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Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi: Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Reboot, Economic Security and the Shadow Economy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/25

Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi is Director of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine (ESBU), appointed in August 2025 after more than two decades in law enforcement. A PhD in Law from Lviv, he previously served as an investigator and head of organized crime units, then as a leading detective and unit head at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. A combat veteran of the Anti-Terrorist Operation and the full-scale war, he links security, the rule of law, and economic resilience. As ESBU chief, Tsyvinskyi focuses on dismantling the shadow economy, protecting honest business, rebuilding public trust in Ukraine’s recovery, and anchoring Ukraine’s long-term EU-oriented future.

In this two-part interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi, Director of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine, about rebooting the ESBU amid Russia’s war. Tsyvinskyi explains his plan to rebuild the team, move from many small cases to a few systemic ones, and focus on business security and the shadow economy. He links tax evasion norms to Soviet-era contempt for the state, arguing that independent institutions, radical transparency, and cultural change—from schools to kitchen-table conversations—are essential to make corruption shameful and the rule of law non-negotiable. They also discuss Western support, avoiding coercive conditionality while strengthening Ukraine’s institutional resilience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Looking at the big picture for the 4th quarter of 2025 and the first and second quarters of 2026, what is the most important message to convey about economic security, anti-corruption efforts, transparency, and related issues in Ukraine?

Oleksandr Tsyvinskyi: The first and most important thing for us is to reload the system. That means reloading our team to start producing the results everyone expects. We have to begin this work this year. Next year, in the first two quarters, this process will continue, and we must complete it by the end of 2026. This is the top priority in human capital management. Secondly, we are completely reordering the Bureau’s priorities. We are shifting from minor cases to large ones. We are moving from quantity to quality. Moreover, the most important development is the creation of an entirely new direction: business security, which we have not addressed before. The next element is working with the shadow economy—black-market business—and then working with those who violate the legal sphere. Our results will include, first, reloading the team; second, reformatting our approaches; third, formally registering our three main priorities; and fourth, identifying organized criminal groups and bringing them to responsibility in the first two quarters of next year.

Jacobsen: How much of this is a holdover from the Soviet legacy in terms of institutions and how people conduct themselves, and how much is not? I do not mean this in a critical sense; I am trying to clarify. If a historian were to look at it, we would see that we are all shaped by our national histories. How does that post-Soviet history feed into the practices that built systems that led to higher corruption, and into the institutional ways in which people worked? I want to be very clear, because I know it can be susceptible to some if they are reading this, in terms of someone from what they call “the West.” For some reason, they do not include South Korea and Japan in that definition. Looking at it objectively as a historian, you have the post-Soviet timeline, you have the institutions, you have the cultural habits people carry, and then you have the reforms you are talking about—moving away from all of that.

Tsyvinskyi: First of all, for many years, people were taught that you cannot change the system, that private property does not exist. Moreover, when private property began to function, we found ourselves in a situation of complete irresponsibility. Because now there is a feeling—if a person does not pay taxes or tries to avoid them—that, in post-Soviet countries, this is unfortunately treated as usual. Before, everything was considered “the property of the state,” which supposedly belonged to everyone, meaning it belonged to no one. Moreover, the state could be deceived. That same attitude has remained the same now: not paying taxes is deceiving the state, and deceiving the state is normal.

The worst part is that from the post-Soviet past, when people sit at the table—drinking coffee in the kitchen or in a bar—and someone says they deceived the state or did not pay taxes, it is received normally and not criticized, unlike, for example, European countries such as Finland, Germany, or Canada. If two friends in Canada sit down and one tells the other that he deceived the state by not paying taxes, I do not think he would receive moral support for it being acceptable or admirable. However, in Ukraine and other post-Soviet countries, deceiving the state is treated as usual. Because the state is perceived as nothing, and there is no feeling of shame. There is no feeling that you have actually stolen from a children’s home, from a hospital, from a road project—stolen from somewhere real.

Jacobsen: Why?

Tsyvinskyi: Why such an attitude? Because the state has constantly humiliated and punished people, and now there is a persistent negative attitude toward the state, unlike in European countries. For me, this is part of the Soviet legacy. It is an entire culture, and this culture changes very slowly. That is why these consequences remain.

Jacobsen: What can be done?

Tsyvinskyi: Today, our institution is beginning to work on changing the culture—on the idea that not paying taxes is shameful, that it is not good, that it is harmful, and that people should feel responsible for this. Because to this day, people are not ashamed; they are proud of it. Our task is to change the culture around this.

Now if you fool the state, it is considered acceptable. Everyone will support you. They will say, “You are a good guy, let us drink beer,” and you will say, “I fooled the state today,” and they will answer, “You are a cool guy.” This is perhaps a lasting part of the Soviet heritage.

Until recently, it was considered acceptable for a long time. If you managed to avoid paying taxes and told your friends, they would support you. Moreover, if you said something like this in Canada, somewhere in a bar, people would definitely not help you. That was part of the Soviet legacy. However, now it is changing. Moving forward, as Oleksandr said, in our institution, we are trying to change the culture by saying: we need to promote different values—paying taxes is normal. If you do not pay, you are essentially stealing money from hospitals and educational institutions. This is a cultural issue, and that is what we are trying to change.

Jacobsen: My follow-up to that. In my conversations with Ukrainian colleagues, it typically goes like this: in private, we debate, challenge each other, and learn from one another. In public, in interviews, things are more polished, and that shapes the questions. In media, I sometimes ask—from your perspective as Ukrainians—what the West is getting right, getting wrong, and missing entirely in its coverage? Similarly, support for Ukraine is often conflated with imposition. Do you see what I mean? When it comes to supporting Ukraine’s anti-corruption efforts, how can people who are not Ukrainian but support Ukraine ensure they remain sensitive and supportive without imposing? Ukrainians should be able to work on anti-corruption on Ukrainian terms. Support is good, but if it comes with strings, it becomes coercive. So: anti-corruption efforts without coercion.

Tsyvinskyi: If we ask our Western partners how they view anti-corruption efforts, the real question is how to convince people in the West that, on the one hand, we need to fight corruption, and on the other hand, we must ensure that this does not harm Ukraine or create the wrong perception of what is happening here. How do we convince people in the West to support Ukraine in its fight against corruption without creating problems for Ukraine? When I worked for 10 years at the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, almost every significant case we opened involving top officials generated strong reactions, and sometimes coverage in the Western press, focused on the existence of a corrupt official and presenting it as a systemic failure. However, it is better to diagnose and treat a disease, even if it requires surgery and pain. Only then will the patient recover and become effective.

In this context, the correct way to communicate is as follows: if there are independent authorities in Ukraine capable of holding the highest officials accountable, then this is proof that Ukraine is on the right track. In many countries—even in developed democracies—there are significant obstacles to enforcing the law against top officials. In Ukraine, this is possible. Ukraine demonstrates this, and there are more and more such bodies. We have two paths: to hide our problems and pretend everything is fine, or to perform the surgery, accept the pain, and grow into a democratic and effective state.

Objectively, today in Ukraine—especially in public policy and among officials—we have one of the most transparent systems in the world. The requirements placed on public officials, even those that limit their privacy by obliging them to disclose nearly all information, are unique. This is a powerful demonstration that we are rushing in the right direction. Moreover, the situation is straightforward: yes, we have problems, but we will solve them quickly and decisively. I think this is the best way to communicate with everyone.

If we did not have these bodies, and we did not identify the problems that exist—as was the case 15 or even 10 years ago—there would be no corruption scandals, no dramatic headlines. However, that would not mean there were no problems or no corruption. Everyone knew it existed. Now it is painful, but this pain is an obvious marker that Ukraine is moving in the right direction and choosing democracy.

What is very important is that when issues arose concerning the existence of anti-corruption bodies, the people made their position very clear. This is another marker that Ukraine not only has institutions that work correctly, independently, and without fear, but also that civil society is strong enough to defend these institutions. The point is not only about institutions themselves; it is about people defending their right to move toward a European society. This is the best form of communication.

If there are no independent anti-corruption bodies, then we cannot know the scope of the corruption problem, because no one will address it.

Jacobsen: So you are arguing that this is the pain period right now. Moreover, on the index—at least in Transparency International—there is a significant improvement.

Tsyvinskyi: It is like having a disease and pretending that everything is fine. Everyone may seem happy, but the disease remains. Alternatively, you can accept the pain of treatment and actually make the patient healthy. In Ukraine, we have anti-corruption institutions, including the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine. The Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine investigates some corruption offenses. We say, “Yes, we have corruption—but we are treating it.” That is the difference.

Compared with other countries, Ukraine is one of the most transparent. In terms of requirements for public servants and civil servants, we have obligations that very few countries share. We must publish everything on a special website. Anyone can read how much money we have, how much is in our bank accounts. Any citizen of Ukraine can read how much money my wife has and in which accounts. Almost no other country requires this. Ukraine has a very transparent monitoring system.

This is why, when scandals arise, they are actually a sign that Ukraine is trying to fix its problems. In Ukraine, even if you earn money legally, are an official, and buy something for yourself, you will be publicly criticized for it. You must include it in your public declaration; it is on the website, and everyone can read it. Even if you can afford it, you will be heavily criticized across all media.

Jacobsen: And if you buy something for this amount?

Tsyvinskyi: You must register this information in your civil servant declaration. Everyone will criticize you—media outlets will say, “Oh, look, he bought something. He bought a $3,500 item,” and so on. That is why Ukraine’s system is very transparent today. $3,500 is about two monthly salaries in our Bureau. Any amount above this must be officially declared on a public website. 

Jacobsen: I think it is important to note, in my analysis as an independent journalist from the outside, that people outside of Ukraine tend to highlight, and it is essential to highlight, the case involving Zelensky’s lifelong friend and former aide in the corruption scandal. However, the silver lining is that it demonstrated, first, the institution’s independence in the speed and firmness of its response. Second, it is part of a larger and more critical trend. Previously, Ukraine ranked low in transparency, comparable to Sudan or Nigeria. Now it sits among mid-level countries, which is a massive improvement that most states cannot claim. About reform, what are the key areas Ukraine needs to reform further—on Ukrainian terms—to move from that mid-level position toward the rankings of the least corrupt countries in the world?

Tsyvinskyi: It is essential to understand one thing: corruption and its reduction are not the responsibility of the Anti-Corruption Bureau alone. It is the responsibility of both sides. It is the responsibility of the entire system of government, on the one hand. Moreover, it concerns the people. It is also a matter of culture. When corruption begins to be condemned in the kitchen, at home, while drinking tea—as it is in many civilized countries—when it becomes shameful, unpleasant, humiliating, and socially condemned, then we will reach the point where corruption will be significantly reduced.

On the other hand, this must begin in school. Unfortunately, people very often do not pay attention to this. Everyone tends to focus on the short term. No matter how many significant cases the Anti-Corruption Bureau exposes, if we do not start solving this problem in schools, universities, the workplace, and culture—teaching that corruption is bad, negative, and humiliating—then we will have this problem for a long time. My firm conviction is that this requires a set of measures that are not limited to one institution. The point is that integrity should be a must-have. It should be the norm. Moreover, it should not be civil society alone that influences or controls this; it must be embedded in the corporate culture of government officials.

When, within that culture, someone learns that a colleague is taking bribes or doing something wrong and immediately informs the relevant authorities, we can overcome this quickly. However, if wrongdoing is tolerated or the response is insufficient, it is not acceptable to look the other way. It is necessary to respond and take measures to stop it. Moreover, this sometimes means reporting a friend or colleague to the authorities. We are prepared for that. This is the path that will allow us to reach the minimum level of corruption.

If you know that a colleague—maybe even a friend—who holds a high position is corrupt, and you inform the relevant institutions, that is how we eliminate corruption. The number-one priority is working with culture, because this is not about one, two, three, or four institutions. It is about how corruption is perceived. Therefore, it is clear that everyone must do their job and have zero tolerance for corruption.

Without a comprehensive working system—where committing corruption is viewed as abnormal, just as it is abnormal to steal a wallet, assault someone, kill someone, or commit any other crime—we will continue in a cycle where some people think they are heroes for doing what they do, and others try to catch them. It becomes an endless process. There is a saying that culture eats strategy for breakfast. This is often considered acceptable in private companies, but in state institutions, it is not always applied. That is why I said the public must consider corruption on the same level as other crimes. Everyone agrees you should not steal, kill, or assault someone. Along the same lines, corruption should be considered equally unacceptable.

When people think that way, the work begins in schools and universities. It is a long-term project, but it can significantly reduce corruption. Today in Ukraine—unlike in many countries that believe their corruption level is lower—in just ten years, we have gone from a situation where tens of thousands of people were untouched to one where no one in Ukraine can feel safe if they commit corruption offences. Ukraine is the only country that cannot feel safe amid corruption.

Jacobsen: In the war, in the context of Russian aggression, I often ask—perhaps you have heard the phrase “All that glitters is not gold.” Is there a phrase or aphorism in Ukrainian culture that, for you, captures what it feels like to be in the war with Russia? It means that everything valuable is not monetary in nature.

Tsyvinskyi: There is a similar metaphor—”All that glitters is not gold.” However, if you mean a phrase that describes the state of Ukrainians during the war, a general saying or metaphor, yes. I can translate it directly so it fits the context. Ukrainians are a very benevolent and very stubborn nation. Unlike others—I will not compare directly, but perhaps some would have given up—we stand our ground. There is a phrase: We should burn rather than surrender to anyone. And this is about us.

Jacobsen: Alright, we will call that an interview. Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Oleksandr.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dating Intelligently 7: Stack Dating Explained

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/24

 Christopher Louis is a Los Angeles–based international dating and relationship coach and the founder of Dating Intelligence. As host of the Dating Intelligence Podcast, Louis draws on intuition and lived experience to guide clients toward authentic selves and meaningful romantic connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Christopher Louis about “stack dating.” Louis explains it as ethically dating multiple people early, without assuming exclusivity, to avoid overinvestment and see patterns over time. He links its popularity to Gen Z, busy schedules, and app culture that normalizes parallel conversations, messaging, and video pre-screens. The approach can reduce anxiety and disappointment when handled transparently, but can fail through deception, blurred expectations, or budget strain. Louis recommends keeping stacks manageable (two to five), anchoring decisions in non-negotiables, and ending the stack when alignment earns exclusivity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I have heard a few things, like speed dating. It is pretty standard. There are many apps like Tinder, Bumble, and others. What is stack dating in more detail?

Christopher Louis: “Stack dating” is a term some dating coaches and commentators use for a modern dating approach where you do not focus on just one person at a time early on. In practice, it means you may date multiple people at the same time, without assuming exclusivity, and you avoid overinvesting too early. In the versions I have seen described, it also emphasizes transparency and ethical non-exclusivity where appropriate.

With stack dating, there is no exclusivity at the beginning unless it is explicitly agreed upon. When people start dating—primarily through apps—it is common for them to be talking to or going on dates with more than one person.

At that stage, you can take your time to see who is the best long-term fit. Under this approach, exclusivity is not assumed; it is something people typically agree to after spending time together and establishing alignment. The point is to check whether non-negotiables line up, whether values align, and whether someone’s behaviour is consistent—not just whether the chemistry feels strong.

This is not the same thing as hooking up. It is a dating strategy focused on letting time and patterns clarify compatibility.

“Stack dating” is a newer label for something many people have done for a long time. Dating can involve meeting different people, spending time together, and seeing who you are compatible with. It is about shared interests and finding someone who could be a great partner—not a perfect partner, but a great partner.

Jacobsen: What makes this so popular among younger people? I see that it is tied primarily to Gen Z.

Louis: One argument people make is that it helps prevent quick attachment and reduces pressure to decide too early. Some people take time to make decisions and do not want to commit too quickly, only to end up with the wrong person.

Under this approach, dating multiple people early on can reduce anxiety and overthinking, including the “what does this mean” spiral.

If you put all your eggs in one basket too soon, you may ignore red flags or overreact to uncertainty. Dating more than one person early on can help some people maintain perspective and choose from a place of confidence rather than desperation.

Jacobsen: What are the ways this could go wrong?

Louis: There are many ways this can go wrong. For example, if a person is not being honest with each person they are seeing. If you are going to stack date—even if it is just two people—you need to let the other person know, especially at the beginning. There is nothing wrong with letting someone know that a few other people are involved.

You are keeping your options open, and no one should feel possessive or angry, thinking, “I cannot believe you are dating other people right now,” especially when you have only been seeing each other for less than a week or two. This is not really a relationship yet. This is two people trying to figure things out.

It is fair to be honest and open with each person you are dating, letting them know that you are seeing a few others to ensure alignment with what you want. You are trying to make sure it is the right fit for you. Once again, this is not about sex or hooking up. This is about finding the right fit through the process.

Jacobsen: If you are stacking, how do you keep it within budget?

Louis: There are many ways to do it. Dating in general does not mean you have to spend all your money. Dates do not have to involve expensive outings or constant activities.

If you are truly stack dating, you should first be clear with yourself about what you want with each person. If one person prefers more extravagant experiences, it is your choice whether to spend more on those dates. If another person is more laid-back, you might go for a walk or have a coffee date. If someone prefers staying in and watching Netflix, then that is how you spend time with that person.

The point is to find someone who is the best fit for you in the long run. If someone expects an extravagant lifestyle that is not within your budget, it may not make sense to invest time trying to impress them when you know you will not be able to sustain that dynamic later.

Jacobsen: What is a reasonable amount of stacking in a day, e.g., three, five, ten?

Louis: In theory, it could be higher, but realistically, most people can only manage a small number. Reasonably, many people say somewhere between two and five. That tends to be manageable.

The critical point is not the number itself, but what you can realistically handle emotionally and practically. If you can only manage two people, then that is fine. It is about scaling it to what you can handle without losing perspective or balance.

Jacobsen: Why did this become a trend? Even though this pattern has existed in different forms for a long time, why has it become more mainstream now?

Louis: It has become more mainstream partly because of how people talk about time, work, and self-worth today. Many people see themselves as busy professionals with limited time. Under those conditions, stack dating often looks like a practical response.

If you have a hectic schedule and use dating apps, it is common to be talking to two or three people at once. If you like all of them, the question becomes what to do next. Instead of procrastinating, let’s meet for a simple coffee date. With limited time, that may be all you can realistically manage.

You might meet those two or three people within a short period—perhaps within a week—and decide that you like all of them enough to keep seeing where things go. Because your time is limited, stack dating becomes a way to move forward without prematurely narrowing your options.

The term also appeals to people who tend to overattach or are tired of repeating the same dating patterns. Someone might ask, “Why do I keep choosing the same type of person?” or “Why do I keep falling into the same dynamics?” In that sense, stack dating is framed as a way to break those cycles and potentially find someone who is a better fit.

It is also often described as appealing to people who want clarity rather than confusion. For someone coming out of a relationship, stack dating can be a way to re-enter dating gradually. You might not be sure you are ready for something serious, so you date lightly for a period to see whether dating is something you truly want at that moment.

In that sense, it can resemble speed dating, but without a strict time limit. You have more space to get to know each person and take your time figuring out who aligns with your values and with the kind of partnership you want in the long term.

Jacobsen: What type of questions should you be asking if this becomes a repeated experiment in many ways? Are you mainly going by feel with each person?

Louis: You are mainly going by feel with each person. Some people rely on standard questions they always ask on dates, but that approach is not helpful. These should be authentic meetings, not interviews.

The goal is to spend time together and have a good experience. That is also why honesty matters when you are dating. You do not want to lead someone on or create the impression that you are being deceptive. Being clear helps avoid misunderstandings.

Dating should involve paying attention to how you feel with someone. At the same time, everyone has non-negotiables. If you have a short list—three to five core values or boundaries—you want to make sure those are aligned early on.

If someone does not align with those non-negotiables, you can decide that it is not working for you and move on. In that sense, it is not really about asking the perfect questions. It is about whether the person aligns with who you want to be in the long run.

Jacobsen: What about your own presentability in each situation? How should someone think about their presentability when dating different people?

Louis: I do not think you should be changing who you are to match each person you are dating. I am not saying that if you are dating someone who is very sporty, someone who prefers luxury, or someone more laid-back, that you need to dress or act differently for each of them.

At the same time, you should know which type of person you want to date. If someone is unsure about their dating “lane,” learning to stay within that lane helps clarify who is actually a good fit. When you know who you are, you do not need to reshape yourself to fit someone else.

Stack dating should be about personality, finding the right fit, and aligning with someone who shares your values. It also gives you time to notice red flags—patterns or behaviours you know you do not want in your life.

If you are dating only one person, you may notice red flags or non-negotiables but still overlook them because the other person is interested in you or seems “good enough.” In that situation, you may end up settling.

Instead of settling, stack dating gives you options. You can take your time evaluating people and gradually narrow your focus until you find someone who truly fits.

Jacobsen: Does this also reduce the possibility of disappointment, or at least the degree of disappointment?

Louis: I think it does. When people stack data, there are a few key ideas they need to understand. First, it is about the quality of the people you are dating, not the quantity.

Second, it can help you gain clarity and feel more confident about your eventual choice as you narrow down your options. Third, it helps you better understand what you are actually looking for in a partner.

Even if you date two to five people, you may not find the right person right away. That is part of dating. People often continue dating until they find a match that feels right.

In practice, many people already do something similar. If you are going on dates with two different people in the same week, you are technically dating multiple people. In that sense, stack dating is often just a name for behaviour that already exists.

Jacobsen: Can this be facilitated through apps?

Louis: I am not entirely sure, because I am not active on the apps myself, but I would still say yes. Many people are not discouraged from dating multiple people at the same time. Dating apps are designed to help users meet as many potential matches as possible, whom they want to date.

From my experience with clients who use dating apps, many of them are already talking to three to five people at once. Someone might think, “I really like this person,” but then there are two others they are also talking to, and then another match appears. In that sense, the apps naturally encourage this kind of dating behaviour.

In many ways, it becomes a numbers game. This approach has existed for a long time; it is simply happening through different tools now.

Jacobsen: How do you appropriately screen potential dates? Is there a quick pre-screening process before meeting in person?

Louis: If we are talking about the dating-app version of this, the screening usually happens through messaging. Dating apps now have several built-in stages. You match, you message, and then you often move to texting within the app.

After that, the next step may be a video call. That means you are already going through a screening process without meeting in person. It is also generally safer, since many apps encourage users to keep communication within the platform until they are comfortable sharing personal contact information.

Many apps now offer video calling, which allows people to talk face-to-face in a controlled environment. That step usually requires mutual consent. These tools enable people to vet potential dates and decide whether they want to meet in person.

In the past, this kind of process happened in social settings. People met at events or gatherings and talked to several people in one night. For example, someone might speak with three or four people at an event, exchange contact information, and then follow up later.

After following up, you would naturally narrow things down. You might decide after a phone call or two that someone isn’t what you expected and move on. That process of elimination is very similar to what happens on dating apps now, just faster.

On apps, that elimination can also happen through ghosting. You might talk to someone for a couple of days, feel a connection, and then stop hearing from them. Often, that is because the other person is also talking to several people and has shifted their focus elsewhere.

In that sense, dating has always involved a process of elimination. Stack dating is a more explicit way of describing something that has long existed.

Jacobsen: Chris, any final thoughts on stacking for this session?

Louis: Yes. Stack dating has a natural endpoint. It ends when one person earns exclusivity. The goal is not to date indefinitely, but to find a match—someone you want to build a relationship with.

Stack dating ends when, over time, your actions and values align with someone else’s. Whether you are dating two people or four, the goal is to determine whether there is mutual alignment and whether moving into a relationship makes sense. At that point, there should be clarity and no pressure.

The purpose of stack dating is to give you space to see what you are looking for clearly. Even if you are dating several people—let’s say up to five—it does not automatically mean you are ready for a relationship. There may still be internal work to do, such as building self-awareness, self-worth, confidence, and personal growth.

This approach can provide clarity without pressure, as long as you are honest, ethical, and open with everyone involved. It is essential to keep people informed about where you are, because leading someone on is where disappointment arises and where the process can turn negative.

Jacobsen: Chris, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it. 

Louis: Thank you, Scott. Have a great day.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Denys Sharlai on Ukrainian Diaspora Media and Identity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/24

Denys Sharlai is a Ukrainian journalist and television host based in Toronto, Canada. Educated in journalism at universities in Kyiv and Zurich, he began his career as an online lifestyle reporter for ICTV in Ukraine, where his travel and consumer pieces drew millions of readers. After emigrating, he joined Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network under producer Jurij Klufas, first as a freelance video reporter and later as a host. Working in Ukrainian with English segments, he covers diaspora life, culture, and war-related issues, while navigating linguistic shifts, editorial constraints, and the goal of building stronger links between Ukraine and its communities.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Denys Sharlai, a Ukrainian journalist and TV host at Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network in Toronto. Sharlai recounts his path from ICTV online journalism in Ukraine to hosting a diaspora-focused program in Canada, developing on-camera confidence and video-reporting skills in a second language. He reflects on editorial pressures, tensions between independent journalism and propaganda, and his role in connecting Ukrainian communities abroad with those in Ukraine. The conversation explores differences between homeland and diaspora cultures, his festival work, audience feedback, aspirations for higher-quality diaspora media, and dreams of hosting major Ukrainian news programs.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right. Hello, welcome to the Denys Sharlai Journalist Profile interview. How are you?

Denys Sharlai: I’m good, thank you. What about you?

Jacobsen: I’m good. I just got back from extensive travel, and now I get to interview the excellent Denys. When did you become a TV host?

Sharlai: It’s a complicated story. When I moved from Switzerland to Canada, I tried to find a new job as a journalist, but it was really hard because my English wasn’t strong enough for either Canada or journalism. One day, I sent an email to Ukrainian media in Toronto. It was a Ukrainian newspaper and two channels.

About three months later, I received a response from the Ukrainian TV Network Kontakt, from Jurij Klufas.

I received a message from Jurij. He wrote that he would like to meet me at a Ukrainian gallery in Toronto. I had a meeting with him, and he offered me a freelance journalism job. I started producing different video reports.

The first one was from the meeting with Zelensky and Trudeau. That was about two years ago. About a year later, Jurij Klufas had difficulties with the previous TV host. Her name is Diana. In that situation, we had only one solution, but I do not really know how to explain it.

I began working as a TV host for the first time. We thought Diana would continue as a TV host, but she no longer wanted to. That is how I started to be a TV host. That was about a year ago.

Since then, I have been a TV host at the Kontakt Ukrainian TV Network in Toronto. It is a long story. 

Jacobsen: Were you nervous taking on that role?

Sharlai: A bit. It is much easier now, but at the beginning, I was really nervous because I had no experience as a TV host or with making video reports. In Ukraine, I only wrote text. I worked as an online journalist for ICTV, an online media outlet. It was a morning program, and I worked on the website, writing lifestyle articles. This was before the full-scale invasion. I wrote many articles about travel, including how to find cheap tickets.

This was very interesting for Ukrainians. Once, I received about 3 million views on one of my articles. It was the most popular article on that website, and I wrote it.

That was a big deal for me because my name was on the article. It felt really good. I also received extra money for it, which was nice.

Now I work as a TV host. Sometimes it is not easy because I have to speak in English, which is not my strongest skill.

But I need to improve my English. Every day, I try to be the best version of myself, the best version of a TV host.

Sharlai: And now I can speak English, but it is still a bit broken. I do have a Ukrainian Slavic accent, and some people may think it sounds Russian, but you can understand me, and I can understand you.

The first time, I was really scared to record any video. If it was in the studio, that was different, but doing an interview or an intro for a TV program outside, where people can see and hear you, was really scary for me. Now it works well. I do not care what people think about how I do my intro. That is enough of my speech.

Jacobsen: When you look at your progression as a TV host, particularly within a language-specific cultural community, what do you see as the development of your skills over time? In other words, what are the core skills, and how have you developed them in the process of doing your work?

Sharlai: It is a bit difficult to explain my skills. Sometimes I am losing some of my Ukrainian skills. The Ukrainian spoken here is very different from that spoken in Ukraine. Sometimes when I try to speak quickly in Ukrainian, Canadian Ukrainians do not understand me.

I speak fast and use modern vocabulary, and sometimes Russian-influenced words appear because the USSR’s leadership changed Ukrainian vocabulary as part of assimilation policies. As a result, we now have different words, and it is hard for someone born in Canada who learned heritage Ukrainian to understand someone born in Ukraine speaking modern Ukrainian fully.

As a TV host, I have to speak very slowly. It sounds like: “Hello, my name is Denys, and today I would like to tell you about…” But on Canadian TV and Ukrainian TV, a host usually speaks quickly while still being understood, because we do not have much time for all the news, and something is happening every moment.

For Ukrainian TV, it works differently because we actually have much time, and sometimes we do not know what will be shown. Our boss can change the whole video at the last moment, and then we have to redo the entire intro for the program. It is really difficult, and it has been a new skill for me — learning to work under stress.

When you know a better way to do something and your boss says, “I am your boss, so I know better,” it is not always true. I have an education. I graduated from two universities, one in Kyiv and one in Zurich. In journalism, I often know better how to create content and write news.

In Ukraine, we have what we call a beze — very short news, one or two sentences. A slang term used in Ukrainian journalism meaning a very short news item or brief mention; essentially, a quick, minimum-detail news brief. One time, I tried to do that for our program, and many viewers told me, “Denys, this is very good, you are doing something new for the TV program.” But my boss told me, “We will not do that anymore. We do not need it.” I said, “OK, it is not a big deal. You pay me, and I will do what you said.”

Sometimes I feel less confident because I am losing some of my Ukrainian journalism skills. But I am improving my language and improving my video skills. I am no longer scared of the camera. I feel very open when I see the camera and need to say something. That is good.

But in another way, I have lost some of my real journalism skills — like how to produce independent meaning. My boss sometimes does not focus on journalism but on something closer to propaganda. We do not show other viewpoints on a situation. Real journalism must show two or even three perspectives on the same problem.

It feels like completely different skills and a different feeling. I am very happy to be a TV host. It is a good opportunity to improve my skills. It is a great honour to be a TV host for the Ukrainian diaspora, as many older people watch this channel. It is not for young audiences, like people around 20 to 35. It is mostly for older people, aged 50 to 70.

Do you know about the Ukrainian festival in Bloor West Village? It is the biggest Ukrainian festival in North America. In three days, about one million people visit this event in Toronto. I was a master of ceremonies with Anastasia Romashko this year at the Bloor West Village Ukrainian Festival.

Many people recognize me. They know my name and tell me, “Denys, it is so good to see you in real life. Every week I see you on TV, and I really like how you do the program.” Someone might tell me, “Denys, maybe you can speak more slowly,” or someone else says, “Tell Jurij he needs to make better videos because there are problems with the video quality or the sound.”

All of that makes me feel a bit… I do not know how to explain it. When I am in a stressful situation, I try to calm down and stay calm, without letting my emotions get the better of me. In real life, I am a very emotional person — I laugh, I talk a lot, I express myself. But in journalism, I try to be neutral and not show what I feel or think. I try to be polite and give answers like “OK, yes, we will do that” and “Thank you for your question, it is very nice to see you.”

That is an example of what happens when I meet someone who knows me from TV. It is a good feeling when strangers know your name. I feel a bit like a star — but only within the Ukrainian diaspora, especially among older people.

I really want to make Kontakt TV much better because this TV network has real potential to become a major media outlet for the Ukrainian diaspora, like Voice of America. But we need to change our logo, our visual identity, and our approach to journalism.

That is it. Sorry for the long speech. It may not be the answer to your question, but it is what I feel.

Jacobsen: How do you feel, or what sense do you get, of the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada in contrast to those in Ukraine? As people separate geographically, they retain core elements of the culture, yet they develop a distinctive flavour of it in their new geography. In the Canadian context, how would you characterize the Canadian Ukrainian community compared to your home city in Ukraine? I mean this outside of the war context, although the war obviously affects the answer. I want to explore how culture evolves as people move around the world.

Sharlai: First of all, I still cannot believe that people who were born thousands of kilometres from Ukraine still speak Ukrainian, follow Ukrainian traditions, go to Ukrainian churches, and share Ukrainian culture.

For example, I have been to Brazil, and it was very interesting to me because I never would have imagined that there are about half a million people of Ukrainian descent in the Ukrainian diaspora there. They even created a Ukrainian city there more than a hundred years ago.

It is the same in Canada, the United States, and Brazil , wherever Ukrainians live. It feels strange to me because people so far away from Ukraine can still be Ukrainian. They may have Canadian, American, or Brazilian passports, but they still feel Ukrainian.

Meanwhile, in Ukraine, some people do not feel Ukrainian in the same way. They still speak Russian and sometimes feel more culturally Russian.

This is why we sometimes have small conflicts or tensions between the Ukrainian diaspora and people who have just arrived from Ukraine. Newly arrived Ukrainians may speak Russian, while the diaspora — people born in Canada to Ukrainian families — cannot understand why. They say, “You are Ukrainian, you must speak Ukrainian.”

This creates conflicts between the new generation who moved from Ukraine because of the war and the Canadian-born Ukrainian community.

For me, as a host, it is important to explain to the Ukrainian diaspora that the new generation coming from Ukraine is also good people, a good part of the community. They are not bad because they speak Russian. They are Ukrainians — but in a different situation, shaped by assimilation and by living with Russian influence. That must be explained to the diaspora.

It is a big task to help unite all parts of the Ukrainian community with Ukraine itself.

When I was in Brazil, I spoke with the Ukrainian consul there. He told me that Ukraine “lost this connection” with the Brazilian Ukrainian community because no one in Ukraine pays attention to them. They want to renew this connection because it is very important.

I said, “Yes, this is why I am here. This is why I am making a video about you — so Ukraine and Ukrainians can see the diaspora, whether in Canada or Brazil.”

It is wonderful that people living so far away can still be Ukrainian, can feel Ukrainian, can think like Ukrainians. We may be different, but we remain part of one country, one culture. Sometimes, it is really hard to explain, because every part of the Ukrainian diaspora changes Ukrainian traditions a little bit. For example, in the Canadian diaspora, many families who arrived around a hundred years ago usually came from the Lviv and Ternopil regions of Western Ukraine. They have different traditions.

I am from central Ukraine. We have a tradition called Kalyta. A traditional Ukrainian ritual sweet bread made for St. Andrew’s Day. It is hung on a string, and participants try to bite it while another person raises it to make the task playful and challenging. The ritual is part of festive winter folk traditions. It was just three days ago, on Saint Andriy’s Day. When I asked my friends in the Ukrainian diaspora, “Do you know what Kalyta is?” they had no idea. This tradition exists mostly in the central regions: Cherkasy, parts of the Kyiv and Zhytomyr regions.

It is good to share this tradition with other Ukrainians and introduce something new to the diaspora.

Now we also have huge corruption scandals in Ukraine, which is a big issue for the diaspora. Many Ukrainians here work hard to raise donations to help the Ukrainian army. But when corruption scandals appear, it can discourage people. If you hear that a country has a corruption problem, you might hesitate to donate because you think the money will be stolen.

But to answer your question: yes, I feel a responsibility to unite the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada with Ukraine. I am a TV host. I am a face of the Ukrainian diaspora in Toronto, maybe even in all of Canada.

I also have many friends who are journalists in Ukraine. They tell me, “Denys, we need a strong connection with the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. We need news from the diaspora, and we have no idea how to get it because we cannot find a strong TV channel in Canada that covers Ukrainian diaspora life.”

This is a problem for both the Ukrainian diaspora here and journalists in Ukraine. There is no clear connection for sharing news about Ukrainians in Canada. For me, and for Canadian Ukrainians, this is a big deal.

Jacobsen: Do you have a favourite interviewee so far in your career? And do you have a favourite topic that you tend to cover? My own favourite topic when I interview…

Sharlai: Usually, we speak about Ukraine and the Ukrainian diaspora, and honestly, I do not love that question. I prefer speaking with a person about their personality and life experiences. For example, if it is a Ukrainian singer, actor, politician — anyone — I love learning about the person.

I love learning about what someone is doing in their life and how they became who they are today. The main topic, of course, is always the war. When a famous person from Ukraine arrives here, the diaspora wants to know how they feel and what life in Ukraine is like right now.

That is the main topic — what is happening in Ukraine, how the war is affecting people.

But personally, I prefer talking about personality, getting to know someone better. I want to be more of an interviewer than just a TV host, because I enjoy talking with people of different personalities. That helps me improve my communication skills and learn how to work with different people.

That is a new skill for me. And yes, that is it.

Jacobsen: We have a few minutes. What is your dream interview — or your dream job in general?

Sharlai: My dream interview? That is a good question. A year ago, I wanted to interview the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, but now I don’t. It would still be nice to do that interview, but now I feel that I am not really into politics.

I am considering starting my own YouTube channel and doing different interviews. For example, I really want to interview Maria Efrosinina. She is a famous Ukrainian TV host—she was very popular about 20 years ago.

She is very famous in Ukraine. She interviews artists, journalists, politicians — many different people.

Right now, I would like to interview her, Masha Efrosinina. Her name is Maria or Masha — I do not know exactly what is on her passport. Twenty years ago, she used “Masha,” which sounds more Russian, and now she uses “Maria,” which sounds more Ukrainian. The situation is always changing.

As for my dream job, I would like to be a TV host for 1+1 Media in Ukraine. That was my dream when I was a child.

We have TSN — Television News — the most popular and famous news program in Ukraine. I always wanted to be a TV host for that program. That is my dream.

Jacobsen: Do you have any favourite aphorisms or quotes within Ukrainian culture? We can close on that.

Sharlai: Aphorisms? Honestly, I do not think much about that in relation to Ukrainian culture. I know many stereotypes about Ukrainians and the Ukrainian diaspora, but I am not sure about aphorisms about Ukrainians.

Jacobsen: You have probably heard the phrase “all that glitters is not gold.” It means that many things that truly matter do not have monetary value. I mean something like that, but describing Ukrainian culture — an idea, an ethic,  not necessarily a funny stereotype.

Sharlai: I know many stereotypes, both good and bad, about Ukrainians and the Ukrainian diaspora. First of all, there is the stereotype that Ukrainians love salo — but I hate salo—the same with horilka and vodka. But we also have good stereotypes: Ukrainians are very hard-working.

I already mentioned stereotypes about Ukrainian dishes and food: that Ukrainians love salo and love drinking horilka. But that is not true now. Many Ukrainians live a healthy lifestyle. For example, I hate salo, and I hate alcohol. 

A good stereotype is that Ukrainians are good workers — we can work in construction, journalism, medicine, be doctors , whatever. We are smart and flexible, with extensive life experience. We know how to change countries, create new documents, and build a new life in a completely new place.

For example, I have already changed countries twice. I lived in Ukraine, then Switzerland, and now I live in Canada. That is part of my life experience, and part of that stereotype — Ukrainians adapt well. The Nation has good and bad people. But in Canada, one stereotype is that Ukrainians are smart.

There is another stereotype about our faces — our “resting face” — that we look rude. But when you start speaking with us, we are very friendly.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time today. We will be in touch. I need another cup of coffee.

Sharlai: Thank you so much. Thank you for your time and for your interview. This was really nice. It was my first interview ever with a Canadian journalist, so it was very nice. Thank you.

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Partnership Studies 18: Authoritarianism, Domination Systems, and Partnership

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/23

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that Peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with cultural historian Riane Eisler about authoritarianism as a “domination system” rooted in rigid gender hierarchies, family violence, and fear. Eisler contrasts this with partnership-based models that nurture empathy, equity, and care from early childhood. Drawing on neuroscience and cross-cultural research, she argues that human nature is flexible and that social movements for workers’ rights, gender equality, and environmental protection reveal our deep drive for cooperation. She calls for rethinking religion, economics, and AI design to move beyond inherited domination narratives toward more just, sustainable, and life-affirming societies. Eisler frames this as an urgent evolutionary turning point.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you characterize authoritarianism broadly, and how do you describe it with respect to how they see human nature?

Riane Eisler: Well, let me start by saying that what I call the domination model is authoritarianism. And it’s a top-down model, man over man, man over woman, man over nature, race over race. It’s an in-group versus outgroup model, and at the top sits a strongman, usually, like Stalin or Hitler in modern times.

The problem is that we have all inherited that model. We’ve inherited it in the family, which is supposed to be “male headed,” with the father being authoritarian, hopefully a benevolent one. As an attorney, for example, I knew that the English common law and much of our heritage was that: the husband and the wife are one, and the one is the husband. So, right there, you’ve got the male head of household.

That goes to your second question: is the domination system a model for a king or a strong man of any stripe. In my first book drawing on my multidisciplinary, cross-cultural, transhistorical research, The Chalice and the Blade, I point out that totalitarian regimes are nothing more than authoritarian regimes using modern technology. And we’re seeing it right now in the regression that we’re living through, which is, of course, in reaction to all the organized movements I write about..

I can’t emphasize that enough, all these movements challenge the same thing: domination, whether it’s the king’s right to rule, whether it’s the men’s right to rule over women and children, whether it’s the so-called superior race over an inferior race, all the way to the environmental movement challenging man’s dominion over everything that moves on this earth, over nature. These movements came out of human nature, contradicting the old story of human nature, that we’re bad, we’re selfish, because every one of them is really a movement that doesn’t want a domination system.

Jacobsen: Does this show that human nature is fundamentally quite flexible?

Eisler: My latest book, Nurturing Our Humanity, published by Oxford University Press in 2019, draws heavily from what we know today from neuroscience, which is what psychology, of course, has been saying all along, we are a very flexible species. The nature-versus-nurture conflict is a distraction, because human nature is quite malleable, quite flexible – and a lot depends on what children observe or experience in their early years before our brains are fully formed.

So, nurture really shapes us, and that includes, of course, what the culture supports, because families don’t arise in a vacuum; they’re part of a culture or subculture. It is sad that so many people really believe that fear is the motivation that keeps humans from being selfish, when the people who worked on all the movements I just mentioned weren’t driven by fear; they were driven by hope for something better.

Jacobsen: What do you make of the individuals who show that drive for a hope for something better when they’re in the midst of highly authoritarian structures?

Eisler: What I make of them is that it is really human nature coming to the fore, that all things being equal, and these are all movements to make them more equitable, more peaceful, less fear, whether it was the movement to cut hours at work, which we achieved, whether it’s the movement against child labor, these were all movements that were based on knowledge and a feeling that we can do better. A big part of my calling has been to show that for most of our history, including millennia of our prehistory, we oriented more to the partnership side of the partnership domination social scale, and that only five to ten thousand years ago, which, as I always point out, is a drop in the evolutionary bucket, we shifted. But that’s what we’ve inherited.

We’ve inherited families that believe women are inferior to men, and that “women’s work” is also inferior. This is not a question of women against men or men against women. Men are part of a hierarchy of men, and they are just as afraid in domination systems: of losing their job and even of dying in battle because some guy on top, like Putin, wants more real estate.

In domination systems femininity and masculinity are very rigid, very stereotyped. 

And why is gender such an essential part of this authoritarian system? Why did Hitler emphasize it so much? Why did Stalin emphasize it so much? Why does Trump emphasize it so much? Why does Putin or Orbach emphasize it? Why do the Taliban emphasize gender? Why does fundamentalist Iran?

The reason, which we have not been taught, is that the ranking of male and “masculinity” over  female and “femininity” is a model for equating difference, beginning with the difference in form between the female and male forms. And once we learn that, which children do in domination oriented families, one can apply this ranking of stereotypes to all other differences, whether racial or ethnic. You always blame outgroups, as in the stories we’ve inherited, blaming Eve, the first woman, for all of humanity’s ills. We’ve inherited these in no less than our sacred scriptures.

This is why one of the projects I so wish that we could do soon, because it’s so essential, is for representatives of all the major religions to get together and sort the grain from the chaff. And the grain consists of  the core teachings, which are “feminine” teachings, aren’t they? Of caring, which is coded feminine. Of nonviolence, which is, again, coded not manly, feminine, right?

 These teachings are like, do unto others as you would have them do unto you. Love teachings.

Love is a tremendous force in the history of our species. You know, Darwin himself said that in his book on human evolution. He said in his Descent of Man when you come to what I will now talk about, human evolution, factors such as moral sensitivity, love, and some of the core religious teachings we have preserved in our religions, are much more important than what is written in Origin of Species. And of course we have been taught to associate love with the “inferior” feminine. In fact, the vilification of women is part of the chaff, which is all of the dominator stuff that was added to our scriptures to maintain domination or authoritarian systems.

So let’s talk about family, which we’ve been taught not to pay much attention to. The Center for Partnership Systems just had a summit, Peace Begins at Home—showing how violence in families, so-called domestic violence, which I want to change to family violence, ripples out when we’re adults, not only in replicating that violence in families, but it normalizes violence for people.

So, coming back to your question, how did the people who wanted something better than what we’ve inherited, how did they come to that?

I think it’s human nature, this wanting something that is not based on fear, because authoritarianism maintains itself through fear of pain, through fear of violence.

Jacobsen: What about psychological or emotional terror in these systems? And also, what about psychological and emotional terror and violence?

Eisler: Psychological and emotional terror is a big part of the maintenance of domination systems, because we all have psyches, children are very dependent and susceptible, and children are told, mind you, that it’s their fault, their fault. So denial starts in dominant families. You don’t start with climate change denial or COVID-19 denial or election result denial.

No, you start with denial that those who are your caregivers, on whom you depend for life, for food, for shelter, are causing you pain. That’s where it starts. So, we have to pay attention to our cultural environments, and families are where most children learn to be in denial or to accept authoritarianism and violence as normal. Yet some of these very children grow up to question that all of this fear and all of this injustice is necessary.

And that gives me hope.

Jacobsen: If there’s one structural change that is made by people living in authoritarian or domination-based societies, what is it that sort of starts the shift to a more partnership-oriented model?

Eisler: I have, as you know, found through research that there are four cornerstones of either domination-oriented or partnership-oriented societies. And that it starts with childhood and family. And we haven’t paid enough attention to that first cornerstone of either domination or partnership oriented societies.

Because of our formal and informal education, we have also been taught to marginalize or just ignore how gender roles and relationships are structured. And yes, that is the second cornerstone. And all of these four cornerstones are interconnected, by the way. But the very rigid gender stereotypes are necessary in domination systems for ranking not only male but also masculine over female and feminine. But to this day people aren’t taught about gender being so important. They’re either taught that it’s a matter of women against men or men against women, as I said.

Actually research shows that gender is a fundamental principle in the organization of families, of societies, of economics –  which is the third cornerstone, and of society at large. And they’re all interconnected. 

And, of course, the fourth cornerstone is story and language. I told you that we’re working to both deconstruct and reconstruct The Odyssey, which is a secular epic like so much of the celluloid epics that get huge audiences because they do get our adrenaline flowing. But they also reinforce masculinity as defined in domination systems. And as you pointed out, whether it’s a woman who is embodying this violence it’s the same thing. You’re still idealizing the hero or the heroine as a killer. And you’re normalizing violence.

Jacobsen: How does this affect men? How does it affect women? And then, how do people who don’t fit those categories get sidelined in a society? It follows the outcomes of those deemed not to fit the conception of human nature.

