matter of scarcity but a generational reckoning. Many young people feel that something in the previous generations did not work, and they are determined to change it. There’s a collective sense of, “This ends with us.” That’s something I see echoed across cultures now—Hungarian, American, and elsewhere. The language is different, but the need to break cycles and create something healthier is universal.

You can even see it reflected in popular media—new movies, new series—with titles like It Ends with Us. There’s a growing awareness that generational cycles of pain—especially abuse, narcissistic dynamics, and unhealthy parenting patterns—must stop.

A few pain points I see repeatedly include narcissistic personalities, entitlement, and overprotection. There’s a helicopter-style parenting approach where children are highly protected and provided for, which on the surface seems loving—and it is—but it can have unintended consequences. Children may struggle to find their voice to develop independence and resilience, especially when they’ve never had to navigate life without constant parental oversight.

So yes, there are overlapping issues globally—trauma, control, disconnection—but the specifics can differ based on the country’s economic and cultural context.

Jacobsen: Typically, do cultural dynamics place more strain on family relationships than individual personalities and interactions? For example, someone growing up in the Democratic Republic of the Congo might experience the influence of poverty more directly than someone in the United States. But in both cases, could the individual parent-child relationship still be the primary factor in emotional strain, regardless of the broader context?

Molnar: Again, I’d say both. Culture and individual dynamics are deeply intertwined.

From my experience growing up in Hungary and now living and working in the United States, I’ve seen how culture influences parenting. The U.S. is an individualistic country. That’s a vast cultural difference. It shows up in how we raise children. In times of crisis—like hurricanes or other disasters—Americans come together. But day-to-day life? It’s very much finding your way, being self-sufficient, and standing out.

Parents here often feel pressure to push their children to excel very early. Kids are enrolled in piano and swimming lessons at the age of two. By age four, they’re expected to be preparing for their SATs! [Laughing] It is intense. Such a culture fosters high expectations and competitiveness.

By contrast, many Asian cultures, for example, are more community-oriented and place stronger emphasis on respect for elders and family roles. In Hungary, we were raised with a very different mindset—one shaped by historical suppression and economic instability.

But even within each culture, family inheritance plays a considerable role. What trauma did the family carry? Were they descended from enslaved people, refugees, or those living in systemic poverty? Did their family endure war or genocide? These things shape us, even if they happened generations ago.

And we can’t talk about culture without acknowledging historical trauma. Hungary has been under occupation and suppression repeatedly—under the Ottomans, then as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, then under Soviet rule. These layers of control left deep cultural scars. It’s no surprise that finding one’s voice and asserting autonomy remains difficult for many Hungarians.

The U.S. has its parallel legacy—slavery, Indigenous genocide, war, systemic racism. World War II, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War—these events profoundly shaped families and cultural norms here. Those inherited traumas are still present, even if not openly acknowledged.

So, while culture lays the foundation, individual family systems—how those broader patterns get passed down—ultimately shape the parent-child dynamic. Healing happens when we address both.

Jacobsen: When you work with a client, at what point do you find responsible termination of the client-therapist relationship is appropriate? In other words, what are some deep signals that a person is sufficiently recentered and ready to go forward into their life independently—that they have the tools and are good to go?

Molnar: That’s a great question. In most cases, the decision is in the hands of the client. They determine how many sessions they need and when they feel they have completed them.

Family constellation® work is not a traditional form of therapy. It’s not like being in therapy for four years and attending sessions weekly or biweekly. Sometimes, it’s a one-time experience. A client might come in and say, “I have this specific issue, and I want to resolve it.” And after one session, they feel a fundamental shift and say, “I’m fine now.” That’s valid.

When that happens, I usually follow up with them—checking in two to three weeks later to see how they’re integrating the experience.

Other clients come in with a series of interconnected issues—let’s say abuse, cancer or war-related trauma. Because those types of traumas can stem from both sides of the family, and it’s often layered, one session won’t be enough. In those cases, clients might commit to four, five, or six sessions. And each time, we go deeper.

But we can only go as deep as the soul allows in any given session. Sometimes, something needs to settle or heal over the following weeks before we can move to the next layer of the onion. So, the pacing is very intuitive and client-led.

I always tell them, “If you feel called to continue, reach out. If you want to go deeper into a specific topic, I’m here.” But ultimately, they know. They feel that more work is needed.

And yes, there have been cases where a client completed six sessions and then disappeared—ghosted, as people say. That’s okay, too. It’s not like traditional therapy because it works at the root level. Some people get what they came for and move on. I never push.

For others, they come back when they’re ready to work on another layer—whether it’s relationships, financial patterns, or self-worth. The family constellation® opens that door, and they decide whether or not to walk through it again.

Jacobsen: What therapeutic method, when dealing with family dynamics, has the most evidence behind it? Of course, there are established, authoritative models—modalities that are backed by research and applied based on the practitioner’s training and the client’s needs. But across the board, what tends to be effective for most family contexts?

Molnar: That depends heavily on the person—their personality, their openness, and their life circumstances.

Traditional therapy, including cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), is still the most widely used and researched. It’s also the most accessible—it’s covered by insurance, which makes a significant difference for many people. Finances play a substantial role in determining the type of therapy someone chooses.

Family constellation®, on the other hand, is less known in the U.S. It originated in Germany and is much more popular in parts of Europe and South America. Many people here have never heard of it.

I’ll be honest—I’m not familiar with every therapy model out there, and I don’t try to pretend otherwise. I don’t like to claim that one method is objectively better than another. It depends on what works for you.

I tried several modalities. For me, the family constellation® resonated with my soul. It took me down to the roots of my issues and then helped lift me back up. I spent two and a half years in traditional therapy, but I always felt like I was scratching the surface when it came to family dynamics.

That’s why I emphasize finding what works for you. What brings clarity, emotional release, and integration? That’s what matters most.

Jacobsen: When it comes to background checks—not in terms of criminal history but in terms of credentials and qualifications—what should someone do before starting therapy? How can they make sure the therapist is appropriate and adequately trained and that the treatment offered is legitimate?

Molnar: I always recommend doing some research. Check reviews if you can—Google reviews, therapist directories, or, if you’re going through insurance, look at their provider network. Many platforms also offer client feedback and credentials.

But beyond reviews, I highly recommend having a conversation with the therapist before starting sessions. That initial conversation is key. You need to feel aligned with the therapist’s energy, values, and communication style. Therapy is a profoundly personal journey, and if the connection doesn’t feel right from the start, the work won’t be as practical as it could be.

Jacobsen: Right, no need to go too deep into ethics codes or licensure requirements—most laypeople need to confirm credentials and have a sense of whether the person is trustworthy and professional.

Molnar: That’s usually enough for most people to make an informed choice.

Jacobsen: What’s one of your favourite quotes related to family therapy?

Molnar: One that changed my life is from Carl Jung: “Until you make the unconscious conscious, it will direct your life, and you will call it fate.”

That’s how I see family constellation® work. You’re living on autopilot until you bring those invisible family bonds and inherited issues into the light. Once you do, you can finally choose your path with awareness.

Jacobsen: A classic therapist move—Jung, Frankl, Nietzsche! [Laughing]

Molnar: Always! [Laughing] It’s true, though—we all go back to them for a reason.

Jacobsen: I’m out of questions, Blanka. Thank you so much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise—it was a pleasure to meet you.

Molnar: Thank you, Scott. It was lovely to be here and to have this conversation. I appreciate the platform.

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