Eisler: That’s why I always talk about anybody in between, because, as far as I can tell, there have always been shamans who were what we call gay or lesbian today. They have always… but how that is treated depends on the culture.

Now, we make a lot of the Athenian society, but what they approved of was pedophilia. It had to be an older man with a young man. That is not what we’re talking about. That’s called co-option. Where you use an idea and then pervert it so that the young man plays the role of the woman, who is so despised because Athenians really did despise women, not all of them, of course, but that was the norm. There is a book by a classicist, Eva Kuhls, called The Reign of the Phallus.

Excellent book, and it’s cited in my book, Sacred Pleasure: Sex, Myth, and the Politics of the Body. I have a whole chapter on it, actually called The Reign of the Phallus, dispelling some of the crazy ideas and idealizations of Athenian society. For one thing, their fabled democracy was only for propertied men: a tiny percentage of the Athenian population. It wasn’t for slaves of both sexes or for any women, whether they were “free” or enslaved people, and really the vast majority of “free” women were enslaved people.

It was a very male-centred, domination-centred society, trying again to have something a little better. Still, it really wasn’t better for most of the population.

And today we are questioning. Those of us who want something more equitable, more peaceful, more sustainable than the domination system, which we have inherited. We realize that we have to understand that the framers of our constitution were slaveholders and that no women were included in the Bill of Rights, or any part of the Constitution..

We’re questioning the domination norms about men who are attracted to men, women who are attracted to women, lesbians and gays, And some realize that there have also always been people who are trans. But that’s part of the denial, that all that is abnormal, that it never existed. After all, it’s part of our scriptures. That’s another reason why the project to sort the chaff from the grain and expose the chaff, which is being used against us every day, is so urgent.

Jacobsen: It’s so easy to lose sight of the flexibility of our human nature. So we begin to see things as such rigid categories. Is the reiteration of these narratives just that robust?

Eisler: Nature has polarities, but they’re gradual. There’s hot, and there’s cold. There’s light, and there’s dark. And that’s why I talk about the partnership–domination scale. But these very rigid definitions of woman and of man are part of the rigidity, of the fear and violence-based domination system.

And we have inherited that. We are fighting one another. Think of the argument between capitalism and socialism. It’s a distraction, because both Smith and Marx said that the three life-sustaining sectors – the natural, community volunteer, and household economics sectors are  outside of what is properly economics – which is crazy, absolutely wild.

But Smith and Marx were creatures of their time. The work of caring for people was to be done for free by a woman in a male-dominated household. There’s nothing about caring for nature in what they wrote. Nature was there to be exploited. And now we’re coming to what is an evolutionary dead end guided by these misguided theories.

We are at a point in our technological revolution where the domination system is not sustainable at this level of technology. We must use technologies to help us build a more peaceful, equitable and sustainable world.

And that goes for AI as well. Some people who are working with AI are beginning to realize that if AI is programmed for domination, we have every reason to fear it. But if AI is programmed for partnership, it can be our helper, our friend.

So that choice is right there.

Jacobsen: Riane, thank you for your time today.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

African Humanism Today: Dr. Leo Igwe and Tauya Chinama on Progress, Persecution, and the Future of Secular Leadership

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/22

Dr. Leo Igwe is a Nigerian human rights advocate and leading African humanist known for his work on religious freedom, rationalism, and the protection of victims of witchcraft accusations. He founded the Humanist Association of Nigeria and has spent decades confronting harmful religious practices across the continent.

Tauya Chinama is a Zimbabwean humanist leader, educator, and interfaith dialogue participant focused on advancing secular values and community empowerment. Drawing from religious training and cultural knowledge, he works to strengthen humanist visibility, reform harmful norms, and build cooperative projects that promote dignity, tolerance, and African-centred humanistic ethics.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Dr. Leo Igwe and Tauya Chinama examine the evolving landscape of African humanism, highlighting gains in visibility alongside persistent dangers from blasphemy laws, religious extremism, and entrenched prejudice. Igwe details how cases such as Mubarak Bala’s imprisonment exposed systemic failures in Nigeria’s protection of non-believers. Chinama describes Zimbabwe’s shifting religious terrain, emerging interfaith engagement, and efforts to build humanist-led community initiatives. Both emphasize that African humanism must develop political and economic infrastructure, confront religiously sanctioned abuses, and adapt to local realities rather than replicating Western models. They point toward an African-rooted humanism capable of real social impact.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with people who have rich experience in the humanist movement from two distinct regions of Africa—primarily the Zimbabwean context in one case and the Nigerian context in another. Regionally, you are more aware because you live in and know those areas far better than I do. About African humanism, in broad and general terms, what are the areas of progress, and what are the areas of stagnation where you have not seen much movement in a humanistic direction?

Dr. Leo Igwe: The progress is that we are at least noticing increased visibility. The internet superhighway has made it possible for local efforts to gain publicity and visibility for groups, meetings, and perspectives that, before the internet, nobody would have known about.

In that area, we have made significant progress, but it has come at a high cost because blasphemy laws and apostasy laws are still enforced in several African countries, both legally and in practice. In other words, as a humanist, if you come out openly and say what you believe or think, some people feel they have the natural right to be offended because they have been socialized to view a humanist as a deviant, a religious deviant.

It remains very challenging and risky, especially for those who live in Muslim-dominated societies where forms of Sharia law apply. So, we have made progress, but there are still many risks and challenges.

Tauya Chinama: In my country, there is some progress. Our last census recorded that around 8-10% of people in Zimbabwe are non-religious. Although they did not explicitly identify as humanists, the statistics show that this non-religious population is roughly comparable to, and in some surveys slightly larger than, the Catholic population, which is about 6 to 8 percent of Zimbabweans.

I remember last year in December, when we were together with Dr. Leo in South Africa, I joked that I was the Archbishop of Humanism in Zimbabwe and that I had more followers than the Catholic Church.

There are still risks associated with being openly humanist. People tend to think you are somehow evil, which means we have a lot of work to do to demonstrate that we mean well and want to help. We are trying our best and trying to be visible. Thanks to the digital era, information is much less controlled. As I speak, I have been invited to various inter-religious dialogue sessions.

My brother Leo mentioned Muslim-dominated countries. The Muslims here are broadly divided into two main groups: Sunni and Shia. In many contexts, the Sunni tradition is seen as more hardline, but in Zimbabwe, the Shia community—usually connected to the Islamic Republic of Iran—often invites me to their inter-religious dialogues.

They know very well that I am a humanist. They invite people of other faiths, including me. I am happy with that recognition.

It is improving how people see us, and when we are allowed to speak first, we present our point of view clearly and show that we intend good for the community. For now, that is what I can say while waiting for your next question. Back to you, my brother.

Jacobsen: Where would you say you’ve had the most significant win this year? Leo, I know you do many interventions. Tauya, I know you’ve been highly involved. Where have you seen the biggest humanist wins? Have any blasphemy laws been removed or softened? Have there been witchcraft cases where you’ve made a positive intervention in the lives of children or older women who have been abandoned?

Igwe: Some of our biggest wins this year in Nigeria include the fact that Mubarak did not spend—and is not going to spend—the initially imposed 25 years in prison. The judgment was reviewed, and the prison sentence was reduced to the period he had already served. For us, this was a significant relief. Even though the conviction was not overturned, everyone in the humanist movement was relieved that he would not spend decades in prison.

This created an opportunity for a national discussion about freedom of religion or belief in Nigeria and the extent to which the country fails to meet its responsibility to protect that right for all citizens. Until now, discussions about religion in Nigeria have focused mainly on the idea that the population is divided between Muslims and Christians, with little attention given to non-religious people.

Mubarak’s case helped raise awareness that humanists exist in Nigeria, that they have rights, and that those rights are tied to the state’s obligations to protect freedom of religion or belief. In that sense, it is a significant win.

The United States has now designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern due to severe violations of religious freedom. This designation reflects not only violations affecting Christians or Muslims, but also violations affecting non-religious individuals.

There is now an international focus on Nigeria that we have not seen in previous years, driven in part by Mubarak’s arrest and imprisonment and by the way the humanist movement in Nigeria organized, campaigned, and applied pressure until he was released.

Jacobsen: What is a critical point to make about the environment or context in which one thinks about and lives out their humanism in Nigeria or Zimbabwe? In other words, what are some aspects of humanism as it is lived there that should be understood as distinct from the ways it is expressed in places like Asia, Europe, Latin America, or North America?

Igwe: This response is easier to understand if one has an overview of how humanism operates in other countries or continents. Based on my own experience, we have a particular situation here. We live in a country where two foreign religions—Islam and Christianity—compete for dominance, alongside traditional religions, various minority faiths, and humanists.

Context matters. Humanists here are not only offering an alternative to religion; we also need interfaith and inter-belief mechanisms because all these religious groups preach against non-believers. Islam preaches against non-believers. Christians preach against non-believers. I have a family member who prays daily that God should make unbelievers come to the Christian faith.

This is the environment we live in. In the United States, they talk about Christian nationalism. In India, Hindu nationalism. In Nigeria, humanists contend simultaneously with Islamic nationalism, Islamic separatism, Islamic extremism, Christian nationalism, Christian separatism, and Christian extremism. In addition, there is a resurgence of traditional religions, with political implications.

It is within this complex religious landscape that humanists must negotiate a place for themselves as an alternative to supernatural faiths and the dominant myths and narratives that shape the country.

Chinama: We have a similar situation, but Zimbabwe is predominantly Christian. Other religions and non-religious people are in the minority. Recently, however, our curriculum has become more heritage-based, as I mentioned before, focusing on the country’s history before colonization—how people lived and what we can take from the past. It is similar to the Ghanaian concept of Sankofa, which teaches that there is value in returning to the past to reclaim what was good and forgotten.

On Sunday, you spoke with my fellow Zimbabwean, Rainos Moyo. He is also involved in this effort. He is trying to revive traditional perspectives and limit the unfair dominance of a single religion. In that respect, we are making progress, but we must be diplomatic, avoid confrontation, and engage rationally so people understand what we are doing as humanists.

We also have expectations. If all goes well, I hope to present the humanist position here in Zimbabwe—and possibly in neighbouring countries—at the upcoming congress in Canada, provided the funds permit me.

Here, together with other humanists such as Mxolisi Masuku, we are trying to secure a farm where we can run projects and eventually establish a small cooperative or scheme. We want to build systems, not simply criticize existing ones. We want to produce alternatives that show we can coexist regardless of religious belief.

We should be able to say: I am a humanist, but I can defend your right to be a Christian. I can protect your right to be a Hindu. I can protect your right to be a Muslim. I can defend your right to be a Jew. You have the right to your faith. As long as no one is forcing you, and you freely choose your religion, I can defend your right to follow it.

We want to reach that level, not to be seen as people fighting other religions. That is what I can say for now.

Igwe: I want to add that we must confront religions when they are used to abuse children, abuse women, or to justify cruelty. We must confront evil. When that evil is sanctified by faith, we must confront the religion enabling it. Religion has been used to purify human sacrifice, directly and indirectly.

On that basis, we must challenge religion, and no continent is better positioned to do so than Africa. The dominant religions—Islam and Christianity—were introduced by people who enslaved Africans, and by societies that historically have not regarded Africans as equal in dignity and rights.

There is still tacit racism in the way other continents relate to Africa. Look at global politics today: Africans are treated as a worldwide underclass, as second-class citizens. One mechanism used to legitimize this second-class status is religion.

Christianity introduced the figure known as the “saviour of the world,” Jesus Christ—a mythological figure. Nobody with divine powers can at the same time be a historical human being. This myth was crafted in a Caucasian form, not an African form, and Africans were then encouraged to look toward that imagery as their saviour, reinforcing a hierarchy that elevated the people who introduced the myth.

We must challenge religion when it is used to legitimize racism and the oppression of Africans. The same applies to Islam. Islam introduced, as a role model, a historical figure who was a military leader, and this was used by those who spread Islam in Africa to justify conquest, bloodshed, looting, arson, and forceful acquisition of African resources.

We should not avoid confronting religion. We should confront it whenever it is used to justify the oppression or persecution of Africans.

And this does not apply only to Islam and Christianity. Even African traditional religions contain elements that violate human rights. We must not tolerate those elements. We must resist them. We must reject any form of human rights violation carried out in the name of religion, because that has been the pattern for centuries.

Africans must be alert. Today, Nigeria is in a near-chaotic situation because narratives of violence, fighting, looting, and killing have been repeated for years, embraced by communities, and amplified in some mosques and prayer centers. Now it is difficult to challenge these individuals because opposing them also means opposing their religion, their region, and their ethnic identity—groups that have fully embraced these violent narratives.

My point is this: whenever any religion—traditional, Christian, Muslim, Islamic—or any ideology encourages killing, bloodshed, oppression, or persecution of Africans, Africans must confront it. We must confront it because religion is a human creation. Africans must develop belief systems that prioritize African dignity, safety, progress, and prosperity.

Chinama: I agree with him, but from my perspective, I do not think we should fight religion as religion in its essence. What we should resist are harmful intentions and harmful uses. I see religion as a knife. When a knife is in the hands of a chef, it can be used to cut meat, prepare a meal, and bring people enjoyment. When the same knife is in the hands of a murderer, it can cause enormous harm.

The danger we face as non-religious people is that if we are not careful, we may become the very thing we are fighting. So yes, I agree—we must fight evil. We must not allow those in authority to use religion to sanitize their wrongdoing.

People use religious doctrine in many ways. Religion is flexible. It is not rigid. It can be used to justify good. It can be used to justify evil. I agree that we need a form of religion—or a moral system—that promotes dignity, progress, and rejects racism.

We must not forget that the slave trade was legalized and justified using religion. Colonialism was legalized and justified using religion. It is tragic that the same religions now claim they were responsible for ending the slave trade and colonialism. This demonstrates how religion can be used both to justify good and to justify evil. People use religion to commit immense wrongdoing.

At the same time, we must reflect and avoid becoming like what we are fighting. There is a danger there. Some religious people have already begun to criticize what they call “militant atheism” or “new atheism.” We must proceed with moderation, rationality, reflection, and logical analysis. We must examine and bracket specific ideas about religion, enter into people’s experiences, and try to understand why they behave the way they do. Once we know the root causes, we can work to remove them.

The same way we criticize Christianity today should remind us that many European politicians saw religion as a tool. When Christian persecution ended, figures such as Constantine realized that religion could be used to unify their empire, reduce the risk of uprisings, and secure political stability. Religion became a political instrument.

Religion is a tool. We must work to prevent this tool from being used in harmful ways. We should encourage religious people to use religion in ways that promote dignity and equality.

I agree with Dr. Leo Igwe that Africans still occupy a kind of second-class position in global systems. Look at our position in the United Nations. Colonialism and the slave trade were atrocities, and justice was never delivered.

I was in Zambia last week discussing these issues, saying we should revisit the idea of Ubuntu, reform it, and use it to guide how we relate to each other. Ubuntu emphasizes that I depend on other people.

Today, when Africans move to Europe, we are viewed as a threat, not welcomed. Yet the reason some Africans migrate to Europe is precisely the recognition that they can rely on others for resources they lack—just as those who came to Africa to colonize and enslave relied on Africans, even though they destructively relied on us.

Igwe: When I say “fight,” I do not mean that people should take up weapons or harm religious individuals. When I say “fight,” I mean “debate” or “discussion.” In many countries, people cannot say what they think about religion. We must resist that.

People cannot say what they think about Islam or the Prophet Muhammad. Why? These religions were introduced by people who were themselves critical of African traditional religious beliefs. They preached against African conventional beliefs, gained dominance, and gained followers. Now they prohibit free expression and critical views of the very teachings they introduced.

That is what I mean. “Fighting” here means resisting the idea that we cannot express our thoughts about Islam or the provisions of the Qur’an. If you examine the teachings of these religions, one reason they cause so much darkness and destruction in the region is that they are shielded from criticism.

Fighting means criticizing them, highlighting what we believe is absurd, false, misleading, contrary to human dignity, or simply untrue. We must do this.

Religion often hampers our ability to express ourselves intellectually, even though religion itself is a product of intellectual expression. We should not live with this contradiction, whether it concerns African traditional religion, Christianity, or Islam.

We must resist the idea that religion can silence our intellectual growth.

No continent is better positioned to contribute to global enlightenment than Africa. These religions have intersected here in such a way that the world looks to Africa to stand up, wake up, and help bring about another form of renaissance—one that revises these religions in light of 21st-century norms.

In the United States and Europe, people speak romantically about “Christian heritage.” In Saudi Arabia and other parts of the Middle East, people speak romantically about “Islamic heritage.” Meanwhile, both religions contain dark and destructive elements that need to be criticized, exposed, and removed.

But because these societies are deeply attached to their heritage, they romanticize it. It should not be the same for Africa.

Africa should provide a context where extremist elements in these religions—elements that other parts of the world hesitate to confront—are openly addressed. Instead, what is happening now is the opposite. Nigerians are becoming more extreme in their Christianity than the Europeans who introduced Christianity. Nigerian Muslims are becoming more extreme than those who introduced Islam. This should not happen.

African humanism can make a vital contribution, not only locally but internationally, by addressing the extremism that is too often ignored and that has destructive consequences for the region.

Jacobsen: Actually, Leo, one question concerns something you raised about the movement outside of Africa—people of African descent, or more direct African descent—who participate in a “back to Africa” movement. You were critical of that as well. Moving forward, as Tariq said, can incorporate some of what was good while removing supernatural elements that are not productive.

So, for example, in the United States, many people make a distinction between religion as a matter of personal theology and worship, and Christian nationalism as a political ideology. American evangelicals are widely seen as a political movement.

What is your broader view of religion as a whole? Do you see it primarily as a political ideology and a philosophy?

Igwe: It depends on where you are in the world. In the West, where the state is strong, there is a tendency to see religion as a personal belief and as a force that threatens to influence or control the state. That’s why people talk about Christian nationalism and the threat it poses to democracy in places like the United States.

But if you live in Nigeria or many parts of Africa, where the state is weak, and religion is often more powerful than the state, the situation is very different. When Christian evangelicals send money and provide political support for specific bills here, they overwhelm the state because the state lacks the strength to resist them.

And when our humanist counterparts in the West remain quiet, or speak only in hushed tones, avoiding public confrontation, we humanists in places where the state is weak feel let down. They are not doing enough. But they also have their own context.

Religion here is not only about belief. Millions of Nigerians do not even understand the theological content of their faith. It is about belonging rather than belief. Belonging brings political benefits and economic benefits.

This is why I emphasize to the humanist movement: unless we create political and economic capital within humanism, the movement will not become robust. It is not enough to say we are offering an alternative. Are we offering an alternative with political and economic weight that can match Islam or Christianity? If yes, then we are in business. If not, we are out of business.

This is one of the reasons we are not growing in the region. Humanism has not stepped up politically and economically to fill the gap that religion already fills. Christianity has done so with the backing of Western evangelicals. Islam has done so with the support of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and other states.

Here, religion is far more than belief. Religion is belonging. Religion is the economy. Religion is politics. Religion is control and power.

If we want to provide an alternative to religion in Nigeria and in Africa, we must equip the humanist movement with political and economic influence and credibility.

Chinama: I agree with my brother Leo regarding economic and political power. For humanists to make meaningful change and to be recognized, we need to be active in politics. We need to be active in business.

If we look at Christianity and Islam today, what made them powerful and popular is precisely their political and economic influence. That is why we use the Gregorian calendar, which Christians designed. At some point in history, Christianity gained political authority.

Even today, if you look at the Roman Catholic pontiff—the leader of the global Catholic community, despite denominational differences—his first international trip was to Lebanon. That trip was not only that of a religious leader; it was the trip of a political, spiritual, and economic leader. The amount of money invested in his security alone demonstrates his power.

He has political power. He has economic power. He has religious power.

As humanists, we need individuals who can reach similar levels of influence in their own countries—whether as ministers, presidents, or leaders of organizations—so that humanists have representation.

More humanists should run for office in their communities. More humanists should participate in business. We need more humanists involved in inter-religious dialogue initiatives. We need humanists even to visit figures like the Roman Catholic pontiff, to discuss important topics and present a humanist perspective.

We must be recognized politically and economically. I agree with Leo on that. We must work toward it because it will lead to growth.

As Zimbabwean, Southern African, and African humanists more broadly, we need leadership training. Leaders do not fall from heaven. Leaders are created within societies. We must train people in what it means to be a humanist leader in politics, in business, and in society. I agree with Leo on this.

Jacobsen: Outside of yourselves, who would you consider 20th- or 21st-century leaders in the humanist space in Africa? They do not necessarily have to identify as humanists, but their life philosophy may have been essentially humanistic.

Chinama:  If we look country by country, there are different people we can refer to. Every country has individuals who care deeply about humanity. Only a few are vocal.

In West Africa, we have my brother Leo and leaders like Roslyn. I consider them leaders in humanism.

In Southern Africa, we have people like Dean Kruger in South Africa. In Botswana, there are emerging voices. I include myself here in Zimbabwe. In Malawi, we have a Wonderful Mkhutshe.

In East Africa, we have people such as Brian Kabeko and Dennis Dbongole.

What is missing among these leaders is coordination. If we could form alliances—West Africa alliances, Southern Africa alliances, East Africa alliances—it would strengthen us. North Africa is more difficult due to the predominance of Islamic cultural environments, where humanism has a harder time emerging.

We could move forward rather than wait. Instead of waiting for international conferences, we could hold our own regional meetings and, eventually, a continental conference before expanding outward. We can work on that.

Igwe: The reality is that it has not been politically acceptable for people to identify as humanists openly. Because of that, many people who are humanists have been labelled—or have labelled themselves—as religious. This is what we must challenge. People should be able to say who they are and what they believe.

One of the harmful aspects of religion in practice is that it pressures people to present themselves as religious even when they are not. It pressures people to claim belief when they do not hold it.

I consider Nelson Mandela a humanist. I consider him a humanist in his values and actions. The same goes for Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, and the Kenyan Nobel Peace laureate Wangari Maathai. Across the region, we have several individuals whose writing and legacy show that, even if they identified as Christian for social or political reasons, their worldview was essentially humanistic.

I also know a Catholic priest, Enyeribe Onuoha, who left the priesthood and started a traditional religious group because he believed Christianity was simply the conventional religion of another people imposed on Africans. For him, religion was a human creation—a human activity.

Anyone who believes that religion is a human creation, or that gods are human creations, is essentially a humanist, even if they still identify publicly with a religion. Many people want community, celebration, and social gathering, and that sense of community is why many people continue to identify as religious.

Many prominent African writers, authors, and politicians were humanists in orientation, even though they identified as religious for political reasons or to present themselves in a socially acceptable way.

Chinama: I agree with Dr. Leo about well-known figures being humanists in practice. It is not easy to identify openly as a humanist. It takes courage. Sometimes, to gain that courage, one must understand the religious terrain.

People like myself and Dr. Leo were once inside religious systems. Unfortunately for the churches, they lost us—we were on track to become priests. If we had not changed our minds, I might be a priest or Leo even a bishop now.

The knowledge we gained from being inside religion helps us navigate how to announce our humanism and be accepted. People who have never gone through religious training often do not know how to disclose their humanism. We know people who have been inside that life and are struggling with it.

I have friends—sisters, priests, brothers—who admire my position and speak privately about their struggles. They want to leave religion. I am sure Dr. Leo faces the same.

In 2022, Dr. Leo and I developed the “Excellence Project,” intended to provide psychosocial support to people leaving the priesthood or other forms of religious service. We were not able to move it forward, but we should revise it because many people need support. If we revise it, we will have more clients, and it could become a significant contribution African humanists make to those struggling to leave religion—especially priests, sisters, brothers, pastors, imams, rabbis, and others.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead, what about intergovernmental partnerships to ensure humanists receive formal recognition? What about interfaith conferences, seminars, and workshops so that community tensions based on ignorance can be lowered, and the treatment of humanists—or non-religious people generally—can improve in parts of the country where it is awful?

Igwe: Intergovernmental and interfaith initiatives are very laudable. But we must ask: how did we get here?

We did not arrive at this point simply because intergovernmental or interfaith initiatives failed. We came here because of deep, entrenched brainwashing—generations of mental indoctrination. From cradle to grave, many people are taught that their religion is the best and that everyone else is in error. As long as this indoctrination continues, change will be difficult.

So these intergovernmental initiatives that bring humanists and religious people together are necessary. They are essential if we want to lower tensions, because tensions are created within the religion itself and in the way people are raised.

I met a Muslim woman who told me she memorized the Qur’an before she was able to reason. The result is that she cannot reason outside the Qur’an. Many people cannot reason outside their religion.

Interfaith and intergovernmental initiatives are therefore necessary if we are to make progress, given the challenges we face today.

Jacobsen: Have you seen any religious changes in your lifetime in Africa, where they have actually “lightened up,” so to speak? Have they become more tolerant of the non-religious or even accepting of people who do not believe in a God or the supernatural?

Igwe: I am a first-generation humanist, so it is difficult for me to answer that fully. In the next 20 or 30 years, people will be better positioned to evaluate these changes.

But I do know that religion is not monolithic. There are factions, groups, and denominations. For example, I am currently registered with a Protestant chapel as a humanist chaplain for the police.

They told me they would make me a stakeholder, but not a chaplain, because one must be a pastor to hold that title. I told them I am not a pastor—I am a humanist. They agreed to include me as a stakeholder instead. We are negotiating how they can accommodate me. They are willing, but they are struggling because they are accustomed to a particular structure.

Religion includes groups that are more open than others, especially minority ones. Religion does change, but very slowly. The religion practiced fifty or a hundred years from now may be far more liberal than what we see today—or possibly more conservative. The same is true when we look backward.

For example, when I was growing up, women did not wear trousers to church. Today they do. When I was growing up, drums were not used in church. Today they are common.

Religion changes, but it takes a long time. That is why we must work hard as humanists to highlight areas where change and reform are possible, so that some of the issues we face today with religious extremism can be challenged and resolved.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts based on the conversation today? Any final thoughts, Talia or Leo, so that we can wrap up?

Igwe: In conclusion, humanists need to step up. If we claim we will provide an alternative to religion on a continent as deeply religious as Africa, then we must step up. We cannot copy and paste what is done in the West, where the state is strong.

Humanist leaders in the United States, Canada, and Europe should not impose templates from their countries, where the state protects citizens and provides services. That template does not work here. We need a model that reflects our conditions, where the state is weak and where humanism must take on roles that religious institutions often fill.

Humanism must become more than a community that meets during holidays. It must provide support—community support—for people facing difficult times.

Humanism must be able to deliver certain services: chaplaincy, counselling, and sometimes economic assistance or job support for people going through hardship.

We must deliver humanism in a way that addresses our specific social, political, and economic needs and challenges.

Chinama: Yes. In support of Dr. Leo’s remarks, we need a vision of humanism designed for African societies. The way humanism is practiced in Nigeria might not be the way it should be practiced in Zimbabwe.

We often face the challenge of copying and pasting practices from other countries. For example, when Zimbabwe receives a grant from the West, donors insist on strict accountability procedures that require every detail to be documented. But here in Zimbabwe, institutions and systems are not always functional enough to produce paperwork for every service or every resource acquired. This becomes difficult.

So, when dealing with such matters, local African people should decide how to provide these services. We should be able to provide education, chaplaincy, counselling, and other forms of support.

In computer science and engineering, when a system does not work, it does not make sense to keep patching it. You must create a new system compatible with the problem you want to solve. The same applies to humanism.

Humanism as practiced in Asia, Europe, or America may not be suitable for Africa. And even within Africa, the continent is diverse. Humanism in West Africa, Southern Africa, East Africa, Central Africa, and North Africa may look slightly different in each region.

With these words, I rest my case. Thank you.

Jacobsen: Leo, Tauya, thank you very much.

Igwe: Bye.

Chinama: Thank you very much. Goodbye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

This Gay Week 11: AIDS Survival, Gen Z Sex, and Queer Politics

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/21

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPost, The Advocate, Billboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

Karel Bouley reflects candidly on surviving the AIDS crisis, honouring friends lost to HIV/AIDS while tracking new immunotherapy research and global funding gaps. From Las Vegas, he links U.S. political neglect, including the absence of a World AIDS Day proclamation, to ongoing stigma and Project 2025’s influence. In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, he ties falling Gen Z sexual activity, AI “lovers,” anti-social media, and conservative backlash to rising loneliness, toxic masculinity, and new “lavender scare” anxieties. Alongside sharp humour, he celebrates queer culture, from bear subcultures to award-winning BDSM biker cinema and UK trans health initiatives that resist erasure.

Karel Bouley: It’s gay week again, with Scott Jacobsen from Canada and Karel here in beautiful Las Vegas, where it was 37 degrees this morning. We’re going to start with AIDS, a subject near and dear to my heart since I survived the crisis. Tomorrow, December 6th, I have a new single, I Dance Because, with 12 remixes—count them. It was written because I have lost so many friends to HIV/AIDS that every time I dance to oldies, I cry because I remember all of those that I have lost.

I was looking up some AIDS info. First of all, we have to remember that AIDS—the United States did not issue a presidential proclamation for World AIDS Day on December 1st, which Madonna has denounced and called reprehensible and ridiculous, as did many people in the world… We have to remember that every two hours in the United States and every 45 minutes globally, somebody still dies of HIV/AIDS. So it is not cured. Protease inhibitors are a significant advancement that are saving lives, but they are not a cure. And PrEP is great, but getting it to people now, with Donald Trump’s cuts, has become more challenging in recent years due to reductions in some federal HIV-prevention funding streams and the end of the national PrEP access program. Again, it is not 100%.

The first big news about AIDS this week was that, for the first time since the inception of World AIDS Day, the United States did not participate in it, once again showing the homophobia and the power of Project 2025 that it has on the White House. It was denounced by many people, including Madonna, as cruel, ridiculous, or unnecessary. But of course, this is a White House that does not care. Meanwhile, the rest of the world did care and does care, and they commemorated those we have lost in Australia by reading the names of those lost.

It was very powerful. They read the names of Australians lost to AIDS. It was a powerful and impactful movement. They did this on their national television; it was not just at some little event. That was very powerful.

There was also news out yesterday from the University of California in San Francisco about long-term HIV control. They are looking into existing immunotherapies and combinations. One of the things that AI is really doing for us is allowing us to take different existing therapies for things that we might have never thought of combining—but AI thinks of it and does—and something comes out of it. We are hoping, again, that this would be a long-term treatment, not a cure. We were hoping for a cure, but this is not a cure.

On December 1st, World AIDS Day, Nature published this trial, which relied on a collaboration with a dozen pharmaceutical companies and other partners in HIV research. They offered a proof-of-concept showing that the approach could work. And that approach combines experimental immunotherapy agents with existing ones. Seven out of ten participants kept the virus at undetectable levels—because that is what we are hoping for in treatments—for at least six months after the trial, which is promising news.

As we know—or maybe you do not know—the problem with HIV therapies is the blood–brain barrier. As with a lot of therapies, we have to cross that barrier because HIV hides out in the organs. They can cleanse the blood of it, but it will still be there in the brain, kidneys, and liver. So they have to make sure they have a drug that can traverse the blood–brain barrier. They think these immunoretrovirals are a good way to do that. We will see where that research goes.

It is promising that, even though Donald Trump has cut so much in AIDS research, global HIV research spending remains substantial, and other countries are still pouring money, resources, and time into it. And they are making advances like this trial, which came out on World AIDS Day, December 1st, from the Department of Medicine at UCSF San Francisco and was presented at the World AIDS Conference in Australia. So that is very, very exciting from the world of AIDS. What’s happening, AI lovers, if you’re one of those students? Well, you know, and this goes to Gen Z, which I feel very sorry for. Are you Gen Z? 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: No. 

Bouley: Because if you are, I feel sorry for you. No? Okay. So I’m 63 years old. And my song I Dance Because is rooted in when I used to be out all the time, dancing with all of my gay friends in the clubs. And, of course, I got a friend in trouble once when I asked about his body count.

His new boyfriend was with him, and he thought, yeah, but what’s your body count? And I said, well, mine’s triple digits, possibly four digits. And he didn’t want to answer. So we will address the fewer one-night stands and more AI lovers. 

So, I feel sorry for Gen Z as I’m here talking to Scott Jacobsen. He’s talking to me for the Good Men Project, which I really want him to tell us about one day as he traverses the world for his journalistic endeavours. And I’m a little jealous. When I was a journalist, we had no budget to go anywhere except to the coffee room, but he’s in DC as we speak. So you’re not Gen Z, so what are you? Gen Y, Gen X? You’re not Gen X.

Jacobsen: I’m a millennial.

Bouley: You’re a millennial? Jesus, I have shoes older than you. But anyway, they did a survey, and this is a great segue from an AIDS story because when AIDS came around, it was really like the music stopped. Suddenly, those of us who were going out to bathhouses, going home with people whose names we might have gotten before we left the house, maybe not. I can’t tell you how many times I would be like, Oh yeah, that’s the hot guy, what’s his name? Oh, Jack Daniels, I don’t know.

Now, because of the lockdown, two Trump presidencies, because of COVID, monkeypox and everything else, Gen Z is grappling with love, dating, and the bedroom. They’re having fewer one-night stands. They are talking to AI lovers. I don’t know how that even works, but okay. ChatGPT has many things, but it’s not sexy. d politicians, parents, and influencers are all asking about the love lives of Gen Z —and, basically, what they’re getting back in today’s day and age—and this is across the world, by the way, not just the United States—is that young people aren’t having much sex.

And that’s very interesting. Birth rates are declining. So this isn’t just a gay thing. But I will tell you, the notion or the stereotype of the gay man as promiscuous has really died with my generation, Gen X and Baby Boomers, because the new generations—Millennials, Gen Y, Gen Z—they aren’t being hoes. They are really not going out and having as much sex as we did. I feel sorry for them. As George Michael said, sex is natural, sex is good. Not everybody does it, but everybody should.

Not that I’ve had it recently. I’m 63. I don’t want to sleep with a raisin, because that’s what men my age look like to me—little wrinkled-up raisins. And there’s nothing more cliché than a 63-year-old man with a 35-year-old. If I were rich and perhaps Madonna or Cher, yes, I’d be screwing every dancer around. But they’re not. Gen Z is not. And the other thing about Gen Z that’s very interesting is they’re not classifying their sex as gay or straight.

If you parse out some of the details of the article, it shows that they’re a little more fluid with their identification of whom they’re having sex with. Thirty-two percent in 2023 of high schoolers said they had had sex. That is compared to 47 percent in 2013. So back in 2013, almost half of high schoolers had said, Oh yeah, I’ve had sex. And how many of those lied? We don’t know.

But now it’s down to only 32. Less than one-this would be nice news for parents—less than one-third of high schoolers have said they’ve had sex. A survey conducted by the Kinsey Institute in partnership with the sexual wellness brand Lovehoney found that one in four Gen Z adults aged 18 to 24 have not had partnered sex yet. Now I don’t know what they’re saying—partnered—I’m not really sure. Like, how do you have sex without a partner?

So I, you know, I mean—but maybe you could enlighten me on that, Mr. Millennial. How do you have sex without a partner?

Jacobsen: I guess that they mean they’re in some type of—rather than a sense of there has to be a body there, right? There would be a lot more… it would be a logical possibility otherwise. Do you think part of this is tied to social media technologies?

Bouley: Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes, and thank you for bringing that up. In the era of more connections, I read a remarkable article last night about how we are in trouble—we are in big trouble. And it said, Welcome to the age of anti-social media. And the article was about how the more we gravitate toward online life, the less we engage in human interaction.

Yes, you’ve got to have human interaction to have sex. At least my day did. Maybe you can enlighten me about that. But there’s also a lot of angry guys out there. And if you look at the statistics, 18 to 24, one in three Gen Z men, 18 to 24, have reported not having sex, so if 33 percent of men 18 to 24 aren’t having sex, it explains a lot of the upset people on the internet.

And I really don’t want to equate this, but I kind of am. It also explains some of the mass shootings. Because let’s be real: young men—when you’re 18 to 24—you are meant to have sex. Your hormones are raging. And if you’re not having sex, those hormones are going to manifest some other way. And this explains the Andrew Tates of the world. I think it explainsthe toxic masculinity that is out there right now because—

Think now with Gen Z women. Women under 30 are more likely to be in a relationship than men under 30. Amazingly, women under 30 are more likely to be in a relationship than men under 30. I wonder who those women are in relationships with. Maybe other women.

Jacobsen: The speculation has been that they’ve been dating for a while. That’s been widely speculated. One speculation I haven’t heard—I mean, let’s just say one: they’re dating older. Two: they’re dating other women. Three: they could be sharing men.

Bouley: Well, I don’t share my man, so I would. To your point about other women, 20 percent of Gen Z women are Republican, 20 percent of women, and 38 percent of men. However, Gen Z, who identify as LGBTQ, the number between men and women is remarkable: 32 percent of women identify as somewhere on that spectrum, queer, lesbian, bisexual, whatever it might be. Eighteen percent of Gen Z males say that they’re LGBTQ. That’s a large number, by the way. Back in my day, it was like one to two percent. But it’s amazing—the gender gap—that at 32 percent, like one-third of women admit that, yeah, I could be with a woman. Eighteen percent of men in this survey, which I’m reading—this is from The Guardian.

So 63 percent of men under 30 are single. That’s compared with only 34% of women under 30. So you’re right. They’ve got to be dating someone or doing something, because if 63 percent of men and 34 percent of women are single under 30, they’re obviously dating someone. Thirty-one percent of women identify somewhere on the gay spectrum, with only 18 percent of men, which might explain the difference in the relationship gap. Women are more open to relationships with other women than men are to relationships with other men.

Conservative policies lead to the fear of sex. Some women’s sex lives have been adversely affected by recent conservative political triumphs. On social media, the raw emotion of Trump’s election quickly became clear. Talk of a “4B movement,” which I’m not quite sure what that is. I’ll have to look that up. Maybe you know what the 4B movement is. I don’t know.

Jacobsen: There are four B’s in the Korean language that all start with B, and they mean something to the effect of no marriage, no men, no children, no sex, as long as South Korean women.

Bouley: There should be a fifth thing there: no fun. Politics is affecting the sex lives of Gen Z, and particularly conservative politics. Non-monogamy is on the table, but Gen Z does not seem to be taken with it as other generations, which is very interesting. Gen Z is most likely to say they prefer monogamy as a relationship style—23 percent. Boomers: 12 percent. So my generation is a little more open than younger people. I’m not one of those. I can’t do open marriages or open relationships. I dated a bi guy once, and I tried not to get jealous about the women he went with—and I got jealous.

They’re not having—yeah, I did say bye to the bi guy. First-date sex can be a no-no with Gen Z as well, more so than Gen X, Millennials or Boomers. And of course, if you’re a gay man, you have sex before the date because you don’t want to waste a good date on someone you’re not going to get laid by. That’s really the truth. Older gay men—dating is great.

But it appears that younger gay people are opting for a different way. They’re opting for get to know you first and then have sex, which might explain why they’re not having enough sex. Meanwhile, in good entertainment news, there is a movie coming out that I just can’t wait for, because I’m a biker. I’m a motorcyclist. I have been for almost 30 years. It’s called Pillion. Well, the BAFTAs, which are the British Film Awards, have a cousin called the BIFAs. Those are the British Independent Film Academy Awards.

And Pillion, the movie’s name, cleaned up at the BIFAs. It won almost every major award. Alexander Skarsgård, the hunk from True Blood and others, is in the movie, and it’s kind of a comedy, but not really. And it’s about gay bikers into S&M.

Now, how they’re going to release this in polite culture, I don’t know. But they are, and it’s getting huge, huge awards at the British Independent Film Awards. It basically swept in and took everybody by surprise. It won Best Film at the BIFAs in Britain. So that was just really stunning for a film about gay bikers and BDSM.

It’s adapted from the Adam Mars-Jones novel Box Hill. It picked up Best Debut Screenwriter for Harry Lighton, as well as Best Costume, Best Hair, Best Makeup, and Best Film. It’s gotten four-star reviews from The Guardian and from almost every other European media outlet that has reviewed it. And so that’s good news. We have a gay film about gay BDSM, and it’s actually cleaning up. We have yet to see what it will do in America.

America tends to be more prudish, but we’ll see. The last film we had that came out, centring on the gays and creating a huge amount of controversy, was Al Pacino’s Cruising. There is a new Russell Tovey movie out by the way —like Cruising, starring Al Pacino —and it’s also winning awards—another fun piece of news out of Ireland.

So, bears, for those of you who don’t know, are basically gay, hairy men who have not seen Ozempic—who stay away from Ozempic. It appears that Ireland has the world’s highest bear population. So if you want to bear hunting, go to Ireland, according to Grindr. I would not have thought of Ireland. I would have thought maybe some cold nation like Scotland, where the men are bearded and burly. But no, it is Ireland, according to Grindr.

Grindr did an “Unwrapped.” And I know a lot of people are getting theirs. Did you get your music unwrapped? Do you stream the music? How do you listen to music?

Jacobsen: I stream it on Spotify, but I don’t know the unwrapped option. Where does that go?

Bouley: Well, you should be getting it if you’re a Spotify member. They send it to everybody who’s signed up. And it’s basically your year in music—it’s what you listened to. Last year, I listened to 92,000 minutes of music. In the United States, I was among the top 5 percent of listeners for European superstar Emeli Sandé.

Based on anonymous, aggregated user data, the Grindr Unwrapped report for 2025 says there are more bears in Ireland than in any other country. And of course, the bears are a subculture in our culture. It’s really weird how gays split up. There are bear bars and twink bars and pretty boy bars—we call them circuit bars for circuit queens because of the party circuit, the White Party. You know, there’s a party circuit: Provincetown, all of that, P-town. And so bears are actually a subculture, but they have really and truly caught on.

So I guess I have to stop making my joke that bears are just gay men who have given up on hygiene and won’t use Ozempic, because it appears they’re very popular. So, all right, we’ve got a couple more stories to go here from your coffee shop perk. Hold on just a second. That timer is seven minutes and thirty seconds.

Here is something good out of the UK: a free health and wellbeing kit for trans and non-binary people will be launched. So, as we see governments pulling back on supporting trans people, it is so nice to see that in the UK, they’re offering free health and wellbeing kits for trans and non-binary people. Because there’s a war going on with trans people and…

It’s an international war. As we know, in many African nations, they’re killing trans people, outlawing trans people, jailing trans people. So it’s nice that we’re seeing the UK actually saying, no, we are going to help trans people with a health kit—a toolkit created by ANME, A-N-M-E. It focuses on UK-specific health care. Ireland’s health system also lacks trans inclusivity, resources, and funding. So members of the UK Trans Health Care Forum are trying to bring this kit to Ireland as well and other nations, so that trans people can have some resources to help them either transition or help them after they have transitioned. So that’s some good news.

Bouley: So… matches your guess. That’s a second lavender. Have you the dirt? Have you heard the dirt—have you heardthe dirt about Eurovision?

Jacobsen: No.

Bouley: So the gays have claimed Eurovision as our own, because let’s be real, it’s pretty gay. It’s the competition that gave us ABBA. So Ireland and several other nations are not going to compete in Eurovision because Israel is being permitted to compete. Some feel Israel is continuing a genocide against the Palestinian people, and they should suffer some repercussions.

And so Ireland and three other nations have said they’re not going to compete in Eurovision 2026—not because of a stance on LGBTQ issues, but because Israel has been allowed to participate. And they really feel that the biggest violator of human rights right now is, in fact, Israel. And that’s very, very interesting.

Also, Hugh Wallace from Ireland passed away. I met Mr. Wallace. He was a gay presenter there in Ireland, very, very well known. And he passed away. I’m sorry—he was an architect and TV star; let’s not negate what he studied. But he was openly gay, and he passed away, and the tributes from across the UK are pouring in. He did Home of the Year, The Great House Revival, and My Bungalow Bliss. So he was like their Property Brothers here in the United States. And he’s passed away, and the world is outpouring love to him. And that’s another positive story to see, because he was very beloved, and the tributes are showing, with tributes from many countries worldwide. And it’s nice to see that he has, in fact, been so beloved.

I had a Russia story. 

This is under a children’s gaming platform, Roblox. That’s interesting too, because one more context is systematic state policy. And I note that the stuff about using video games as very subtle and easily accepted forms of delivery for various pressures on the end, but on the LGBTQ—this, I think, would be right in line with that in terms of their anti-LGBTQ policy. So I think we saw, of course, some other stories where their model of anti-LBGTQ is being taken into account for other countries that wish to bend this sort of line of threat. It was aligned with their state policy on sexual and gender minorities.

Bouley: Well, you know, Russia’s going rogue. They’re trying to distance themselves from China, which is why Putin is in India. And they’re really trying to become the world’s superpower. And so they’re trying to reduce their reliance on China and other countries. So they’re kind of going rogue. But certainly, they are tripling down on their anti-gay rhetoric. And it is dangerous because it might influence game makers’ decisions. I was playing a game—I used to play games. Are you a gamer?

Jacobsen: Used to be a gamer, but it’s been 20 years now.

Bouley: Yeah, I used to be a gamer. I’m not anymore. But there was a game—and I forget—it was very, very popular. And it was one of those games where you could make choices. Like at the end of a scene, you could choose to go this way, choose to go that way, choose to go with this person or choose to go with that person. There was a scene in the game where your hero goes to a bar. He’s a male hero, and he goes to a bar, and you can choose to go home with another man or another woman. You can choose. And so they built it in the game, where you can choose to go home with the bartender. And I found that it was very cool—and he was hot for a video game.

And I’m just worried that with Russia doing this, game manufacturers who have now been very pro-LBGTQ in, like you say, subtly putting it in their games—not being overly overt but putting it in there in a subtle way—they may decide to pull back because I imagine Russia is a pretty big gaming market. So we’ll see. Or maybe they’ll do two different versions of a game. I don’t know.

But I do know that it’s in line with what Russia is trying to do. In Vladimir Putin’s mind, if you make all these laws, if you stop disseminating information, if you take all the gays off TV, if you take them out of video games—in his mind, then you won’t have any gays. That’s stupid, for lack of a better, more succinct term, but that’s how he thinks. It’s like a hear-no-evil, see-no-evil sort of thing.

If you don’t see it, if you don’t hear about it, if the option’s not there, people won’t be gay. Well, that’s, you know, stupid thinking, but that’s his thinking.

Jacobsen: He’s compared himself—for one of those legacies—to be something like Catherine the Great and Peter the Great. For instance, your president, Donald Trump, is stuck in an early-20th-century tariff mentality when it comes to economics, finance, and global trade. Putin’s probably stuck in the late 19th century in terms of self-perception and what he wants to leave as his legacy. 

Bouley: And not having these people around. Donald Trump is not into anything these days. Dozy Don is not into anything these days. The people around him are leading Dozy Don because all he wants to do these days is sleep. He’s falling asleep. I don’t know if you saw—you were travelling—he fell asleep at the cabinet meeting.

He fell asleep while negotiating peace between the Congo and Rwanda. He was dozing off. So I’ve named him Dozy Don now because he is… So I don’t think he’s paying as much attention to all these things as people think he is. I think it’s the people around him, the evil people like Jared Kushner and Stephen Miller, and, you know, all of these other people that surround him. I don’t know who surrounds Putin to make him so anti-gay.

Because I really—a lot of times I think that the homophobia that nations express does not necessarily come from their leaders. I don’t think Vladimir Putin stays awake at night worrying about gay people, but I think people around him do. And so I think that people who have their ears, you know, tend to tell them how to dictate—like with Trump. Trump was pro-gay at one time. He was fine with gays. He was waving a gay pride flag that said “Gays for Trump.” But he was okay with gays in his first round. Now he’s not, because he found it was financially more advantageous for him to be not.

And I think that’s the way it is with other countries. I think at the moment it’s financially advantageous for the pendulum to be on the anti-gay side. And I believe when it becomes more financially advantageous for them to be on the pro-gay spot, they’ll go wherever the money is. And if Vladimir Putin thought there was a ton of money in accepting gays, he’d hold a pride festival.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts for this day?

Bouley: No, except you’re in Washington, DC. While you’re there, could you put in a good word for us gays? We could sure use it. Well, I know you’re a staunch advocate and ally, so if you can put in a good word for us, maybe leave a rainbow flag somewhere on your journey—you know, just stick it in the White House inbox or something. But don’t get arrested. You’re from Canada. You’re a white immigrant, so I don’t think ICE will be tackling you, but be careful because you’re not from America.

Jacobsen: No, they were very nice to me this time. I’ve only been interrogated once, and it was for four and a half hours—and that was at Ben Gurion Airport in Israel this summer. 

Bouley: Only once. So I haven’t been interrogated for 4.5 hours by anyone. I was going to bring up that speaking of government, and we only have a minute. Still, there is a lavender scare in America again, and that’s a term that came out of the fifties.

If you watch the show Fellow Travellers with my future husband, Matt Bomer, there was a lavender scare where the government actually sought out gay people and kicked them out of government jobs. They’re doing that again. And so, if you see anyone on your journeys, don’t out them, okay? Because they’re all very afraid for their jobs right now. 

Jacobsen: Yeah, it’s going to be a precarious three years.

Bouley: And that’s this gay week. Thank you, thank you, thank you.

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Joelle Casteix on Catholic Clergy Abuse and Survivor Advocacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/21

 Joelle Casteix is a leading advocate for survivors of child sexual abuse in faith-based and institutional settings. A survivor of Catholic clergy abuse herself, she has spent decades exposing cover-ups, supporting victims, and explaining the unique spiritual and psychological harms of abuse perpetrated by religious authority figures. Drawing on both personal experience and research, she discusses “soul murder,” complex shame, and long-delayed disclosure, especially among women in patriarchal religious systems. Through writing, public speaking, litigation support, and peer support, Casteix works to transform victimization into agency, encouraging survivors to seek validation, redefine themselves, and, where possible, become powerful advocates for change.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Joelle Casteix about the gendered and spiritual dimensions of clergy abuse in Christian and especially Catholic contexts. Casteix explains how girls often internalize profound shame, seeing themselves as “dirty” before God, while boys may struggle with confusion about sexuality and masculinity. She describes “soul murder,” where religious authority turns abuse into a deep spiritual wound. The discussion traces pathways from victim to survivor and advocate, emphasizing the pivotal moment of being believed. Casteix underscores non-linear recovery, the dangers of minimization, and the urgent need for accountability in hierarchical religious institutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Based on the preliminary data we do have and on broader work outside of religious institutions involving similar crimes—though without the added layer of supernatural authority claimed within the community—it is clearly a gendered issue. It appears in both prevalence and frequency, as well as in the kinds of responses we see. Many forms of emotional dysregulation, whether intermittent or more chronic, follow similar patterns. When it comes to women who have been subjected to this type of abuse from a religious figure of authority within a Christian community, what would you argue are the different patterns or “flavours of trauma response a person can have to that experience?

Joelle Casteix: When we talk about responses to trauma, we can begin at the moment of the crime. If you have a young girl who does not understand or know her sexuality, who has not been taught the facts of life, who does not understand what is happening, we often find that survivors of abuse come to see themselves as contaminated or “dirty.” 

They know something is wrong, but they cannot always put a finger on it or explain it. For boys, research and clinical reports often describe a painful internal conflict: it may have felt physically pleasurable in some ways, but they feel ashamed, guilty, or “dirty.” For girls, there is more often significant physical pain involved, and it is typically not experienced as pleasurable. From there, the trauma builds. 

You have a person in a religious authority role manipulating and coercing a child—either through direct physical coercion or psychological manipulation—getting the child to do things the child instinctively feels are wrong or “dirty.” The abuser might call it a game or give it another name, but the child senses that something is wrong. After the event ends—and in many cases, it does not end quickly; the abuse can be repeated over time—the trauma unfolds. For girls, shame often develops in a particularly intense way. 

It is not only “Something bad happened to me,” but also “I am a dirty, vile, disgusting, reviled human being in God’s eyes.” Once they are exposed to religious teachings—especially within certain strands of Christianity and Catholicism—about sexuality, purity, and sin, and what they are taught in religious education, that feeling of shame can compound the trauma. Research suggests that this added spiritual and moral layer of shame and fear of divine judgment can intensify and prolong the impact of the abuse in ways that may differ from, and in some cases exceed, patterns seen in many non-religious or strictly familial abuse contexts.

The people who study this, including theologians, call it “soul murder” because it is so much deeper and more intrinsic to a child’s spirituality than abuse by, say, a babysitter or a family member. There is that spiritual layer. You will find that when that layering is doubled—let us say someone is in a Mormon community and the abuser is a father—that “soul murder” is compounded dramatically.

How that trauma manifests for many girls, based on studies, shows a tendency toward inward expression: self-harming behaviours, alcoholism, sexual promiscuity, and activities aimed at dulling the pain or reclaiming a sense of power. You generally do not see the same violence and aggression that often appears in male survivors. Because boys are not conditioned to talk about their feelings, their trauma frequently expresses itself in action.

So the trauma compounds. As these women grow up within their faith communities—something I saw firsthand with survivors who were extraordinarily angry with me when I first came forward in 2003—I noticed that they were often the most devout. Not necessarily the most pious in belief in God, but in their faith in Catholicism and the institution of the Church. They were angry at me because they believed I was harming the Church. I tried to explain that exposing wrongdoing within the Church is not the same as harming the Church; those are two very different things.

Five, ten, fifteen years later, many of the people who were so angry with me came back and said, “Actually, I am a survivor.” They told me they had been angry because they were angry at themselves. They had internalized so much shame that they thought the Catholic Church was the only thing that could save them, and I was shining a light on something they depended on spiritually. We find that many female survivors embrace the faith intensely. They do not see themselves as survivors.

I met a group of women during a major scandal in the Buffalo Diocese—still being litigated—where a whistleblower exposed extensive cover-ups of abuse. Investigators found files hidden in a broom closet, right next to a vacuum cleaner. When survivors came forward, several adult women—older than I was at the time, in their 50s and 60s—emerged as a group. They had been together as a support network because they were part of a prayer group seeking to save themselves and mend their souls. They told me, “We want to come forward and talk about this, but we’re really not…”

“We’re not victims of abuse. We’re not survivors of abuse.” I asked them what made them say that. They told me, “We were 13, 14, 15-year-old girls. We were promiscuous, we didn’t say no, we were flirtatious. So it’s not abuse. But we know that if it happened to us, it might have happened to younger girls or boys.” I spoke to these women for years, and I do not think I was ever able to crack that veneer—help them see that what happened to them was abuse. There was a massive power differential. They were minors. This was a man of God. It was a crime. All of those things matter. I find it very common that female survivors within the Catholic faith do not see themselves as survivors because of the dichotomy we discussed earlier: the Virgin–Whore divide, the Mother Mary ideal.

That becomes a very complex trauma because these women go on to have families, and many of them have daughters. We see that disclosure takes a long time for many survivors. One of the most common triggering mechanisms is when survivors have children who reach the age the survivor was when they were abused. They see their 13, 14, or 15-year-old daughter and think, “This kid is not causing this. This kid is not asking for it.” All of the survivor’s trauma resurfaces. They question themselves: “Have I been wrong all these years? Is the Church wrong?” That creates a profound layer of compounded trauma for many female survivors.

In talking about this, I do not want to minimize the experience of male survivors. It is not that one is worse; it is that they are very distinct. Some elements are similar, but many are different because the dynamics and burdens differ, as does the shame. Within the Catholic Church, male survivors often face an additional trauma: “Does this make me gay? Did the priest make me gay?” That is an agonizing thought process for a boy, especially when he is developing his own sexuality—something he should be discovering on his own terms, not forced upon him by an adult. Abuse does not define a person’s sexuality; the individual defines it. But when that boundary is violated, the confusion is immense and highly traumatic. We do not see that particular pattern as often with girls because female-on-female abuse by adult women is comparatively rare.

It is tough for many women. I think the Me Too movement was a reckoning for a large number of female survivors in the Church, because they saw adult women come forward and say it happened to them, and society acknowledged that non-consensual sex and power differentials are abuse that can be criminal. When the victim is a child, it is always criminal. That recognition has empowered many women to come forward and confront what happened to them. However, I still think we have a long way to go in any hierarchical religion—Mormonism, Catholicism, evangelical Christianity, Orthodox Christianity—any system where men alone hold the primary positions of power.

Jacobsen: Let us flip the usual script. People have been victimized, but they do not have to remain victims. They can be survivors. They can be advocates. They can be drivers of change. What are the pathways people can take—from recognizing what happened to them, acknowledging that fact, integrating it into their narrative honestly, regardless of whether the Church provides accountability, and moving into categories such as survivor, thriver, advocate, and so on?

Casteix: First, let us talk about the term “victim.” “Victim” means something happened to you: I was a victim of a stabbing. I was a victim of child sexual abuse. I was the victim of a dog bite. After that event, how you define yourself—whether as a survivor, a thriver, or an advocate—is the role you choose to take afterward. None of us decides to be a victim; something happened to us. What we do afterward defines who we are moving forward.

We have found that the number one step people take in moving from “something happened to me” to “I am going to survive and grow through this” is not necessarily acknowledging privately that something bad happened, but telling someone else about it. Survivors can say to themselves what happened over and over, but many do not believe themselves. It is not until a third party—often someone they do not know—says, “What happened to you was wrong. It was not your fault. I believe you,” that something shifts. Being believed is enormous. Many survivors are not believed at all. Hearing “It was criminal” and “There are people who can support you” can be transformative.

In my case, the first person who told me that what happened to me was wrong, that it was abuse, that it was a crime, that it was not my fault, and that he believed me was an attorney. It was not my parents. It was not my friends. I was not speaking with him to open a legal case; I thought I only had information that might help others. I did not know I was a survivor. I thought I had asked for it. The attorney had experience in these cases and recognized immediately what had happened. It is a sad reality that the first person to affirm that truth for me was not someone close to me. I am grateful, but ideally, that affirmation should come from family and peers. It often does not.

If you speak to survivors, you will hear that the turning point—what moves people from “something bad happened to me”to “I survived this, and I can grow through it”—is receiving that validating response from another person: “I believe you. It was wrong. It was not your fault.” That is usually the moment people shift into the survivorship phase.

“Thriver” is not a term I use personally. It does not resonate with me, though there is nothing wrong with it. For me, the most significant healing action I could take was to take positive forward action to prevent this from happening to anyone else. That is why I became an advocate, and that is why many others do as well. Groups like SNAP exist because survivors reach that point where they think, “I can actually do something about this.” When you are a victim, you cannot do anything; it simply happens to you. Advocacy becomes the logical next step—an act of reclaiming agency.

When you are a survivor and take the next step into advocacy, there are countless things you can do to move forward and help ensure that what happened to you does not happen to another child. It does not mean you need to hold press conferences the way I did for years, or stand in front of a church with a sign. You can write a letter. You can talk to other survivors. You can be supportive. There are a million ways to be an advocate. You can send a contribution to SNAP or to other advocacy organizations. Those are meaningful steps.

In my own case, because I am very type A, I had to go in with a sledgehammer, so to speak. I knew what happened to me, but they also did it to my friends, to my peers, to my sister’s friends and peers. They did it for years and years. That weighed heavily on me. I needed to take an active step to stop it. That became the most essential part of my healing. It allowed me to go to bed at night. And yes, some of that is tied to guilt and shame—thinking, “If I am making it better, I am a better person.” I do not want anyone to think that way, because that is how shame works. Every person is wonderful and whole exactly as they are, no matter what happened to them. You do not need to do anything to become worthy. You can be a survivor or a thriver simply by being yourself. But for me, taking action was necessary.

There is also something powerful about taking each day as a promise—looking toward the positive things ahead that day or the next, maintaining forward momentum. That became part of my path forward.

This applies not only to survivor communities but to every community. If you are not moving forward, you stagnate. It is like physical activity: if you stop working out, you lose bone density and muscle tone; if you stop walking as an older adult, deterioration begins. Every day you need to ask, “What can I do to fill my heart today?” That might mean supporting an organization, speaking publicly, meditating, supporting another survivor, or taking an extra-long nap because that is what you need. It is about recognizing that each day is a chance to create meaningful change in the world—and that change begins in your own heart.

I cannot go out and tell people not to abuse children if I am not taking care of myself. If I allow myself to be sacrificed in the process, I am not helping others. That is why self-care is essential, and why taking things day by day matters. My most significant contribution to the movement, I think, is being able to make it through intact—keeping my family together and raising a son who is, hopefully, a reasonably decent human being. All of that is part of the movement, too.

There are situations where a person will not recover. There are certain types of abuse—at least from what I have seen—so extreme and so psychologically damaging that the impact stays with them for life. There is a difference between intent and impact. In conversation, I might say, “I do not like your glasses,” but what you hear is, “I am a horrible person.”Abuse works that way. This is what makes child sexual abuse—especially abuse by religious figures—so pernicious and so painful: the violation of trust is profound. Sometimes the abuse itself is not physically violent. All abuse is awful, but we talk about a continuum. Even the smallest amount of abuse can have a devastating effect on a survivor.

Many survivors do not make it through. Every year, we lose many to alcoholism, self-harm, suicide, drug abuse, and violence. You cannot measure the harm by the intensity of the act, but by the impact on the survivor. Here is an example: in cases of stranger abduction and sexual assault, research shows that the recovery prospects are sometimes better because the child was taken off the street—they had no relationship with the offender and no sense of self-blame. There was truly nothing they could have done. The event is traumatic, but the pathway to healing can be more direct than for a child who was manipulated into long-term abuse by someone in a position of authority who is also a religious figure.

In those cases, the physical severity of the stranger assault may be far worse, but the psychological impact on the child abused by a priest, bishop, or similar authority can be far more damaging because of the manipulation, the spiritual betrayal, and the emotional toll.

Jacobsen: What is the question that you do hear asked—or that you do not hear asked correctly—about clergy abuse, its impacts, causes, intentions, institutional responsibility, or anything in that realm?

Casteix: To be fair, things have improved a great deal over the past twenty years. People have grown in their awareness and their understanding of the ramifications and long-term effects of this kind of abuse. I think what people still tend not to understand is that the worst abuse a survivor can go through is their own. You will hear people say, “What happened to you wasn’t that bad. It wasn’t like what happened to so-and-so.” But I am not so-and-so. They are usually trying to make you feel better, but what it actually does is create a hierarchy of abuse within the survivor community. That is not easy. You can never minimize…

When we talk about impact, you can never minimize it. You will hear people—naysayers, critics—especially when a case is being litigated, say, “It wasn’t that bad. It was only one instance.” Well, how many times do you have to be murdered for the crime to take effect? Once. As human beings, we tend to minimize harm because we do not want to face the horrible, uncomfortable truth of many situations. Minimization is one of the hardest things survivors deal with.

For female survivors who already carry significant shame, that minimization reinforces the burden. For male survivors, minimization often comes from other men who do not understand and say things like, “Well, I would have fought him off”or “I would have done this or that.” They do not understand the dynamic, and that response is deeply shaming and belittling for male survivors. That is one reason many male survivors do not talk. Once you get them talking, they usually open up—but getting them to start is the hardest part.

Jacobsen: What’s an excellent quote on recovery?

Casteix: I do not want to take full credit for this because I know I did not come up with it, but recovery is not a straight line upward. Recovery has peaks and valleys. Recovery is a process and a dynamic that grows with you. Who I am now, in my recovery process as a 55-year-old mother of a 19-year-old and a wife, is very different from who I was in my recovery when I was a 35-year-old brand-new mother. That carried a whole new realm of shame because my abuse involved pregnancy and abortion. That created its own layer of trauma.

Now my recovery is different again because of my father. He and I have always had a good relationship, but when it came to the abuse, he blamed me a lot. He is 87 now and declining, and he likes to talk about the abuse frequently. What he remembers is often not what happened, and sometimes it is hurtful. That changes the recovery process. I have to recognize that he is 87, and this happened almost forty years ago.

This has been half his life, and he is still dealing with it as a parent. That gives my recovery a whole new dimension. As I watch my son grow into a man, I think about how I have raised him to understand boundaries and all the things I never understood at his age—which he does beautifully. That is another part of the recovery process. I have had to learn to let go. There is nothing more complicated, as a survivor of abuse, than saying goodbye to your child as they drive away. It kills me. I want to keep him here forever.

Recovery is a changing, dynamic process that can grow with you and be as beautiful and interesting as life itself. Most people would not call recovery beautiful, but I think it can be, because it has allowed—forced—me to see much more of the world than I ever would have seen otherwise, and to encounter people in all their different shapes and experiences. Many people think recovery is linear: you go from point A to point B, and one day you wake up and say, “I’m all better.”No. But if you embrace it as a dynamic process that will grow and mature with you, it can become a fantastic part of who you are. It is not something that drags you down; it is something that lifts you.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

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Sex, Power, and Control Inside Modern Cults

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/20

Lindsay Allan is a legal scholar studying the state’s duty to protect victims of sexual abuse in cults. Her work examines how governments gain knowledge of systematic harm yet fail to act, especially in patriarchal religious systems, focusing on grooming, coerced consent, and institutional responsibility in law, policy, and practice.

Dr. Amos N. Guiora is Professor of Law at the S.J. Quinney College of Law, University of Utah, and a former Israel Defence Forces JAG officer. He researches institutional complicity, bystanders, and enablers in sexual abuse and extremism, including FLDS, and advocates for criminal liability for enabling harms worldwide today.

Michelle Stewart is a cult survivor, activist, and author of Judas Girl, who grew up in multiple closed religious communities, including Hutterite and Bruderhof offshoots. She writes and speaks about quiet cults, psychological abuse, recovery, education as liberation, and the subtle ways patriarchal control and financial dependency entrench coercive systems.

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney, president of Scarab Rising, and analyst of authoritarian movements and ideological extremism. She examines how law balances religious freedom and association against fraud, confinement, exploitation, and abuse, highlighting consent under duress and difficulties prosecuting closed, cultic or cult-adjacent communities worldwide. 

In this roundtable, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Amos Guiora, Lindsay Allan, Michelle Stewart, and Irina Tsukerman about modern cults as systems of coercive control. They examine sexual abuse, financial dependency, and psychological grooming in groups like FLDS, NXIVM, and “quiet cults.” The conversation foregrounds women’s disproportionate victimization, the blurring of consent under fear and indoctrination, and the role of enablers and indifferent governments. The panel also explores who is vulnerable to recruitment and how early critical thinking education, public awareness, and survivor testimony can help people recognize red flags, leave abusive communities, and rebuild autonomy, dignity, and legal accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s begin. Today we’re here with Amos Guiora, Lindsay Allen, Michelle Stewart, and Irina Tsukerman. We’re going to be talking about cults—some people who have been in them, some who are studying aspects of them, some who have spoken about the legal implications, prosecution, and how we define these things, and others who focus on foundational work on enablers and communities. These are coercive communal efforts to keep the cult together. There are many factors to consider here. My first question is: when you think of a cult and you think of a charismatic leader, what figures come to mind? What movements come to mind?

Irina Tsukerman: Charles Manson. And what do you call the Kool-Aid guy?

Lindsay Allan:  Jim Jones.

Michelle Stewart: I was going to say Heaven’s Gate. They went by Do and Ti—Marshall Applewhite and Bonnie Nettles—but where is my mind going? Blank. We can backfill that name; my mind is blank.

Lindsay Allan: Keith Raniere comes to mind from NXIVM.

Dr. Amos Guiora: For me, Manson was the first name that came to mind.

Jacobsen:  Aum Shinrikyo is another one. There were the Moonies. Stephen Hassan came out of the Moonies, and he’s now a significant figure in cult research, so I think that’s also a major one. This will be a good transition. Those figures who emerge from these groups tend to understand the dynamics from a subjective perspective. When they gain academic or other training, they can become powerful countervailing forces to these movements.

Tsukerman: David Koresh. 

Jacobsen: David Koresh, true. Now, Lindsay, in your current research on cults, what is the precise research question you’re looking to answer, and what is your current academic finding?

Allan: I’m looking into the government’s duty to victims of sexual abuse in cults and how the government has failed. A lot of it hinges on the government’s knowledge of what is happening and the failure to act or adequately investigate. I initially was looking into cults and crimes they have committed, but there were too many examples and too much information to work with. I had to narrow it down because, sadly, it was so prevalent. That is the short version.

Jacobsen: Michelle, could you share a little insight into your experience?

Stewart: I’ll try to narrow that down. I went through groups that I would label as cults or cult-like extreme religious groups, and recently published a book about those experiences. They were, and continue to be, what I would call quiet cults. We just talked about the names everyone knows—high-profile groups with charismatic leaders that make headlines. I’m trying to raise awareness about groups that may not make headlines, or not yet, and to focus on how cult dynamics develop around us in more subtle ways, in more socially acceptable religious formats. For example, the most significant part of my experience was with a group that broke off from the Amish and merged several extreme versions of Protestant strains, creating a very toxic cult dynamic that spread and grew rapidly. From there, I focused on my recovery and getting out. I was raised in it as a teen and young adult, and I have since left. I try to raise awareness by telling my own story, emphasizing education as a key to freedom, and sharing my healing process and how others can heal. My story took a whole book, and that book covers only about twenty percent, so I will not go into too much now, but I’m happy to elaborate as we go along.

Jacobsen: Amos, what is the community responsibility here regarding enablers and such?

Guiora: I begin with Lindsay’s outstanding question, which concerns the governmental duty to act when harm is known and the obligation to protect the vulnerable. Scott, as you know, my research focuses on enablers—those who know about the harm and consciously decide not to act on behalf of the vulnerable. In that sense, I build on Lindsay’s work, which examines the government’s knowing and, frankly, failing response. Regarding the community, I think it is more difficult. When I wrote my book Freedom from Religion, in which I examined the FLDS (Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints) and explicit government knowledge combined with looking the other way, there is obviously the perpetrator—Warren Jeffs or whoever is leading whichever group. But the more important question, which Lindsay is examining, is the conscious decision—by the government, in this case—not to protect the vulnerable. I do not know enough about cults; since the first time we spoke with Irina, you and I, I am not, like Michelle, a cult expert. I do not know enough to say whether communities themselves know. But the government’s failure to protect the vulnerable is, at least for me, and in Lindsay’s excellent work, a critical question that needs to be addressed.

Jacobsen: Irina, regarding the law and building on Amos’s point, how far can the law compel a federal agency to act in the well-being of a community in a harmful circumstance due to its structure, leadership, or practices?

Tsukerman: The law does not focus on protecting communities from cults. Instead, it focuses on balancing the rights of different people against one another. Several legal issues are taken into consideration when confronting something like this: freedom of speech and association, freedom of religion, and, on the other hand, whether there have been abuses such as fraud, abduction, unlawful confinement, or financial exploitation. Has there been physical abuse? To what extent does consent play a part? Are children being harmed? Are elderly individuals being harmed? Is the association—the cult—presenting a collective threat to outside communities?

These are the questions that get addressed. The considerations are narrow in scope and very fact-dependent. Generally, the law seeks to balance constitutional rights to gather, associate, and follow the creed or religion of one’s choice with the requirement that the methods and actions be lawful. You cannot stop people from being indoctrinated if they wish to be indoctrinated. But if fraud is being committed, if minors are being harmed, if someone is being enslaved or abused without consent, if there is physical harm, then the government begins to intervene and push for investigations. It is not always easy, which is why these groups are as widespread as they are and can continue for years before anyone takes notice.

Victims do not immediately see themselves as such and are often motivated to stay silent. Because these groups are closed environments and do not always affect outside areas—Manson being a notable exception—there is usually no clear incentive for federal agencies or the government to investigate unless someone escapes and reports illegal activity, such as drug use or other abuses. There is very little the government can do to begin an investigation without a clear legal breach. Sometimes intervention can start from the outside if there is a noise complaint, persistent nuisance from group activities, or clear indications that minors are disappearing, not attending school, or that women appear to be abused. These signs can trigger intervention. But generally, until a particular line of acceptability is crossed, it is tough to draw government attention in the early stages.

Jacobsen: What do you find—this is an open question for anyone—to be the most insidious harm for those who have been stuck in cults or cult-like circumstances?

Allan: I think there are obviously physical and sexual harms. NXIVM, for example—since I mentioned Keith Raniere earlier—involved him branding women he claimed were his slaves and forcing labour. Another major part is how victims can end up facilitating or perpetrating abuse themselves. Again, NXIVM is an example: the women who were enslaved recruited other women and carried out the branding. In the Rajneeshee movement, there were numerous abuses against children, and they had no recourse; they were prevented from escaping. It goes on, but I can elaborate more—I do not want to take up all the time.

Tsukerman: It is interesting because many people who are drawn into cults develop something akin to Stockholm syndrome, making it difficult to get them to admit they are victims or that anything is wrong. Getting people out of that mindset can be highly challenging. Once you do, people are much more likely to try to leave. But until you reach that point, individuals can participate in their own harm, and it can be tough to determine whether they are genuinely consenting or whether they are psychologically vulnerable. Their consent is under duress, making it invalid. Separating duress from voluntary consent in someone who is indoctrinated is both a legal and psychological challenge. That gray area is why so many people come to severe physical and substantial psychological harm.

Allan: What I was going to say is actually similar to Irina’s point, but grounded in experience. The most insidious damage is the mental and emotional harm. This includes, but is not limited to, psychological abuse and internalizing everything the group has told you about yourself. For children and young people who are pulled in, the entire mental programming—the way you were taught during your formative years to understand the world, how it functions, how to think about yourself, how to identify abuse—can be warped. It can take years, if not a lifetime, to fully deprogram or to work with therapists to relearn how to think in a normal society. While the physical and sexual abuse, as Lindsay said, are among the worst harms, they are often easier to identify. You can pinpoint an event of non-consent; you can pinpoint a physical injury. Even if you believed at the time that it was acceptable or deserved, you can still identify it and work through it. The mental deconstruction that cults take you through is different. You may not even know it exists in your mind. It is like a computer virus running in the background, and it can take a very long time—and affect every part of your life—to understand it and reroute your thinking.

Guiora: Scott, my only modest contribution to what the others have said is this: when I researched the FLDS, it became quickly apparent that the group was, in many ways, an insidious—polite word—mechanism to manipulate and sexually exploit. I am fortunate to be in a position to be influenced by Professor Lindsay as she writes this excellent paper, and I learn from her work. I do not know whether “sexual depravity” is the correct term or “sexual focus,” but that seems to be the recurring theme. And again, going to Lindsay’s point about government duty, branding is just one example. It is an outrageous attack on a woman’s body. There are no words. That is why, for me, the question of enablers, government duty, and sexual harm is the critical issue here.

Tsukerman: My question is: to what extent are women still far more likely to become involved in cults? So far, we have had in mind many groups where the primary dynamic is sexual exploitation, but what about religious cults where sexual activity is communal or where the sexual element is absent and the focus is entirely on power and spiritual authority?

Guiora: Even with FLDS, which is predicated on religion, at the end of the day, Warren Jeffs was marrying underage girls. We can have a long discussion about whether those marriages were consummated, but there is no doubt that sexual abuse was endemic to the culture. As Lindsay knows, when I wrote the book and interviewed the women—who were girls when they were married off—there is such a thing as statutory rape; there is an age of consent; and the leader controlled their bodies. That, to me, is the most insidious and nefarious aspect of this entire conversation.

Allan: To Irina’s question, I wonder whether an interesting way to think about this is the structure of so many of these groups as patriarchal societies. And in general, we are still living in a patriarchal society, which could help explain why we see more women becoming involved in cults. Even in everyday society, women are often shown as subordinate to men, leading figures. I have not researched this aspect deeply, but that was my initial thought on why patriarchal conditioning might play a part in women’s susceptibility.

Stewart: If I may add to what Lindsay said, that is precisely what I saw. Women who joined often showed reluctance, but they still complied because they believed in a patriarchal culture. They were usually coming from Christian environments where submission to one’s husband was taught as the highest virtue, and that framework played a tremendous role. To add to the question about cults where rampant sexual abuse is not the central feature: in the group where I lived, there were no orgies, but there was definitely sexual abuse that was covered up. Even though we did not have underage marriages like the FLDS, sexuality was very much used as a tool of control over women. We were taught that we were inherently impure seductresses, that we were leading men into sin, and we could be told that ministers or bishops were lusting after us because they could see our ankles. Telling a 13-year-old something like that is profoundly abusive and harmful, yet we internalized it as our sin and our shame. So sexuality can be used as a tool of control, even if overt sexual abuse is not the center of the culture. It can still be a potent psychological weapon.

Guiora:  If I may, to follow up on Michelle’s point: one of the women I spent significant time with was, I believe, wife number four or five in the polygamous relationship that is central to the FLDS. They all lived together in the same house, the same compound. If she denied her husband sexual access, his way of punishing her was, first, to remove her from the house, which is one thing, but the truly dangerous harm was that he would deny food to her children, who were also his children. By withholding food from them, he coerced her—exactly what Michelle is describing—into having sexual relations absolutely without consent. He starved the children because he viewed them as her children, not their children. The other wives, wives one through three, saw that her children were not being fed, and they did not secretly give them food. That is also part of the insidious coercive structure of the cult. Most of us, when we see a child without food, instinctively want to feed them. Here, in the house, they saw that a child was not eating and knew the reason—because the mother denied him sexual “services,” if that is the term—and they still did not provide food. There are no words for that. Michelle, you are the expert here, but perhaps this is an example of how coercion goes beyond the individual and incorporates the entire community within that environment.

Stewart: I do not know if I would say I am an expert, but I agree. In my experience, what I witnessed was the group—and, ironically, the women—being used to control other women. Whether through their own fear or their own indoctrination, women became some of the most powerful enforcers. They would ostracize us, which was very common if we did not fall in line with whatever behaviour was expected, or they would use their own internalized abuse to perpetuate more abuse against us as a method of control. In many cases, the coercion and control exercised by women against other women were even stronger than the control exercised by men, quite ironically.

Tsukerman: Are there any examples—sorry, go ahead—are there any examples of charismatic women leaders or women cult leaders who recruit other women, or men, or both?

Jacobsen: One example that comes to mind is NXIVM. Keith Raniere is not a woman, of course, but within DOS—short for Dominus Obsequious Sororium, meaning “Master over the Slave Women”—he appointed Allison Mack and other women to go out and recruit. Lindsay knows this well. DOS was presented as a women’s empowerment group. These women acted as sub-leaders—still leaders in their own right—and were charismatic figures, such as Allison Mack, the actress, who recruited women into the inner circle, where they were then branded and abused.

Allan: Nancy Salzman was another one. She and Allison Mack were essentially the number twos in NXIVM. Another example of a female charismatic leader is The Family in Australia, led by Anne Hamilton-Byrne. Much of what they did involved abducting children, arranging forced adoptions, and drugging the kids. She stood out to me because, as we typically see male leaders, it was surprising to find a woman at the center of such a group. They were fairly widespread in Australia.

Guiora: Lindsay, can I ask you a question? Were the women sexually abusing women?

Allan: In NXIVM? I cannot think of a clear example off the top of my head, and it also depends on how you define it. Part of DOS involved “collateral,” meaning women had to send other women explicit photographs or compromising materials. The main sexual component was the nude photographs. These were said to be held as collateral, but demanding sexually explicit pictures is itself a form of sexual abuse. The women were also the only ones doing the branding, and I would consider that a form of both sexual and physical abuse.

Tsukerman: Is there really a difference between a charismatic cult leader and a regular sexual predator like Jeffrey Epstein?

Allan: I believe so. There is much more involved in being a cult leader. Epstein is a complex example because I have heard arguments that he could be considered a kind of cult leader himself, depending on the definition. But typically, a charismatic cult leader demands loyalty, imposes rules, and often imposes rules on followers that he does not abide by himself. An example—there have been multiple leaders who instruct followers to abstain from sex, except sex with the leader, which is framed as cleansing or spiritually beneficial. That is where sexuality and coercion are used as tools, and the leader does not follow the doctrine he imposes. Cult leadership involves far more control, insulation, and structural manipulation than what you see in the pattern of someone like Epstein, who fits more squarely into the category of a conventional sexual predator in a criminal context.

Jacobsen:  What about the control of finances? Not just collateral that is embarrassing or shaming, as in the Raniere case, but the entire financial ecosystem—electricity, food, transport, savings—being coercively controlled or held under the authority of one leader. In other words, the relinquishment of financial autonomy.

Allan: I know Professor Guiora knows more about the FLDS, so that I will defer to him on some of this, but the FLDS community in Colorado City is a strong example. The United Effort Plan is what they officially call the organization, but essentially, the cult owns all the land. Even if someone builds a house, that house sits on cult-owned land and can be taken away. They control all the money and provide only stipends to their members. Professor Guiora knows more, but that was the first example that came to mind—total financial control.

Guiora: Lindsay is correct, and not only did they have financial control, but local law enforcement was essentially FLDS. It was total control. It was total control. There was nowhere to go. The only way people could leave the FLDS was to escape in the middle of the night. The people I interviewed had to make terrible decisions when planning to leave. The women would prepare to go, but not all their children agreed to leave. As a parent, you face a terrible dilemma: what do you do with a child who refuses, when you have only minutes to escape? One woman I worked with had two children who chose to stay. She assumed she would never see them again. The control was total. What is important to note is that none of this was secret. The state government knew and looked the other way. That is the essence of enabling.

Allan: The Kingston clan is also very interesting because they own so many companies and corporations within Salt Lake County. Members are forced to work at least 60 hours a week for one of the Kingston corporations and do not receive a paycheck. All the money goes back to the Kingston clan. Members receive scrip—essentially vouchers—that they can use to redeem goods at Kingston-owned businesses. It creates a closed loop where money is funnelled entirely back into the cult. Not to mention mandatory tithing.

Stewart: If I could speak from experience, one of the cults I was in, called the Bruderhof—or Society of Brothers—had a very similar model, possibly even more extreme. Every member worked for the community; there was no external employment. Leadership decided how you worked—whether in day-to-day tasks or in income-generating roles. No one had any money of their own. Housing was provided and assigned. They could move you overnight, and it happened frequently. Almost all meals were communal. For the handful that were not, you submitted a grocery list that had to be approved, and then you would receive your items—your can of peaches, your peanut butter—placed in your mail cubby once a week. Clothing came from a clothing library. 

If you outgrew clothes or they wore out, they decided what garments you received. The same was true for shoes. You had no personal belongings and no financial autonomy whatsoever. That made it nearly impossible to leave. If you went without consent, you would go with only the clothes on your back and no financial assets. It was a compelling way to control members and to accumulate money. Members who joined signed over all their assets. You were not allowed to retain any external items. Other groups I lived in had less extreme versions of financial control, but all had some version of it. 

The mildest I experienced was aggressive coercion around tithing, which funded leaders who lived far more luxurious lives than most members. And in many groups, property might be communal—members might have limited autonomy in daily life, but actual housing and assets were owned by the community, with significant financial decisions made by the group. From experience, that was one of the most potent tactics I lived under—and had to escape.

Tsukerman: I was going to say that many of these techniques are very similar to coercive domestic abuse, where partners create complete psychological and financial dependency and use it to coerce their partners into remaining at home.

Jacobsen: It was Mark Twain’s line about history: it does not repeat, but it does rhyme. That applies to cults, courts, and abusive systems. They do not repeat themselves structurally, but they certainly rhyme in their patterns. Amos, regarding the FLDS, they are primarily polygamous, and that is a primary distinguishing characteristic. The mainstream LDS Church—the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints—is extraordinarily financially well-off. This is a question for your expertise: regarding the FLDS as a wealthy religious community, how does financial wealth allow them to deepen their control over members’ lives?

Guiora: All the FLDS boys work in construction, and they are widely regarded as excellent construction workers. All the money is channelled back to the central leadership structure, the mothership.

Jacobsen: Amos, when they send the money back to the “mothership,” what does that entirely mean in terms of their system?

Guiora: It means total dependence. And beyond dependence, the painful reality is that because of sexual competition—everything revolves around sex in the most distorted ways—mothers are forced to drive their sons to the highway, drop them off, and wish them the best of luck. These boys, called the “lost boys,” make their way primarily to Salt Lake City, where they end up, as you can imagine, in male prostitution. When I met them—details irrelevant—the most basic life skills, such as writing a check, were utterly foreign to them. They were engaged in survival sex work. A social worker I spoke with told me the most painful part: these boys had been abandoned by their mothers, yet at night, they cried for their moms. A child wants his mother.

The control was so absolute that when a son had to be expelled, it was the mother—not the father—who was ordered to drive him to the highway. There are no words for that. Everything returns to control. They were recognized as hardworking, skilled labourers, but the money went to the leadership—Warren Jeffs and others. I need to add one more point. Warren appointed either eleven or twelve men who were permitted to have sexual relations with women. Other men were not. These so-called “golden twelve,” or whatever adjective you choose, were the only ones allowed to engage in sexual relations. And in the FLDS culture—which differs from mainstream LDS teaching—sex is defined strictly for procreation, not pleasure. Yet these twelve men were granted exclusive sexual access. In the most perverse ways, and this is what Michelle and Lindsay are both addressing, everything revolves around sex—not normal sexual relations, but coercive, controlled, and systematized sexual power.

Tsukerman: What is it with cult leaders and their obsession with sex? Of course, some of it is about power, but why is it so important to them?

Guiora: Michelle, do you want to take the lead on that one and all of its ugliness?

Stewart: I can try. Control is the keyword. There are multiple types of cult leaders, and while they share common characteristics, one question we asked earlier was whether there is a difference between a standard sexual predator and a cult leader. I think we’ve reached the answer: yes. However, while “run-of-the-mill” sexual predators may differ, many cult leaders are sexual predators and exhibit those characteristics with an even stronger need for control. Some leaders may have sexually deviant desires and create a cult around fulfilling those needs. But others—this is more from experience than academic research—see sex as the ultimate tool of control. 

They may implement what is known as purity culture, placing heavy emphasis on sexual purity, yet create a hyper-sexualized environment. Sex is one of the most intimate human experiences and one of the most closely linked to shame. When you can control someone through shame, you can control them through almost anything. When sex, sexuality, and shame are fused, you can drive an extreme level of obedience—whether through requiring sex, as with FLDS women, or requiring abstinence. Using control and shame over the body is one of the most psychologically effective tactics one human can use over another.

Jacobsen: Have any of you come across indications of a cult, or a cult-like system, that had a unique coercive mechanism not seen in most others on record?

Guiora: It is not my expertise, but there is a Jewish cult that operated in South America. To the best of my knowledge—again, this is not my specialty—the leader, whose name I do not recall, cloaked everything in religious language, but it was all about sex and, I believe, the abuse of children. Listening to Michelle, who has far more experience than I do, one thing becomes clear. Excuse my English, especially with a student listening, but it is literally “same shit, different day”: control, power, sex, sexual abuse. What Lindsay said was very interesting—if the leader preaches purity, the purity does not apply to him. That is a crucial point. The difference between the rules imposed on followers and the leader’s exemption from them is fundamental.

Jacobsen: Yes, the Keith Raniere case shows this as well. He had an entire system built around sleep deprivation. He claimed he functioned on four hours of sleep and expected others to do the same, but in reality, he was sleeping plenty. He rested often. Meanwhile, his followers—exhausted and cognitively impaired—were trapped in the system with him. It was another form of control.

Allan: Yes, I was going to echo what you said about NXIVM and Keith Raniere. Sleep deprivation, and the fact that when people were awake, they were working constantly, created extreme physical, mental, and emotional exhaustion. That level of exhaustion leaves people vulnerable and susceptible to indoctrination and manipulation. And again, it goes back to the cult leader not following the rules he imposes on his followers.

Scientology has similar structures: extreme work hours, lack of sleep, and very tight control over every aspect of life. That, along with NXIVM, funnels into creating a community of isolation. In NXIVM, once you reached a certain rank, you started living communally. That meant even more control, more isolation from external support systems, outside news, and outside influence.

Jacobsen: It has been echoed throughout the conversation, and I think it’s important to underline for the call: there are highly gendered aspects to these systems. First, most cult leaders tend to be men, or there are high-ranking women like Nancy Salzman or Allison Mack—but the pattern remains overwhelmingly male. Claire and Sara Bronfman were also deeply involved, losing $150 million. Second, the obsession with sex, sexuality, control, and abuse disproportionately targets women’s bodies as the objects of that system. Are there any other ways we can analyze this through a gendered lens to make more precise distinctions in this terrible art form called cults?

Guiora: Before I jump off, one final point. Scott—I defer to Michelle for terminology—but this is not “sex” as we understand healthy sex. These are not normal sexual relations. That must be emphasized. From the man’s perspective, this is about domination, control, power, abuse, and subjugation. From her perspective, it is the absolute antithesis of consent. She is not consenting, in my opinion. There is a long discussion—again, Michelle can speak to this—about whether women initially appear to consent when they join. I do not know. But along the way, as Lindsay’s work shows, they have nowhere to go. They are there, and— I hate this phrasing—”available for his needs.” 

But his needs go far beyond physical demands. There is enormous mental cruelty involved. This is not normal sexual relations between two consenting adults. That applies especially when girls are married off at a young age. We must be cautious with our terminology. When we talk about sex in cults, it is not sex between consenting adults. That is not what this is. And Scott, it is essential to frame the broader issue with that clarity in mind. On that note, friends, it was an honour to be with you this Saturday morning. Lindsay, good luck with your paper. Michelle, I’m delighted we met. Scott and Irina, great to see you both again. To those I won’t see soon, have a pleasant Thanksgiving. Thank you so much for having me. Goodbye.

Jacobsen: Any points, Lindsay, Michelle, or Irina, that you’d like to add?

Allan: I think he captured the core of it. It is important to emphasize that we are not talking about consensual sexual relationships. I want to dig into what I think he was getting at: What is consent? Can you truly consent if you face negative consequences for refusing? I have heard countless times—from my own experience and from other survivors—that people say, “You didn’t fight back; you went along with it. How can you claim it wasn’t consensual if it was part of your daily life?” Much of this comes down to sexual grooming. Earlier, we discussed whether people are even aware that they are brainwashed. As Irina noted, most people inside a cult do not say, “Yes, I am in a cult and being sexually abused.” If they had that awareness, they would not be there. These victims believe they are consenting. But in the vast majority of cases, they are not in a position to consent. 

Not to diminish the agency of adult women, but it is comparable to asking whether a child “consents.” When your safety—physical, emotional, or spiritual—is dependent on complying with sexual demands, you cannot freely consent. In many groups, your spiritual safety, even the fate of your soul in the afterlife, is presented as dependent on compliance. That includes sexual acts demanded by a leader, or even acts within what is labelled a “marriage” but was not entered into consensually. These individuals do not know they are being sexually abused. That is a key part of the control. My mind is going blank—I had one more point to reevaluate. But yes, I want to reaffirm: Amos is absolutely correct. It is not sex. It is not consent in any way that healthy people understand those concepts.

Tsukerman: The question I’m struggling with is whether there is any way to inoculate prospective victims—to identify and protect people who are more likely to be targeted by cults. I’m sure there are profiles of young women, especially, who have ended up in these situations, though men join as well. I see two general patterns: some come from religiously cloistered communities; others are disaffected, dealing with family issues, or not from closed environments at all. Those groups would require different approaches. If someone is in a tight-knit community that outsiders cannot easily penetrate, prevention would have to come from inside that community. Is there any way to prepare people psychologically so they are less vulnerable to recruitment? Schools used to have “Just Say No to Drugs” programs—police officers walking around, educating kids about substances and addiction. Maybe something similar is needed to prevent cult recruitment.

Allan: I think it is tough. NXIVM and Keith Raniere illustrate why. In NXIVM, many participants were academics, scientists, and high-powered executives. The program was marketed as an executive success training system, not a religion. When cults are not presented in a religious format, it becomes even harder to identify them. I’m not sure that any standard education about charismatic leaders or religious cults would have protected those people. The stereotype of who “falls for a cult” is not accurate. People who joined NXIVM did not fit that stereotype at all, and typical prevention messaging might not have applied to them.

Stewart:  If I could add to that, it is a question I think about often. Can we inoculate people in some way? I think what we are doing here is part of that. The more we raise awareness about what cults look like, how subtle they can be, the tactics they use, and how those tactics may not appear insidious from the outside, the more we expose those dynamics, the more we help. However, as Lindsay said, it is a highly challenging uphill battle. The vast majority of people who join a cult do not believe they are joining a cult. They do not think they are being abused. In my experience, you have, as Irina noted, people who are born into cult-like environments and stay for generations—the FLDS is a good example. 

Some of the groups I was in had a large percentage of those cases. But interestingly, the people I saw joining from outside were not generally vulnerable young women, although there were a few. More often, they were college-educated, financially independent married couples seeking faith, community, or self-improvement, who were then pulled in and absorbed. These were people with families on the outside who saw immediately that the group resembled a cult—families would try to warn them and pull them out. Outsiders saw it clearly; the people joining did not. So I think what we are doing—publishing papers, raising awareness, discussing these systems—is one of the best things we can do. But I do not think an easy solution exists, nor do I think there will ever be a complete fix.

Tsukerman: So then, is there a commonality among people who tend to be recruited into cults, or who become radicalized by fundamentalist groups, extremist movements, or conspiracy networks? And if there is, does that mean profiling potential victims is invalid—that anyone, under certain conditions, can be pulled into a closed environment where they can be indoctrinated and weaponized?

Stewart: I cannot answer that from an academic standpoint. Some experts have conducted psychological evaluations of people who have been pulled into cults and have identified certain potential similarities. What I can say, heartbreakingly, from observation, is that the people drawn to cults were often people who wanted something more for themselves and for the world around them. They were often exceptionally sincere, very open-minded people.

They truly wanted better. These were not people typically deemed vulnerable, but people who genuinely sought the truth. In many cases, especially among intellectuals who questioned the norms around them and found spaces where they could disagree with mainstream society, that very openness made them more vulnerable to cult tactics than people who were content with the status quo. I do not know, Lindsay, if you have an academic angle on that.

Allan: Echoing Michelle, it is a strong point that people who are disenchanted and want more out of life—some deeper meaning—are often drawn in. We have seen this in groups like Heaven’s Gate or Rajneeshpuram, especially during counterculture or anti-war eras. More recently, the “Love Has Won” group, also known as the Mother God cult, attracted people disillusioned with capitalist society who sought deeper meaning. You see similar patterns in doomsday cults where members are told, “There is a better world out there. We are part of something bigger. We are the next generation for a new world.” Michelle captured that dynamic very well.

Jacobsen: We are coming to the last question. For people who may encounter this interview a year from now, ten years from now, or whenever—people who are already questioning the system they are in—what advice would you give them for beginning to ask, for getting out, for gaining independence?

Tsukerman: Teaching critical thinking skills early is the best way to equip people—whether complacent or not—to question what is being offered to them. It is similar to recognizing false advertising: Who is doing the marketing? What are they really offering? What is their agenda? What happens if I follow them? How could I get out? A skeptical attitude toward offers that sound too good to be true or vague and emotionally manipulative is essential. Raising children to be confident in their own skills rather than relying on external validation makes them more resilient. Those skills—skepticism, confidence, analytical thinking—are what allow people to recognize red flags later in life. Without those skills, people are less likely to notice patterns or take warnings seriously and may feel overconfident that they are immune to recruitment.

Stewart: I raised my kids primarily outside of the cult they were born into. We talk constantly about what cults look like and how these groups operate, and they can see it firsthand through family members who remain involved. That has left them, thankfully, deeply disillusioned with those systems. For people who are not in cults or who have no direct connections, critical thinking remains key. As Irina said, it matters before any brainwashing phase starts. Learning to identify the hallmarks of cults—exactly as we have discussed throughout this conversation—is essential. If someone stumbles across this discussion, I hope they will look closely at these patterns in any group they encounter.

Think about what the end goal is for the leaders. Is the good flowing to them, or to you? Pivoting to people who may already be in a cult and happen to read this—because Irina focused on critical thinking—if you are in a group that is starting to feel uncomfortable, I would encourage you to begin searching within yourself and asking basic questions. Are your thoughts and feelings valued as much as everyone else’s? Are your contributions to the community shared fairly, or is there a hierarchy in which you receive less? When you imagine leaving, are you staying because you are truly fulfilled, or because of fear and loss? Are you afraid of physical repercussions? Fearful of abandonment by family? Worried that you lack the skills to live independently? Those are strong signs that you may be in a cult-like environment. I could speak at length about this, but we are short on time so that I will leave those as key points for anyone reading.

Allan: All I will add is this: it is essential to hear that this is not your fault. Michelle touched on this earlier. When you are in this kind of group, you cannot consent. Shame and the internalization of those feelings often trap people or prevent them from recognizing abuse. Evaluating your feelings—Did you feel safe? Was this something you wanted or something you thought you had to do?—is essential. Recognizing that you are not to blame and that you could be safer outside the group is an important step. Do not blame yourself for being victimized by someone more powerful.

Tsukerman: I want to add one more thing. This idea of power differentials is essential because many charismatic leaders are influential not because they have money or legal authority, but because of psychological manipulation. They build a constructed world and use psychology to bring enforcers and enablers into it. Empowering potential victims means helping them realize these leaders are not inherently influential, and they themselves are not inherently powerless.

Jacobsen: Lindsay, Michelle, and Irina—and the ghost of Amos—thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Stewart: Thank you so much.

Tsukerman: Thank you.

Allan: Thank you for letting me be a fly on the wall. Thank you for involving me.

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Darya Kasyanova: How Ukraine Rebuilds Childhood After Deportation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/20

Darya Kasyanova is one of Ukraine’s leading child rights advocates and serves as chair of the Ukrainian Child Rights Network and as program director of SOS Children’s Villages Ukraine. For more than a decade, she has overseen deinstitutionalization reforms, family-based care, and emergency protection for children affected by Russia’s war. Since 2014, she has coordinated evacuations from frontline regions and, after the 2022 full-scale invasion, became a central voice documenting the deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children. Her work now focuses on strategic litigation support, international advocacy, and the safe return, reintegration, and long-term recovery of abducted and displaced children.

In this in-depth conversation between Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Kasyanova, Ukraine’s leading child-rights advocate, the realities facing children abducted or displaced by Russia are outlined. Kasyanova explains how vulnerability, trauma, disrupted family ties, and ongoing militarization shape children’s experiences under occupation. She details the profound challenges in repatriating minors—especially those placed in Russian adoption systems—and stresses the need for international mechanisms that remain stalled. She describes emerging trauma patterns, barriers to psychological recovery, and the careful, child-led approach needed for reintegration. Throughout, Kasyanova emphasizes resilience, documentation, and global responsibility for accountability and child protection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Darya Kasyanova, a leading Ukrainian child rights advocate, chair of the Ukrainian Child Rights Network, and program director of  SOS Children’s Villages Ukraine. For more than a decade, she has worked in deinstitutionalization, family-based care, and emergency protection for children affected by Russia’s war against Ukraine. Since 2014, she has coordinated evacuations from frontline regions, and after the 2022 full-scale invasion, has become a central public voice on the deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children. Your network’s recent research shows that most abducted children come from already vulnerable families. What does this change? How should Ukraine and its partners design prevention and repatriation strategies?

Darya Kasyanova: You asked me about vulnerable families and children, and how we can prevent deportation or deinstitutionalization, because in some situations, this is a crime against children. I’m tired because I have many tasks, and today they returned small boys from the occupation. All night, we were in communication with our team, our volunteer team. 

In some situations, these are vulnerable families, and they return these children from occupied territories or from the territory of Russia. But what are vulnerable families in our situation? Very often, it is a family that lost their home, that lost relatives, and they try to live in a new situation, in new communities, or in a new oblast. It is not reintegration. It is integration, because it is an entirely new situation for them.

When children return to this family, in some situations, it brings many new challenges for the family and the child due to a long period of absence and living without parents. In some situations, these children have questions for their parents—why they stayed in occupied territory or in some institution, where their parents were during this time. Very often, the mother or father works in another territory, while the children live with their grandmother. On the first day of the invasion, parents could not return to this village, to a city like Kherson, or to territories in the Kharkiv region to take their children.

If we speak about children who were returned in the first months, parts of the Kharkiv region were under occupation from the first day of the whole invasion, but we returned these children in October 2022, together with their parents. And this is one modality of our work.

But when we speak about returning children after four years of being in the occupied territory or in the territory of Russia, there is a big gap between the parents and the child in their communication. It is essential to involve our specialists, such as mediators and psychologists from our organization, in working with the family and the child, because we need to build a new relationship between the parents and the child. It is not easy in some situations, especially when we speak about teenagers. Most of the children our team returned are teenagers. We also have cases with small children, and the youngest child is eight months old.

But with infants, it is easier because they do not remember what happened, and it is important to be with the mother and the family. With teenagers, it is a tricky situation. We prepare parents for conversations with their children and explain why the children were left in an unsafe environment. You may have heard that deportation, or being kept in Russian territory, is only one circumstance in a larger set of harms.

For example, we returned a 10-year-old boy who saw how his mother was killed in 2022. Or we returned a girl—14 years old—and she was raped by a Russian soldier. These are terrible situations. When we return children to relatives or to parents, sometimes the children think first about whether it is necessary to explain anything to their relatives, or how to speak about these terrible experiences with their parents. Often these children are wiser than their parents, because they try to understand whether it is a good time to discuss these questions, or whether they need to wait and prepare their parents or grandparents. And sometimes they decide they do not need to talk about it with their relatives now—or even later.

We work at SOS Children’s Villages and with our partners, because we implement this project together. These are NGOs with long experience in social work. We supported families, foster families, and children without parental care before the whole invasion. We try to replicate this experience in supporting children who were deported or forcibly displaced. We also work with children from institutions, and in some situations, it is a very similar process—whether we speak about returning a child from an institution or returning a child from deportation. The reintegration process is very similar.

We see that the model of behaviour of these children is similar, and the trauma markers are similar. These children are very much like children who lived a long period in institutions, in closed institutions without parental care, without the ability to communicate with or see their parents for long periods.

Jacobsen: It is impossible to get children back once they enter the Russian adoption or orphanage system. What are some of the hurdles there—the choke points for children entering that system, bureaucratic or legal? What are those bureaucratic and legal choke points that are hard to resolve, which result in children getting lost in the Russian system?

Kasyanova: If we speak about institutions, maybe it is not such a problem, because if a child is in the institutional system, the most important thing is that we have information about these children. In some situations, when we speak about children aged 6, 7, 10, or up to 18, they can communicate with other children and often use social media. So it is possible to find them. We can also find these children through our social system.

But if we speak about small children and about adoption, it is tough to find them and to identify them. According to Russian legislation—and this legislation is similar to Ukrainian legislation—when a child is adopted, the adoptive parents have the right to change the child’s name and date of birth. That makes finding these children very, very difficult.

We have cases when children were placed in Russian foster families. That is different, because foster care is not adoption. In foster families, children keep their names and their dates of birth. When these children have their own families—parents—and the parents try to find them, these children are teenagers. We returned these children together with their parents.

But the Russian foster families were against returning these children. It was a long, complicated process. The parents informed Maria Lvova-Belova, and only after involving this official were the children returned home.

But when we speak about adoption, it is a big challenge for us to identify these children. In 2022, the information about our children who appeared on Russian online adoption platforms often stated that these children were from the Kherson region, Donetsk region, or Luhansk region. We tried to identify these children and collect information from our social services. But now Russia has completely changed this information.

If a child is from the Luhansk region but is now in Taganrog, the place of birth will appear as Taganrog, not the Luhansk region. This is a big problem. We cannot return children who were adopted. Maybe only when they grow up and want to know something about their origins. But now it is not easy. Even if we involve third countries or international organizations in this process, it would still be tough.

Jacobsen: What does Russification of children look like in practice? How have their tactics evolved during the war? 

Kasyanova: In some situations, it is not exactly right. It could be more about teaching children to hate Ukraine. We have cases of children who lived in Mariupol and spoke Russian but loved Ukraine. They wanted to live in Ukraine. When they were deported to Russia, they first heard from adults that Ukraine does not exist, that Ukraine is not a country, that Ukraine does not exist at all, and that our language is foul. These children were told they did not need their parents; they did not need their country.

After that, there is powerful propaganda about Russian traditions, Russian values, the idea of Russia’s greatness, and much militarization. Even small children in school sing Russian patriotic songs and take part in competitions with a military focus. There were many meetings with veterans of the Russian war, and the children who spoke with our team described them extensively. It becomes a new reality for them, a new everyday life.

Yesterday, my colleagues wrote in our chat that they returned children who spoke about school in the occupied territory of Kherson. In school, they met Russian soldiers. The soldiers asked the children, “Do you like to kill people? Do you think about killing people?” It is terrible. These questions were asked in front of teachers and children, and the discussion was treated as a normal one.

That is why I cannot say it is only about Russification. It is about militarization and indoctrination. I know many cases when children spoke Russian, but after returning to Ukraine from the occupation, they began studying Ukrainian and now speak only Ukrainian. It is like a trauma connected with the Russian language. It is not a simple problem; it is a real trauma for these children.

Jacobsen: How do you communicate this in collaboration between NGOs, Ukrainian state bodies, and international actors? What patterns meet the legal threshold for war crimes against children?

Kasyanova: Our team returned the first children in June 2022. After that, I was in communication with the International Criminal Court and its investigators. We had meetings with representatives of the Red Cross, the UN system in Geneva, and other international and humanitarian organizations that have a mandate to return children from deportation.

We discussed how to increase the number of children returned and develop a more effective repatriation mechanism. They said they were developing this mechanism, but we have already been waiting 4 years for it. We also share our reports, research, and cases of children who were returned, because all these cases must be documented and included in international reports. Many see that children who returned through our team have become advocates for other children at the international level. This is important because there are often questions suggesting that perhaps it is acceptable for Ukrainian children to remain in Russian families, and that they are. I am not sure that is true. It is a very different and strange approach, especially when all these countries—Russia, Ukraine, and others—have ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is not easy to explain.

We have excellent collaboration with other international organizations, for example, Save the Children, Tdh Lausanne (Terre des hommes), and Ukrainian organizations.

We collaborate with Save Ukraine and our government because, in some situations, it is tough to return children without the support of state authorities. We need to prepare documents, and sometimes that involves verifying kinship when we’retalking about relatives and children. Of course, we inform and share all information with UN agencies. It is important.

Jacobsen: What happens to the children who come back—their sense of the world, their perception? What happens with their worldview?

Kasyanova: It depends on the situation. We have returned about 300 children, but I cannot say their picture of the world is destroyed. No. They are influential young people. In some situations, I do not understand where they find the strength to continue living.

First, we provide them with social support. Only after that can our specialists—psychologists and others—begin their work. In many cases, children do not work with psychologists at first. I understand this because it is about trust and building trust.

For example, when we returned a 16-year-old boy in 2022—he had been raped in a Russian institution—he was only ready to talk about it with a psychologist three years later. It was his decision, without any pressure from specialists. But throughout that time, our team supported him with education, medical services, repairs to his apartment, and exam preparation.

Today, there is much more mental health support, and it is becoming a new trend in Ukraine.

Kasyanova: For Ukraine, these are complicated cases, and we need to be very careful when offering help to children. These children must have the possibility to choose their specialists. In some situations, for example, we have only two psychologists. But sometimes a psychologist may not be suitable for a child.

Very often, I have cases like a girl who was returned from Lipetsk, Russia. She had been deported, and her mother is a Ukrainian service member. She said she did not like our psychologist because the psychologist reminded her of a teacher from a Russian school. We need to take all these peculiarities into account. We involve other specialists, but only when the child is ready. That is very important. When they do not want to share or talk about their life in occupation or deportation, it is not effective. We need to maintain a connection with these children, because they open up over time.

Now we are more prepared. In 2022—and I mean, I have been in the war since 2014 because I was responsible for evacuations in the Luhansk region—in 2014, trauma and war were something new. Now we have many specialists with many methodologies. But we want to use more evidence-based and practical approaches. Still, this is not the basic need. Basic needs are safety, food, and clothing. Only after that can we offer psychological support. It is step by step.

In some situations, it can take a very long time for a child to be ready.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time, and I hope you have a good rest of your day.

Kasyanova: Thank you, Scott. Thank you very much.

Jacobsen: Have a nice day. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

AI Chatbots, Therapy, and Trust With Dr. Peter J. Favaro

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/19

 Dr. Peter J. Favaro is a New York–based forensic psychologist and international custody evaluator with more than 40 years of experience in over 6,000 high-conflict divorce and criminal cases. A pioneer in applying artificial intelligence to healthcare, he presented early work on AI in medicine at a 1984 Harvard world conference and later created Activision’s landmark life-simulation game Alter Ego. He is the creator of the Bad People Bible program and AI coach, author of numerous books on conflict, parenting, and relationships, and executive director of SmartParenting: The Family Center and founder and CEO of the Center for Improved Human Relationships.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Favaro about the emerging psychological impact of AI chatbots. Favaro argues that chatbots are a new delivery system for self-help, with interactive features that can deepen self-knowledge but cannot automatically replace human therapy. He stresses that outcomes depend on the quality of underlying knowledge bases and human practitioners. Favaro highlights potential distortions of trust and relationships, unresolved ethical and security risks, and the danger of people substituting AI for necessary professional care. He calls for cautious use, local data storage, ongoing professional debate, and careful regulation globally.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the psychological impact of people forming bonds with AI chatbots?

Dr. Peter J. Favaro: We cannot pretend to know the answer to this question because the technology is new. What we DO know is that knowledge about the self gained by listening to audiobooks or by reading traditional books can be extremely useful, even life changing. AI is just a modern delivery system for self help knowledge. The difference, however, is the interactive component and the ability to follow up, track and journal. People want to know if this can replace traditional therapy. That depends on the quality of the traditional practitioner. If the presumption is that all therapists are competent, that is wrong. Quality of care is a big question mark in mental health treatment.

Jacobsen: How chatbot interactions may shape or distort social relationships and trust in human communication

Favaro: Chatbot interactions are just like everything else — they output information from a knowledge base that is solely dependent on what humans put into it. I have been developing “expert systems” for the past 40 years. AI chatbots do not arise from nothing. They have to synthesize expert information from reliable sources.

Jacobsen: The broader societal consequences of relying on AI for advice, companionship, or decision-making

Favaro: Again, this can’t be known at present. This is wholly reliant on the quality of information in any knowledge base. Greater self knowledge, especially that which helps people understand the consequences of their decision making is likely to be beneficial to self and society. All of this is reliant on the knowledge and how it is distributed through the AI algorithms.

Jacobsen: Security and ethical risks tied to the influence of AI chatbots on personal and public opinion

Favaro: Security is always a concern. One way to address this is to avoid cloud storage of personal information. I believe that local storage on a single devise is the best approach right now. As far as the ethical risks, we are not in a place where apps can promise results or substitute human interactions for AI. We should consider AI to be a useful adjunct to traditional therapy, and emphasize that any inclination of self or other harm should be dealt with by appropriate referrals to appropriate agencies. This is easier said than done. We do not know how many people will rely on AI because they refuse to seek competent professional help. It is a real dilemma. We need to discuss issues like this in professional forums while this type of AI is in its infancy.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Peter.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Anastasiia Romashko on Ukrainian and Diaspora Journalism, and Resilence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/19

Anastasiia Romashko is a Ukrainian journalist and media professional whose career spans radio, social media, and television production across Ukraine, Switzerland, and Canada. She began in the press centres of the Ivan Bohun Military Lyceum and the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, covering defence, education, and international economic cooperation. During the full-scale war, she returned home, training live on local radio and hosting programmes that highlighted volunteers and civic resistance. After moving to Canada, she joined Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network, where she works across content creation and assistant production, focusing on community information, social impact projects, and diaspora engagement.

This interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen traces Anastasiia Romashko’s path from student internships in Ukrainian press centres to her current work with Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network in Canada. She reflects on learning the craft of live broadcasting in a small hometown radio station during the full-scale war, when she reported on volunteers, defence efforts, and local civic life. Romashko then compares academic training in Kyiv and Zurich, explains her shift into social media management and assistant production, and describes projects that support newly arrived Ukrainians. Throughout, she highlights resilience, community service, and the distinctive sensibilities of Ukrainian and diaspora media cultures in her practice.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How long have you been involved in media?

Anastasiia Romashko: I finished my studies six years ago. When I completed university—and even during my studies—I had already begun working in media. I have been involved in media for approximately six years.

My first experience was through internships in the military education system. The first place was the Ivan Bohun Military Lyceum, where I interned at the press center. I covered various events and activities at the Lyceum, including matters related to the Armed Forces as well as the students’ education and daily life. After that, I spent some time at the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, again working in the press center. That role focused more on international relations between countries.

Different countries presented proposals to Ukraine to develop manufacturing and related sectors, and I covered these initiatives for a period of time. Then the COVID-19 pandemic began, and I had to move. After COVID, we faced the full-scale phase of the war. When the full-scale invasion started, I moved back to my home city. I was not very occupied there, so I decided to look for practical media work, especially since my studies mostly involved internships and I wanted real professional experience in journalism. The only real option in my hometown was the local radio station.

I had no prior experience in radio, so it was my first time working in that format. I sent them an email with an audio recording we had made for a media class at the university. In the email, I wrote that I was looking for practice, an internship, or any available work. I attached my recording and said they could listen to it, and that I was open to volunteering or working, depending on what suited them. They replied within a couple of days and invited me for a technical interview. 

I went there. It is a small radio station—the only one we have in my hometown. It covers the city and parts of the Cherkasy region. It was a very enjoyable experience for me because I had never worked at a radio station before. The team consisted mainly of the owner and founder, Vitaliy Slobodianyk, and the main host, Nataliia Zhyrna under the pen name Viktoriia Solodka. They effectively became my teachers; they taught me how to think and work in a live broadcasting environment. 

I began by doing live broadcasts, mostly covering the morning and daily news. As I became more comfortable speaking live—knowing that everyone in the city could hear me in their cars or at home—we created a couple of morning programs. In these programs, we invited guests for interviews and discussions: politically engaged people from the region, activists, and volunteers. 

This was during the war, so our main focus was on war-related events and on people supporting the defense effort and helping civilians. It was a meaningful experience for me, and working at the radio significantly improved my confidence in live public speaking.

Jacobsen: Would you consider the live experience or the academic training to be more important to your development as a journalist?

Romashko: I tried to catch everything from every side. It is always better to hear from different people, because if you know someone, they will definitely be more loyal to you than someone from outside. It is better to hear each person, make your own conclusions, and compare. I was open to criticism.

After the radio, I decided to go to Switzerland to study because my university had an exchange program. It was technically my fourth year. In my final year, I moved to Switzerland and studied at the University of Zurich.

We had almost the same program there as in Kyiv—journalism and media communication. I had classes once in the morning in Zurich and then again in the evening in Kyiv. If I contrast studying in Kyiv and in Zurich, I would say that in terms of information, Zurich gave less theoretical content. What I really liked, however, was that they used more modern examples, books, and materials—things you can genuinely use in journalistic work. Back home, the university focused more on foundational basics that you should definitely know, but you may not apply them in real professional work.

When I finished studying, I decided to move to Canada. At first, I did not look for media jobs because I was overwhelmed by the need to find a “real job” that fit me. During that time, my friend Denis found a job at a Ukrainian media outlet here—Kontakt Ukrainian Television Network. He asked whether I wanted to join, but I was not sure, because it is difficult to compare two different jobs and decide.

When I started researching the media landscape here—what they do and how they work—I remembered that when we were planning to move to Canada, my first thought was that maybe I could find something similar to what I had back home, like a radio station. I really like the radio. It is the kind of media I enjoy working in; it does not bore or tire me. It feels natural to me.

So I checked whether there were any Ukrainian radio stations in Canada. When you search for Ukrainian radio in Canada, you find Kontakt Ukrainian Radio. Unfortunately, it closed a couple of years ago, but the website had not been updated, so I thought it still existed, though it does not.

When I finally decided to join Kontakt, I actually started as a social media manager. Well, first I started as a reporter, because I prepared a couple of reports for them. But I am not a fan of being on camera, so I looked for something more suitable and interesting for myself within the media sphere and the television network. I talked to the producer, Uliana, and she offered me the role of social media manager. I would be responsible for Instagram, videos, reels, and similar content. I thought it was a good opportunity to learn something new, especially since I had never worked in social media management before.

It became more interesting for me to create engaging content and to promote different projects or other people’s materials rather than producing reports myself. It was a fun time. I believe the first large amount of work I received was connected to the festival—the Bloor West Village Ukrainian Festival 2024. That was my first experience trying myself as a real content creator and social media manager. We created various videos and promoted the festival on the page. That became my first real success because, in journalism, the usual metric is the number of views, and in the press center, you don’t see how many people read your articles or give feedback.

For the first time, I could see a response from the audience. One of the short Instagram reels received over 8,000 views, and I was amazed that I made something people actually watched. It made me happy.

With time, as I continued doing social media, Uliana began offering me different projects. Eventually, it developed into an assistant producer role because we worked on multiple projects together. I realized it was even more interesting—not necessarily more interesting than social media, but deeper. As a project manager or assistant producer, you are not just doing social media; you combine everything. You arrange the venue, speakers for the conference or event, and interesting personalities, and coordinate the entire workflow. You talk to the host, the reporters, and the guests. It becomes a complete project.

I found this really matched me, because I enjoy organizing things. We created many interesting projects—ranging from entertainment to social events. One example was an event with Andriy Semotiuk, an immigration lawyer. Because so many Ukrainians were arriving in Canada each year, people were overwhelmed and stressed about documents, and the system being so different from Ukraine. They needed support from someone knowledgeable.

We decided to organize a live meeting with him as an interview and a Q&A session. It was the first time we tried selling tickets, simply to cover the basic costs of the rented space, the operators, and technical needs. It was a major project: we created the Instagram advertising videos, the Eventbrite post, arranged everything with Mr. Semotiuk, sold the tickets, gathered people in one place, set up the chairs and tables, arranged the interior, and everything. It was incredibly interesting.

I feel these kinds of projects are socially important because they bring valuable knowledge to people. Of course, we also have projects that are less stressful and more entertainment-focused. Kontakt is a mix of entertainment and social content; not fully serious, but not purely entertainment either.

Jacobsen: What has been your favorite piece to work on in terms of entertainment, and what has been your favorite piece to work on in terms of social commentary or social issues?

Romashko: In entertainment, because I enjoy media and the media space in general, the work does not feel like work. When you do something entertaining, it feels more like a hobby. You do something you enjoy, you create something fun, and you have fun while doing it. When you film, meet new people, and feel that work rush, you feel genuinely engaged. It is a very nice feeling.

For social or political topics, it feels more like my contribution to something important for people right now. There is a difference between the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and the community in Ukraine. Even though everyone is Ukrainian, many here were born in Canada or have lived here for a long time, so their perceptions of the situation in Ukraine differ. Social projects or political highlights on our side help bring them closer to the actual situation and to the current Ukrainian context. That is the main purpose of that work.

Jacobsen: What would be your dream topic to work on, or what events would you most like to attend and report on?

Romashko: For politics, I would not say I am deeply involved in political or social topics. I like attending events for support and engagement, sharing information, and receiving information. But if I were to choose a direction for my own media development, it would likely be something entertainment-related. I would choose larger entertainment projects.

My favorite part relates back to when I worked in the Chamber of Commerce. I really enjoyed everything connected to national development, businesses, manufacturers, and similar topics. I do not know why, but I enjoy listening to it. If I were to create a project, it would probably be something about businesses. It would be interesting to create a series of podcasts or interviews with business owners—to hear their stories, why they decided to open a business, and to understand their paths. That is the kind of large series I would create about successful people.

Jacobsen: Do you notice any differences in reporting styles between North American media and diaspora media operating in North America? Kontakt TV is explicitly dedicated to the Ukrainian community and language, so I imagine there are both similarities and differences between established outlets here and those newly formed within the Ukrainian diaspora. Where do you think those differences originate?

Romashko: You mean in general—North American media compared to Ukrainian Canadian media?

Jacobsen: Something like that. In one sense, it could be something as small and subtle as the way someone greets a guest for an interview, and then how they sit and present themselves. Even what they wear. My superficial understanding is that Ukraine is more of a dignity-based culture. In 2014, the Revolution of Dignity at Maidan reflected something very old in the culture, not something created by the Soviet period. In Canada, people almost pride themselves—not necessarily on indignity—but on being casual about how they dress, speak, present themselves, walk, spend their free time, and so on. I am trying to understand how that broader context seeps into journalistic sensibility—not ethics, because ethics must be consistent—but the sensibility of journalism itself.

Romashko: I would say there is a difference. It is hard to compare Ukrainian Canadian diaspora media directly with all North American media, but in general, when we compare North American media with Ukrainian media, there is a noticeable difference. In Ukraine, they try to make everything look excellent. Everything has to be perfect. It is more of a setup than a natural presentation.

It is more of a staged approach than something spontaneous. Here, people are more relaxed. You can see that on television, in podcasts, reports—people feel more at ease, and that comes through in the media as well. In Ukraine, everything must meet the standard. If in school they teach you to do something a certain way, then you will do it that way. It shows up in clothing, speaking style, tone, everything.

It is stricter, but I am not sure whether that stems from educational differences, behavioral norms, or simply a different mentality. It is probably connected to a different way of living and certain habits we grow up with. Ukrainian media have not changed much in terms of becoming more relaxed. If it is entertainment, yes, people are relaxed. But if it is something serious, like the news, no one will present it in the style of YouTube creators or younger generations. They follow the traditional line. The news must be presented on television in a specific way.

Here, it is different. There are more channels. For example, CP24 is very formal, and others are less formal. There are variations. There are still standards in North America—certain expectations about how reporters present themselves and conduct their reporting—but the range is wider.

It is also a different educational tradition. People show what they were taught. Ukrainians present themselves the way they learned in university and through earlier training. There is not much “free will” in presentation style anywhere; people follow the models they were trained in.

Jacobsen: Any favorite aphorisms or quotes that come from Ukrainian culture and capture Ukrainian sensibilities for you?

Romashko: When I read the question, the first thing I thought of was, “What does not kill us makes us stronger.” Yes, it is not a Ukrainian aphorism, but it is something I associate with Ukraine in general. In terms of the war or even in everyday life, Ukrainians have gone through so much. Especially when you compare young Ukrainians to young people in parts of Europe. Someone might say, “You studied at two universities, you worked several jobs, you traveled,” and then they ask, “How old are you?” And you answer, “Twenty-two, twenty-one, twenty-three,” and they are surprised. It is simply a different style of living. There are many challenges people in Ukraine face constantly—well, not constantly, but often enough. I would say resilience is what defines Ukrainians in general.

Jacobsen: If you had a dream interview, who would it be? Denys said President Zelensky, but he said he has more or less given up on that one.

Romashko: I would say either General Valerii Zaluzhnyi. When he was in his position—when he was responsible for the military—I read so many reports about him while working at the radio: how he developed plans, created backup strategies, and so on. At that time, I thought it would be incredible to interview him. It would be fascinating to hear how he thought in critical situations, how he formed his decisions, and how he navigated the entire military network.

I think I still feel that way because recently we almost had the opportunity to interview him when he was sent to the United Kingdom to serve as ambassador. So I will focus on that, and maybe one day I will have the chance to interview him—not necessarily about his past, but about his current work as an ambassador. We will see.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Anastasiia.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 26: Syria, Iran, Hong Kong, Pakistan

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/18

 Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Irina Tsukerman joins Scott Douglas Jacobsen to dissect intertwined crises: a US raid that killed Syrian undercover agent Khaled al-Masoud, cautious US–Syria coordination, and shifting energy ties among Vladimir Putin, Narendra Modi, and China. She analyzes Iran’s missile tests and sanction-driven economic decline, Hong Kong’s hollowed-out democracy under Beijing, Pakistan’s power struggle between Imran Khan and the military, and the UN Security Council’s first post-war visit to Syria. Across cases, Tsukerman stresses brittle alliances, proxy conflicts, and regimes prioritizing power over citizens’ rights and genuine reform.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So this is for the insiders. We are officially at our half-year anniversary of this series, so congratulations. That is great. Succession. Succession is once a week. There we go.

Interesting: a US raid accidentally—essentially, we do not usually use these terms, but I think “accidentally” is the right one—killed a Syrian undercover agent who had been working against the Islamic State group, instead of an Islamic State official. It is following up on reportage from October on interim Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, and now neither the US nor the Syrian government is commenting on Khaled al-Masoud’s death. 

The implication is that neither side wants the incident to derail efforts to improve ties. No one wants to explicitly claim responsibility or assign blame because of the geopolitical relationship they do not want to jeopardize right now. Is that normal in geopolitical analysis?

Irina Tsukerman: What specifically?

Jacobsen: The part where there is an accidental killing of an undercover agent rather than a terrorist, and to avoid derailing alliances, the states involved know the facts—whether from Syria or the United States—but do not explicitly assign blame.

Tsukerman: Yes, that happens. The closer the allies, the more likely they are to keep it as quiet as possible. When things run smoothly and coordination is very close, such incidents are more likely to be avoided. But in the case of Syria and the US, they are not exactly allies. They do not have a real alliance, the way the US and the UK, or the US and Canada, do. They do not have integrated intelligence networks. There is a lot of distrust, even if they coordinate certain operations. So it is not surprising that they would not share the names or information about undercover agents with each other. Coordinating some operations does not mean they want to give up independence or that they do not have significant differences in how to conduct those operations.

When you do not know each other’s undercover identities and do not have explicit integration of resources and assets, a tragic accident like that can occur. Then it becomes incredibly awkward, but you also do not want to cause tension or friction, and you certainly do not want to publicize it much, given that it is truly an accident and not deliberate targeting, recklessness, or negligence by one of the partners. Essentially, countries that are further apart—without a long history of coordination, operational integration, or joint operations—are more likely to suffer from these kinds of miscommunications.

Jacobsen: So Vladimir Putin is meeting Modi in India. He is circumnavigating to meet Xi. You would meet Xi first, then Modi. Is there anything going on there regarding Chinese-Russian or Indian-Russian relations, with a focus on prioritizing India right now?

Tsukerman: We are stuck in a bizarre situation. Putin’s meeting with Modi obviously touched on energy. But India has actually been shifting away from Russian energy and more toward the United States lately. Of course, the US remains expensive for India’s needs. The biggest supplier for the time being will be the Gulf states, which creates a bizarre situation for China.

China views India as a strategic rival. At the same time, it is growing its relationship with Russia. Russia is selling LNG to China at a steep discount. But Russia still needs other markets, and India has been a long-time customer. There is not only strategic rivalry between China and India but also outright enmity, alongside the situation with the United States. On one hand, Russia wants India to keep buying its oil and gas to the extent possible. On the other hand, China is not pleased because India is its strategic rival, even though Russia and India have had a long relationship. China actually benefits from India turning more toward other gas sources, as this creates greater Russian dependence on China.

However, all of that is balanced out by the economic reality that India can only go so far given the price ranges, tariffs, and related issues with the United States. So it is a bizarre triangle at the moment.

Jacobsen: Also, Iran has launched a raid with missiles in the Sea of Oman, near the Strait of Hormuz. This involved the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. What were they striking? Their ballistic missiles were part of a significant attack. 

Tsukerman: It is more like a skirmishing follow-up. Iran has been testing its missiles. It is not just a response to anything specific; it is also preparation for potential escalation in the near future with Israel and other countries. We are seeing many shifts in that area. On one hand, the US and Israel are pressuring Lebanon to disarm its border, which is not going very well. On the other hand, Sudan just proposed giving Russia a naval base in the Red Sea, which would help Iran to some extent and also extend Russia’s reach into the area.

Also, the Houthis have sworn off attacking Israel-linked ships for the time being but are refocusing their energies on confrontation with the Saudis. There is a Saudi-UAE rivalry inside Yemen. All of this is essentially distracting from Iran trying to rebuild itself.

Both militarily and through its proxies and alliances in the region, Iran is rebuilding. You also have al-Shabaab escalating, strengthening its ranks, and coalescing with the Houthis and other armed groups in the area. We are seeing signs that there is likely to be a return to hostilities in the Red Sea in the near future, and Iran is very much preparing for that. This exercise is not merely a deterrent.

They meant to send an obvious message. Iran is flexing its muscle just as the US is distracted with various peace processes, none of which are going particularly well. It is no coincidence that the new national security strategy just came out, and none of these issues are really at its center.

It blames Europe for everything that is going on, including having unrealistic expectations of Russia. It shows no focus on Iran-related matters at all, as if Iran is entirely out of the picture, and it reorients the entire direction of US national security toward the Western Hemisphere. That leaves the Strait of Hormuz and other areas of former Iranian influence wide open to a return to Iran’s power-building.

Jacobsen: Hong Kong itself has had an election, which is always presented as a healthy sign. There was also the deadliest fire in Hong Kong in decades. Within a wide range of sectors, in the last five years or so, nearly 40% of incumbents—including household names and notable politicians—have stepped aside this election, while more mainland Chinese business-linked candidates are joining the race. So it looks like a multi-pronged attack on, or influence over, Hong Kong democracy. 

Tsukerman: Hong Kong democracy has become a husk of its former self since China’s takeover. Beijing is essentially taking over everything. The pro-democracy camp has been virtually shut out of elections in recent years. So this is not a brand-new development. There has been a lot of criticism of the fire, but that will not necessarily translate into a pro-democracy or anti-government result. First, because people know the consequences of backing parties that are not even properly represented. Second, because it does not change anything, people may be angry, and justifiably so, but ultimately, China controls this sphere.

By having Hong Kong handed over to it, China can dismiss any claims of external influence and has made it very clear that it plans to reintegrate Hong Kong into its own government structure. At first, it tried to send the message that everything would remain as it was. But it has become undeniable that China never had any intention of doing so. Under Xi, in recent years, it has expedited its takeover of several autonomous systems and is trying to create a system of conformity everywhere. Hong Kong is just one example. This is the future that awaits Taiwan as well, should China ever take it over.

One interesting note to that: UK students apparently are being taught in K–12 schools that Taiwan is actually Chinese sovereign territory, that it literally belongs to Beijing. On paper, that reflects the official UK position—the One China policy—but in practice, that has not been the case for many decades.

Interestingly, the UK is moving closer to China in its educational and ideological views of what it considers China’s sphere of influence. The UK never had Taiwan as part of its own sphere of influence, per se. Taiwan viewed the UK, the US, and other Western countries as potential security partners. Now we are seeing an ideological shift in the other direction. The UK, and possibly other countries, are giving up claims to treat Taiwan as at least a quasi-independent and autonomous entity in favour of adopting China’s position.

With Hong Kong, that happened a long time ago. I have not seen Western countries push for much on Hong Kong. Yes, there have been sanctions related to China’s overreach and its quashing of protests in the past, but there has not been a push to get China out of Hong Kong or stop it from interfering with Hong Kong’s elections or democratic processes. Everyone has essentially accepted the status quo.

Jacobsen: Also in the news: Seoul’s army has labelled the imprisoned ex-leader Yoon Ram Kong “ill” because he criticized the army chief. For those who may not be aware, cyber-terrorism laws are in place, and if you criticize the state, its institutions, or personnel, you can get into serious trouble in Pakistan. The same is happening there, even for former leaders. Any thoughts?

Tsukerman: The situation in Pakistan is exciting because, quite frankly, the populist Imran Khan–aligned faction is no more democratic than the ruling military-aligned elites. It is essentially presenting a different flip side of the same mindset. The Imran Khan faction has been far closer to China, Russia, and to some extent Iran than most other factions within the Pakistani elite. He has had tensions with Saudi Arabia, which the current leadership does not.

Pakistan’s reality is already so dependent on China and, historically, so torn between Iran and the Gulf states, that these shifts back and forth do not fundamentally change the situation on the ground. They only reflect how the population perceives things, but they do not alter the economic factors that have created certain interdependencies. Those interdependencies are complicated to dismantle, no matter who is in power.

Pakistan has had a very long history of cyber interference, regardless of leadership, and a long history of imprisoning prime ministers for corruption. Literally no prime minister has ever finished a full term without either ending up in prison, being forced out of power, or being accused of corruption.

A lot of it is very much real, but of course, it is also used as a political cudgel. Imran Khan’s popularity for “standing up to elites” has not been about being more democratic or more liberal. In many ways, he is far more traditionalist. Even though some of his factions have played the card of potentially normalizing relations with Israel, that has also been the case with other factions inside the government. They have all explored different opportunities for diversifying sources of weapons, cyber technology, surveillance technology, and so forth.

The only thing that makes Imran Khan unique in the general political sphere is that he is seen not as a military figure, but as a popular cricket player who came from the public rather than the military establishment. That is the only significant difference. In everything else, he has kept to the worst traditions of Pakistani political mismanagement. 

The great ideological gravitation toward China and Russia also made him more popular with the Trump administration than some previous leaders, and Trump even lobbied for his release. But that does not change the reality of what Pakistan has been doing on the ground, its security paradigm, or the security problems it has been facing. The cyber crackdowns we are seeing are not new.

They are less about significant changes in the country’s politics and more about a power struggle among different factions. This has created a lot of anger and resentment among the populace because, as I said, Khan’s faction is seen as the non-military faction, closer to the public. But in terms of foreign policy or domestic policy, it has not changed anything about Pakistan at all. It is an image and messaging difference, not a practical difference in governing, political philosophy, or relationships with other countries. It is a stylistic difference more than a real one.

We are seeing that, interestingly enough, it is not the prime minister but the army chief who is now consolidating and expanding power in Pakistan, while Imran Khan is essentially being disappeared, in a way that is stoking public anger. This expansion of power is possibly correlated with rising public outrage over the perceived injustice of Khan’s treatment, the politicization of his fate, and the government and military’s cyber interference.

There is a very real internal friction in Pakistan, but it is not about democracy or better governance. It is simply about factions wanting to be treated equally and people wanting to feel represented by their choice rather than by the military. As for whether that would amount to better elections or better outcomes if Imran Khan were released, that is not necessarily the case. We saw no substantive difference when he was in power. If anything, he intensified some existing problems.

Jacobsen: One last aspect before we take a break and come back later. This is interesting. Two parts in one: following sanctions—new bridge sanctions, economic and otherwise—on Iran, their currency has been dipping to a recent record low, and they are trying to hedge their wealth in various ways. In addition, in the same region, the UN Security Council sent its delegation to Syria for the first time since 1945. That is extraordinary for the latter and consequential for the former. Thoughts on either of those? 

Tsukerman: On the one hand, the UN Security Council’s visit to Syria is necessary. You cannot really evaluate the changes occurring in Syria—or whether they are truly occurring—without a physical visit. The fact that there is a change even to be discussed is self-evident. Obviously, Assad is no longer there, so the UN must see to what extent the institutions are changing, whether the new government is a distinction without a difference, or whether it is genuinely different.

On the other hand, this visit alone will not allow the UN to appreciate the changes fully. It will depend on how thorough they are and how honest the government is. Will the delegation follow government policy and local handlers, or will they be free to explore, meet with diverse communities, travel throughout Syria, and speak to a range of voices to understand the complex reality? I am sure the government will try to cover up and hide certain matters—not just the lack of economic progress, but also various security issues and the fact that some Assad loyalists are being reintegrated into the government apparatus. That includes not only security officials who never left, but also political leaders being returned to a new hybrid regime.

The value of the visit will depend on how honest the UN delegation is with itself, how willing it is to challenge the Al-Shar’a people, push for real answers, and explore beyond the narrow frameworks the government will present. It will also depend on whether this sets up return visits and a real fact-finding mission—or whether this is merely a symbolic opportunity to grant the new government legitimacy and show that “things have changed” without any real follow-through.

Quite frankly, the UN has not been the best at these things for a long time. There is a lot of pressure from the Gulf States, from Turkey, and even from the United States to move on quickly, to give a stamp of approval so everyone can proceed to reconstruction, economic opportunities, corridors, regional integration, and all the benefits expected from Syria’s reintegration with the international community. I am not sure a rush is justified given the security and human-rights incidents, the reports on the ground that extremists are operating checkpoints, and the contradictory reports on Al-Shar’a’s handling of the situation. It is unclear whether his opportunism will translate to anything more than tactical alliances with the West—alliances that will be abandoned as soon as he gets what he wants: removal of all sanctions and the funding needed for Syria to function more like a state and less like a patchwork of conflicting municipalities and regions. By the way, it has been like that since the Ottoman Empire; it has never truly been a solid, unified state.

There is an attempt to force centralization by Al-Shar’a, by Tambaric, and certainly by Turkey, with backing from some Gulf countries. But that does not necessarily have the support of local communities. Now, as far as the Iran sanctions fight, that should come as no surprise. Rather than taking the opportunity to reevaluate its strategy, given the climate change and ecological disasters it is facing—

Given that Iran’s nuclear program has suffered severe setbacks after UN strikes, after its military has been left in ruins, and after confrontations with Israel; given that its proxies across the region have been decimated and severely weakened — rather than taking this opportunity to focus on rebuilding its economy and proving its usefulness to its own citizens and to the region, Iran is actually rebuilding its military and nuclear program. It is sending aggressive external messaging and trying to restore its previous image as the regional scarecrow, rather than doing anything beneficial for the people living within its own borders.

That should come as no surprise, because the leadership of Iran has not changed as a result of these events, nor have they learned any meaningful lessons other than possibly improving their intelligence and counterintelligence apparatus. That will not make them more popular. They are deliberately repeating the same mistakes and problems. Their ideological focus has not changed.

I think it was a tremendous mistake for the Trump administration to stop Israel from putting an end to the current leadership and at least forcing the country to begin some reevaluation of its institutions and leadership. So long as the current people in power remain in power, we should not expect any dramatic changes. We should expect them to continue doubling down even as the economy crashes and people continue to suffer. As long as the policies do not change, we will not see anything new.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Trust, Soft Power, and UNESCO: Dr. Elika Dadsetan on Repairing U.S. Credibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/17

Dr. Elika Dadsetan is the CEO and Executive Director of VISIONS, Inc., a Boston-based nonprofit that equips individuals and organizations with the tools to build inclusion, trust, and belonging. Since 2020, she has led efforts to translate behavioral and social science into everyday practice, helping workplaces and communities reduce conflict, strengthen communication, and repair trust between institutions and the people they serve.

Her commentary explores themes such as grief, rest, and institutional distrust, offering no-shame, no-blame frameworks and community-centered strategies for connection. With a background spanning law, social work, and global humanitarian and development work, Dadsetan supports teams and leaders build and deepen (and heal) relationships, and to co-create norms that sustain well-being, dialogue, and shared accountability. She champions practices that honor lived experience and nurture both personal and collective resilience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any quick primer information relevant to the discussion today?

Dr. Elika Dadsetan: Drawing on my background in law (JD), social work (MSW), and education (EdD), and more than a decade of work with UN agencies and INGOs in global development, I approach questions of international engagement through VISIONS’ Four Levels: personal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural.

At every level, our model reminds us that feelings are messengers: emotional responses like frustration, pride, or fatigue are not obstacles to understanding but instead signals of where trust, belonging, or fairness have been disrupted and where repair is possible.

Jacobsen: How might the U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO affect its long-term credibility?

Dadsetan: From a governance standpoint, repeated exits and re-entries from a founding member undermine the institutional and cultural trust that credibility depends on. These actions tell other nations that the U.S. commitment to multilateral cooperation is conditional, not continuous.

Through the VISIONS lens, the global disappointment or skepticism such moves generate are data revealing the desire for stability, partnership, and follow-through. Restoring credibility begins with acknowledging that emotional truth before offering policy fixes.

Jacobsen: What practical consequences might U.S. disengagement have on UNESCO programs?

Dadsetan: Practically, U.S. disengagement means funding gaps, delayed projects, and shifts in influence toward other powers. It slows the work on global education, culture, and science, the very areas that support collaboration and peace.

VISIONS’ framework reminds us that institutions rebuild trust through feedback loops, showing what was heard and what has changed. If the U.S. wants to minimize harm, it can continue supporting field programs through NGOs, universities, or city partnerships, ensuring that affected communities still see responsiveness and shared accountability.

Jacobsen: How does soft power relate to trust?

Dadsetan: Soft power is the ability to attract and inspire through values, credibility, and care, rather than coercion. It is essentially institutional trust made visible.

When that trust erodes, people and nations alike rely more on emotional intelligence, reading signals of humility, reliability, and relational intent. As we teach in VISIONS, trust grows when proximity and accountability replace (or at least also include) prestige and performance (or rather, more of a both/and). The U.S. can rebuild soft power by consistently showing up, listening, and modeling collaborative correction, the “we got it wrong, here’s what we changed” approach.

Jacobsen: What role can civil society organizations like VISIONS, Inc. play in maintaining cross-cultural dialogue?

Dadsetan: Civil society is where relational repair happens when political relationships falter. Organizations like VISIONS can:

Convene across ideological and cultural lines using structured dialogue grounded in mutual respect, shared values, and psychological safety.

Train local messengers (educators, journalists, community leaders, like local faith leaders) in tools for cross-cultural communication and conflict transformation (and overall relationship building and healing/restoring).

Model co-design: including all affected voices in program creation and evaluation, demonstrating accountability beyond bureaucracy (and collaboration/co-creation).

These actions work across all Four Levels of Change: cultivating personal awareness, interpersonal empathy and relationship building/deepening/healing, institutional fairness, and cultural humility.

Jacobsen: How might the U.S. absence reshape the balance of influence?

Dadsetan: Influence flows to whoever shows up consistently. Without U.S. participation, UNESCO’s cultural and science agendas will increasingly reflect the priorities of other global actors, including China and the EU.

From a social justice perspective, this shift is not inherently negative; it opens opportunities for Global South leadership, AND, it also risks reinforcing new power imbalances if not intentionally inclusive. The U.S. can still act as a partner, not a patron, by amplifying underrepresented voices through education and cultural exchange rather than directive policy.

Jacobsen: UNESCO’s cultural heritage programs often intersect with Indigenous and spiritual traditions. What message does withdrawal send to those communities?

Dadsetan: Withdrawal sends a painful message of inconsistency, especially to communities that have fought for decades to have their heritage, languages, and sacred sites recognized.

In VISIONS’ terms, these communities’ disappointment and anger are reminders of historic exclusion and extractive partnerships. Repair means honoring free, prior, and informed consent, supporting community governance of heritage sites, and ensuring funding and decision-making power remain close to those most affected.

Jacobsen: How does UNESCO’s climate and sustainability agenda connect to the broader idea of climate justice?

Dadsetan: UNESCO’s approach links science, culture, and education, the three pillars needed to move from technical adaptation to equitable transformation. It asks, “Who decides, who benefits, and whose knowledge counts?”

From the VISIONS model, climate action must engage all Four Levels of Change:

Personal: cultivating awareness of consumption and privilege;

Interpersonal: strengthening local and cross-border solidarity;

Institutional: embedding equity and transparency in funding;

Cultural: valuing Indigenous and ancestral ecological knowledge as science AND folklore (as an example).

My work in humanitarian contexts has shown that sustainable adaptation begins when policy meets story, and when lived experience is treated as expertise.

Jacobsen: What would a constructive re-engagement look like if the U.S. were to reconsider?

Dadsetan: Re-engagement must start from humility, not nostalgia. A trust-repair stance means:

Acknowledge harm from prior withdrawals (and other decisions’ impacts) and the uncertainty they caused.

Meet financial and ethical obligations without delay.

Create visible feedback loops (public dashboards showing what changed based on member-state and community input).

Center co-leadership with educators, artists, Indigenous leaders, and youth (those who hold the moral imagination for shared futures).

Institutionalize accountability through bipartisan agreements that protect participation from domestic political swings.

VISIONS calls this moving from avoidance to engagement, not through blame/shame, and instead through transparent, sustained relationship. Trust isn’t rebuilt by statement; it’s rebuilt by steady behavior.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Elika. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 17: Partnership Models, Human Futures, and Cultural Transformation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/16

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this wide-ranging conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler discusses the core differences between domination and partnership models and why fragmented worldviews hinder our understanding of social systems. She explains how her framework of relational dynamics reveals overlooked drivers of culture, from childhood environments to gender norms. Drawing on archaeology, neuroscience, and history, Eisler highlights evidence for earlier egalitarian societies and emphasizes the need for new stories that celebrate cooperative human potential. They explore how people shift toward partnership values, the cognitive barriers they face, and why cultural narratives must evolve to prevent humanity from repeating destructive patterns.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Between a domination and a partnership model, something that comes to mind is how we acquire knowledge, how we integrate knowledge, and how we use knowledge. What is the big difference between partnership and domination models—knowledge acquisition, attainment, and use?

Riane Eisler: The difference between the conventional way we’re used to thinking, feeling, and acting—which is very choppy and fragmented—and the partnership-domination social scale is that this scale is based on a whole-systems analysis. And it’s based on connecting the dots. If you only look at part of a system, you don’t see the whole system. So I had to introduce and develop my own method of analysis, which I called the study of relational dynamics. This methodology focuses on relationships: What kinds of relationships does a particular social system support or inhibit? And, second, what is the relationship between the major components of social systems that mutually support each other? That led me to the understanding that our old social categories fragment our consciousness. East–West and North–South focus on geography. Capitalist–Socialist focuses on economics. Left–Right focuses on politics. There have been regressive, repressive, awful societies in every one of these categories. And all of them either marginalize the majority of humanity—women and children—or, as in some religious ideologies, claim that this is how God and nature intended it to be: rigid gender stereotypes and the ranking of male and masculine over female and feminine. 

We’ve all grown up with this. This is not a question of men against women or women against men. It is certainly not a question of shaming or blaming. It is a question of taking the scales off our eyes and looking at the whole system. And yes, looking at relationships. 

We are now in a period of global regression to domination, which is a reaction—I cannot emphasize this enough—to movements during a period of massive disequilibrium, as the Industrial Revolution, beginning in the late eighteenth century, went into high gear over the following centuries. Movement after movement, organized social movements, all challenged the same thing: domination. But it requires a whole-systems view to understand this. The movement against the rule of kings over their subjects, the rule of men over women and children, the rule of a “superior race” over “inferior races,” and, ultimately, the environmental movement challenging human dominion over nature—over everything that moves on this Earth—are all connected. We’re not used to connecting the dots.

As for knowledge aquisition, in my book Tomorrow’s Children, I emphasize repeatedly what I recommend as a partnership education for the twenty-first century, both formal and informal. That means weaning us from violent entertainment. It is better than the Roman circus in its audiovisual sophistication, but it accomplishes the same thing. It normalizes violence, just as violence is normalized by violence in the family—what I call it, rather than “domestic violence,” which gets marginalized immediately. The victims of this violence are mostly women and children, some men, and many boys—many, many boys. That normalizes violence. 

As for knowledge integration, conventional analyses of societies  have left out formative dots, actually huge lacunae: childhood, family, and gender. How these translate into economics, worldview, stories, and language remains invisible to us because we have excluded them. And we do not recognize that a partnership alternative exists, even though so much evidence is coming at us in bits and pieces—again, very fragmented. Archaeologically, for example, Chinese archaeologists recently found a prehistoric society that was matrilineal and matrilocal, dispelling the caveman cartoon of a man holding a weapon in one hand and dragging a woman by the hair with the other. You would think we would connect the dots, but we rarely do. 

Jacobsen: Blinding lacunae—our inability to see that these partnership models are available. What was the reason this Chinese discovery matters?

Eisler: The Chinese discovery is just one in a whole series of findings that arrive in fragments. Archaeological evidence shows, for example, that the handprints in Paleolithic caves were not primarily made by men but by women; the anatomical ratios of finger lengths differ reliably between male and female hands, and the prints match female patterns. Catalhoyuk was peaceful, gender-balanced, and more equitable for roughly a thousand years. We know these things. The data are there. But we do not connect the dots. 

What does this mean for our species, for humanity? For thousands of years—as shown in Nurturing Our Humanity, which I co-authored with Douglas Fry, an anthropologist specializing in peace studies—we lived as gatherers and hunters. We have learned to reverse the phrase, putting hunting first, when actually most of our calories came from gathering, a sphere in which women played a significant role. We also now know that women, including pregnant women, hunted as well. Yet the evidence arrives in such scattered pieces that you must be a generalist to synthesize it—and you need a conceptual frame. That frame is the partnership–domination social scale.

Jacobsen: What do you think is the easiest element for people to integrate when leaning toward the partnership model, and what tends to be the hardest cognitive gap?

Eisler:  It is tough for us to give up our stories, both religious and secular, even though we have inherited narratives that idealize the hero as a killer. Consider The Odyssey: Odysseus still depends on a woman, Penelope, to secure his power and rulership, and the text features influential female figures that offer clues to an earlier cultural layer. Yet his adversaries—Sirens, Charybdis—are portrayed as monstrous females whom he must defeat or outsmart. He uses Calypso and Circe as sexual conveniences. The double standard is already firmly in place. Penelope is idealized for weaving and unweaving her tapestry to fend off suitors, while he freely exploits other women. It is an ethical mess, but we have learned to idealize these stories. We blame Eve or Pandora for humanity’s ills.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite story that most aligns with the partnership model?

Eisler: We are trying to create partnership stories—imagining what such narratives would look like. As we have discussed many times, the alternative to patriarchy is not matriarchy. That is simply the other side of the same coin of domination. The alternative is partnership. 

We want enlightened men and women to take leadership. That is the new hero-and-heroine journey. But we face many obstacles. 

Still, societies have changed before. Five to ten thousand years ago—which is a drop in the evolutionary bucket—our cultural systems shifted dramatically. And now, with nuclear weapons and climate change, we must move toward partnership quickly. But it will require tremendous effort and tremendous creativity—or else a terrible disaster will force the change.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Riane. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

García Sosa & Oliver i Rojo on Gender, Media, and Law in Spain

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/15

Montserrat García Sosa is a Barcelona-based feminist journalist and translator linked to La Independent, Catalonia’s gender-perspective news agency, and the network XIDPIC.CAT–XIPVG. Her work centers on gender equality, media accountability, and the rights of women journalists across Catalonia and the Mediterranean. She has moderated and translated sessions at Mediterranean women-communicators meetings and contributes reporting and analysis for La Independent, including coverage of On Són Les Dones’ monitoring and human-rights risks in Mesoamerica. Earlier, she contributed articles to the book “Els usos del temps en famílies catalanes.” García Sosa connects journalism, activism, and translation to strengthen media practices in Spain. 

Alícia Oliver i Rojo is a Barcelona-based feminist journalist specialized in gender-equality reporting. She co-founded the Associació de Dones Periodistes de Catalunya (ADPC), the Xarxa Europea de Dones Periodistes (XEDP), and the Red Internacional de Periodistas con Visión de Género (RIPVG), and serves as coordinator of XEDP and co-coordinator of the RIPVG. She leads the Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya’s Periodisme Solidari working group. Previously, she wrote and presented RNE-Ràdio 4’s “Dotze estels/Doce estrellas” (1996–2004), the first EU-focused radio program in Catalonia, which she directed. Oliver works freelance on communication, human rights, global migration, and media with a gender perspective. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Barcelona-based feminist journalists Montserrat García Sosa and Alícia Oliver i Rojo link reporting, activism, and translation to strengthen Spain’s media. They describe #LasPeriodistasParamos as catalytic but fragile, sustaining March 8 mobilizations while patriarchy persists. On Són Les Dones audits show opinion spaces remain male-dominated despite TV parity. Spain’s Ley Orgánica 10/2022 improved consent-centered reporting amid misinformation. Professional bodies urge rigorous, non-sensational coverage to counter manipulation. The EU’s 2024 directive mandates measures by 2027; Catalonia already recognizes digital violence. Precarity and wage gaps endure, with parity decades away. Gender-perspective outlets matter, yet limited resources constrain reach; ethics and verification remain paramount.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In 2018, the collective #LasPeriodistasParamos mobilized thousands of women. What durable newsroom changes followed this?

Montserrat García Sosa and Alícia Oliver i Rojo: History teaches us that changes are never lasting. That said, what it did achieve was bringing many women journalists out into the streets to show our rejection of the patriarchal practices in our society. From then on, a whole movement of support was created among women and, in our case, among women journalists. Every March 8th, we continue organizing activities to demand the long-awaited equality in the media and an end to sexist violence, including online violence against women journalists, which, unfortunately, we are experiencing increasingly.

Jacobsen: On Són Les Dones has repeatedly audited women’s presence in opinion spaces, how are things for women in media in Spain?

Sosa and Rojo: Regarding opinion, there is no way forward, especially in major mass media. The larger the media is the fewer women express their opinions (and the same is true in decision-making positions). Opinion continues to be considered a space reserved mainly for men.
As the collective Where Are the Women? points out, the media “continue systematically silencing women’s opinions.” In their latest study on media in Catalonia, conducted last April, the figures they reported are as follows:

29% of women’s opinions in print media

36% in digital press

43% on radio

50% on television, the only medium that is gender balanced.

Jacobsen: Spain’s Ley Orgánica 10/2022 addresses sexual violence. How has this law changed reporting practices?

Sosa and Rojo: We know that any progress in human rights faces an adverse reaction. In the case of women’s rights, this is what we are experiencing right now. It is due to misinformation and the numerous hoaxes spread through social media and far-right media platforms, so-called “pseudo-media”. Rumors such as that there are more sexual assaults today and that these are attributed to the immigrant population, which is completely false, as police statistics show. It is also false that there are more rapes. What is happening is that many more sexual aggressions are being reported today. It is clear that the progress made by feminist and women’s movements, which have been at the forefront of demanding laws and commitments, has made it possible to have a law that takes consent into account and the application of more severe penalties.

Jacobsen: FAPE’s recommendations urge rigorous, non-sensational coverage. Where are the gaps between guidance and practice in journalism?

Sosa and Rojo: Regional journalists’ associations throughout Spain like the Federation of Journalists’ Associations of Spain (FAPE), the Federation of Journalists’ Unions (FeSP), and other regional journalists’ associations, rightly demand the defense of truthful, rigorous, and ethical journalism. This principle is enshrined in the various codes of ethics that govern the profession.

At a time of heightened political tension—a climate that undoubtedly affects citizens and undermines the credibility of both political and journalistic institutions, among others—its relevance is greater than ever.

Truthful, rigorous, and non-sensationalist reporting is the strongest defense against manipulation, demagoguery, and the tide of misinformation. Today, misinformation stands as the greatest threat to both journalism and democracy.

Jacobsen: In 2024, the EU adopted a law combating violence against women. What responsibilities does this place on Spanish media?

Sosa and Rojo: On May 14, 2024, the European Union approved its first directive to combat violence against women. Member States are required to adopt the necessary measures to implement it by June 14, 2027. Spain was already a pioneer in this area with the 2004 Comprehensive Protection against Gender Violence Act, the first of its kind in Europe. The law not only addressed criminal issues but also emphasized prevention, education, and social measures.

In Catalonia, Law 5/2008 on Women’s Right to Eradicate Gender-Based Violence expanded protections by recognizing various forms of abuse—physical, psychological, sexual, and economic. A 2020 reform broadened the law further to include digital violence, which especially affects journalists, politicians, human rights defenders, and LGTBIQ+ groups.

Jacobsen: The APM reports women journalists face precarious work, low pay, and polarization. How does precarity intersect with gender in journalism?

Sosa and Rojo: In today’s patriarchal society, job insecurity and the wage gap continue to exist across many areas of social and economic life, despite the fact that laws formally prohibit them. According to the United Nations, unless decisive action is taken and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is fully implemented, the gender gap will not be closed. Indeed, a report released in September 2024 estimated that it will take 137 years to lift all women and girls out of poverty.

In Spain, the association ClosinGap—formed by 17 major companies dedicated to analyzing the economic impact of gender inequalities—published a report in February stating that “at the current rate, the country will need 37 more years to achieve gender parity.” So it’s not just women journalists who face job insecurity and the wage gap—it’s women everywhere, simply because they are women.

Jacobsen: Outlets with a gender perspective might position themselves as corrective voices, what is their realistic impact?

Sosa and Rojo: Unfortunately, the impact remains limited due to a lack of resources. At a time when technological, economic, and climate crises overlap, it is increasingly difficult for journalism to reach a wide audience. Meanwhile, younger generations are turning away from traditional media such as newspapers, radio, and television. We are living in a time of profound change that will inevitably reshape our profession, for better or worse. However, journalism remains essential. Our duty, guided by the code of ethics, is to verify the facts and resist the temptation to publish the first rumor that comes our way.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, and nice to talk to you again.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1643: Rick Rosner on Trump, Iran, Theology, AI, and the Failures of Modern Judgment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/13

How does Rick Rosner connect Trump’s judgment on Iran, COVID, tariffs, theology, and AI to broader failures in human reasoning?

Abstract

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on Trump’s judgment, the U.S.-Israel war against Iran, political risk, and the costs to Americans. Their wide-ranging discussion ranges from intuition and deception to religion, creationism, identity, technology, architecture, geometry, and AI metrics. Rosner argues that impulsive decision-making, weak expert listening, and overconfidence recur across politics and public life, and that science, metaphysics, and information systems shape modern human experience. 

Trump, Iran, and Political Judgment

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How have you seen the progress of Mr. Trump and the war launched by the United States and Israel against Iran? In legal and geopolitical terms, how is that progressing? What does it cost Americans?

Rick Rosner: I’m just one guy with my under-informed views, but it’s bad for the world. It’s bad for the Jews. There was a lot of antisemitism before this.

And then, according to reporting, Netanyahu pushed Trump hard on confronting Iran, and Trump did in fact join Israel in launching strikes on Iran in late February. It has not turned out to be easy or clean. The Iranian regime is still in place, and the war has not produced regime collapse. It is hard to see how the regime would fall without some far greater military effort, and that would mean a massive escalation in a country of Iran’s size, with Tehran deep inside the country and with the state still controlling major security and military forces.

Also, Tehran is a huge city, and Iran still has the internal security apparatus, the Revolutionary Guard, and the regular military. A lot of the population may hate the Revolutionary Guard, but that does not mean they do not still have the guns and the machinery of repression. So, anyway, it was a bad, stupid move for Trump. His approval did drop after the war escalated. Reuters Ipsos had him at 36% in late March, down from 40% the week before. A lot of conservatives and right-wing figures have criticized the war, and there have been public calls to talk about the 25th Amendment, but that is not realistically happening. Under Section 4, it would require the vice president and a majority of the principal officers of the executive departments, and, if contested, a two-thirds vote of both houses of Congress.

Gas is up sharply. AP reported the national average at about $4.15 a gallon, nearly 40% higher since the war began, and Reuters reported oil up roughly 40% since the conflict disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. That is politically toxic. Republicans hold only a narrow House majority. As of March, the House Press Gallery listed Republicans at 217 and Democrats at 214, meaning the GOP cannot afford much slippage at all if it wants to keep control. So yes, this hurts his chances of holding the House in November, even if the exact seat-loss number is still speculation.

But anyway, Trump put himself in a bad position. He has cost America money, lives, and international standing. It is not COVID-level bad in terms of total domestic disruption, but it does show the same kind of impulsive, high-risk judgment. That is probably the consistency: overconfidence, poor cost assessment, and a habit of acting as though complexity will roll over for the force of personality.

Jacobsen: What are the consistencies in the pattern of judgment in COVID, in this war, and in the tariffs?

Rosner: He thinks what he thinks is correct, even if what he thinks is under-informed. He thought COVID wouldn’t be bad, so his decisions were based on that, at least early on. He thinks tariffs work, so he wasn’t going to listen to anyone who said they can be inappropriate or harmful depending on the economic situation.

Job performance is more mixed than often claimed. There were strong job losses at the end of his first term during COVID, following earlier gains, so the record is not as simple as a single trend line. But the broader point still holds. It is a lot of shooting from the hip, not gathering advice, or not heeding the advice. There is your consistency. Also, being easily influenced by the last person to have his ear.

Trump is known to be swayed, especially when someone tells him what he wants to hear. Regarding the Iran situation, reporting suggests that some around him raised concerns that it might not work, but he has leaned toward the more optimistic scenario. Netanyahu presented a case that aligned with what Trump wanted to hear. Trump, and many others, thought he was going to get an easy victory, that the Iranian regime might collapse under pressure, similar to how the Iraqi regime fell relatively quickly in 2003.

But even in Iraq, there was a large-scale ground invasion backed by a coalition, not just a bombing campaign. That kind of force has not been used here. Iran is larger, more complex, and has more internal capacity to absorb and respond to pressure. So it was unrealistic to expect that it would simply tip over from air strikes alone. So there you go.

Sports, Intuition, and Decision-Making

Another topic: So, the magic number. In times of trouble, many Americans, including me, turn to sports for distraction. It is the end of the NBA season. At the end of a professional sports season, there is a concept called a “magic number.” It is a convenient way to frame things. It is the number of losses by your opponents or victories by the team you support that would guarantee your team a specific outcome, such as a playoff position.

I have been watching the Lakers. They had magic numbers of three and four against their two closest rivals for third place going into the NBA playoffs. Then the Lakers lost key players, which affects their chances, but that is beside the point. The point is how the number works. Against one team, they reduced the number. Against the other team, the Denver Nuggets, on the last day of the season tomorrow, the magic number is two. That means each team has one game left, so the Lakers would need to win and the Nuggets would need to lose.

At that stage, the number is less useful because there are so few games left, but it is still a simple and helpful way to understand playoff scenarios. It is a small piece of math that helps put your team’s chances into perspective.

Trump tends to act impulsively, does not consistently rely on expert input, and does not always gather or weigh expert opinion. There was a segment on a cable news program where an informal online poll asked whether Trump relies more on instinct or analysis. The responses heavily favoured instinct over analysis, which aligns with that general perception.

Jacobsen: Yes. When does gut instinct actually play a useful role in life?

Rosner: Quite often, when you have to make a quick decision about something directly in front of you, and you do not have time to analyze. If you think someone seems sketchy, it may be based on prior information, but often, you do not have time for that. It comes down to how they present themselves and your immediate reaction.

You could break down what contributes to that reaction, but your gut response is your immediate mental processing when something presents itself to your awareness. It is not always a fully formed question. It is a rapid synthesis of cues.

People sometimes talk about the “ick,” a sudden loss of attraction based on something small or unexpected. Comedians use it as an example of how fast and decisive those reactions can be. It is not necessarily rational, but it reflects how quickly impressions can shift.

Social Deviance, Power, and Opportunity

Jacobsen: What role do assholes and liars play in human social life?

Rosner: The role they play is partly defined by their relative rarity. People who repeatedly and deliberately lie about significant matters or engage in large-scale deception are not the norm, which means societies are often not fully prepared to deal with them.

Public discourse over the past decade has included strong criticism of Trump’s business and political behaviour, with some observers describing it as deceptive or manipulative. Whether one agrees with that or not, it highlights how systems can be strained when individuals operate outside expected norms.

I do not always distinguish clearly between terms like psychopath and sociopath, but the broader point is about behaviour that disregards norms and consequences. The constitutional system in the United States was designed with safeguards against abuses of power, but those safeguards depend on norms, enforcement, and political will. In practice, they can be tested.

So the broader role of such individuals is to expose the limits of systems that assume a baseline level of good faith.

Jacobsen: So, easily.

Rosner: So easily, it is one in 30,000.

Jacobsen: I would say, actually, one in 31,560, but with people like that, it is that he was an asshole and a con man, and he had access. There are many gifted people at that level. Socially, he had access to excuse-making and buffers that helped him avoid many failures. For others, such as disadvantaged groups, a single failure can have far more serious consequences.

Rosner: Yes. He had a lot of money to work with, and he is a big blowhard. He was constantly putting himself in the public eye, which served him well. So he is a four-sigma outlier in terms of behaviour, with luck, opportunity, and financial resources that magnify his impact on other people.

Jacobsen: Yes. Like the case of Terence Tao. He is highly gifted and has strong support and encouragement. It is not about underestimating environmental effects. Environmental factors play a role, though genetics also play a significant role. The environmental contribution often shapes the breadth of opportunity and protection.

Rosner: So, about Charles Darwin. He was certainly a world-class genius. Many scientifically oriented people would include him among the greatest thinkers in history. But it would be difficult to argue that he had one of the very top cognitive profiles among all humans who have ever lived. What mattered was that Darwin had the opportunity to go on a five-year voyage, observe global geography, and study biological diversity, which shaped his work.

Jacobsen: Yes, that is a very good point. Many people in history benefited from timing and circumstance.

Rosner: Also, it was a time when the theory was ready to emerge. So it was a combination of genius, luck, and opportunity.

Creationism, Theology, and Metaphysics

Jacobsen: As a quick footnote, what is your interpretation of creationism and intelligent design?

Rosner: My interpretation is that intelligent design is largely an attempt to reframe creationist ideas in more scientific language. As evolutionary theory became more widely accepted, proponents of creationism tried to reintroduce their objections in a more formal framework. Some criticisms of evolutionary theory are legitimate scientific discussions, but many are not. In contemporary discourse, especially in parts of the United States, some groups continue to support traditional creationism directly, without relying on the intelligent design framework.

Jacobsen: And a while ago, you made a strong statement about theology, both on its own terms and in its political use in the United States. Your general statement was very critical. Do you have any thoughts on that now?

Rosner: The point is this. If Christians are going to behave in a genuinely Christian manner, then I am supportive of theology in that sense. Religion is not just a set of beliefs; it is also a set of moral prescriptions. If someone identifies as a Christian, the label matters less than how they act.

Most people do not strictly adhere to every doctrinal detail of their religion, especially in more complex traditions like Catholicism, and this is generally accepted socially. But if someone claims a religious identity and uses it for political advantage while acting in ways that contradict its ethical principles, then that becomes a problem. That kind of behaviour reflects a zero-sum mindset, where one person’s gain requires another’s loss.

That critique applies broadly. If religious identity leads to constructive, ethical behaviour, then it is positive. If it is used to justify harm, exclusion, or exploitation, then it deserves criticism.

Jacobsen: Now you are getting at the more superficial layer around moral teachings, and the more serious issue of whether those teachings lead people to act better, which is what people actually care about. If we take two steps back from actions, one step to moral teachings, and then another step back to the foundational ideas of there being a God, a world, and human beings within it, do those foundations hold up for you? Given evolution, standard Big Bang cosmology, or modified models with multiple expansions, in a naturalistic framework, does that two-steps-back foundation hold any weight? Or is it essentially unsound at the foundational level, even if it leads people to behave better?

Rosner: It does not, at least not in a strong sense. I want science to have a deeper metaphysical foundation. I want science eventually to answer not just how things behave, but why, all the way down to the most basic level. That would amount to a solid foundation, which I call metaphysics, though others might use different terms.

As for religion, the science we already have, and the science we will develop, will likely close off many forms of religious metaphysics. It will rule out or weaken many of the foundational claims behind religious systems.

Jacobsen: So, is theology wrong at the foundational level, even if it can teach people to behave better?

Rosner: Probably, yes.

Jacobsen: Is that a strong “probably” or a weak “probably”?

Rosner: It is a medium, “probably,” because science has a way of overturning what once seemed certain. What looked like clockwork certainty at the end of the 19th century was disrupted by quantum mechanics, and the apparent solidity of three-dimensional space was reshaped by general relativity. So being certain that a creator can be ruled out could itself be mistaken. That is why I say medium.

Jacobsen: I was not asking about certainty, just whether it is a strong or weak “probably,” so you are placing it in the middle.

Personal Habits, Appearance, and Identity

Rosner: Yes. I have a brief topic that is uncomfortable. I have adjusted some personal habits over time.

Jacobsen: Why frame it that way?

Rosner: Because I have ongoing physical issues that require extra attention to hygiene. That means I need to take additional care, and it can affect everyday situations. Over time, I have adapted my habits to be more practical and to reduce awkward situations. That is the basic point.

Jacobsen: Understood. On a different note, you mentioned something earlier. Your hair sometimes appears very white or gray, and at other times darker, depending on the lighting. Why is that?

Rosner: It is not just the lighting. I just got out of the tub, and my hair is darker when it is wet. The lighting may play a role, but it is mostly because it is still wet. The lighting can make me look very pale.

To get back to the topic that came up earlier, I saw a movie last night with Keanu Reeves, Matt Bomer, and Cameron Diaz. It got me thinking. Matt Bomer is a very good-looking guy, and he came out as gay relatively early in his career. I started wondering how much of his life actually revolves around that fact.

Jacobsen: Does he have that effect on you?

Rosner: No, but he is clearly very handsome. My point is that sexual orientation probably plays a smaller role in everyday life now than it did in earlier decades. In the 1930s through the 1950s, if you were gay and closeted, being gay did not necessarily shape your daily routine in visible ways because it had to be hidden. People often conformed outwardly, sometimes even marrying heterosexually, so it was not always a dominant part of day-to-day activity, even if it affected inner experience.

In the 1970s, with movements like gay liberation and broader cultural shifts, sexuality became more openly expressed. Social norms loosened, and people’s identities were more publicly lived.

Now, if you think about someone like Bomer, he may be married, have a family, and lead a routine similar to many other people’s lives. His time is likely spent on work, relationships, media, and daily responsibilities. Sexual orientation is one part of identity, but it does not occupy most of the day-to-day mental bandwidth.

So when we reduce people to a single label, such as “gay,” that is often an oversimplification. Increasingly, people are shaped by broader factors such as technology, media consumption, and constant connectivity. We are all, in some sense, participants in a network of information and distraction, which can dilute the prominence of any single identity marker.

That trend may intensify. Younger generations, especially Gen Z, are deeply integrated with digital environments. Birth rates have declined in many developed countries, with figures below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman. That suggests long-term demographic shifts that may also reflect changing priorities and lifestyles.

I also thought briefly about Laverne Cox, a transgender actress in the film. For transgender individuals, gender identity may require more ongoing effort, especially in presentation and social navigation. However, even in that case, once routines are established, they may not dominate every moment of daily life.

If someone has been living in their identified gender for years and has a stable routine, then much of their time, like anyone else’s, is spent on work, relationships, and media. The proportion of time spent thinking about identity-related factors may be relatively small compared to the broader structure of daily life.

So the broader point is that while identity categories matter, they often occupy less of our moment-to-moment experience than we assume, especially in a world increasingly shaped by technology and constant information flow.

Buildings, Materials, and Future Construction

Jacobsen: Is there a context in which the mastery of material manipulation is such that buildings, even large megastructures, are essentially grown rather than built?

Rosner: Yes, depending on what you mean by “grown.” We can already 3D print buildings. You have probably seen that. There are large printer-like systems that move along the footprint of a structure and lay down layers of concrete-like material incrementally until the building is formed.

You can produce good-looking and highly fire-resistant structures that way. In general, current construction methods feel outdated. We are still building much the same way we did a century ago, and the industry could benefit from disruption.

For example, after large-scale fires, many homes are rebuilt using similar techniques, such as wooden framing with drywall and exterior cladding. These materials remain vulnerable to fire. Even high-end homes often rely heavily on wood, with only partial use of steel for structural support. That is not necessarily ideal.

There are structural reasons for some of these choices. For example, rigid panels help maintain integrity during earthquakes, but those materials can still be flammable. So we continue to rebuild with systems that are not fully optimized for resilience.

In the future, we will likely see more widespread use of printed buildings and robotic construction. Those developments are already underway. If you are asking about something more biological, such as structures grown from seed-like systems that assemble themselves using environmental inputs, that is much further out. That would require advances in synthetic biology and materials science that are still speculative and likely to take a century or more.

There may eventually be environmental advantages to such systems, as biological processes can efficiently draw materials from the surrounding environment. But for now, that remains conceptual rather than practical.

Geometry, Information, and AI

Jacobsen: Let me take a geometric object like a cube. It has eight vertices, six faces, and twelve edges. There is a mathematical structure to those relationships. Informationally, do the vertices, edges, and faces, as defining features of the object, exist as an intrinsic set of information that fully describes it?

Rosner: Yes, in a sense. A cube can be fully defined by a relatively small set of parameters and relationships. The vertices, edges, and faces are not independent in an arbitrary way. Geometric rules constrain them.

In mathematics, you can describe a cube through coordinates, symmetry groups, or topological relationships. Once you define the structure, the rest follows from those constraints. So the information that defines the object is compact and generative. It is not just a list of parts but a set of rules that produces the whole structure.

That is why geometric objects are often used as examples of efficient representation. A small amount of information can encode a large amount of structure.

Leonhard Euler was the one who gave the formula where, for polyhedra, the number of vertices minus edges plus faces equals two. For a cube, you can see how that works. Twelve edges, plus two, relate to the number of faces and vertices. That applies to all polyhedra.

There is an even simpler relationship for polygons, where the number of edges equals the number of vertices. There is probably an analogous formula for four-dimensional shapes, hyperhedra.

Does that contain information? I am not sure. The equation does contain information in the sense that any structure you build will follow those constraints. That can guide you into broader areas of inquiry, where geometry connects with topology and deeper structural questions. But the equation itself does not contain much detailed information. It encodes constraints more than content.

Jacobsen: Do you think there will be an efficient mapping of the distributed weighting of neural networks, or whatever comes next in artificial intelligence, that could be characterized in a similarly efficient way? This connects to your thinking about intelligence and cosmology.

Rosner: I read a lot of commentary on AI, and many competing metrics aim to measure its capabilities and usefulness. Those metrics are not very good. They may not be worse than something like IQ, but they are still limited.

People want a clear way to evaluate whether AI is overhyped, how powerful it is, and how powerful it will become. That requires better measurement. We will eventually develop improved metrics, and they will need to keep evolving as AI advances.

Right now, two AI experts can reach opposite conclusions. One might say it is mostly hype and does not truly think, while another might argue that it already surpasses human thinking in some areas and could become dominant. That level of disagreement suggests that our measurement tools are inadequate.

If we had stronger metrics for both human cognition and AI systems, we would better understand the landscape, including its risks and benefits. There will likely be continued pressure to develop more accurate methods for evaluating AI.

Part of that process will involve monitoring AI systems, often with other AI systems. Even if AI becomes dominant, it will still need internal regulation. Systems will have to monitor other systems to prevent harmful outcomes. In that sense, AI may act as its own form of oversight to maintain stability and continuity.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1642: Oil Prices, Russia’s War, Evolution, and the Science of Longevity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/29

How does Rick Rosner connect oil price shocks, Russia’s war in Ukraine, evolutionary trade-offs, and human longevity in conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner explore how war, energy markets, and biology intersect across Ukraine, Iran, and the United States. They consider whether conflict-driven oil price spikes strengthen Russia’s capacity to continue attacking Ukraine, while also examining drones, political instability, and the strategic role of Iran. The conversation then shifts into evolutionary theory, longevity, reproductive trade-offs, and the difficulty of selecting for lifespan in animals. They conclude with reflections on anxiety, repetitive behavior, aging, and stellar color, revealing Rosner’s wide-ranging, analytical style. The interview moves fluidly from geopolitics to science, grounded in Jacobsen’s reporting perspective from Kyiv. 

Oil Prices, Ukraine, and Air Raids

Rick Rosner: Was that your question, Rick? The price of oil has surged because of the war involving Iran, which has increased energy revenues for Russia. Russia has spent enormous financial resources and a great many lives on its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, now in its fifth calendar year. The question is whether increased oil revenue is helping sustain or intensify Russian attacks.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In Kyiv this spring, the pattern of air raid alerts has been volatile. Some days have multiple alarms, while others have none. On earlier trips, there was usually a curfew from midnight to five in the morning, and Russian attacks often came during that period, using ballistic missiles and, primarily, Shahed-type drones.

Rosner: When you say “Shahed,” that sounds like a drone that originates, at least in part, in Iran.

Jacobsen: Yes, the technology originates in Iran. The term “Shahed” is often used broadly to describe a category of Iranian-designed loitering munitions, particularly the Shahed-136 and related variants used by Russia. Ukrainians joked about calling them “Shahedovs,” adding a Russian-style suffix to the Iranian name.

This appears to be a temporary spike—a wartime surge in pricing that may not last indefinitely. Elevated oil prices help the Russian war effort in the short term, but that advantage is not permanent. Over the long term, energy markets are expected to continue shifting toward renewables.

Rosner: When Americans hear the word “drone,” they often imagine a small quadcopter. You seem to be describing something larger.

Jacobsen: Correct. The Shahed-136 is much larger—closer to a small aircraft than a hobby drone, with a wingspan of roughly several meters. It carries an explosive payload and can cause significant damage. If fires are triggered, the destruction can increase substantially. Recent strikes, including in Lviv, have caused damage in part due to resulting fires.

American Politics, Protest, and Instability

Rosner: We are speaking late Saturday night in the United States and Sunday morning where you are. Today in the U.S., there was another set of “No Kings” protests—thousands of events across the country.

Reports indicate more than 3,000 rallies nationwide, with some international participation. Estimates suggest turnout in the millions, possibly among the largest protest mobilizations in U.S. history, although exact rankings remain uncertain.

At the same time, the United States is dealing with disruptions tied to a partial government shutdown affecting airports. There have been reports of long lines, staffing shortages, and operational strain at airports due to the shutdown. There are also indications of increased U.S. military activity.

There has been a buildup of U.S. forces in the Middle East, including deployments of Marines and airborne units. However, specific claims about readiness notices vary in reliability. What is clear is that additional troops have been positioned in the region. There has been discussion of potential escalation involving Iranian infrastructure, including Kharg Island.

Kharg Island is Iran’s primary oil export hub and a critical strategic asset. It has already been targeted in recent military actions and remains central to escalation scenarios. Any further action involving it would have major implications for global energy markets and regional stability.

Taking or destroying such a target could be framed as a war objective. Trump is under political pressure. Historically, presidents with low approval ratings often face significant losses in midterm elections, sometimes on the order of dozens of House seats, which can shift control of the chamber. Control of the Senate in such cycles is often more competitive.

That said, projections about specific seat losses are uncertain and depend on multiple variables, including district-level dynamics, turnout, and economic conditions. Losing control of the House would constrain legislative priorities, although executive authority would remain substantial.

There are also ongoing controversies and unresolved legal matters circulating in public discourse, though the scope and details of alleged evidence—particularly claims about millions of undisclosed Epstein-related materials—remain unverified in credible public reporting.

Trump is approaching 80 years of age, and critics argue that his rhetoric and decision-making appear increasingly erratic. Others dispute that characterization. What can be said is that there is visible tension within political leadership, and varying degrees of restraint among advisers and cabinet-level figures.

Some observers describe the current moment in the United States as politically unstable or norm-straining, though characterizations such as “dictatorship” are interpretive and debated.

From the outside, especially from a country experiencing a full-scale war, some of this may sound comparatively less severe.

Jacobsen: That is fair. Ukraine has been under sustained invasion for over four years, which puts these concerns into perspective.

Energy Markets and Political Signals

Rosner: Let us turn to the energy question. There is a basic economic point. Rising oil prices can increase revenues for producers. Iran, for example, continues to export oil, including through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical global shipping route. Higher prices can increase revenue per barrel, even under sanctions, depending on enforcement and market conditions.

There are arguments that allowing some Iranian oil to reach global markets can help moderate extreme price spikes, though this is part of a complex sanctions and enforcement landscape. It is reasonable to say that conflict-driven price increases can, in some circumstances, benefit oil-exporting states, including Iran.

A second indicator often discussed is the number of members of Congress choosing not to run for reelection. Elevated retirement numbers can signal political uncertainty or anticipated electoral difficulty. However, such numbers fluctuate across cycles and should be interpreted cautiously.

Recent cycles have seen dozens of House members and several senators retire ahead of elections, though comparisons to historical records depend on how the data are counted and updated over time. These trends can suggest internal party concerns but are not definitive predictors of electoral outcomes.

There were two separate security incidents involving Trump in 2024. In one case, a gunman fired shots at him during a campaign rally and injured him. In another incident, an armed individual was apprehended by the Secret Service near one of his golf properties before any attack occurred. Events like these understandably create concern.

Jacobsen: It raises broader questions about political stability.

Rosner: Yes, although claims about a president being “the least popular ever” are typically based on selective polling comparisons and depend on timing and methodology. Approval ratings fluctuate, and historical comparisons should be made cautiously.

Evolution, Longevity, and Natural Selection

Jacobsen: Let us shift to a different topic—evolution and longevity. Over roughly 3.5 billion years of life on Earth, evolution has not produced organism-level immortality in complex multicellular life. That is not because evolution “fails,” but because evolution has no goals or intentions. It is not a coherent entity. It is a process in which heritable traits that improve reproductive success become more common over generations.

Rosner: Evolution does not aim for perfection. In many species, especially mammals, selective pressure favors survival long enough to reproduce and, in some cases, to support offspring. Humans, for example, have unusually long developmental periods. Infants are born relatively underdeveloped and require extended care, which likely contributed to evolutionary pressure for longer lifespans compared to many other species.

However, there is little direct evolutionary pressure for indefinite survival. Traits that extend life beyond reproductive usefulness are only weakly selected for, unless they contribute indirectly—for example, through caregiving or social roles, as proposed in hypotheses such as the “grandmother effect.”

Maintaining an organism in peak reproductive condition over long periods is also biologically costly. Energy allocation between maintenance, growth, and reproduction creates trade-offs, which are central to life-history theory.

Consider octopuses. Many species live only one to two years and reproduce once before dying—a strategy known as semelparity. Females often die shortly after tending their eggs. While octopuses are highly intelligent, evolution does not “prioritize” intelligence or longevity; it favors reproductive success within a given ecological niche.

Evolution is indifferent to individual outcomes. It is not a guiding force with intent, but a statistical process shaped by variation, inheritance, and selection. Species that reproduce effectively—even with short lifespans—can be highly successful from an evolutionary perspective.

Rosner: One common reproductive strategy is to produce many offspring with relatively low survival rates. Species such as opossums follow this model. They have high mortality rates due to predation, vehicles, and environmental factors, so producing numerous offspring increases the likelihood that some will survive to reproduce. Despite individual vulnerability, the species persists.

A similar strategy applies to many octopus species. They produce large numbers of eggs, most of which do not survive to adulthood. These organisms are not built for long-term durability because their reproductive strategy does not require it. From an evolutionary perspective, what matters is reproductive success, not individual longevity.

Jacobsen: That raises the question of whether long-lived or even “immortal” organisms exist.

Rosner: There are organisms that approach biological immortality in certain senses. Many single-celled organisms reproduce through division, effectively creating genetically identical copies. While individual cells do not live forever, the lineage can persist indefinitely under stable conditions.

Some multicellular organisms also exhibit negligible senescence. Certain jellyfish, such as Turritopsis dohrnii, can revert to earlier life stages under specific conditions, although this is not true immortality in the strict sense. In addition, some trees—such as bristlecone pines—can live for thousands of years if environmental conditions allow.

However, these cases are exceptions. For most species, there are trade-offs between longevity, reproduction, and resource use. From a life-history perspective, producing many short-lived offspring can be more efficient than sustaining fewer individuals capable of reproducing many times over long lifespans.

If a strategy involving hundreds of reproductive cycles were consistently advantageous, it would be more common in nature. Its relative rarity suggests that, in most ecological contexts, it is not the most efficient use of energy and resources.

There are also biological and logistical constraints on selecting for longevity. Humans, for example, commonly live into their seventies or eighties, with some reaching their nineties or beyond. Research has extended lifespan in model organisms such as worms and mice, but translating these effects to humans has proven far more difficult. Humans already possess many of the physiological mechanisms associated with extended lifespan, making further gains more complex.

Longer lifespans in humans and other primates are associated with extended developmental periods. Human infants are born relatively underdeveloped and require years of care, which likely contributed to evolutionary pressures favoring longer adult survival. This is often linked to the evolution of large brains and complex social structures.

Selective Breeding and Lifespan

Jacobsen: What about selectively breeding for longevity in animals?

Rosner: It is more difficult than selecting for visible traits such as size or coat characteristics. Longevity can only be measured over time, which slows the process. Breeders often rely on long-term observation across generations. Broadly, smaller dog breeds tend to live longer than larger breeds, although there is variation within size categories.

If you are trying to breed for longevity, you can pair individuals from longer-lived lines and observe the outcomes. However, within a specific breed, selecting for lifespan is much more complex than selecting for visible traits. You must breed a cohort, wait several years for them to age, and then identify which individuals came from longer-lived parents. Since older animals are often no longer of breeding age, selection occurs through their offspring rather than the individuals themselves.

This makes the process multigenerational and time-intensive. Unlike traits such as ear shape or coat type, longevity cannot be assessed early in life. It requires extended observation across generations. In that sense, breeding for lifespan is inherently slower and more resource-intensive.

This principle may extend beyond intentional breeding. Even in natural selection, traits linked to longevity require long-term generational feedback, which can limit how strongly they are selected for compared to traits that confer immediate reproductive advantages.

Animals and Habits

Jacobsen: What kinds of animals have you ridden?

Rosner: I have ridden horses multiple times and am comfortable with them. Early experiences can be unpredictable; animals respond to a rider’s confidence and control. I have not ridden animals such as camels or donkeys. There are accounts of ostrich riding in some regions, but I have not experienced that.

Jacobsen: Have your habits changed over time—for example, nail biting?

Rosner: Yes. I used to bite my nails for many years but rarely do so now. One reason is that I keep a nail file on hand, which gives me something to do with my hands and helps maintain short nails.

However, the underlying behavior has not disappeared entirely; it has shifted. Many people exhibit forms of repetitive self-directed behavior—sometimes described as “stimming”—such as tapping, chewing gum, or other actions. In my case, this can involve picking at skin or minor imperfections. It reflects a broader tendency toward repetitive or self-soothing behaviors rather than a single habit.

I still engage in some self-directed behaviors, although I no longer bite my nails as much.

Anxiety, Stimming, and Aging

Jacobsen: Do you think that is related to anxiety?

Rosner: I do experience anxiety, but this behavior is better understood as a form of stimulation—often called “stimming.” It helps maintain focus, particularly when fatigued, through physical engagement. This is commonly associated with people on the autism spectrum, but similar behaviors are widespread. Many people use repetitive actions to stay alert when tired.

My anxiety tends to manifest in other ways. For example, I exercise frequently. When I wake up, I move carefully to keep my heart rate stable. As people age, the body often produces discomfort signals upon waking—not necessarily pain, but stiffness. That can trigger a physiological response, such as an elevated heart rate. I try to keep it from rising too quickly until it stabilizes.

It is also well established that cardiovascular events, including heart attacks, occur more frequently in the morning. Sudden exertion or physiological stress after waking may contribute in some cases.

Stars, Temperature, and Color

Jacobsen: Switching topics—why do cooler stars appear red, while hotter stars appear blue or white?

Rosner: The color of a star is determined by its surface temperature. Cooler stars emit light with longer wavelengths, which appear red. Intermediate-temperature stars, such as the Sun, appear yellowish-white. Hotter stars emit shorter wavelengths and appear blue or blue-white.

In stellar evolution, a red giant is cooler at the surface than a main-sequence star like the Sun, even though it can emit more total energy. This is because it expands significantly. As a star exhausts hydrogen in its core, it begins burning helium and expands dramatically. For example, when the Sun becomes a red giant, its outer layers are expected to extend close to, or possibly beyond, the orbit of Venus.

As the radius increases, the surface area grows substantially. Even if total energy output rises, the energy per unit area decreases, resulting in a lower surface temperature. Star color is therefore a function of surface temperature, which reflects the average energy of emitted photons.

Hair and Appearance

Jacobsen: Do you like having curly hair?

Rosner: It has been fine. Hair has never been a major factor in perceived attractiveness. I have had periods where it looked better or worse. At present, some greying reduces the appearance of thinning. Over time, hair quality fluctuates, but it has not been especially important relative to other factors such as communication or overall appearance.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1641: Ukraine’s War Outlook, Russian Occupation, and the Politics of Information

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/24

How does Scott Douglas Jacobsen assess the military, political, and human rights realities shaping Ukraine’s war with Russia?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen responds to Rick Rosner on the evolving Ukraine war, arguing that logistical failures, communication breakdowns, and battlefield constraints have blunted Russia’s spring offensive. Jacobsen frames the conflict through universal human rights rather than partisan loyalty, emphasizing asymmetries in abuses, the long arc of the war since 2014, and the reform pressures on Ukraine from occupation and European integration. Rosner presses him on Crimea, corruption, living standards in Russia, and wartime change. The discussion then widens to include childbirth, cosmology, scientific skepticism, misinformation, and how people persist in believing in profitable nonsense.

Rick Rosner: Has the outlook for the war changed? You have been there for two months. Has Ukraine’s position changed at all?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Russia’s expected spring offensive appears, so far, to have fallen short of what Moscow likely intended. A campaign like that depends on logistics and secure supply lines, and Ukraine has worked to disrupt both. The result seems to be that Russia’s capacity for a broad, sustained offensive has been weakened or blunted. That appears to be one of the main developments. Recent battlefield analysis also suggests that Russia is preparing for heavier fighting, but logistics remain a central constraint.

Another factor is communications. In February 2026, Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence said that Starlink terminals used by Russian forces along the front had been shut down, causing serious problems for coordination, logistics, and drone operations. That point should be stated carefully: the reported disruption is real, but attribution should be framed as a Ukrainian intelligence claim rather than as a personal action by Elon Musk.

Russia has also tightened control over domestic digital communications. More precisely, the authorities have restricted and slowed Telegram rather than simply “cutting” it outright, while also expanding wider internet controls. Reuters reported in March 2026 that these restrictions have affected communications and daily operations across Russia.

On a modern battlefield, that matters enormously. Along a front of roughly 1,200 to 1,300 kilometres, conditions change quickly, especially in areas shaped by drone warfare. Short-range drone threat zones can extend many kilometres, and battlefield information can become stale very quickly. If decisions that should take minutes instead take one or two hours, then the chances of those decisions still being accurate by the time they are implemented are much lower. That is one reason delays in communications and command can be so damaging. This is an inference from the pace of drone-centric combat and the reported communications problems.

From my own vantage point in Kyiv, the bombardment patterns have also seemed inconsistent. Some days bring multiple air raid alarms during daylight hours, which feels abnormal; on other days, there may be only one overnight alert. That is only a subjective impression, not a comprehensive military measure, but it does suggest variation in tempo rather than a uniformly escalating pattern.

As for the broader Russian system, there is a tension between tightening political control and preserving economic efficiency. Restricting information flows may strengthen state control in the short term, but it also imposes costs. Reduced information freedom, weaker digital communications, and pressure on independent media make economic and administrative systems less efficient. Russia’s broader internet crackdown in 2026 fits that pattern.

The divergence in media freedom between Russia and Ukraine is also real. Reporters Without Borders ranked Russia 155th and Ukraine 106th in its 2022 index, and by 2025, Russia had fallen to 171st while Ukraine had risen to 62nd. That does not mean Ukraine’s media environment is ideal under martial law, but it does show a substantial divergence between the two countries.

On energy, the safer formulation is this: higher oil prices can temporarily help Russian revenues, but that effect is volatile and may not translate cleanly into sustained fiscal strength. Reuters reported in March 2026 that Russia’s oil and gas revenues were still expected to fall sharply year on year despite price movements. More broadly, renewables are expanding, but it is not yet accurate to say that total global revenue from oil, gas, and coal is already in straightforward decline; fossil-fuel use and demand have remained high even as clean energy grows. 

There is also an economic constraint on Russia’s war effort. A significant portion of state revenue—particularly for financing the war—has depended on oil and gas exports. That model remains viable in the short term, but it is less stable over the longer term. Major buyers such as China continue to purchase Russian energy, but China is also investing more than any other country in renewable energy, including solar. Over time, that reduces long-term dependence on imported fossil fuels. So while short-term adjustments—such as increased trade with countries like Iran—can help, the long-term outlook for relying on fossil fuel revenues is less secure.

Rosner: Are individual Russians seeing a severe degradation in their standard of living?

Jacobsen: The effects tend to be uneven. In most oligarchic or highly unequal systems, the upper classes are insulated for longer, while the broader population feels the impact more directly over time. Sanctions, inflation, and restricted access to goods and services do affect living standards, but the degree varies across regions and social strata.

I should make two important clarifications about how I approach this. First, I am not approaching this as pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian, or vice versa. I approach it from a human rights perspective grounded in universal principles. That means evaluating both sides based on the best available evidence, including third-party assessments and independent reporting, and then forming judgments accordingly. I rely on expert analysis where appropriate and synthesize multiple independent sources rather than making claims beyond my expertise. If one side refuses to comply with third partiesthird parties, this is also information and provides a more limited picture. 

Second, it is important to distinguish between different levels of analysis. There are population-level trends—such as polling data and broad societal attitudes—that vary in reliability, especially in authoritarian contexts. Then there are individual perspectives, which can differ dramatically depending on context. For example, an individual in western Ukraine may have a very different experience and outlook than someone in Kharkiv near the front line. The same applies within Russia: perspectives vary widely depending on geography, class, and access to information.

A third point concerns how the war is framed, particularly in some Western commentary. There is often a tendency to present conflicts in binary moral terms—good versus evil. That framing can be rhetorically powerful but analytically misleading. From a human rights perspective, both sides can commit violations of international humanitarian law, including abuses involving prisoners of war or restrictions on journalists. However, the scale and systematic nature of such violations are not equivalent. The available evidence indicates that Russian forces have committed these types of abuses on a significantly larger scale. That asymmetry matters and should be stated clearly without resorting to simplistic moral binaries.

Since its independence in 1991, Ukraine has struggled with corruption, as have many post-Soviet states. The collapse of the Soviet Union left institutional legacies that took time to reform. However, Ukraine has made measurable progress over time, including anti-corruption reforms, especially since 2014 and further accelerated during the war. Wartime pressures have, in some cases, strengthened internal accountability mechanisms, though corruption has not been eliminated.

Rosner: It has been four years. What is happening with corruption?

Jacobsen: Even the framing of the war’s duration varies depending on perspective. Some would say four years; others would point out that the conflict effectively began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea, making this the eleventh year of war, and the fifth year of the full-scale invasion since 2022. So it is both a long war and a layered one, depending on how you define its starting point.

The war is often described as beginning in 2022, but that is only part of the picture. The violation of Ukraine’s territorial sovereignty began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the conflict in parts of the Donbas. I know people from Crimea who began their human rights work because of those events in 2014 and 2015, when they were still teenagers. So it is important to recognize that this is a long war, regardless of the framing.

Even if you take February 24, 2022—the start of the full-scale invasion—that is already a multi-year war. It is shorter than the Soviet Union’s involvement in World War II (1941–1945), but still a prolonged, high-intensity conflict. If you include the 2014 starting point, then it is a decade-long war. Both framings are used, depending on context.

Russia has also attempted to legitimize territorial control through referenda in occupied regions. These referenda have been widely rejected by the international community as illegitimate and conducted under coercive conditions.

Rosner: A colleague of mine, Sasha from Ukraine, often says that Ukraine is on the verge of retaking Crimea. Is there any credence to that?

Jacobsen: That likely overstates the situation. I am not a military analyst, but based on available reporting, Ukraine has retaken significant territory since 2022, particularly in parts of the Kharkiv and Kherson regions. However, Crimea remains heavily fortified and under firm Russian control.

There are competing narratives. Russia frames its actions as the “liberation” of Russian-speaking populations, while Ukraine and most of the international community view these areas as illegally annexed Ukrainian territory. The latter position reflects the broad international consensus.

At present, Russia controls roughly one-fifth of Ukraine’s territory. Estimates vary depending on the phase of the war, but the general range has been approximately 18 to 20 percent.

Rosner: Could Ukraine retake a significant portion of the occupied territory in the next six months?

Jacobsen: In the near term, that is uncertain and likely constrained. Offensive and counteroffensive operations depend heavily on logistics, workforce, and materiel. Seasonal factors also matter. Large-scale advances are difficult during periods when one side has already committed significant resources, such as during major offensive phases.

Ukraine has previously attempted large counteroffensives. Some achieved notable gains, while others fell short of expectations due to entrenched Russian defences, including minefields, artillery, and layered fortifications.

Looking forward, Ukraine’s strategic advantage increasingly depends on technological efficiency—particularly in drones and autonomous or semi-autonomous systems. Low-cost, high-efficiency drone platforms that can deliver payloads, return, and be reused are critical. This helps offset disparities in the workforce.

Russia, by contrast, has relied more heavily on mass and attritional tactics. It has sustained higher casualty rates, both killed and wounded, but has also been willing to absorb those losses. That reflects a strategy of attrition, supported by a larger population and a greater share of the economy directed toward military production.

However, that approach is costly over time. Sustaining high personnel and equipment losses places long-term strain on resources, even for a larger state.

At the same time, war can drive internal change. In Ukraine, the invasion has produced strong national cohesion and public support for reform. Where political will exists, wartime conditions can accelerate institutional change, including anti-corruption efforts and state capacity-building.

Ukraine’s situation reflects both loss and pressure for reform. Roughly 18 to 20 percent of its territory has been under Russian occupation at various points during the full-scale war. That scale of loss creates strong internal incentives for change—particularly reforms tied to closer integration with the European Union and potential NATO membership.

To visualize the occupied area, it is sometimes roughly compared to a large U.S. state. The comparison is imperfect, but it conveys that the occupied territory is substantial. At the same time, Ukraine’s total population is smaller than California’s, so the demographic and economic impacts are significant relative to the country’s size.

Estimates suggest that several million Ukrainians—often cited in the range of around 3 to 4 million—have lived under Russian occupation at different points since 2022. These figures vary over time as front lines shift.

Rosner: Before we wrap, I want to shift briefly to another topic. I saw reports about women in the United States being subjected to C-sections against their will. In some cases, they had been in labour for many hours, and doctors intervened despite objections. Some of the cases involved Black women, and we know maternal care outcomes are often worse for Black patients. It made me think of my own experience when my wife gave birth.

She was in labour for 59 hours. Most of that time was uncomfortable rather than extreme, but it was prolonged. As I understand it, there is an optimal delivery position—typically head-first. A breech position, where the baby is positioned feet- or buttocks-first, is considered more complicated.

In our case, the baby was head-first but not ideally positioned—rotated in a way that made labour longer. We went to the hospital multiple times. Each time, they checked dilation and sent us home because labour had not progressed enough. It was only on the third visit that they admitted her.

During that time, we tried to manage the situation as best we could. We even went out briefly—saw a movie and stopped at the gym—while waiting for labour to progress. It was an unusual experience, but it reflects how variable labour can be, and how medical decisions about intervention often depend on timing, positioning, and risk assessment.

We had a long wait during the birth. At one point, I even brought 30-pound dumbbells with me because I assumed it would take a while, and I could pass the time exercising. That gives you some sense of how drawn out it was.

They eventually put us in a delivery room with a bathtub. We were there for many hours—perhaps close to a full day, though I do not recall the exact timing. At one point, I was in the bath when Carol called out that something was happening—possibly her water breaking or a sudden change in contractions. I had to rush out quickly, not exactly well-covered, while the medical staff attended to her. It was chaotic, but she endured the entire experience with remarkable fortitude for nearly 59 hours of labour.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1640: Reform Jewish Shabbat in North America

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/23

What has been Rick’s experience with Shabbat dinners in North America?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on Reform Jewish Shabbat practices and the foundations of a grounded life in mid-century America. Rosner describes a minimal, symbolic Shabbat—candles, blessings, and dinner—without strict observance. He emphasizes that structure and stability came not from ritual, but from his stepfather’s principled character, community engagement, and disciplined financial planning. Growing up in Boulder, Colorado, Rosner experienced a modest lifestyle shaped by uncertainty in a family business, reinforcing frugality and resilience. Through everyday routines, local relationships, and practical wisdom, he portrays a grounded upbringing rooted more in lived values than in formal religious adherence.

Shabbat practices in a Reform Jewish household

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What has your experience been with Shabbat dinners in North America?

Rick Rosner: We are Reform Jews. My mother grew up somewhat Orthodox—her grandfather, I believe, was a rabbi. But as Jewish communities moved west in the United States, especially into regions such as the Southwest, levels of religious observance often became less strict. Some families remained highly observant, but we did not associate much with them.

Growing up, our Shabbat was simple. We lit candles, said a blessing over them, said a blessing over the wine—even if we did not have wine—and a blessing over the bread—even if we did not have bread. Then we ate dinner. That was it.

Because we were Reform, we did not observe restrictions on work. More observant communities—particularly Orthodox Judaism, and to a lesser extent some Conservative communities—prohibit activities such as driving or handling certain everyday tasks that are categorized as work under religious law. We did none of that. We lived normally. From the outside, you might not have identified us as Jewish based on how we spent Friday night or Saturday.

Ritual versus grounding influences

Jacobsen: So there was little ritual. What do things like having dogs, having a child, or observing Shabbat—when you did—contribute to keeping you grounded? That has been part of our broader discussion about you.

Rosner: What kept us grounded was not ritual. I was disorganized growing up. We did not learn many of these details until much later.

My stepfather, however, was an upstanding and reasonable man—a Republican from an earlier era of the party. He lived in a liberal town, Boulder, Colorado, and had strong principles. He was also a small business owner who knew many people in the community and maintained broad relationships, even if he privately thought some were foolish. He rarely insulted people directly, though occasionally he would.

He was deeply engaged with the world around him and had a practical understanding of how it functioned.

Community engagement and worldview

It is very different from how people understand the world now—or fail to understand it. If you are constantly on your phone and being exposed to misinformation, you do not understand the world. My stepfather was a smart, community-oriented person. As a small businessman, he spent his days in or in front of his store, talking to people. He understood what was going on around him. That helped keep us grounded.

Material culture and modest lifestyle

He only bought American-made products. Our bikes were Schwinn—heavy and difficult to ride. I had a Sting-Ray model that looked good but was impractical, especially in a hilly place like Boulder. As a physically slight kid, I struggled riding it uphill. I remember passing another boy while wearing an unfortunate sweater and realizing how I must have appeared from his perspective—awkward and easy to target. He threw a piece of pavement at me, missed, and I kept going.

Looking back, I reacted passively. If I had my current mindset then, I might have responded differently. At the time, I simply continued on.

We also drove American cars during a period when their quality was often considered inconsistent compared to some foreign competitors. More importantly, my stepfather insisted that we live modestly. Our home was not large—under 1,600 square feet for a family of four—and we never upgraded, even though my mother initially viewed it as a starter home.

Financial structure and long-term planning

The deeper reason for this frugality only became clear decades later. My stepfather ran a family clothing business, but ownership remained with his mother. She had arranged things so that she could require him to buy the business from her at any time or lose it entirely. Anticipating that possibility, he quietly saved money for years to ensure he could purchase the store if necessary.

Because of this, although the business generated reasonable income, we lived carefully and without extravagance. That underlying financial uncertainty—and his disciplined response to it—was a major factor in keeping our household grounded.

Food, daily life, and routine

If liver is prepared well, it is fine. My mother was not a great cook—though she should not have been expected to be; she was a brilliant woman. Still, we ate liver regularly. We did not live fancy lives. We did not take elaborate vacations.

My stepfather had to travel to New York about five times a year for the clothing business. At the time, there was no online shopping, so he had to visit showrooms, review fashion lines, and decide what would sell in his store. Those trips were strictly for business. Once a year, he might take my mother along, and they would see a few plays and stay for about a week. Occasionally, every few years, we children would go as well. On one trip, we visited Washington, D.C. to see the seat of government. But there were no luxury vacations—no international travel, nothing extravagant.

Overall lifestyle and grounding

We lived modestly because of the underlying financial uncertainty I mentioned earlier. We were not deprived—we never went hungry—but we were careful. During the week, we would sometimes go to a buffet at the Elks Club, perhaps a few times a month. It was simple and routine.

Overall, we lived a grounded, typical American life. That was what kept me grounded.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1639: Playwriting, Iran, Ukraine, and Global Oil Shock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/23

How do creativity, war, and energy politics converge in the conversation between Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner move from adolescent playwriting and artistic structure to war, oil, and geopolitical instability. Jacobsen reflects on writing disciplined, rhymed plays in youth as a way to impose order on chaos, while Rosner contrasts theater’s formal constraints with modern audience expectations shaped by film and television. The discussion then pivots sharply to Ukraine, Iran, Trump, and the global energy market. Together, Jacobsen and Rosner examine how conflict in the Middle East may strengthen Russia economically, disrupt fuel flows, raise prices, and deepen political irrationality in the United States and global insecurity everywhere.

Early writing and play development

Rick Rosner: So you wrote a play in eighth grade?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: No, in high school.

Rosner: In high school? You wrote a play in high school?

Jacobsen: Somewhere between grades 9 and 11.

Rosner: Okay, and you said that, even in retrospect, it still holds up strongly.

Jacobsen: I remember putting a significant amount of effort into it, and it still holds up. I would usually self-denigrate out of humility—Canadian humility—but this is genuinely a good piece. I republished it a while ago through In-Sight with an ISBN. It was one of the shortest books I published. It is interesting how well it held up.

Rosner: That is good. I mean, yes, that is impressive. I have written bits and skits, which is not the same as writing a play. I started taking a playwriting class in college, wrote one scene, turned it in, and the teacher said it was bad, so I dropped the class. I would drop classes for almost nothing. I quit going to one class because the teacher told me to stop chewing gum. I was a terrible, indifferent student. I accumulated about a solid year’s worth of Fs on my transcript because sometimes I could not even be bothered to withdraw from a class. I just stopped going. I was irresponsible.

I do not remember much about the play, except that it had a kid in it who was part of a preppy family, and they had given him the name Spinnaker. A spinnaker is a type of sail used on a yacht. I thought that sounded like a fancy, preppy name for a kid. It was not great, but it was not terrible. I thought the teacher judged my bad play more harshly than it deserved, so I thought, to hell with it.

Nature of plays as an art form

Jacobsen: I also think plays are a very clear art form—perhaps even clearer than instrumental music, painting, or sculpture—because you are directly building narratives that people then act out, either in their heads while reading or in an actual performance. That is a direct expression and distribution of a person’s interiority. I remember that a great deal was happening in my early life at that time, and many elements of that moment were being processed in the play before I had the language to describe them directly. The tight rhyme scheme, thematic structure, and the careful counting and remembering were built into it as well. There was chaos around me, and I produced a highly structured work in response.

Rosner: So it had a Shakespearean quality? It was not just a modern play in which people talk to each other casually. It had something closer to an Elizabethan structure—is that what you mean?

Jacobsen: Yes. It did not have Shakespeare’s iambic pentameter, but it did have an extended rhyming structure, so it drew on that style quite a bit.

School productions and early experiments

Rosner: Did they put it on at your school?

Jacobsen: Maybe. I wrote at least two plays. One was about two stoners at a corner store, a comedy. I handled production and direction, and I had two actors who were one grade younger than me. They were also part of the improv group I founded in high school. I do not know what happened to them. That one worked well. The other one—I think it was performed, but I do not recall clearly. If it was, it would have been something like a Waiting for Godot–style situation without a “Godot.” It was very abstract. Looking back, I am surprised by the level of sophistication at that age.

Challenges of modern theater

Rosner: Plays are tough—extremely tough—especially in the modern era. They do not have many of the supports that make things easily watchable for people.

Jacobsen: This was before AI, before large language models, before autocorrect, before predictive text. It was just hard work. That is how I remember it. But it was also an escape.

Rosner: I am not a fan of going to plays. Tickets are expensive. You have to travel—often to areas where parking is expensive—and sit through the performance without necessarily having good seats. Your view may not be great, especially as you get older. It runs for a long time, then there is an intermission, and then it continues for another long stretch.

Compared to staying home and watching television or movies, it is different. In film, even if characters are just talking, it is part of a production that might cost $120 million. Modern audiences are used to that level of production. There was even discussion about Timothée Chalamet criticizing ballet and opera as difficult to watch. Plays face a similar challenge. Opera, for me, is difficult to sit through. Ballet at least offers physical movement to engage with. Theater does not always have the same elements that make things accessible to modern audiences. We have become accustomed to high production value.

Also, a play has a fairly fixed structure. You can do a one-act, but there are still constraints.

Narrative structure and storytelling

Jacobsen: Most books and plays follow a beginning–middle–end structure. It is straightforward. Some works break or experiment with it, but generally people write what is most satisfying to themselves and to audiences, which is that structure.

Rosner: Also, a play will usually run between about 80 minutes and 2 hours and 10 minutes. On television, if a story takes six hours, creators will take six hours—which can be frustrating, because many stories that are stretched to six hours could have been told in two.

Jacobsen: There is a well-known lecture by Kurt Vonnegut where he draws a vertical axis: at the top is absolute bliss, and at the bottom are the depths of misery.

Rosner: Say that again—what is at the top?

Jacobsen: At the top is absolute bliss—everything is going perfectly. At the bottom, everything has gone wrong. Then he draws a horizontal axis. He marks the beginning with “B,” and at the far end, instead of “E” for “end,” he humorously calls it “entropy.” He uses this to illustrate the general structure of stories: movement between good and bad states over time, from beginning toward resolution.

That pattern—rising and falling fortune—is common in storytelling and in life, which may explain why it feels natural and satisfying. Even unusual narratives, like The Curious Case of Benjamin Button, still impose a beginning–middle–end structure, even if the timeline runs in reverse.

Context of war and regional tensions

Rosner: Yes, but he still experiences life moving forward, even if his body ages in reverse relative to everyone else. All right, we should probably talk about the war—specifically the one you are in. How is it going?

Jacobsen: There was nothing for about a day and a half. We had air raid alarms.

Rosner: I was here before the Gulf War, and now there are ongoing tensions involving Iran. Russia had seemed to be on the ropes—Ukraine was pushing back effectively in certain areas with drones and other technologies—but Russia continues to generate revenue through energy exports. What do you think?

Jacobsen: From what we are seeing, the situation involves ongoing tensions between the United States and Iran, with periodic escalations across the region, including proxy conflicts and strikes involving various actors. There have been disruptions to shipping and energy infrastructure in the broader Middle East, contributing to uncertainty in global markets.

The Strait of Hormuz remains a critical chokepoint, carrying roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply. Even partial disruptions or threats to shipping there have significant global economic consequences.

Oil and gas remain dominant energy sources—even in Canada, they account for a large majority of primary energy consumption, while renewables and non-emitting sources, including hydro, make up a smaller but significant share. These provide some buffer, but not enough to fully offset major geopolitical shocks. The long-term impact depends on how prolonged instability becomes and how extensively energy supply chains are disrupted.

Military and strategic considerations

Rosner: From a U.S. liberal perspective, this appears to be a strategically unsound conflict dynamic. It is unlikely to topple the Iranian regime, though regime collapse is never entirely predictable. Iraq’s regime fell quickly in 2003, but Iraq differed significantly: it was smaller and structurally weaker. Iran’s regime has endured for decades and has survived multiple serious challenges.

Iran has a large military: roughly 600,000 active personnel, several hundred thousand reserves, and additional forces through organizations like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which also functions as an internal security force. Iran is often ranked among the larger militaries globally by personnel. While equipment losses and sanctions have affected capabilities, personnel capacity remains substantial.

Tehran, with a population of roughly 9 to 10 million, lies deep داخل the country, making a ground invasion extremely costly. Historical precedent reinforces this: Iraq’s 1980 invasion involved large forces and significant equipment, yet failed to collapse the regime and led to a prolonged war.

The idea that airstrikes alone could trigger regime change is therefore implausible. Meanwhile, nuclear concerns persist. Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile is limited in volume but could potentially be further enriched for weapons, making it difficult to neutralize through force alone; negotiation remains a key avenue.

Economic and political dynamics

Economically, fuel prices are sensitive to instability in the region and can rise significantly during periods of escalation, contributing to inflationary pressures.

Politically, Trump retains strong support from his base despite fluctuations in broader approval ratings, often maintaining a substantial core level of support. Criticism of figures such as Robert Mueller—despite Mueller’s credentials as a war veteran and former FBI director—illustrates the degree of polarization.

More broadly, there appears to be a decoupling of political allegiance from factual evaluation. Historically, U.S. political parties framed arguments assuming a rational electorate. Over time, strategies shifted toward emotional mobilization and identity-based loyalty. This has contributed to what might be described as the “sportification” of politics—where allegiance to one’s side outweighs considerations of truth or consistency.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1638: Sexual Behavior, Normalization, Pornography, and Historical Change

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/19

How does Rick Rosner explain the historical normalization of oral sex, pornography, and changing sexual norms across cultures and time?

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine sexual behavior as a historically shifting but biologically persistent human force. Rosner argues that oral sex, pornography, contraception, fertility decline, venereal disease, and same-sex categories are best understood as changing patterns of visibility, normalization, access, and classification rather than sudden inventions or extinctions. Jacobsen presses him on demographic change, historical evidence, and whether any sexual practice truly disappears. Together, they explore how technology, medicine, religion, public art, and cultural repression reshape desire’s social pathways while leaving sexual drive itself as a durable constant across civilizations, generations, and eras.

The Rise of the BJ and Sexual Norms

Rick Rosner: All right, I have a topic. It is a phase change in human behavior, not as significant as smartphones, but still fairly astonishing if you think about it.

That is the rise of the BJ. I looked this up and also thought about my parents’ generation. It would not be accurate to say oral sex was unheard of before 1970; it has a long recorded history across cultures, going back to antiquity. A more accurate way to put it is that it seems to have become far more openly discussed and more normalized in mainstream U.S. culture over the late twentieth century than it had been in earlier generations.

Now, if you are in any kind of relationship, or even casually dating, oral-genital contact is widely understood to be common. In U.S. survey data, roughly four-fifths of men and women ages 15 to 49 report ever having had oral sex with an opposite-sex partner, so calling it pervasive is much closer to the mark than saying it is universal.

It is still a striking cultural shift. I used that as an excuse to look up the history of sex. Sexual behavior and sexual norms change a great deal across history, and we mostly do not talk about that in ordinary public discourse. There is a great deal of scholarship on sexuality, from ancient works such as the Kamasutra to modern sexology, but it is not usually part of everyday conversation.

The Pill, Marriage, and Childbearing

One phase change people are generally aware of is the arrival of the pill. The first oral contraceptive was approved in the United States in 1960. But access did not suddenly become universal by the mid-1960s. Legally, the major steps were Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965, which protected access for married couples, and Eisenstadt v. Baird in 1972, which extended that protection to unmarried people.

The pill, along with other social changes, helped decouple sex, marriage, and childbearing. A great many people no longer feel obligated to marry before having children. That much is historically defensible, though the causes are broader than contraception alone. Research on the pill’s social effects suggests it contributed substantially to changes in women’s educational and career trajectories as well.

Low Fertility and Demographic Change

There is another phase change, which is very low fertility. The replacement level for a stable population is commonly estimated at about 2.1 children per woman in low-mortality populations. In the United States, the total fertility rate in 2023 was 1.621 births per woman, well below replacement. Japan is also well below replacement, and Israel is unusual among high-income countries in having a comparatively high fertility rate.

By 2050, it would not be accurate to say that Africa will be the only continent not shrinking. The United Nations projects that Africa will account for by far the largest share of global population growth, while Northern America and Oceania are also projected to grow, though much more modestly. Europe is the region most clearly associated with population decline, and parts of Asia and Latin America face slowing growth and eventual decline as well.

Disease, Cities, and Sexual Behavior

When you look at this historically, I ran into claims about very high rates of venereal disease in early modern cities. I would not put too much weight on a precise number like “20 to 30 percent in seventeenth-century London” without a stronger historical source. The safer point is that syphilis and gonorrhea were long established in Europe, and fear of venereal disease clearly shaped sexual norms in later centuries.

The historical record also does not support a simple story in which respectable people in cities avoided premarital sex while rural people did all the experimenting. In Britain, premarital sex was probably common among everyone except elites, and many couples who conceived before marriage later married, sometimes with the bride already visibly pregnant. London itself was not simply a place of unusually high illegitimacy by British standards; some evidence suggests relatively low non-marital fertility rates there compared with some other regions.

Disease environment and hygiene obviously matter in sexual behavior and in people’s willingness to engage in particular acts. Another major phase change is not that pornography suddenly appeared—erotic and pornographic material has existed for centuries—but that the internet made it abundant, cheap, private, and effectively continuous.

So yes, we are going through a great many changes in sexual behavior. Pornography use is common among men and not uncommon among women; one U.S. nationally representative study reported intentional use within the previous week by 46 percent of men and 16 percent of women ages 18 to 39, while lifetime exposure is much higher.

Sexual Desire as a Constant

Jacobsen: As a final question, if you had to represent these changes geometrically over time, would you show new behaviors appearing and spreading? Or do you think the set of behaviors is more or less the same in the long run?

Rosner: What stays the same is that sexual desire is a durable human constant, though I should not overstate that. There is evidence that testosterone levels have declined in some male populations over recent decades, but the causes are contested. Microplastics and related pollutants are plausible endocrine disruptors, yet the human evidence is still incomplete, so I would not want to reduce changes in libido to one clean explanation.

Certainly, there is much more competition for attention now—entertainment, information, screens, everything—which may squeeze out sex for some people. In the 1970s, I have said this before, everything seemed to suck except the possibility that you might get laid if you were cool. But sex remains a major drive.

That is the constant: a powerful force expressing itself in ways that are culture-dependent, technology-dependent, and health-dependent. If I were ranking changes in sexual behavior, I would not say we went from nobody giving BJs to everybody giving BJs, because that is historically false. But I would say the mainstream normalization of oral sex in recent decades is one of the brighter lines of change. In recent U.S. survey data, a little over 82 percent of men and women ages 15 to 49 reported ever having had oral sex with an opposite-sex partner.

People have long sought out erotic material when it was available. What changed is the scale, speed, privacy, and sheer quantity. That is less a change in the existence of porn than a massive quantitative change in access.

Extinguished Behaviors or Reclassified Behaviors?

Jacobsen: Is there any sexual behavior that has genuinely been extinguished in history?

Rosner: I am hesitant to say that any sexual behavior has been fully extinguished. More often, behaviors persist but are reclassified, relabeled, suppressed, or made more visible.

When discussing same-sex behavior, for example, the categories have varied greatly across time. It is broadly true that in ancient Greece and Rome, sexual relations between males were not understood in the modern framework of a fixed gay identity. Status, age, and sexual role mattered more than modern orientation categories. Some male-male practices, including intercrural sex, are described in ancient sources, but Roman sexuality should not be reduced to a simple stereotype.

Before the late nineteenth century, it is also fair to say that “homosexuality” was less widely treated as a formal social or medical identity than it later became. That does not mean same-sex desire or same-sex behavior was absent; it means the classificatory system was different. In more repressive societies, people may engage in less openly visible same-sex behavior, or they may conceal it more carefully.

Erotic Art, Morality, and Sacred Settings

Jacobsen: I can think of one possible example. Several thousand years ago, there were certainly erotic religious sculptures with highly sexualized bodies and scenes. I do not know whether people literally used them for masturbation, but they may have served as erotic stimuli or could have stimulated the minds.

Rosner: That is possible as speculation, but we should distinguish speculation from evidence. Khajuraho and other Indian temple sites do include erotic sculpture, yet scholars interpret those works in several ways—symbolic, ritual, aesthetic, didactic, or connected to tantric traditions. That is not the same thing as evidence that viewers were literally using statues as pornographic aids.

That does suggest another area where sexual behavior changes: the moral framing of sex. In many Christian traditions, sex within marriage is treated as legitimate, and often as good, even if Christian communities differ sharply on what is permissible, desirable, or holy within marriage.

What confuses me personally is that sexual fantasy does not usually present itself to me as especially wholesome. The dirtiness, the transgression, or the impropriety often seems to be part of what gives fantasy its charge. So I find it difficult to imagine a fully sanctified erotic psychology in which sex is experienced as a straightforward celebration of biblical values. That may exist for some people, but I would treat that as a psychological question, not a settled historical claim.

When you mentioned India several thousand years ago, what struck me was not just erotic imagery, but the possibility that sexuality might have been represented more openly in public sacred art than it often has been in Christian societies. Even there, though, I would be cautious: temple patronage does not automatically mean the state or the culture was broadly endorsing sex in the modern sense. It means sexuality had an acknowledged symbolic place in at least some artistic and religious settings.

Disease, Myth, and Human Rights

Another sex-adjacent behavior that changed dramatically involved disease and attempted cures. Before modern antibiotics, syphilis was treated for centuries with mercury, which was highly toxic and of questionable efficacy. Untreated syphilis can later affect the brain and nervous system, so people were dealing both with the disease and with dangerous treatments.

And yes, people still engage in terrible nonmedical attempts to cure illness. But that needs to be stated carefully. In parts of Africa, documented attacks on persons with albinism have been driven by dangerous myths: some involve beliefs that body parts bring wealth or power, while separate myths claim that sex with a person with albinism can cure HIV/AIDS. Those are real human-rights abuses, but the claims should not be collapsed into one story or pinned carelessly on an entire country or continent.

The River Metaphor

In general, I would still say that sexual desire is a constant force in humans, and in animals more broadly. Because it is such a powerful drive, it will always find expression through the cultural, medical, religious, and technological landscape of a given era.

So if you want a metaphor, horniness is like a major river. The force is persistent, but the channel shifts. The banks move. The surrounding terrain changes. New technologies, new diseases, new moral systems, and new media reshape the path. That is why you see so many changes in sexual behavior over time.

It is not like some weaker or more trivial impulse. A drive such as picking at your skin or popping zits may vary in style or cultural meaning across the centuries, but it does not have remotely the same civilizational force as sex.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1637: Trump, Iran, High-IQ Ethics, Journalism Standards, and Social Media Influence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/18

How do Rick Rosner and Scott Douglas Jacobsen evaluate Trump and Iran, ethics in high-IQ communities, journalism standards, and the behavioral effects of social media?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range across Trump, Iran, journalism, high-IQ communities, sex differences, gambling, and algorithmic media. Rosner argues that while weakening Iran’s regime may be strategically understandable, military action alone is unlikely to achieve regime change. Jacobsen reflects on ethical failures within parts of high-IQ circles, including coercion, boundary violations, and reputational harm, while stressing that most members are normal and often admirable. Together, they caution against overgeneralization about sex-based cognitive variance, defend professional consent norms in journalism, and examine how gambling apps and personalized social media feeds reshape modern attention, behaviour, and public reasoning at scale today.

Opening Question

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You have been yelling for two hours this morning. What have you been yelling about? What is the most egregious part of this hormone issue? And I can hear Lance asking, “What has Trump done right in this debacle?”

Rick Rosner: I have been yelling a lot. I was a guest on the show Roar, which focuses on what people can do to stand up for their principles during difficult times, and whether they can and should. Much of the discussion focused on Trump.

Spending years immersed in this can feel like swimming with sharks for hours each day, and then a study appears showing that bull sharks may form stable social preferences. Researchers observing bull sharks over multiple years have found evidence that they do not associate randomly and may prefer certain companions, supporting the idea that some sharks have preferred associates, though “friends” remains a popularized term rather than a strict scientific one.

I have also seen footage of divers removing hooks and debris from sharks’ mouths; that is plausible and documented, though it is more accurate to say that some sharks appear to tolerate or return for such interactions than to claim a fully understood friendship with a human.

There is also a program called Dancing with Sharks, associated with Shark Week, in which trained divers perform choreographed underwater routines around sharks; it is more accurate to say the divers are trained for controlled performances in the presence of sharks than that the sharks themselves are trained dancers.

Another notable story, less delightful but revealing, comes from the Wall Street Journal: by 2025, service-based tenants such as salons, spas, and fitness studios accounted for more than half of U.S. retail leasing for the first time, meaning those categories leased more retail space than traditional goods-based retailers.

In places such as Studio City, boutiques may still survive when owners can absorb losses, but the broader trend favours service-oriented businesses.

Trump, Iran, and Strategic Limits

Returning to the question, what has Trump done right in this situation? First, the broader context: Iran has roughly 800 miles of southern coastline along the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Gulf of Oman.

Along that entire coastline, they can fire missiles from land and launch attacks into the sea. Eight hundred miles is roughly the length of California. There is a chokepoint at the Strait of Hormuz, but it would be extremely difficult to prevent attacks from Iran along that coastline fully. We do not have the forces in place to do so, and realistically, no one does. Strategically, that is a major challenge.

Tactically, the picture is less clear, but the objectives regarding Iran are understandable. Iran has a repressive government that has used lethal force against its own population during periods of protest. The regime has been in power since 1979, following the Iranian Revolution, so we are looking at over four decades of continuity.

Iran also funds and coordinates non-state armed groups across the Middle East, including Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Houthis in Yemen. From that perspective, weakening the regime could be seen as a strategic goal.

There is also the question of Iran’s nuclear program. Iran has accumulated uranium enriched to around 60%, which is below weapons-grade but significantly closer to it than civilian levels. Estimates from international monitoring bodies suggest that Iran possesses enough enriched material that, if further processed, could contribute to a nuclear weapon.

Even if a nuclear device were developed, delivery systems are a separate issue. Iran has regional missile capabilities, but it does not currently possess missiles capable of reliably striking the continental United States, though it can target Israel and regional adversaries.

If conflict were to degrade Iran’s missile stockpiles, that could be a temporary advantage. However, Iran has a large population—around 90 million people—and a diversified industrial base. It retains the capacity to rebuild missiles and drones over time. Its economy is constrained by sanctions but not negligible.

In terms of nuclear material, enriched uranium is dense and relatively compact, making concealment feasible in a large country such as Iran, which is more than twice the size of Texas. Detecting dispersed stockpiles would require detailed intelligence, including human sources.

The broader point is that while the objectives—limiting Iran’s military capabilities and nuclear potential—may be clear, achieving them is far more difficult. The regime has demonstrated durability. It has faced internal protests for decades and survived them.

It also endured the Iran–Iraq War, during which Iraq invaded Iran with large conventional forces, including hundreds of thousands of troops, tanks, and aircraft. Despite severe losses, the regime did not collapse.

Compared to that level of sustained conventional warfare, limited strikes or bombing campaigns are unlikely, on their own, to produce regime change.

Betting markets suggest the regime will likely survive, and many analysts agree. As discussed, locating enriched uranium in a country the size of Iran is extremely difficult.

Will this action set Iran back? It is unclear. The escalation followed pressure from Benjamin Netanyahu in discussions with Donald Trump. During this period, Israel has also conducted strikes against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Whether constraining Iran’s resources would significantly weaken Hezbollah remains uncertain.

Some commentators argue confidently that the regime will fall, often framing dissent as disloyalty. A more realistic assessment is that the effort is unlikely to achieve regime change.

Even within pro-administration circles, there has been dissent. Joe Kent, associated with the MAGA movement and a former Green Beret with multiple deployments, publicly questioned the justification for war with Iran and stepped away from his role in counterterrorism leadership. This reflects broader disagreement, even among supporters of a more aggressive foreign policy.

The central issue remains that the objectives—weakening Iran’s regime and limiting its capabilities—are difficult to achieve through military action alone.

Ethics in High-IQ Communities

Jacobsen: I was offered an opportunity within high-IQ communities to do some writing, which led me to reflect on a few experiences. Part of the context was a proposed ethical code. Elitist tendencies exist in parts and may be practically inevitable within some minority communities, which makes an ethical code salient: it can channel those tendencies toward care, restraint, and stewardship—a better option than contempt or exclusion. Difficulties exist in enforcement. Acceptance of such a code will depend largely on the moral character and ethical awareness of the people. Over roughly ten years of interviews with a wide range of individuals, I had relatively few negative encounters, but a few stand out.

One case involved a physics- and philosophy-of-physics-related issue. I had helped one individual edit their paper as a goodwill gesture. Separately, I interviewed another individual who was critical of that person’s theory. These were entirely independent affairs. After publication, the first individual contacted me and spent a prolonged period attempting to intimidate me into retracting the interview without explicitly stating so.

A second case involved two individuals who disliked each other. I was working with both when one issued an ultimatum: work with him or the other person. I interpreted this as coercive and unhealthy behaviour. I chose to disengage from that individual, suggested that any concerns be directed to the other party, and ended the interaction professionally. I wish them well.

A third case involved issues of consent and ethics. An individual provided me, without request, with detailed information about other test-takers, including scores and identifying details, without their consent. This individual was prominent within a Catholic segment of high-IQ communities. A critical interview of the Catholic Church involving a high-scoring member was a significant enough trigger for them to cut contact, for a while. We’re good now. I put that down to the consent of test-takers and select theological fears of Freemasonry.

Another group, led by an American individual online, has proposed (group member) making a list of enemies of their theologies and has a history of harassing critics or dissenters for months, then issuing imprecatory prayers against them. Then others have done the same to them in return or to begin, for a toxic circle. There’s tons of insane behaviour like this.

Another individual out of South Korea has an extensive and thoroughly documented history, for years, of megalomanic behaviour, grandiose claims, pathological lying, and spreading the worst possible calumnies against individuals he himself has wronged deeply for years. The evidence in community behind closed doors and in the public domain is overwhelming and conclusive, several community members refuse to speak out: to protect him, to avoid controversy, to simply not be bothered, or other reasons, e.g., Christians will protect other Christians no matter the terrible behaviour simply because of the common faith.

These experiences highlight recurring issues of boundary violations, coercion, and ethical lapses. Clear ethical norms may be warranted because fraudulent, coercive, or reputationally damaging actors can cause outsized harm.

The high-IQ communities are, in my experience, vastly normal and often praiseworthy. I have no reason to think high-IQ individuals are predisposed to unethical behaviour and may even be somewhat predisposed toward slightly better conduct.

This suggests a few general principles for building norms or codes of conduct. First, obtain consent where relevant. Second, ask whether the request respects the other person’s autonomy. Third, verify whether an individual has a pattern of dishonesty rather than a one-off. Where such codes work, they will likely work first in self-selected groups already inclined toward self-enforcement. There should also be community enforcement when fraud or abuse becomes known.

Sex Differences, Variance, and Caution

A broader pattern I have observed concerns claims about exceptionally high scores on high-range tests. The vast majority of individuals claiming to have “the highest IQ” in one of four ways—whether at the national, regional, or global level, or even in human history—are men. In many cases, such claims are either self-asserted or readily accepted by the individual in question. Comparable claims involving women are rare.

Related to this, there may be differences in cognitive profiles. Among high-scoring women, performance across subtests tends to be more balanced. In contrast, among men, there may be greater variability across cognitive domains. This variability may extend beyond cognition into emotional or social traits, though such claims should be treated cautiously given small sample sizes and the limits of available data. Cooijmans has posited the hypothesis of the width of the associative horizon for creativity. I propose something broader regarding cognitive and emotional functioning and subsequent responsibility.

For some ultra-high-IQ individuals, my interviews may be a place to express themselves honestly and, perhaps, escape some self- and others’-imposed isolation. More broadly, I suspect many societies fail less at educating the gifted than at integrating and appreciating them.

Rosner: That may be the case, but the sample size is very small. Generalizing from limited data is risky. You are not making the same claim as Lawrence Summers, but the comparison is relevant. Summers argued that while average intelligence between men and women is similar, there may be greater variance among men, leading to more individuals at both extremes. That argument remains controversial and should be approached carefully.

Jacobsen: The argument is that there may be more people at both the high and low ends among men—that is, greater variance.

Rosner: Lawrence Summers faced significant criticism for raising a similar point.

Jacobsen: I would add two caveats. First, this applies only to IQ as a metric, and IQ should not be treated as a comprehensive proxy for intelligence or the full range of human capabilities. Second, Summers extended the argument toward claims about women’s participation in science; I am not making that claim. Some aspects of variance are discussed in empirical literature, but they are often overstated.

In general, distributions for men and women overlap substantially across most cognitive measures. There are some observed tendencies—for example, men performing better on certain spatial tasks such as mental rotation, and women performing better on measures like verbal fluency—but the overlap between distributions is far greater than the differences.

Rosner: There are also biological and social hypotheses. Some theories suggest differences in brain connectivity patterns, though the evidence is mixed and often overstated in popular discussions. There are also behavioural observations, such as differences in impulse control, but these vary widely across individuals.

Social context matters as well. A highly capable woman working in a demanding field—such as technology—may develop strong analytical and adaptive skills, partly by navigating difficult professional environments. Many of these environments are male-dominated and can include interpersonal challenges.

Jacobsen: I agree that sexism is a significant social barrier in many professional contexts, affecting some women more than others. However, that point can be made without relying on stereotypes about men. Replacing one form of bias with another does not improve the analysis.

Rosner: That is fair. I am not arguing for stereotyping as a framework. However, in practice, communities such as high-IQ societies tend to be overwhelmingly male, with a wide range of personalities and behaviours represented within them.

Jacobsen: Within these communities, there is a wide range, from well-adjusted individuals to the opposite. Entry into high-IQ societies is selective, but the broader communities around them are voluntary and shaped by the signals they project and the people they attract. As you noted, there are more men than women.

What else can be said on this point? We have covered a range of angles.

Journalism, Consent, and Professional Standards

Rosner: You also raised the rules of journalism when dealing with interview subjects.

Jacobsen: From a community standpoint, one basic principle is clear: do not share test-taker information without consent. That is a fundamental ethical boundary.

Rosner: You were also discussing standards for journalists in interviews. Anyone who regularly deals with journalists—myself included—has encountered both professionalism and lapses. You mentioned a negative experience with a presenter, and I can think of similar cases. For example, Jimmy Kimmel has spoken about setting ground rules for interviews that were ignored.

Jacobsen: That is a significant issue. In my experience, however, most journalists—like most professionals—do their work responsibly. There are bad actors, but they are exceptions rather than the rule. When ethical breaches occur, there are often consequences within professional communities.

Rosner: I argue that journalism today is more fragmented. It resembles a “wild west” environment in some areas. Many individuals without formal training present themselves as journalists or investigators and operate without established standards.

For example, figures such as Nick Shirley have built large audiences by conducting informal investigations. In some cases, these methods involve actions—such as attempting to film inside private facilities—that would not meet conventional journalistic standards. Interpretations of such encounters are then presented as evidence of wrongdoing, often for a politically aligned audience.

Many individuals are operating in this space—some without training or adherence to professional norms—who nonetheless reach large audiences.

Jacobsen: At the same time, formal structures are attempting to maintain standards. Professional associations review applicants, and in some cases, offer provisional or associate memberships when credentials are uncertain. Maintaining integrity is an ongoing effort within the field.

Rosner: That may be true, but visibility and influence do not necessarily align with professional recognition. Some of these independent figures reach far larger audiences than members of traditional organizations, particularly on platforms such as X. All right, should we move on? I have a couple of topics—at least one.

Jacobsen: Yes, let us move on. What are your topics?

Phase Changes, Gambling, and Social Media

Rosner: I previously mentioned phase changes in human behaviour and lifestyle.

Jacobsen: Yes, let us revisit that.

Rosner: I want to discuss a few developments that are not full phase changes but are still radical shifts in how people live. One is the rise of easy, accessible gambling in the United States and likely globally.

It used to be a low-stakes, low-participation activity for most people. My father would occasionally bet small amounts with friends on outcomes such as college football games. The stakes were minimal—often a dollar or two—and the exchange was more symbolic than financial.

He also played poker regularly in a social setting. These gatherings were informal, involving conversation and modest sums of money. Even across an entire evening, the total amount exchanged was limited. Gambling was not a dominant feature of everyday life.

Now, participation has expanded significantly. Online platforms and mobile applications allow people to gamble instantly and continuously. This accessibility has created a situation in which many individuals, particularly younger users, are exposed to frequent and potentially harmful gambling behaviour.

I gamble occasionally on political outcomes. I once increased a small stake to several hundred dollars, but after the 2024 U.S. election, I lost most of it. That experience illustrates both the volatility and the ease of participation.

The broader issue is that the accessibility of gambling introduces another layer of behavioural risk. It serves as a constant pressure, encouraging repeated engagement. This represents a notable shift in American life, and not necessarily a positive one.

Social Media, Attention, and Curated Pandering

Jacobsen: Do you think social media is changing how Americans think, feel, or perceive events? Which dimension is most affected?

Rosner: Americans once received much of their information through direct interaction. People discussed events face-to-face—asking what others had seen, heard, or read. They also relied on shared media sources.

In the mid-20th century, many Americans watched a nightly national news broadcast, typically around 22 minutes without advertisements. Households often subscribed to newspapers and magazines such as Time or Newsweek, and later People. Information consumption was slower, more centralized, and often shared within households or communities.

Today, most information arrives through smartphones. Face-to-face exchange has declined. People rarely gather to discuss news in person; instead, they encounter content individually and share it digitally. Even within households, information is often transmitted by sending links or messages rather than engaging in extended conversation.

This represents a structural shift in how information is encountered, processed, and shared.

Jacobsen: What is the primary driver here—attention, emotion, or reasoning?

Rosner: Not reasoning. There is no time for sustained thinking. The process is about forming an impression and then reinforcing it.

People exist within informational silos or bubbles, where incoming content is filtered. For example, Carol often encounters material that aligns with what we have recently discussed, watched, or searched for. This can feel almost telepathic, but it is typically the result of algorithmic inference based on prior behaviour. In some cases, it is a coincidence; in others, it reflects clear signals provided to the system.

The result is what could be described as “curated pandering.” Content feeds are optimized to deliver material that has previously captured attention or elicited engagement.

Advertising Then and Now

Jacobsen: How does that differ from advertising and marketing in earlier decades, such as the 1970s?

Rosner: Earlier advertising was broad and generalized. It attempted to influence large audiences with relatively uniform messaging. Today’s systems are individualized and adaptive. Instead of broadcasting a single message, they tailor content to each user’s behavioural profile, continuously refining it based on responses.

This creates a more persistent and personalized form of influence, distinct from the mass-media model of previous decades.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1636: Rick Rosner on the U.S.–Iran War, AI Surveillance, Voice of America, and U.S. Strategic Failure

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/10

Can you think of another situation that was this self-inflicted in American history?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the day-11 U.S.–Iran war, arguing that regime change is unlikely, costs are rising, and public support is weak. Rosner compares the conflict to Iraq and Vietnam, warning that wars launched on optimistic assumptions can spiral into prolonged disasters. Jacobsen emphasizes logistics, legitimacy, and domestic endurance as decisive factors beyond battlefield tactics. They also discuss AI ethics in military surveillance, celebrity-targeted crime in Los Angeles, Kari Lake’s turmoil at Voice of America, and the broader consequences of politicized governance, weakened institutions, and reckless decision-making in an unstable technological age today.

Rick Rosner: This is day 11 of the current U.S.–Iran war. Estimates of the cost vary, and there is no official Pentagon figure yet, so the safest phrasing is that the war is already extremely expensive and is creating broader economic disruption. Oil prices have surged, and analysts have warned about major effects on energy markets and shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

Polymarket does not suggest that regime collapse is likely in the near term. Current betting markets give roughly a 7 percent chance that the Iranian regime will fall by March 31 and about an 18 percent chance that it will fall by June 30. On that basis, it looks less like a likely outcome than a long-shot gamble.

I do not know which historical examples Trump and Hegseth were referring to. Iraq is the obvious comparison, but it is not reassuring. The 2003 invasion of Iraq began on March 20, and Baghdad fell on April 9, so the regime collapsed in about three weeks. That outcome reflected very specific political and military conditions that are not easily replicated.

I do not think the United States should put boots on the ground. Tehran is a vast city of roughly 9 million people, with a metropolitan population far larger. Urban warfare would be extremely destructive and difficult. It is unrealistic to assume that an external military force could march in and topple the regime.

Gasoline prices have risen amid the conflict, though the exact figures change frequently. Recent reporting has placed the U.S. national average above $3 per gallon, with war-related disruptions contributing to the upward pressure. Polling shows significant public unease. Some surveys have found that roughly half of Americans oppose continued military escalation, while only about a third support it. Support for wars typically declines over time, so the political trajectory is uncertain.

The situation appears ill-advised and poorly planned. Pete Hegseth, the Secretary of Defence, served as a major in the Army National Guard and had earlier deployments. However, he never served at the senior command levels typically associated with planning and managing large-scale wars. Historically, major operations have been overseen by senior generals with extensive strategic experience.

The structural reality remains that ultimate authority rests with the president as commander in chief. Senior military officers advise and implement strategy, but they do not independently determine national war aims. That responsibility sits at the political level, and the success or failure of the war will ultimately be judged there.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: That framing makes sense. The key point is that modern wars are not decided only by battlefield tactics. They are decided by logistics, political legitimacy, economic endurance, and the ability to sustain domestic support. When any of those pillars weaken, the strategic picture can change quickly.

Iran is also a far more complex target than Iraq was in 2003. It has a larger population, a deeper state structure, and a network of regional allies and proxy groups. Even if the United States achieved tactical military success, translating that into regime change would be an entirely different challenge.

The deeper issue is that wars often begin with optimistic assumptions about timelines and outcomes. History repeatedly shows that those assumptions are frequently wrong. Strategic planning has to account not only for the best-case scenario but also for the worst-case scenario and the long, messy middle that most conflicts actually occupy. Can you think of another situation that was this self-inflicted in American history?

Rosner: The second Gulf War, the Iraq War, was built on false premises. Even though the United States initially had success with the regime falling, with Saddam Hussein removed within about a month of the ground invasion, the aftermath led to a prolonged insurgency and civil conflict that killed hundreds of thousands of people. Estimates of the total cost to the United States run into the trillions of dollars.

The central justification for the war was the claim that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. Those weapons were never found. After the first Gulf War in 1991, when Iraq invaded Kuwait and was pushed back by a U.S.-led coalition, Saddam appeared to have avoided rebuilding such programs in any meaningful way.

The Iraq War accomplished relatively little in terms of long-term stability. It resulted in massive loss of life, significant regional destabilization, and limited strategic benefit for the United States. This current situation risks evolving in a similar direction.

Afghanistan was different in some respects. The United States remained there for roughly twenty years, and the total cost of the war has been estimated at around $2.3 trillion. About 2,400 U.S. service members were killed during that period. While every loss is significant, the scale was far smaller than the roughly 58,000 American deaths in the Vietnam War.

During those two decades, the United States and its allies controlled much of Afghanistan and provided a period in which the Taliban were largely kept out of major urban centers. Some analysts believed that maintaining a relatively small U.S. force—around a few thousand troops—might have sustained the government in Kabul and prevented a rapid Taliban takeover. That approach would have required ongoing financial costs and continued military risk, though casualties in the later years of the war were comparatively low.

If you are looking for other examples of large, costly American wars with questionable outcomes, Vietnam stands out. The Vietnam War cost more than 58,000 American lives and left a profound impact on a generation of veterans and on American society more broadly.

This war could become as costly and destabilizing as the Iraq War or Vietnam, depending on how deeply the United States commits to it. If the United States were to declare limited objectives achieved and withdraw quickly—for example, claiming that Iranian military capacity had been degraded—then it would not reach the scale of those earlier conflicts.

The question is whether the political leadership is willing to limit the scope of the conflict or whether it will expand into something much larger.

Jacobsen: Anthropic says the Pentagon is basing AI use restrictions on a blacklist approach.

Rosner: The issue there involves how the U.S. government wants to use advanced AI systems. Intelligence and security agencies collect enormous amounts of information: intercepted communications, open-source material, satellite imagery, and surveillance footage. The United States also has extensive camera coverage in many public spaces. The challenge is that human analysts cannot realistically review all that data, so governments increasingly turn to AI systems to filter, search, and analyze it.

The government has explored using AI tools from companies such as Anthropic to assist with analysis. Anthropic has publicly stated that it places limits on how its models can be used, particularly for civilian surveillance and for fully autonomous weapons systems. The company has argued that such uses raise safety and ethical concerns.

When companies refuse certain government uses, it can affect their eligibility for particular defence or intelligence contracts. Governments sometimes restrict or deprioritize vendors they believe will not meet operational requirements. Meanwhile, other AI companies, including OpenAI and several defence-focused startups, have been more open to collaborating with government agencies within specific policy frameworks.

The broader debate concerns whether AI should be integrated into military and intelligence systems at all, and if so, under what safeguards. Popular culture has explored these fears for decades. Films such as The Terminator and WarGames dramatized scenarios in which automated systems made catastrophic decisions without sufficient human oversight. While those stories are fiction, they raise legitimate questions about how much authority should ever be delegated to automated systems.

Many researchers emphasize that AI should remain under meaningful human control, particularly in high-risk domains such as weapons systems or strategic decision-making. The concern is not that machines suddenly become sentient villains, as in the movies, but that complex automated systems can behave unpredictably when given too much autonomy.

There is also a cultural anxiety about the pace of technological change. Modern AI capabilities are advancing rapidly, while political leadership and regulatory systems often struggle to keep up. That mismatch—very powerful technology combined with imperfect governance—makes many observers uneasy.

As for the cultural references, James Cameron, who directed The Terminator, has spent significant time in New Zealand while filming the Avatar series. New Zealand is often cited in speculative discussions about nuclear survivability because of its geographic isolation in the Southern Hemisphere, though Cameron’s relocation is primarily tied to filmmaking and lifestyle rather than geopolitical contingency planning.

The deeper issue is that societies now have extremely powerful tools for surveillance, analysis, and automation. The central question is not whether those tools will exist, but how carefully they will be governed.

Jacobsen: Shots were fired at Rihanna’s house in Beverly Hills. What are your thoughts, and is that common in Hollywood?

Rosner: It does happen, unfortunately. There have been several burglaries targeting celebrities in Los Angeles and other wealthy areas. In many cases, criminals monitor social media to figure out when celebrities are travelling or out of town, then break into their homes while they are away. Something similar has happened to several entertainers and professional athletes. If a sports team is playing an away game, for example, that can signal that a player’s home might be empty.

Because of that, many high-profile individuals invest heavily in security systems, cameras, alarm services, and sometimes in-person security guards. Maintaining that level of protection can be extremely expensive, but it has become common for people with public profiles and valuable property.

Crime patterns have also changed over time. In the United States, violent crime and street crime peaked in the early 1990s and declined significantly afterward. A range of factors contributed to that decline, including demographic changes, policing strategies, economic shifts, and higher incarceration rates during that period. At the same time, burglary and targeted property crime still occur, particularly in wealthy neighbourhoods where valuable goods are concentrated.

When criminals focus on residential burglary rather than street robbery, they often target homes that appear wealthy or temporarily unoccupied. That pattern helps explain why celebrities and high-profile athletes sometimes become targets.

Jacobsen: A U.S. judge has blocked actions taken by Kari Lake in 2025 as head of Voice of America, including certain job cuts. What is your reaction?

Rosner: Kari Lake is a former television news anchor who ran for governor of Arizona in 2022. She lost that race and later ran for the U.S. Senate in 2024. After becoming a prominent political ally of Donald Trump, she was appointed in 2025 to lead the U.S. Agency for Global Media, the federal entity that oversees Voice of America and several other international broadcasting services.

Voice of America was created during World War II and operates as an international broadcaster that provides news and information to audiences worldwide, particularly in places where independent media are restricted. Its mandate is to present accurate news about the United States and global events while reflecting democratic values.

Several controversial management decisions, including staff reductions and organizational restructuring, marked Lake’s tenure. A federal judge later ruled that some of those actions could not proceed, effectively pausing or reversing parts of the restructuring. Judicial intervention in these cases usually centers on administrative law questions—whether proper procedures were followed, whether statutory authority was exceeded, or whether employment protections were violated.

Situations like this reflect broader tensions about how government-funded international media should operate and how much political influence should be allowed in agencies designed to provide independent journalism abroad.

The discussion then shifted to the dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID. USAID has long been one of the primary channels through which the United States provides humanitarian assistance abroad, including food aid, health programs, and disease treatment. Programs supported by the agency have included major efforts to combat HIV/AIDS through initiatives such as the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which has helped provide antiretroviral treatment to millions of people worldwide.

Debates about USAID often center on oversight, effectiveness, and foreign policy priorities. Supporters argue that humanitarian aid saves lives and strengthens international stability. Critics sometimes claim that the agency is inefficient or mismanaged, although audits generally find that only a very small fraction of expenditures involve fraud or improper spending.

The larger political conflict reflects competing views about the role the United States should play in global humanitarian assistance and international development.

Jacobsen: All right. We will continue tomorrow.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1635: Trump, Iran, Kristi Noem, Britney Spears, and AI

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/06

How does Rick Rosner interpret Trump’s foreign policy, Kristi Noem’s firing, Britney Spears’ troubles, and the strange overlap between geopolitics, celebrity culture, and artificial intelligence?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the chaos of contemporary politics, foreign policy, celebrity culture, physics, and artificial intelligence. Rosner weighs Trump’s rhetoric on Greenland, Iran, and interventionism, questions the public case for conflict, and comments on Kristi Noem’s firing and contracting controversies. The discussion then shifts toward Britney Spears, Elvis Presley, and the destructive pressures of fame. From there, Jacobsen and Rosner explore atomic “empty space,” quantum fields, human reasoning, and AI’s growing conversational power. The result is an expansive dialogue about power, instability, knowledge, and modern absurdity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I think the picture has become a bit clearer. There was the issue of Trump linking his frustration over the Nobel Peace Prize to Norway, even though the Norwegian Nobel Committee is institutionally separate from the Norwegian government. Greenland, meanwhile, is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, not Norway. During his Davos speech, Trump also appeared to refer to Greenland as Iceland, which added to the confusion.

Rick Rosner: You might be reading too much into it, but at least on Greenland and related rhetoric there does seem to be a clearer pattern. 

Jacobsen: One interpretation is that strategic positioning, shipping routes, Arctic security, and broader geopolitical leverage are all mixed together in the messaging. I would be cautious, though, about presenting any single explanation—especially an oil explanation—as definitive without stronger evidence.

Rosner: I find that explanation a little too “three-dimensional chess” for Trump. I do not think his reasoning is usually that elaborate.

Jacobsen: That may be fair. Still, people around him may be shaping the frame. 

Rosner: On February 11, Netanyahu met with Trump for nearly three hours. Netanyahu had been pressing Trump for tougher action on Iran. That seems more concrete than an abstract theory about oil flows. That strikes me as more plausible. Trump is often portrayed as highly influenced by the last strong voice in the room. What you are describing sounds more structured than I would normally attribute to him.

Jacobsen: I will grant that. It may still be ad hoc. I am not saying the explanatory framework is proven, only that it offers a possible structure.

Rosner: Fair enough. On oil, the United States has for years been one of the world’s largest producers, but “self-sufficiency” is a slippery political term, and politicians often use it loosely. So I would be careful with any neat claim there as well. Anything involving the Middle East inevitably brings oil into the discussion, and Trump has long had close political ties to fossil-fuel interests. That part is straightforward enough.

Jacobsen: Another possible factor is China. At the same time, China has also been the world’s largest builder of solar capacity by a very wide margin, so the energy picture is not just about oil. It is also about long-term infrastructure and industrial policy. That is something the United States could have pursued much more aggressively.

China is well positioned for large-scale solar because of its land base and industrial planning, but the United States also has enormous open areas suitable for utility-scale solar if the political will exists.

What else is in the news?

Rosner: We should talk about Kristi Noem. She was fired.

Jacobsen: What is the justification for Kristi Noem being fired? The reporting does not point to a single cause. Several outlets reported that Trump fired her after multiple controversies, including scrutiny over a $220 million Homeland Security advertising campaign awarded without a standard bidding process. Reporting also focused on roughly $143 million in no-bid contracts tied to politically connected firms.

The campaign featured Noem prominently and was aimed at discouraging unauthorized immigration. The $220 million figure refers to the broader advertising campaign, while the $143 million figure refers to a subset of no-bid contracts connected to firms with political ties.

Jacobsen: I want to make a quick point. What is the financial angle here? 

Rosner: Normally, if the government needs something done—such as producing an advertisement—it is supposed to put the project out for competitive bids. Contractors submit proposals and prices, and the agency chooses among them. It is the same principle as hiring a contractor to add a room to your house. You usually collect multiple bids before deciding.

At least three bids, ideally. Instead, she approved a no-bid contract with someone she knew. Then she said that Trump had approved the contract. That was the part that caused trouble. Trump did not like the suggestion that he had personally signed off on a no-bid arrangement, which made it look as though she was shifting responsibility onto him.

Trump is replacing her at the end of the month with Senator Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma. Mullin did not complete a four-year college degree; he worked in and later ran his family’s plumbing business before entering politics. Critics on social media frequently mock him as unqualified, although that is more political rhetoric than a factual description.

He also does not have a background in law enforcement or homeland security policy. His professional background is primarily business. Earlier in his life he also fought a small number of mixed martial arts bouts and was undefeated.

Trump is reportedly moving Noem into another role he created, which he described as connected to defense and regional security. According to Trump, she will serve as Special Envoy for the “Shield of the Americas,” which he described as a new Western Hemisphere security initiative.

There is also a story circulating in tabloids and gossip columns. The story claims that Noem had a favorite blanket that traveled with her on the government aircraft—a modified Boeing 737 used for official travel. During one trip the aircraft was changed, and the blanket was left behind. After takeoff, Corey Lewandowski—who has been closely associated with Noem politically—reportedly asked the pilot to turn the plane around to retrieve it. The pilot said that was not possible because the flight plan had already been filed. Lewandowski allegedly fired the pilot, then had to rehire him because there was no replacement pilot available.

Another rumor reported in a British tabloid claims that the incident was not about the blanket but about a bag left behind on the plane. The report alleges the bag contained personal items that staff members did not want left behind. That claim comes from tabloids and should be treated cautiously because it has not been independently verified.

More broadly, critics argue that Noem showed poor judgment in office. She has faced accusations of favoritism in contracting and questions about her relationship with Lewandowski. Both have been married to other people during that period. When she was asked about the relationship during congressional hearings, she declined to answer directly and criticized the question instead. Her husband was present behind her during the hearing.

Jacobsen: American politics can be chaotic.

Rosner: One additional point: the Department of Homeland Security’s budget has expanded significantly in recent years. Under the Trump administration it increased dramatically, reaching tens of billions of dollars annually. Critics argue that placing controversial political figures in charge of such a large budget raises concerns about oversight and management.

Jacobsen: What is your take on American foreign policy now?

Rosner: In light of recent events, the kindest word for it would probably be interventionist. Trump seems to think he has a mandate to pressure or confront other countries when he does not like what is happening. The White House and the Defense Department have struggled to present a consistent justification for military action against Iran. Trump said he had “a feeling” Iran was about to attack the United States, and the White House later defended that statement by saying it was a feeling “based on facts.” Publicly, however, the administration has not released evidence showing an imminent Iranian attack on the United States. Reuters has reported that the administration’s stated reasons for entering the conflict have shifted over time.

Trump has also said that Iran was very close to obtaining a nuclear weapon. That claim should be treated cautiously. U.S. and allied officials have, over many years, repeatedly warned that Iran was only weeks or months away from a bomb, often without publicly presenting conclusive evidence. At the same time, different officials have alternated between describing Iran’s nuclear capabilities as an urgent threat and claiming that those capabilities had been badly degraded. Reuters also reported that Russia said it had seen no evidence that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, though that is of course a politically interested source rather than neutral proof.

To think through the analogy, compare Iraq in 1991 with Iraq in 2003. In 1991, Saddam Hussein had clearly acted aggressively by invading Kuwait. The United States, acting as part of a large international coalition, responded with overwhelming force. The ground war was brief, and Iraqi forces were expelled from Kuwait.

In 2003, by contrast, the United States invaded Iraq on the claim that Saddam Hussein possessed or was developing weapons of mass destruction. After the invasion, no active WMD stockpiles were found. The removal of Saddam’s regime helped create a power vacuum, and the ensuing conflict and instability caused enormous loss of life. Estimates vary, but the death toll ran into the hundreds of thousands and likely more. So the analogy matters: is Iran more like Iraq in 1991, meaning openly expansionist, or more like Iraq in 2003, meaning a regime portrayed as an imminent threat on grounds that later proved shaky?

Iran is not analogous to Iraq’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait. It has not invaded a neighboring country in that manner. At the same time, Iran has long supported armed non-state groups and regional proxies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and the Houthis in Yemen. That makes it a destabilizing regional actor, but it is still different from saying it was on the verge of a direct military attack on the United States itself. Reuters reported that a February 28, 2026 U.S. intelligence assessment warned of likely Iranian and proxy retaliation, including cyberattacks and attacks on U.S. and allied targets in the region, especially after the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei. That is not the same thing as proof that Iran was about to launch a major direct attack on the U.S. homeland.

So the real question is not whether Iran is benign. It plainly is not. The question is whether the administration has shown that Iran posed the sort of immediate threat that would justify war under the rationale it has offered. So far, the public case has been murky, shifting, and politically convenient in ways that should make any sober observer a little allergic.

Jacobsen: Is Iran keeping its head down internationally, then?

Rosner: Not exactly. It is still financing and supporting actors the United States and many of its allies regard as militant or terrorist groups. But that is different from proving that Iran was on the verge of directly attacking the United States. That distinction matters, unless one wants foreign policy written in crayon and adrenaline.

Was Iran actually preparing to attack the United States? I would argue probably not. Iran has been dealing with serious internal dissent over the past several years, including major protests. The government has responded harshly at times, and human rights organizations have reported significant casualties during crackdowns. Given those internal pressures, it seems unlikely that Iran would simultaneously prepare for a direct military confrontation with the United States.

The United States has already inflicted substantial damage on Iranian military capabilities in past confrontations. Iran has also faced losses in naval incidents and missile infrastructure over the years. In a direct confrontation, the United States possesses overwhelming military superiority in technology, logistics, and global reach.

Iran nevertheless maintains a large and complex military structure. Depending on how it is measured, it is often ranked among the larger armed forces in the world. It has roughly 610,000 active personnel in its conventional armed forces and around 350,000 reserve personnel. In addition, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)—a parallel military organization—has roughly 150,000 members, along with affiliated paramilitary forces such as the Basij.

Because of those numbers, any hypothetical ground invasion of Iran would not be a simple operation. Iran is geographically large, mountainous, and heavily populated. Military planners generally assume that a large-scale ground war there would be extremely costly.

In 1991, the United States fought Iraq after Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. The coalition assembled overwhelming force, and the ground war lasted only a few days once it began. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq again and removed Saddam Hussein from power. Iraqi conventional forces collapsed relatively quickly, although the occupation that followed turned into a long and costly insurgency.

Iran would not necessarily behave the same way Iraq did in 2003. The Iranian regime has been in power since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, so more than four decades. During that time it has faced repeated internal unrest and protests but has remained in power. That resilience suggests that it would likely fight hard if its survival were threatened.

For those reasons, I am skeptical of the claim that Iran was preparing to launch a direct attack on the United States. The balance of power makes that scenario difficult to imagine as a rational strategy.

Jacobsen: Any further comments?

Rosner: No, let’s move to another topic.

Jacobsen: In Los Angeles, singer Britney Spears was reportedly arrested Wednesday in Ventura County, California, on suspicion of driving under the influence. The reports say the incident involved property damage and driving with a suspended license, both misdemeanors. Do you think we will see another “Free Britney” moment?

Rosner: I do not know. I find Britney Spears a very sympathetic figure. Her life has been turbulent at times, and she has struggled publicly with personal issues. At the same time, she has also been reacting against years of intense control over her life and career, particularly during the conservatorship that governed her finances and personal decisions for many years.

She is also a mother, and like many people in the public eye she has had to manage enormous pressure. Performers in her position are often under constant scrutiny and frequently rely on medical treatment or prescription medications to manage stress and mental health.

Spears was turned into one of the biggest commercial pop stars in the world at a very young age by her management and the music industry. That kind of pressure can leave a complicated legacy. Her personal life has sometimes been chaotic, but many people still feel protective of her.

I wish her well. The last thing anyone wants is to see another tragedy like what happened to figures such as Michael Jackson, Elvis Presley, or Prince, whose extraordinary careers were overshadowed by difficult personal struggles.

The concern is when a celebrity reaches the point where the people around them cannot manage or control the drugs or the environment, and things spiral. In the worst cases, the person dies. Obviously, someone like Britney Spears probably needs people around her who can support her and keep her from doing the most self-destructive things.

At the same time, she does not appear as deeply troubled as someone like Michael Jackson sometimes seemed. Elvis Presley, for example, was widely described as a kind and generous person who simply had at least one doctor willing to prescribe whatever he asked for.

When Elvis died, it was reported that he had prescriptions for around seventeen different medications. Some were stimulants to help him function during the day, and others were barbiturates or sedatives to help him sleep at night. Barbiturates can slow intestinal function, and Elvis died of heart failure at age forty-two while in the bathroom at Graceland. The underlying issue was severe prescription drug misuse.

What Elvis needed was someone strong in his life who could tell him “no” and insist that he get off the medications. Elvis believed that if a drug was prescribed by a doctor, then it must be safe. Ironically, he considered himself strongly anti-drug.

There is a famous story illustrating this. In 1970, Elvis unexpectedly showed up at the White House and asked President Richard Nixon to make him a federal agent in the fight against drugs. Nixon eventually gave him an honorary badge from the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, which later became part of the DEA. Elvis disliked the counterculture drug scene of the time and thought he was helping the anti-drug effort.

Yet he simultaneously believed prescription medications were harmless if given by a doctor, which obviously turned out not to be true. Ultimately, the prescription drugs contributed to his death.

Elvis was not regarded as a cruel person. Many people described him as generous and sympathetic. He liked to give gifts—sometimes extravagant ones. There are many stories of him giving cars, including Cadillacs, to friends or people he wanted to help.

He was also spiritually curious. He read widely about religion, Christianity, philosophy, and spirituality. He seemed to be searching for meaning in various ways, though that search existed alongside his heavy use of prescription medication.

Like many public figures of his era, some of his personal relationships would be viewed very differently today. Elvis famously met Priscilla Presley when she was quite young—she was fourteen when they first met in Germany—and they married several years later when she was an adult. That aspect of his life is often discussed now as an example of how cultural norms and power dynamics around celebrity relationships have changed significantly over time.

So, yes, some of his behavior could be considered troubling by modern standards, but the broader picture people remember is a complicated human being—generous, curious, flawed, and surrounded by an environment that often enabled his worst habits rather than helping him escape them.

Britney Spears: she has fairly ordinary tastes in relationships. She often seems drawn to “bad boys,” and those relationships do not always work out well. Some of the men she dates turn out to be immature or unreliable. You can find parallels with other celebrities. Marilyn Monroe, for example, married people as different as Arthur Miller and Joe DiMaggio—men who were not exactly “bad boys,” but who struggled in their own ways with the pressures surrounding fame.

Spears grew up in a fairly modest environment in Louisiana, and her family background has often been described as chaotic. Ideally, someone with her level of fame would have strong and competent people around her to provide guidance. Unfortunately, that has not always been the case in her life. The pattern seems to be that when things spiral out of control, the response has sometimes been extremely restrictive, such as the long conservatorship that governed her life for many years. That arrangement was widely criticized once the details became public.

I still wish her well. She seems closer to the Elvis Presley type of celebrity story—someone overwhelmed by fame and surrounded by people who did not always manage things responsibly—rather than the darker narratives associated with some other famous figures.

Michael Jackson’s situation was different and much more troubling. Jackson cultivated an extremely childlike public persona, which by itself would not necessarily have been a problem. The controversies arose because of repeated allegations involving inappropriate relationships with minors. Those accusations became a central part of his public legacy and remain deeply debated.

Britney Spears’ struggles appear to be of a different nature. Her issues have mostly involved personal instability, intense fame, and turbulent relationships rather than the kind of allegations that surrounded Jackson. She seems like someone who enjoys partying and sometimes gravitates toward questionable partners, but she is also a parent and a person trying to live a life under extraordinary scrutiny.

In many ways she resembles a more extreme version of someone navigating ordinary life pressures while constantly under a spotlight. Fame amplifies everything. 

How is Kyiv?

Jacobsen: The place is lively. It almost feels like being in a war zone, but with croissants and coffee instead of artillery.

I had a question for you. People often say that matter is about 99.9999 percent empty space, referring to the distance between electrons and the atomic nucleus. That is the way it is often explained in basic physics. But when you study more advanced physics, especially quantum field theory, you learn that what we call particles are really excitations or perturbations in underlying fields. So in that framework, the idea of “empty space” becomes more complicated.

In quantum field theory, everything is described in terms of fields. What we call particles are localized disturbances in those fields. Even what we think of as empty space is not truly empty—it contains fluctuating quantum fields and vacuum energy.

Rosner: Popular culture sometimes runs with the “mostly empty space” idea and turns it into science fiction. Comic book writers have invented superheroes who can supposedly pass through walls by aligning the “empty spaces” in their atoms with those in the wall. That is entertaining but physically unrealistic.

Objects feel solid because of electromagnetic forces and quantum effects between atoms, especially the Pauli exclusion principle and electron interactions. Those forces prevent atoms from occupying the same state or passing through each other easily. So even though atoms contain large regions where there is no nucleus or electron, the interactions between their fields make matter behave as if it is solid.

Jacobsen: Right, but the deeper issue is that the framing itself might be misleading. It is not simply that everything is “99.9999 percent empty space,” nor is it only that everything is fields producing particles. The real question is how we should properly frame what matter and space actually are.

To get a clearer picture, the framing of the question matters. Instead of asking the traditional philosophical question, “Why is there something rather than nothing?”, you might ask a slightly different one: “Why wouldn’t there be something?” We posed this in IC before. If we think in terms of quantum fields and perturbations in those fields, the universe may be better understood not as empty space with things in it, but as something closer to “full space” and “fuller space.”

Rosner: I see what you are getting at. You are suggesting that what we call matter and space might really be variations in energy density or variations in mass–energy distribution.

Jacobsen: Right—variations in energy and mass density.

Rosner: That is roughly in the right neighborhood conceptually. In general relativity, the common takeaway is that mass bends spacetime. A slightly stronger formulation is that mass–energy determines the curvature or shape of spacetime.

Some theoretical ideas push that even further. Certain approaches suggest that spacetime itself might emerge from deeper informational or quantum structures. In those models, information and quantum entanglement may help determine the structure of space itself—how it is shaped and how it behaves.

That line of thinking leads to an interesting philosophical observation. Sometimes people describe the universe in terms that sound circular: whatever configurations of matter and energy are physically allowed will occur somewhere in the structure of the universe.

The popular claim that matter is “99.9 percent empty space” is also somewhat misleading. When people say that, they are usually referring to the large distance between the nucleus of an atom and its electrons. But in quantum mechanics the picture is more subtle.

Electrons are not tiny solid spheres orbiting a nucleus like planets. They are better described as quantum entities with probability distributions. In many models they are treated as point particles with no measurable spatial size, though they are associated with a probability cloud describing where they are likely to be detected.

That means electrons do not occupy space in the way ordinary objects do. Instead, their electric charge and quantum properties create fields and interactions that prevent other particles from occupying the same state. Those interactions effectively keep other matter at a distance, which is why atoms resist being pushed through each other.

Atomic nuclei operate similarly. The strong nuclear force and electromagnetic forces create regions where other particles cannot easily intrude. So while atoms contain large regions without classical “stuff,” the forces and fields surrounding their components create the physical behavior we experience as solidity.

On much larger scales, matter aggregates into increasingly complex structures. Stars form when matter collapses under gravity. Galaxies are clusters of billions of stars. Galaxies themselves cluster into galaxy groups and superclusters across the universe.

Those large-scale patterns are not random. They reflect the distribution of mass–energy and the gravitational interactions shaping spacetime over billions of years. In that sense, the structure of the universe carries informational meaning as well: the way matter clusters tells us something about the underlying physics governing spacetime itself.

Jacobsen: If you had to guess, how much gas does a person produce in a day?

Rosner: I do not know. It probably varies a lot from person to person. That is the sort of question I would normally look up. Let me start with cows, since they are famous for producing methane.

A typical cow releases roughly four to seven cubic feet of methane per day, mostly through burping rather than flatulence.

Humans produce much less. Estimates suggest that a person releases about 0.5 to 2 liters of intestinal gas per day, which is roughly 0.02 to 0.07 cubic feet. That is a surprisingly small amount—roughly the volume of a small bottle.

My former stepmother once told me a story from her childhood. She and her brother had what they called a “fart jar.” If they needed to pass gas, they would go into a closet, open the jar, and trap it inside. Eventually the jar became extremely unpleasant to open. Children invent strange experiments.

In any case, humans do not produce that much gas compared with animals like cattle. That makes sense, because cows eat grass and other fibrous plants that require far more digestive fermentation. Their stomach systems—technically a four-compartment digestive system—break down cellulose, which produces methane as a by-product.

A liter is roughly a quart, right? Close enough for a rough comparison. On the high end, two liters would be larger than a typical coffee cup but still not a huge volume—something closer to a large soda bottle.

Another statistic you sometimes see is that people pass gas around 10 to 20 times per day on average, though diet and digestion can change that quite a bit.

Jacobsen: Anything else we want to cover?

Rosner: Let’s check the news. I usually keep two computers running when I record—one to talk into and another to monitor headlines. Oil prices are currently around $80 per barrel, which is climbing toward $100. That is expensive compared with recent years.

Gasoline prices in the United States have risen noticeably since the conflict began—roughly twenty to thirty cents per gallon in some places. Trump had promised cheaper gas, and fuel prices were not extremely high before the conflict. If the trend continues upward, it could become politically damaging.

Many liberals think Trump launched the war to distract from the Epstein controversy. That seems like a poor distraction strategy, though, because it undermines other promises he made. He campaigned on avoiding new wars and presenting himself as the president who would keep the United States out of foreign conflicts. At the same time, the conflict is pushing gasoline prices upward. It is also extremely expensive. Estimates suggest the war is costing around one billion dollars per day, and that number would increase significantly if the United States committed ground forces.

One of the top stories on Drudge right now reports that people inside the White House have been arguing about rising gas prices. That is not a great political environment when fuel costs are climbing.

Jacobsen: Anything else before I go?

Rosner: One more thing. I had not interacted with AI systems for a few months, and recently I started talking to Google’s AI again. The improvement has been striking. The systems have become extremely capable conversationally.

They obviously do not “know” things in the way humans do, since they are not conscious. However, they can discuss an enormous range of topics. The leveling of subjects is remarkable. There is almost nothing that is too technical or too simple for them to discuss.

If something has been written about and incorporated into the training data of large language models, the system can usually discuss it coherently. These systems use probabilistic models—often described in terms of statistical associations or Bayesian-style inference—to determine how concepts and words fit together in context.

That means AI can move between very different topics with surprising ease. It can discuss quantum physics, philosophy, literature, speculative scenarios, or creative writing. If there are enough textual examples linking concepts and language patterns together, the system can generate coherent responses.

I tested this by throwing various ideas at it—concepts I am considering for a novel. The AI often responded by saying something like, “That idea already has a name,” or “That concept has been discussed in this field.” In many cases, it could point to established terminology or theories connected to what I was describing.

That realization was interesting: many ideas that seem novel to us have already been explored somewhere in the academic or literary world. AI systems can surface those connections quickly because they have access to a vast body of written material.

I suspect that if someone like Stephen Hawking were still alive, an AI system could hold a reasonably coherent conversation with him about physics for some time. Eventually Hawking would probably notice limitations, but the fact that the system could sustain a discussion for even several minutes with a world-class physicist would already be remarkable.

Jacobsen:  That leads to a bigger question. The real puzzle may not be “Why is AI so good at reasoning?” but rather “Why are humans so limited at reasoning?” 

Rosner: One answer is cognitive capacity. Humans can hold only a small number of concepts in working memory at once.

Some extraordinary thinkers trained themselves to push those limits. Albert Einstein and Stephen Hawking, for example, became famous for their ability to hold complicated conceptual structures and equations in their minds simultaneously. Hawking, in particular, had to rely heavily on mental visualization after he lost the ability to write equations easily.

Training the brain to manage more conceptual relationships can lead to deeper insights. AI systems, by contrast, can process enormous quantities of information simultaneously. They are built to evaluate patterns across vast datasets.

Of course, AI also mirrors what people say. It often rephrases a user’s ideas and reflects them back in slightly different language. But it can also produce connections based on statistical associations within its training data.

Psychologists have discussed similar concepts in creativity research—ideas such as associative breadth or wide associative networks. Creative thinking often comes from making unexpected connections between ideas.

In that sense, large-scale data processing—even when it is purely mechanical—can sometimes simulate a form of creative association.

Any comments?

Jacobsen: I am good for now.

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Ask A Genius 1634: Ukraine Air Raid Reality and U.S.–Iran Conflict

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/04

How do daily air raids in Ukraine and escalating U.S.–Iran tensions reveal the changing technology and geopolitics of modern warfare?

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the lived experience of war in Ukraine and the evolving global strategic landscape. Jacobsen recounts frequent drone and missile attacks in Kyiv, explaining how Shahed drones and air-defence systems shape everyday life under bombardment. Rosner explores the broader implications of drone warfare, U.S. strikes on Iran, and the uncertain prospects for regime change. Their discussion extends to international law, energy markets, and the economics of modern conflict. The interview blends frontline observation with geopolitical analysis, revealing how technological change, political rhetoric, and civilian resilience intersect in contemporary warfare.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Since arriving in Lviv and later Kyiv, I have experienced frequent air-raid alerts and attacks throughout the day and night. At times they occur in clusters—morning, afternoon, and overnight—creating the sense that the bombardment can happen at almost any hour. They are definitely happening more frequently for the third trip compared to the second trip and certainly from the second trip compared to the first trip.

Rick Rosner: Is it drones or missiles or both?

Jacobsen: Both. The slower-moving attacks are when you hear the anti-air defences close—really close. The Shahed drones are distinctive. On my first day in Kyiv, I was sleeping and heard a hovering above us. The closest comparison for a North American reference would be a lawnmower in the sky. They are loud—very loud. Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence has said Russia aimed to produce around 30,000 Shahed-type UAVs in 2025.

Rosner: How big are the drones? Six feet across?

Jacobsen: A Shahed-136 is about 3.5 metres long with a wingspan around 2.5 metres—roughly eight feet—so six feet across would be an underestimate. The systems used to take them down can be much smaller. It is a rapidly advancing technological environment.

Rosner: So it is drone versus drone in the sky?

Jacobsen: In some cases, yes. The technology is becoming more sophisticated, and the techniques for using it are improving. The operators and their teams are becoming more skilled. Remember, this is largely a citizen army—painters, bakers, dog walkers, cashiers, carpenters—now on the front line.

Rosner: It still functions through a military hierarchy, though, right?

Jacobsen: Yes, it is organized by rank. Ukraine is still in a rapid transition because it did not have a large modern army before 2014.

Rosner: Do people remain optimistic?

Jacobsen: People remain realistic and focused on getting through the day. If the air-raid alarms go off, international franchises and other businesses shut down until the alarms end, then reopen. A McDonald’s or KFC will close temporarily.

Rosner: We are speaking on March 2nd. Winter will be over in a few weeks. Does that mean more ground action?

Jacobsen: Temperatures are around minus five, minus six, plus one, minus two. For me, as a Canadian from a small town who worked on a horse farm, that is manageable—wear an extra layer. When it was minus 19, minus 15, minus 20, that was punishing after five or ten minutes. People endure.

If you get sick or have an infirmity, things become stark because you have to remain in place and recover while air-raid alarms sound or explosions occur in the background.

Rosner: If someone needs medical services—an MRI or CT scan—can they still get them?

Jacobsen: There are still places where you can get them, though with longer waits. A dentist appointment might be quicker because fewer people are going. At the same time, many medical professionals likely move to the front line during wartime, along with medically trained volunteers.

Organizations that track attacks on humanitarian and medical institutions report systematic bombing of medical sites. Russia appears willing to act with extreme cruelty, possibly as a psychological operation to demonstrate that nothing is off limits.

On journalist deaths, the numbers require clarification. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that 129 journalists and media workers were killed worldwide in 2024, making it one of the deadliest years on record for the press. A majority of those deaths were linked to the Israel–Gaza war. Other countries with journalist fatalities included Sudan, Mexico, and Ukraine.

According to CPJ, at least twenty-one journalists and media workers have been killed while working in Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in February 2022. Many additional journalists have faced detention, harassment, injury, surveillance, and other threats while reporting from the conflict zone.

These risks are closely tied to the nature of the war itself. Ukraine is an active battlefield subject to missile, drone, and artillery attacks across civilian areas, and journalists frequently work in the same locations where those strikes occur. As a result, reporters face many of the same dangers as civilians and soldiers, even when they are not embedded with military units or directly covering frontline operations.

Rosner: Should we talk about our war now? The United States’ new war?

Jacobsen: Yes, let’s discuss that. I will add one point regarding Israel. Several major international organizations—such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and other independent monitors—have argued that Israel may have committed acts that could amount to genocide or other serious international crimes in Gaza. Others argue that the actions fall short of genocide under international law but may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity. These debates remain ongoing. I’ve had Israeli lawyer colleagues argue it’s not genocide, while this is not a context for international law in these areas. Which, unfortunately, is duplicitous, the argument from human rights and international law when necessary to decline genocide and other criminal allegations, while arguing international law doesn’t matter in these areas. It’s not a la carte; it’s a highly educated and reasonably intelligent person’s denial of state crimes in which they happen to have citizenship. Same denialist process, though, along a spectrum. 

A common rebuttal raised in public discussion is that Gaza’s population has increased over time, so the situation cannot constitute genocide. The counterargument from legal scholars is that genocide is defined not by population totals but by intent and specific prohibited acts directed toward the destruction of a group, in whole or in part. Determining that threshold ultimately requires adjudication in international courts.

The scale of the violence remains significant regardless of legal classification. Tens of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza have been killed during the war, with a large proportion of the population being children because more than half of Gaza’s residents are under eighteen. Civilian vulnerability in such a demographic structure increases the likelihood that children will be among the casualties, whether intentionally targeted or killed during broader military operations.

However, it is important to note that the highest legal standard for declaring genocide has not yet been reached. That determination would require formal rulings by international courts such as the International Court of Justice or the International Criminal Court. In November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity related to the Gaza conflict. These charges remain subject to ongoing legal proceedings.

Rosner: Now, turning to the United States and Iran. There have been reports of U.S. strikes targeting Iranian officials and military leadership. Even if high-ranking figures are killed, that alone does not cause a regime to collapse.

Iran is geographically large—roughly four times the size of Texas—and has a population of about ninety million people. Its military structure includes hundreds of thousands of active personnel, large reserve forces, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which functions both as a military and internal security force. Altogether, more than a million individuals could potentially be mobilized.

Removing individual leaders, therefore, does not necessarily destabilize the regime. Historically, regime change has typically required large-scale internal collapse or a full-scale ground invasion, both of which would be extremely costly and complex.

At the same time, many Iranians—especially those who have suffered under the regime—harbour deep resentment toward senior leaders who have overseen decades of repression. Some people, therefore, see the removal of such figures as a form of justice, even if the regime itself remains intact.

Public rhetoric surrounding these developments has also become unusually crude. Some officials have used language drawn from internet subcultures—for example, phrases like “lethality maximization,” echoing slang from online “looksmaxing” communities. The adoption of such terminology by military institutions reflects a striking shift in political communication, where informal internet language increasingly enters official discourse.

The tone of the rhetoric has been crude. Pete Hegseth speaks like a television pundit—unsurprising given his background at Fox News. The messaging has been contradictory. On one hand, officials say the objective is not regime change. On the other hand, there is chest-thumping language suggesting that eliminating senior figures effectively amounts to changing the regime. The objectives remain unclear.

President Trump has also avoided giving precise answers about the duration or the campaign’s strategic goals. Trump will turn eighty in less than fifteen weeks, and his public statements have been inconsistent. At different points, he has suggested the bombing could continue for two weeks, four weeks, or five weeks. There is little clarity about what the administration is trying to accomplish.

Prediction markets such as Polymarket have estimated a roughly 60% chance that the Iranian regime will survive the current U.S. military action. That probability may underestimate the regime’s durability.

So far, according to available reports, several Americans have been killed in connection with the conflict.

Historically, the killing of four Americans during the 2012 attack on U.S. diplomatic facilities in Benghazi, Libya, became a major political controversy in the United States and was heavily emphasized by Republican politicians for years afterward. It remains to be seen whether Democrats will raise comparable political pressure over American casualties in the current situation, especially since they are currently out of executive power.

The military action itself is unlikely to produce permanent changes to Iran’s government structure. What it will almost certainly produce is turbulence in global energy markets.

If Iran restricts or threatens shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, the impact could be significant. Roughly twenty percent of the world’s oil supply passes through that narrow waterway between Iran and Oman. Any disruption there typically drives oil and gasoline prices upward across global markets.

Jacobsen: At the same time, the long-term price trajectory of renewable energy has been steadily declining. Over the past two decades, the cost per watt of solar and wind power has fallen dramatically, while installations have increased year after year. China, in particular, has dramatically expanded solar capacity in recent years.

As a result, the share of oil and gas in the global energy supply has been gradually declining. The transition away from fossil fuels is already underway, and geopolitical disruptions in oil supply may actually accelerate the shift toward renewables.

Rosner: Are you suggesting that the long-term decline in oil’s dominance is partly driven by falling demand relative to other energy sources?

Jacobsen: The energy demand overall is still increasing. What is changing is the cost structure. Renewable energy has become significantly cheaper per unit of electricity in many regions, and its deployment continues to grow rapidly. If oil prices spike due to instability in the Strait of Hormuz, it could further incentivize the transition to alternative energy sources.

Rosner: There is also significant political chaos surrounding the campaign. The central strategic problem remains the same: limited airstrikes or leadership decapitation operations are unlikely to change the form of government in Iran. Without large-scale internal upheaval or a full ground invasion—which would be enormously costly—the regime is likely to remain in power.

One could argue that even if the form of government in Iran does not change, degrading the regime’s capabilities may still serve strategic goals. Strikes can deplete military stockpiles, slow nuclear development, and potentially deter further escalation. However, the lack of clarity in U.S. objectives is characteristic of Trump’s leadership style. The administration has not articulated a consistent strategic endpoint.

There has also been some incidental absurdity in the campaign’s messaging. The operation has reportedly been named Epic Fury. Military operations have long had dramatic titles—Operation Enduring Freedom, for example—but this one appears particularly simplistic, seemingly crafted to resonate with Trump’s political base. Critics have also pointed out that the word “Epic” shares the same initial letters as “Epstein,” leading some online commentators to refer to the campaign as “Operation Epstein Fury” mockingly.

The most technically significant development connected to these strikes has been the reverse engineering of Iranian Shahed drone technology. Western and allied engineers have studied captured systems, refined their design, and produced more efficient versions. These new unmanned aerial systems can be deployed at far lower cost than traditional cruise missiles.

One example often discussed is the U.S. military’s use of low-cost loitering munitions built on similar design principles. These drones can cost tens of thousands of dollars rather than millions. By comparison, a Tomahawk cruise missile costs roughly two million U.S. dollars. If a loitering munition costs around $30,000 to $35,000, dozens can be produced for the price of a single cruise missile.

This cost asymmetry changes the economics of warfare. Large numbers of inexpensive unmanned systems can overwhelm defences in ways that traditional high-cost precision weapons cannot. If conflicts increasingly rely on swarms of unmanned aerial systems, it could reshape how the United States and other militaries conduct prolonged campaigns.

The United States has claimed that hundreds or even thousands of sites linked to Iranian military infrastructure have been struck during the operation. Civilian casualties have also been reported. In one widely discussed incident, a girls’ school was hit in a strike near a suspected Revolutionary Guard facility, reportedly killing around 150 students. The exact cause remains uncertain—possibilities include a misdirected drone or missile, or a malfunction involving Iranian defensive fire.

Regardless of the precise cause, such incidents highlight the profound risks of conducting military operations in densely populated areas. When targets are located near civilian infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, or residential neighbourhoods, the likelihood of catastrophic civilian harm rises dramatically.

The conflict has also spilled beyond Iran’s borders. Iran has reportedly launched retaliatory missile and drone strikes toward multiple countries in the Gulf region. These attacks have been described as large-scale and unpredictable, targeting locations across several neighbouring states. Such escalation increases the risk that a regional confrontation could broaden into a much larger conflict involving multiple governments across the Middle East.

Iran also attempted to launch missiles across the Mediterranean toward Cyprus, though several reportedly fell into the sea before reaching their targets. Analysts noted that the countries targeted in Iran’s retaliatory strikes all host U.S. military bases. Given the range and reliability limits of Iran’s missile systems, it makes strategic sense that most of its strikes would focus on nearby regional targets where its capabilities are strongest.

Another point worth noting is public opinion in the United States. A Reuters–Ipsos poll reported that roughly 27 percent of Americans approved of the strikes on Iran, while about 43 percent disapproved, and a large portion of respondents either had no opinion or were unsure. Without the exact sample size and margin of error, those numbers should be interpreted cautiously, but they broadly reflect a familiar pattern in American politics.

There is a core portion of the electorate—roughly a quarter of U.S. adults—who consistently support Trump’s actions. Another segment may lean toward supporting him depending on circumstances. Others are skeptical but remain in a wait-and-see posture, watching to see whether the policy produces results.

I fall mostly in the disapproval camp, though with some ambivalence. Occasionally, a controversial decision produces an outcome that turns out better than expected. For example, I was not particularly opposed when Trump previously authorized strikes targeting aspects of Iran’s nuclear program, which were framed as efforts to disrupt weapons-related development. This current campaign, however, raises more concerns.

Jacobsen: What is your assessment?

Rosner: One major issue is legality. Under the U.S. Constitution, initiating sustained military action typically requires congressional authorization, unless it falls within very limited defensive circumstances. Without such authorization, critics argue that the strikes could violate domestic law.

From the perspective of international law, unilateral military action against another sovereign state without a clear self-defence justification or a United Nations mandate is also widely considered a violation of international legal norms.

At the same time, there is genuine sentiment among some Iranians—both within the country and in the diaspora—who hope for the end of the Islamic Republic, which they see as a theocratic and authoritarian regime that has been in power since 1979. Many critics of the government argue that it enforces a restrictive interpretation of Islam and suppresses political freedoms.

That said, the regime has been in place for roughly forty-six years. Governments that appear entrenched often remain stable for long periods. Yet history shows that systems that seem immovable—the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany, for instance—can collapse suddenly once conditions change.

There is always a possibility of regime collapse, but the probability appears limited under current conditions. During the protests a month ago, one analyst suggested the regime might fall soon; at the time, I estimated roughly a thirty-five percent chance. Given the present situation, I would assign a lower probability.

How are Ukrainians reacting to these developments, especially considering the technologies used against them during Russia’s invasion?

Jacobsen: Ukrainian leaders, including President Volodymyr Zelensky, have been clear about the geopolitical implications. Russia has historically presented itself as an ally of Iran, yet it has not consistently intervened to protect allied governments when crises emerge.

Rosner: Russia did not decisively defend Syria’s leadership during its most unstable moments, and similar limits appear in other contexts as well.

That raises a broader question about the practical value of Russian alliance commitments. When events reach a critical point, the support promised by Moscow may not translate into decisive action.

Looking at another example, Afghanistan illustrates how quickly political systems can shift despite long-standing military realities. According to widely cited estimates, the Taliban maintain tens of thousands of fighters today. Military strength alone does not always determine political outcomes; legitimacy, public sentiment, and institutional collapse can matter just as much.

Afghanistan is a useful comparison. The United States spent about twenty years there and roughly $2.3 trillion over the course of the war. Iran is a far larger and more capable country. It has many times the number of military personnel, including the regular army, naval forces, and the Revolutionary Guard. If a conflict with Iran were to continue for any significant period, it could become extremely expensive.

There have already been costly incidents. For example, several U.S. fighter aircraft have reportedly been lost due to friendly fire or operational accidents in past conflicts, and modern combat aircraft can cost tens or even hundreds of millions of dollars each, depending on the model. If operations continued for a month or two at high intensity, the overall cost of the campaign could easily reach tens of billions of dollars and climb much higher.

Jacobsen: That is enough on that topic.

Rosner: I have another subject. I have been experimenting with a personal fitness routine. I keep exercise equipment in the house—a weight machine in the attic, abdominal equipment, and resistance bands on the main floor. Because the equipment is always available, I have been trying an unusual approach: performing a couple of short sets of exercises every waking hour.

The idea is simple. If moderate weight training is beneficial, spreading small amounts of exercise throughout the day could be even better. I have no clear evidence that this approach works, but it has produced one noticeable effect: it leaves me physically exhausted.

The constant exercise increases overall fatigue. That makes sense physiologically—muscles and the nervous system need recovery time, and repeatedly engaging them throughout the day may lead to fatigue. Are you heading to sleep?

Jacobsen: There is a strange detail about the air-raid alarm system. The mobile alert app used in Ukraine includes an English-language alert voiced by Mark Hamill, the actor who originally played Luke Skywalker. When the alert activates, his voice announces the warning in English.

After the alert ends—usually thirty minutes to an hour later—the message concludes with a line reminiscent of Star Wars: “May the Force be with you.” It is a form of dark humour during wartime.

When the alarm sounds, you immediately feel fear. You might be watching something online or working when the alert goes off, and suddenly, you are brought back to the reality of the war.

Rosner: Hamill is known for publicly supporting Ukraine, so it is not surprising that he agreed to record those alerts. One more question. Do people reinforce their beds or sleeping areas?

Jacobsen: Some people try, but reinforcing a bed or bedroom does not provide meaningful protection. In blast safety, the general advice is to stay at least two interior walls away from windows or the outside. That reduces exposure to blast pressure and shrapnel.

Some individuals attempt to build improvised protective structures—such as steel frames or reinforced sleeping spaces—but these would not protect against a direct strike. If something like a missile or drone hits directly, the outcome would be catastrophic regardless of improvised protection.

Rosner: Stay safe.

Jacobsen: I will politely ask the Shahed drones.

Rosner: Talk tomorrow.

Jacobsen: See you tomorrow.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1633: Iran Regime Stability, COVID Trends, and Kyiv Under Air Raid

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/03

What does Rick Rosner say about the prospects for regime collapse in Iran, current COVID trends, and the intensifying strike pattern in Kyiv?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss reports about a possible injury or death of a senior Iranian figure, stressing caution because the claims rely on unnamed sources. Rick Rosner argues that limited U.S. airstrikes would be unlikely to trigger rapid regime collapse in Iran, given the country’s scale, military depth, and the historical resilience of its ruling system. The conversation then turns to COVID, where Rosner notes low case levels in Los Angeles and California. Jacobsen closes by describing Kyiv’s worsening air raid pattern, with alarms now occurring across daytime, evening, and overnight hours.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The Daily Mail out of London, which is not generally considered a fully reliable source, cites 12 Israeli sources who believe he has either been injured or killed. Rosner, what are you hearing?

Rick Rosner: Those reports appear to rely on unnamed security sources, so caution is warranted. Even if a senior figure were killed, it would not necessarily change Iran’s strategic posture. Iran is geographically large—roughly four times the size of California and significantly larger than Iraq. According to widely cited defense assessments such as the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ Military Balance, Iran maintains approximately 575,000 active military personnel. This includes the regular army (Artesh) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). In addition, there are several hundred thousand reservists and paramilitary Basij forces affiliated with the IRGC. The IRGC itself includes ground, naval, aerospace, and internal security components. This is not Iraq in 2003; Iraq had been significantly degraded by sanctions, no-fly zones, and prior conflict before the U.S.-led invasion.

If the United States were to conduct several days of aerial bombardment, as suggested, that would represent limited strikes rather than a full-scale invasion. Calls for the Iranian population to overthrow their government assume that external pressure translates into internal regime collapse. Historically, that is uncertain. Iran’s current political system has been in place since the 1979 revolution. It has faced repeated internal protests—1999, 2009, 2017–2018, 2019, and 2022–2023—yet the governing structure has remained intact.

That aligns with historical precedent. External military pressure does not reliably produce stable democratic outcomes. Post–Cold War U.S.-led regime-change efforts in the Middle East—most notably Iraq in 2003—resulted in prolonged instability rather than immediate democratic consolidation. Each case differs, but the historical record is mixed at best.

In domestic political terms, the effect on presidential approval would depend on scale, duration, casualties, and outcomes. Historically, limited military action can produce a short-term “rally-around-the-flag” effect, but prolonged or inconclusive conflicts often erode support. It is too early to assign specific percentages.

If the Iranian regime were to collapse and transition to a broadly supported alternative government, that would reshape regional geopolitics. However, regime collapse in highly centralized security states is difficult to predict and statistically uncommon without sustained internal fracture within elite or military ranks.

Jacobsen: Assigning a numerical probability would be speculative. Qualitatively, the likelihood of rapid regime collapse resulting solely from limited external strikes appears low.

Rosner: Historically, large-scale regime removal that resulted in stable democratic systems—such as Germany and Japan after World War II—occurred after total war, unconditional surrender, and long-term occupation backed by broad international coalitions. Even in that context, once the United States formally entered World War II in December 1941, it took nearly four years until Axis surrender in 1945.

World War II cost the United States roughly 405,000 military deaths, and total Allied military and civilian deaths were far higher across Europe and Asia.

Jacobsen: What is next, COVID?

Rosner: Los Angeles did not experience a winter COVID spike. In what is now the seventh year since the pandemic began in 2020, case numbers in Los Angeles and across California are very low.

Hospital test positivity rates are around 3 percent, which is generally considered low. In Los Angeles, the rate is approximately 0.69 percent—well below that threshold—and it has remained there for several months.

Nationally, and in England as well, case levels are lower this year than last year, and last year was lower than the year before. I do not want to speculate prematurely, but at some point community transmission becomes low enough that major seasonal spikes diminish.

Typically, case numbers begin declining toward the end of winter and remain lower through spring and summer, partly because people spend more time outdoors, where respiratory viruses spread less efficiently than in confined indoor spaces.

I have been cautious about masking, though I sometimes forgo a mask at the gym. Both Carole and I contracted COVID within the past year, so it has certainly not disappeared. However, current indicators are encouraging.

Public health policy is less prominent in national discussion right now, given other political and international developments. Even so, the underlying epidemiological numbers suggest lower levels of contagious spread than in previous years. That may allow continued gradual decline independent of policy changes.

How is Kyiv?

Jacobsen: They are conducting more strikes recently. Today there was an air raid alarm in the middle of the day—around noon. They are doing them at different times in the morning, the afternoon, the evening, and overnight.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1632: Estimating Lifetime Orgasm Time

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/24

If you extrapolate over your lifetime and calculate an average duration, how much of your conscious life has actually been spent in orgasm?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to quantify orgasm time across a lifetime. Rosner estimates 15,000–17,000 orgasms at five seconds each, totaling about one day of life. They explore the hypothetical of prolonged orgasmic activation and note medical risks, referencing priapism as an example of dangerous dysregulation. The conversation shifts to folklore about Viagra manufacturing “love fumes,” contrasted with Pfizer’s denials and a Newsweek report framed as humor. They then examine double standards in sexual talk, distinguish speech from misconduct, and connect scandals and technology to evolving norms, consent, and accountability. Rosner argues ethics hinge on consent, power, and context.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Here is the question. You have roughly tracked how many times you have had an orgasm?

Rick Rosner: I have a general estimate, yes.

Jacobsen: If you extrapolate over your lifetime and calculate an average duration, how much of your conscious life has actually been spent in orgasm? It is an interesting thought experiment.

Rosner: Not much, proportionally. If I estimate approximately 15,000 to 17,000 occurrences over several decades, and assume an average duration of about five seconds each, that totals roughly 85,000 seconds. Converting that, it comes to about 1,400 minutes—just under a full 24-hour day. So, across an entire lifetime, it amounts to about one day.

Jacobsen: Imagine what it would be like if the brain were activated in that state continuously for twenty hours.

Rosner: That would likely be medically dangerous. Sustained physiological overstimulation could lead to severe strain, pain, or cardiovascular stress. The human body is not designed for prolonged activation of that system.

There are medical conditions related to prolonged arousal. For example, priapism is a condition in which an erection persists for an abnormally long time and can require emergency treatment to prevent tissue damage. It is not the same as continuous orgasm, but it illustrates how dysregulation of blood flow can become dangerous.

Jacobsen: That is a medical problem.

Rosner: Yes. Some television dramas have depicted such cases in emergency-room settings. Treatment can involve draining excess blood to relieve pressure, because the condition results from blood becoming trapped in erectile tissue.

Jacobsen: It is remarkable how certain medications were discovered. Sildenafil, the drug later marketed as Viagra, was initially researched for cardiovascular conditions before its side effects were recognized as therapeutically useful for erectile dysfunction. 

Rosner: It has been manufactured in Ireland, among other places, and there is a long-running local joke about “love fumes” from the factory. Pfizer has described those stories as myths. They are part of local folklore rather than evidence-based phenomena.

Jacobsen: You could test that indirectly by surveying people in the region.

Rosner: There was a 2017 Newsweek article titled “Viagra Factory Fumes Are Giving Men Erections, Residents of Irish Town Claim.” It reported on local jokes surrounding the Pfizer manufacturing plant in County Cork.

Jacobsen: Don’t you wish it were true?

Rosner: The article quoted a local bartender who joked, “One whiff and you’re stiff.” It was clearly presented as humour and folklore. Pfizer has consistently described the story as a myth. There is no scientific evidence supporting the idea that factory emissions have that effect. It is an amusing piece of local lore.

Jacobsen: It is funny.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: You mentioned Carole gets tired of these conversations.

Rosner: She prefers not to hear extended discussions about sexuality.

Jacobsen: That raises an interesting cultural point. Women sometimes discuss sexual topics among themselves quite openly. When men do the same, it is often perceived as crude or inappropriate. Why do you think that is?

Rosner: It can come across as intrusive or unsettling depending on tone, context, and audience. Social norms shape how identical content is interpreted based on who is speaking. Perception matters.

Jacobsen: There is a double standard.

Rosner: Context is everything. Conversations about sexuality are not inherently harmful, but they should be situationally appropriate.

Jacobsen: You mentioned major scandals.

Rosner: The #MeToo movement was founded in 2006 by activist Tarana Burke to support survivors of sexual violence. It gained global prominence in 2017 after Alyssa Milano encouraged people to share their experiences publicly. Since then, multiple high-profile cases have emerged, including those of Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein, both involving allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation. These cases have had a lasting cultural and legal impact.

Jacobsen: Some argue that earlier scandals also had long political consequences.

Rosner: The Clinton–Lewinsky scandal of the late 1990s significantly shaped American politics. Some analysts argue that its political fallout influenced subsequent elections and public trust in institutions. That interpretation remains debated, but the episode clearly marked a turning point in media, politics, and public discourse.

Rosner: The key distinction here is that conversation itself is not the same as misconduct. A discussion may be uncomfortable for one person, amusing for another, and neutral for someone else. There is no automatic link between open conversation and criminal behaviour.

Jacobsen: Correct. Speech and conduct are distinct. Ethical responsibility hinges on actions—consent, power dynamics, legality—not merely on whether a topic is discussed. Context, intent, and behaviour determine harm.

Rosner: To put it bluntly, private behaviour conducted responsibly causes less harm than misconduct carried into public life. The issue is not sexuality itself, but ethics, consent, and power.

We have seen major political consequences linked to sexual scandals. During the Clinton presidency, impeachment proceedings did not significantly reduce his approval ratings. However, some analysts argue that the scandal affected Al Gore’s 2000 campaign strategy, particularly his limited public association with Clinton despite Clinton’s strong popularity at the time. Gore ultimately lost a very close election, and interpretations vary as to how much the scandal influenced that outcome.

In 2016, then–FBI Director James Comey announced shortly before the election that the Bureau was reviewing additional emails related to Hillary Clinton. That development stemmed from a separate investigation involving Anthony Weiner. The review ultimately did not result in charges, but the timing of the announcement remains controversial. Some political scientists estimate that late shifts in voter perception may have influenced a narrow election margin, though the precise electoral impact is debated.

Sexual misconduct, media coverage, and institutional responses have clearly shaped political outcomes in modern U.S. history. Whether they were decisive factors is a matter of ongoing analysis.

Culturally, patterns of sexual behaviour appear to be shifting. Research indicates that members of Generation Z report lower rates of sexual activity compared to some previous cohorts at similar ages. Explanations range from increased digital engagement to economic pressures and changing social norms.

As technology becomes more integrated into daily life, intimacy patterns may evolve. It is plausible that mediated experiences, virtual environments, or algorithmic matching systems will increasingly shape relationships. That does not mean in-person relationships will disappear, but their social context may continue to change.

In fiction, these shifts create interesting narrative possibilities. For example, a future setting might involve intermediaries who facilitate connections between highly vetted, consenting adults within strict ethical frameworks. Such a system would require safeguards to prevent exploitation or abuse. If social norms evolve, education around consent, emotional intelligence, and interpersonal conduct would become even more important.

Sexuality is not disappearing; it is adapting alongside technology and culture. The important variables remain consent, transparency, agency, and accountability.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1631: Kyiv Normalcy Under Fire: Risk, Reform, Exercise Micro-Dosing, and Sex Education

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/24

How does daily life in Kyiv reshape risk perception and “normalcy,” and what does that imply for human-rights reporting, micro-dosed daily exercise, and modern sex education?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Rick Rosner presses Scott Douglas Jacobsen on what “normal” means in wartime Kyiv: sirens, intermittent strikes, and the slow psychology of habituation. Jacobsen distinguishes lived risk from performative catastrophe, anchors the conflict in international law, and stresses universalist human-rights principles while acknowledging abuses on all sides. Rosner counters with American analogies—coyotes, hoarding, and 1970s bombings—to map fear’s weird ecology. They pivot to micro-dosed “every-hour” exercise and the line between adaptation and overtraining. Finally, they confront teen exposure to explicit imagery and argue for lifespan media-literate sex education. Humour, they agree, can reset emotions without denying reality.

Rick Rosner: You told me you’re tired. You’re in Kyiv, I assume. Can we say where you are?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Yes, go ahead.

Rosner: All right, you’re in Kyiv, but you say the war is not that bad. Is it just bombs?

Jacobsen: I have spoken with Ukrainian colleagues. Under Ukraine’s wartime rules, many Ukrainian men of military age are restricted from leaving the country. At the same time, women generally have more freedom to travel—some people who can travel in and out of the country, stay here a bit, while presenting the situation very dramatically compared to those army members. In my experience, that can sometimes function as status or social capital on Meta, Instagram, or X. From where I am in Kyiv, day to day, I do not experience the situation as constantly catastrophic, even though the risk is real. The tragedy is clearly for the frontline workers and armed forces fighting against Russian aggression.

Rosner: When you say it is not that bad, you still have sirens and flashes. Do bombs land close enough to shake your building?

Jacobsen: Not too much in my case so far, though it depends. 

Rosner: Not much, then. On the positive side, you are in a city with excellent pastries. People are generally friendly. They are happy to have you there.

Jacobsen: They are certainly happy to have my money.

Rosner: Do they not also appreciate that you are there to support them through their struggles?

Jacobsen: Many people are grateful. Some also try to influence my reporting through what I describe as a charm offensive. I tell them I appreciate the hospitality, but I am not there as “pro-Ukrainian” or “anti-Russian.” My principles are universalist. I am pro–human rights.

From an international law standpoint, Russia’s 2022 invasion is widely characterized as a war of aggression, and the UN General Assembly has demanded that Russia withdraw its forces. Russia has also claimed to annex Ukrainian territories, but those annexations are broadly treated as illegal and are not recognized by most states and international bodies.

Where Russia exercises effective control, the situation is generally described in legal terms as occupation. Occupying powers have obligations under international humanitarian law, including the Hague Regulations and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

There have also been abuses attributed to Ukrainian actors, and I have addressed that in public talks. However, I assess that the majority of alleged violations in this war are associated with Russian forces and state policy.

Rosner: Ukraine is not a young country historically, but as an independent nation, its history dates back only to the early 1990s, correct?

Jacobsen: Correct. It initially struggled with high levels of corruption, with officials still strongly linked to and influenced by Russia. It has been working to reduce corruption for 30 years and has made progress. 

Rosner: Corruption remains high, though?

Jacobsen: It has been reduced, but it remains high.

Rosner: Do you think corruption will continue to decline after the war ends? Will Ukraine become a cleaner country?

Jacobsen: Some anti-corruption and state-capacity reforms have accelerated under wartime pressure. War can force institutional adaptation. If stress fosters more flexible thinking at the population level, it can create conditions for reform in social structures and how people relate to one another.

Rosner: You have your struggles in a war-torn country.

Jacobsen: I do not feel that I am struggling here.

Rosner: In Los Angeles, we have our own version of struggle: an overpopulation of coyotes, especially young ones that do not yet know how to howl properly. They make unsettling noises at 3 and 5 in the morning. They have no idea what they are doing. We are talking about risk. You have bombs; bombs can kill. Coyotes can kill your cat if you let it outside. You should not let your cat outside.

Jacobsen: I remember walking through the remains of an elementary school after a major ground battle. The building was destroyed and still structurally unstable a year later when we surveyed it. As I walked through the rubble—brick and debris—I saw a dead cat flattened and dried out. It looked almost cartoonish, compressed and preserved by time and exposure.

Rosner: In the United States, you are more likely to encounter preserved animal remains in extreme hoarding situations. There is even a television show, Hoarders, where crews sometimes discover dead animals beneath unstable piles of accumulated debris—often stacks of newspapers or trash several feet high. Collapses can kill pets, and the remains can stay there for years until cleanup crews intervene.

Jacobsen: I spoke with an animal rescue worker operating during the war. They estimated that hundreds of thousands of dogs and cats may have been displaced due to bombardment, destroyed housing, and evacuations. Many people fled and were unable to take their animals with them. That figure is an estimate, not a verified census, but the scale of displacement is substantial.

I should add context about my own background. I have worked physically demanding jobs—janitorial work, restaurant shifts exceeding 90 hours a week, long-term intensive employment at an Olympic equestrian facility, and Canadian military basic training. That experience likely shapes my threshold for discomfort. Illness or cold weather is unpleasant, but I do not perceive it as catastrophic. In North America, people often relate to the war conceptually rather than through lived exposure.

Rosner: Chornobyl is in northern Ukraine, near the border with Belarus. Regarding stray animals, studies have examined dogs living in the Chornobyl Exclusion Zone. Some reports have noted genetic changes in animal populations exposed to long-term radiation. However, claims about dogs “turning blue” are likely misinterpretations. Coat discoloration would more plausibly result from environmental exposure, chemicals, or paint rather than radiation, causing blue pigmentation. Radiation can cause mutations, but not cartoon-like colour shifts. That is an important distinction.

Jacobsen: When people ask me what it is like in Ukraine, I know what’s coming. I have to manage their emotional response. My shorthand is humour. They ask about war, bombs, and death. I respond, “The weather is cloudy with a chance of missile, okay, but not ideal,” or “The fireworks are to die for here.” It disarms them. They laugh and reset emotionally. Humour diffuses tension. Fireworks are entertaining. Explosions that can destroy infrastructure are something else entirely. They carry real risk.

Rosner: I remember growing up in Boulder, Colorado, in the early 1970s during a period of domestic bombings linked to extremist activism. You would hear explosions while doing ordinary tasks at home. At one point, three individuals accidentally detonated a bomb they were assembling in a car at Chautauqua Park. As adolescents, we saw the aftermath—trees damaged by the blast. It was shocking and surreal. Exposure to that kind of instability shapes one’s sense of what constitutes normalcy. There is an edge of adrenaline to it. There is intensity, but it is not entertainment.

Jacobsen: Many civilians here seem psychologically adapted. They do not rush to shelters as frequently as outsiders might expect. Over time, habituation sets in. That does not mean the risk disappears; it means human beings adjust to persistent danger.

Rosner: Shelters carry risks as well. During the Second World War, London’s underground stations were used as air-raid shelters. There were tragic incidents, including stampedes in tube stations, where people were crushed or suffocated during panic rushes after sirens sounded.

Jacobsen: That would be an awful way to die—being crushed or buried in a crowd.

Rosner: Turning to the United States, it is the anniversary of the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It also coincides with the U.S. State of the Union address. Traditionally, members of the House and Senate, Supreme Court justices, and other officials attend. In recent years, however, some members of the opposition party have chosen to boycott and instead deliver alternative responses or parallel messaging. We will see how that unfolds.

Jacobsen: Are they planning a coordinated alternative address?

Rosner: Likely a series of speeches or responses. Historically, the opposition party delivers a rebuttal to the State of the Union. The effectiveness of those rebuttals varies. Often, strong policy critiques are undermined by weaker delivery.

For example, debate continues over the economic impact of tariffs. While some sectors have added jobs, others have seen losses, and economists remain divided over whether tariffs have strengthened or weakened long-term growth. Claims that tariffs alone would dramatically transform U.S. employment levels have not materialized straightforwardly. Trade policy effects tend to be sector-specific and complex.

Regarding federal leadership, Kash Patel currently serves as the FBI Director. Critics argue he lacks the traditional law-enforcement gravitas of predecessors such as James Comey, who, despite bipartisan criticism, maintained a conventional institutional posture during his tenure. There have also been public discussions about travel expenditures and optics involving senior officials. Any such spending, if taxpayer-funded, would normally be subject to oversight and potential congressional inquiry.

More broadly, some observers argue that controversial appointments—such as Patel at the FBI, Kristi Noem at Homeland Security, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. at Health and Human Services—may influence public policy in ways that affect areas such as immigration enforcement, public health, and vaccine confidence. Whether those appointments strengthen or weaken their party’s electoral prospects remains a matter of political interpretation. Electoral outcomes will ultimately determine how voters assess their performance.

Jacobsen: You see potential political consequences either way.

Rosner: Yes. Electoral systems function as feedback mechanisms. If voters disapprove of governance outcomes, they can register that in midterm elections.

Jacobsen: Many Republican voters and policymakers articulate principled conservative positions with which I would agree. 

Rosner: I grew up in a Republican household that valued fiscal discipline, institutional stability, and personal responsibility. It was not rooted in anti-intellectualism. American conservatism has historically included strands emphasizing constitutionalism and prudence. The present debate concerns how those traditions are being interpreted or redefined.

Jacobsen: I could reasonably consider myself a Republican in some respects.

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: There are positions you hold that some people might consider traditionally Republican.

Rosner: William F. Buckley Jr., one of the most influential American conservative thinkers of the late twentieth century, described conservatism as “standing athwart history, yelling stop.” By that, he meant that conservatism resists rapid or poorly considered change. It favours gradual, deliberative reform rather than sweeping transformation adopted impulsively.

There are serious arguments in that tradition. Consider artificial intelligence. AI development is accelerating rapidly, driven by massive private investment. Some technology leaders advocate minimal regulatory constraints, while others call for safeguards. For decades, science fiction—from The Terminator onward—imagined scenarios of runaway artificial intelligence. While those portrayals are fictional, contemporary researchers do discuss alignment, safety, and control risks in serious terms. A conservative principle would argue for caution: pause, assess, implement guardrails.

We have done that in other scientific domains. For example, many countries restrict or prohibit human reproductive cloning. Regulatory frameworks were developed precisely because of ethical and safety concerns.

Regarding current U.S. policy debates, former President Trump has argued against extensive federal regulation of AI and has criticized state-level efforts to create independent AI safeguards. Supporters frame this as innovation-friendly; critics see it as insufficiently cautious. That tension reflects broader disagreements within American conservatism about the role of federal oversight.

Historically, conservatism has articulated coherent arguments about institutional stability, constitutionalism, and incremental reform. My criticism is that contemporary Republican leadership often fails to foreground traditional conservative principles. Elements of the current party structure prioritize loyalty and cultural grievance over institutional prudence. That is an opinion, but it is one grounded in observable policy positions and rhetoric.

Jacobsen: Would you ever consider living in a geodesic dome-style house, as some people did in the 1970s?

Rosner: I grew up around experimental architecture. Geodesic domes and other unconventional designs were part of that period’s aesthetic. The practical issue with curved or non-rectilinear rooms is that most furniture is designed for straight walls and right angles. Corners are useful for structural efficiency and layout.

There is an example in Colorado often referred to as the “mushroom house,” formally known as the Stanley Brenton House, designed by architect Charles Deaton. It even appeared in the film Sleeper. I once visited it; it was visually striking but presented functional challenges. Houses with curved walls often require custom-built-ins. In some cases, insulation materials such as sprayed foam were exposed and susceptible to damage.

Non-rectangular architecture can be beautiful and imaginative, but it comes with trade-offs in usability and maintenance. Would I live in one? Possibly. I appreciate experimentation in design, even if conventional geometry remains more practical.

I have a topic to raise. I read a post from someone who argued that exercise is more important than most supplements. I already work out daily, but I’d like to know whether daily exercise is beneficial, and what about brief exercise every hour?

I have access to equipment at home, so I have been experimenting with what I call an “every waking hour” routine—doing a few sets each hour while I am awake. I have about nine minutes before I need to complete my ten o’clock sets, so I will likely sign off to do them.

Yesterday I was awake for about sixteen hours and exercised during fourteen of them. The day before, I was awake during portions of twenty separate hours and managed to do something active in each one. Does this approach produce measurable benefits or leads to overtraining?

Jacobsen: A recent survey of Meta users reported that approximately 19 percent of teens on Instagram say they have seen unwanted nude images. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: It would be challenging to grow up in the current digital environment. My early exposure to sexual imagery was limited and relatively mild by comparison. As a child, the first suggestive images I saw were novelty playing cards. A few years later, I encountered magazines like Playboy. Explicit sexual imagery did not appear in my life until early adolescence, and even then, it was rare and somewhat shocking.

Today, children can encounter explicit material online with minimal barriers. Research suggests that many adolescents are exposed to sexual content earlier than previous generations. That shift has implications for sexual development, expectations, and consent norms.

I believe modern sex education needs to address media literacy directly—teaching young people that pornography is performance, not instruction. Topics such as consent, communication, boundaries, and mutual respect are essential. There is also a need for adult education; sexual ethics and healthy relational behaviour are lifelong learning processes.

Longer life expectancy means people remain sexually active for more decades than in the past. That increases the importance of responsible, informed attitudes toward sexuality across the lifespan.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts on sex education?

Rosner: What I am saying is that sex education should not be limited to adolescents. There is a case for adult education as well, particularly around boundaries, consent, and power dynamics. Some high-profile cases—such as Harvey Weinstein and Bill Cosby—have involved older men abusing power and violating consent. Those cases illustrate the importance of ethical literacy at every stage of life.

Age does not automatically confer wisdom. Without reflection and accountability, some individuals fail to understand limits, respect, or responsibility. Education about consent, dignity, and appropriate conduct should extend beyond youth and remain part of a broader cultural conversation.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1630: Black Hole Information Paradox, White Holes, and Trump’s Tariff Clock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/22

How do black-hole information puzzles and tariff law collide in one conversation?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range from black-hole physics to trade policy throughout their exchange. Jacobsen explains that, in classical general relativity, information can enter a black hole but cannot escape the event horizon, highlighting the quantum tension behind the information paradox. Rosner critiques Mohammed Fouad’s ambitious, math-heavy paper and notes that Applied Physics Reviews is an AIP journal. The conversation pivots to Donald Trump’s renewed tariff push, weighing statutory limits, lawsuits, and economic fallout. They end with a wry comparison of Mark Carney, Tim Hortons, and AI ordering at Popeyes. The tone stays skeptical, concrete, and oddly humane.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In classical general relativity, information and anything carrying it can fall into a black hole, but no signal can escape once it passes the event horizon. That picture becomes problematic if quantum mechanics is correct that information is conserved, which is the basis of the black hole information problem.

In that framing, “black hole” versus “white hole” concerns the direction of causal flow. A black hole permits entry but not exit. A white hole is the time-reverse solution—matter and radiation can exit but not enter. Whether white holes exist in physical reality remains unconfirmed.

Rick Rosner: I looked at Mohammed Fouad’s paper. It is dense with advanced mathematics and high-level concepts. It makes sweeping claims that approach a universal solution to foundational physics. That scale of claim warrants scrutiny.

There is also confusion about the journal title. Applied Physics Reviews is published by the American Institute of Physics in the United States. 

He has been pursuing a PhD at Louisiana State University following a long career in chemical engineering, and he appears to possess advanced mathematical training beyond typical professional requirements.

Anyway, we should discuss tariffs. Trump has returned to imposing tariffs. There are several legal frameworks for doing so. He previously claimed that there was an international emergency requiring the United States to defend itself economically. That argument did not succeed. When discussing emergencies in the context of tariff authority, the expectation is war, near war, or a comparably severe crisis—not a large trade deficit.

The Supreme Court rejected that emergency justification. However, there is statutory authority allowing the president to impose up to a 15 percent global tariff for up to 150 days. Trump imposed a 10 percent tariff under that framework, which initiates a five-month clock.

The tariffs have had negative economic effects. They have not resolved the trade deficit, have harmed farmers, and have not demonstrably created significant new employment. The situation is not a depression, but it is economically damaging. There will likely be legal challenges, but he may be able to maintain a 10 percent global tariff for the permitted duration.

There is also the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, enacted during the Great Depression. It raised tariffs substantially and is widely considered to have worsened the global economic downturn. There are broader tariff authorities on the books that are legally complex and, in some interpretations, not fully tested. After the current 150-day window expires, he could attempt to use other statutory mechanisms.

The economic consequences are negative. The political consequences are less clear. If he had withdrawn the tariffs and attributed the decision to judicial limits, the economy might have stabilized more quickly, potentially benefiting him electorally. Instead, continued tariff escalation could weaken economic conditions and affect midterm outcomes.

Rosner: Your prime minister, Carney, appears comparatively steady.

Jacobsen: Not only steady—strategic.

Rosner: Consider yourselves fortunate.

Jacobsen: Americans often imagine Canada through familiar brands such as Tim Hortons. In Ukraine, when Americans arrive, the first recognizable brands they often see are KFC and McDonald’s. Immediately upon entering Kyiv by train from Lviv, one of the first large advertisements visible in the tunnel is for KFC. In war, states suffer, civilians suffer, and corporations often continue operating.

Rosner: I would prefer Popeyes; I consider it a stronger product. I visited a Popeyes recently and encountered an AI-driven ordering system at the drive-through. The pricing was straightforward: three tenders without sides were quoted at $10.59; five tenders were quoted at $16.59. We can discuss AI in fast-food ordering systems next time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1629: Are Smartphones, AI, and Longevity Science Triggering the Next Human Transformation?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/18

What constitutes a true “phase change” in human evolution, and are smartphones, AI integration, and longevity science pushing us toward another one?

In this wide-ranging dialogue, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine technological and evolutionary “phase changes” in human history—from language and agriculture to smartphones and neural interfaces. Jacobsen argues that 2007–2008 marked a behavioural transformation comparable, in speed if not scale, to earlier civilizational shifts. They explore the Flynn effect’s slowdown, augmented sports, wearable and implanted technologies, and the limits of AI embodiment. The conversation extends to wartime sleep disruption in Ukraine, longevity escape velocity, and sexual reproduction as evolution’s “inefficient” engine. Throughout, both probe what may remain uniquely human in an increasingly technologized world.

Rick Rosner: I want to discuss humanity’s phase changes. The concept comes from physics. There are quantitative changes, such as hot water and cold water, which are still water but behave as liquids. A phase change occurs when water reaches a specific temperature and changes state from liquid to gas or from liquid to solid. It is a qualitative change rather than merely a quantitative one.

I would argue that 2007–2008 marked a phase change in human behaviour. We moved from basic mobile phones—when using a phone in public was widely seen as rude—to a world in which smartphones became rapidly widespread and socially normalized. Today, billions of people use smartphones, and there are more smartphones in circulation than there are individual users. Most people with smartphones use them frequently throughout the day. We have also discussed the Flynn effect and its slowdown or reversal in some places: IQ test scores rose across much of the 20th century, often summarized as roughly 3 IQ points per decade in several countries, but recent research shows stagnation or declines in some cohorts and countries. That does not mean IQ is falling everywhere, but it does mean the earlier upward trend is no longer universal. It is plausible that changing environments—such as education, reading habits, screen time, and other factors—play a role, but causal claims should be made cautiously.

Human behaviour has changed in other measurable ways as well. In several high-income countries, younger cohorts report lower rates of drinking compared with earlier generations, and some surveys also show declines in sexual frequency among young adults. These trends vary by country, methodology, and time period, so they are suggestive rather than universal.

Other human phase changes took far longer than the smartphone shift. The emergence of language was a phase change. It made communication vastly more efficient and allowed humans to compress experience into symbolic units—words—that could be recombined and shared. The timeline for language is uncertain, but it likely unfolded over a much longer span than a decade of consumer technology adoption.

Walking upright also represented a major transition. Bipedalism in the hominin lineage began millions of years ago, and substantial increases in brain size occurred later. Dexterous hands alone do not guarantee technological intelligence. Many animals can manipulate objects effectively without developing cumulative, complex technology.

In the science fiction story Bears Discover Fire, bears develop fire-making technology and gather around campfires. In reality, dexterity alone does not produce technological civilization.

Another phase change occurred when humans shifted from largely nomadic lifeways to more settled communities and agriculture. That transformation altered social organization, economies, and culture.

A further shift involved the normalization of face-to-face sexual behaviour. Most mammals copulate from behind. Humans commonly engage in face-to-face sexual behaviour. I do not know all the associated evolutionary changes linked to that shift. It may be related to pelvic structure and habitual bipedalism. It may also influence pair bonding, because partners face one another during intercourse.

Humans evolved with permanently enlarged breasts. One hypothesis suggests that breasts function as a secondary sexual characteristic that may have replaced the visual signalling role of buttocks in rear-entry mating species. That remains a debated evolutionary explanation rather than a settled fact.

Another phase change could be the development of printed language. Before the printing press, literacy was limited to a small minority. Johannes Gutenberg’s movable-type press emerged in mid-15th-century Europe. Over the following centuries, literacy rates increased substantially as printed materials became cheaper and more widely available. The dissemination of information accelerated, contributing to major social transformations.

The reduction of human body hair may also reflect environmental change. Early hominins moved from forested environments into more open savanna habitats. In hot climates, endurance activity in direct sunlight favours thermoregulation. Reduced body hair, combined with increased sweating capacity, likely helped prevent overheating during persistence hunting and long-distance travel.

Future phase changes may occur rapidly. Wearable technologies, augmented-reality glasses, and implanted devices could become widespread if they prove practical and beneficial. Currently, implanted medical devices are relatively rare but significant. Pacemakers are used by a small percentage of adults, particularly older individuals. Cochlear implants restore partial hearing to some deaf patients. Deep brain stimulation is used in certain cases of Parkinson’s disease to reduce motor symptoms such as freezing and tremors.

Linked digital systems may increasingly approximate forms of mediated “telepathy,” enabling faster, more seamless information sharing. For most of human and animal history, direct mind-to-mind communication has not existed. Advanced interfaces could move us closer to real-time shared data streams, though not literal telepathy.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any technology that duplicates something the body already does efficiently may not make sense to develop. If reverse engineering a biological function is extremely costly and yields minimal benefit, the opportunity cost may outweigh the gain.

Rosner: If we imagine a world 200 years from now in which people can transition between biological embodiment and immersive virtual environments, or preserve aspects of consciousness digitally, there will still be a preference for living in a biological body. There will be ritual and cultural significance attached to remaining in the body one was born with.

In sports, there would likely be multiple leagues. Some competitions allow augmentation, while others preserve unmodified human performance. Even if enhancement offered major advantages, certain cultures would emphasize remaining biologically unaltered. There would likely be communities that deliberately minimize technological integration—analogous to contemporary groups that limit modern technology.

You are asking what human capacities might continue to exceed augmented systems. Sensory experience may be one area. Technologies can simulate pleasure, and pharmacology can alter mood, but such methods often involve trade-offs and health risks. Sexual intimacy remains one of the most accessible and comparatively low-risk sources of intense pleasure, and it may retain that role even in highly technologized societies.

Aesthetics may also preserve a preference for natural human appearance. Humanoid robots often fall into what robotics researchers call the “uncanny valley,” a term introduced by Masahiro Mori in 1970. As artificial figures become more human-like, they can evoke discomfort if they are almost—but not fully—realistic. Animated films such as The Polar Express are frequently cited as early examples of this effect. As humanoid robots become more common, acceptance may increase, but social adaptation will likely take time.

Artificial companions may become more widespread, though initial adoption could be limited or stigmatized. Over time, normalization could occur, but matching the subtle cues and embodied presence of human interaction remains technically and socially complex.

Jacobsen: What about the economic dimension? How will speech and listening change? Spoken language may increasingly be mediated by real-time translation, transcription, and augmentation tools. However, embodied conversation—tone, facial expressions, shared physical context—still carries information that is difficult to replicate fully. Even if technology enhances communication efficiency, the biological human system for speech and listening may remain central because it evolved to process nuance, rhythm, and social signalling in ways that are deeply integrated with our cognition.

Rosner: You mentioned another dimension: it may take a long time for technology-mediated telepathy to rival simply speaking to one another. Sharing thoughts directly through neural interfaces would likely be clumsy for a long time. I have been married to Carol for nearly 35 years. Some couples in the future may express intimacy by linking consciousness through neural technology. Even so, it may take decades before that feels as natural or effective as long-term familiarity and conversation. How often are you awakened during the night?

Jacobsen: There are stretches where you are awake for several hours and then manage only a short period of sleep. It is stressful. There is a curfew from midnight to 5 in the morning, when bombardments often occur. You remain indoors or go to a shelter. The timing appears designed to disrupt sleep. There have been no bombardments for several days, which is concerning because it may signal preparations for something larger. Many incoming missiles are intercepted. Air defence systems, including the Patriot, are effective, though missile supplies are limited.

Rosner: I read that Ukraine regained approximately 78 square miles over the past five days.

Jacobsen: Part of that may relate to changes in communication channels. If operational messaging shifts from rapid Telegram coordination to slower alternatives, that can create temporary vulnerabilities. In addition, connectivity disruptions—such as satellite internet access being restricted on one side—can create short windows of opportunity. Those factors may partially explain fluctuations in bombardment intensity. It is logistical.

Jacobsen: Is there anything else we should discuss? What colour hair would you prefer? 

Rosner: I would prefer to have my black hair and its former thickness back. I once had very dark hair. Now it is gray, and in photographs I nearly disappear.

Jacobsen: Does Marty McFly have a future version of you?

Rosner: That is the moment in Back to the Future when Marty McFly alters the past so dramatically that his parents may not meet, which would prevent his own existence. He carries a family photograph, and he begins disappearing from it. That signals that he must repair the timeline.

Jacobsen: He is being disentangled from that world line. You once mentioned that Chris Cole believes there could be a trillion instances of AI by 2100.

Rosner: He said AI, not only humanoid robots. AI could range from embodied systems, such as robotic companions, to embedded infrastructure—sidewalk sensors that monitor structural wear, refrigerators that track food and reorder groceries, or simple smart devices with minimal but networked intelligence. I am not certain how precisely he defines AI, but it includes not only humanoid machines but also trivial and distributed systems.

Jacobsen: He has not elaborated further.

Rosner: That would be worth exploring in an interview. Here is another topic. Some commentators argue that if a person can survive the next few years, advances in biotechnology may dramatically extend life expectancy. They refer to Ray Kurzweil’s concept of “longevity escape velocity,” the point at which medical progress adds more than one year of life expectancy per calendar year. Over recent decades, life expectancy in many countries increased gradually—often by a few months per year—but not at that dramatic rate. Some futurists speculate that by the 2040s, medicine may significantly extend both lifespan and healthspan. Extending lifespan without preserving health would be undesirable. Living to 120 with severe frailty offers limited benefit. Ideally, increased longevity would preserve function and vitality.

The verified maximum human lifespan is approximately 122 years, documented in rare cases. Only a very small number of individuals have approached or exceeded 120. Whether biotechnology can reliably push beyond that limit remains uncertain.

Jacobsen: What is the most inefficient structure or process in nature, and why does it persist?

Rosner: Sexual reproduction could be considered inefficient. It requires two individuals, recombines chromosomes, and produces many organisms that do not survive to reproduce. Over evolutionary time, billions of organisms are born and die. However, sexual reproduction generates genetic variation, which accelerates adaptation. Even highly intelligent animals, such as octopuses, often have short lifespans—some species live only one to two years. From an evolutionary perspective, reproduction and turnover are not inefficiencies but mechanisms for adaptation. What appears wasteful at the individual level may be functional at the population level.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1628: ​​Rick Rosner Restores a Jesus Mosaic with Gold-Glass Halo Rays, Then Dissects HBO’s Industry

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/17

Are you using geometric relationships, or are you doing what looks aesthetically good?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner about restoring a large crucifixion mosaic bought at auction. Rosner explains it is a full mosaic, heavy and damaged, rebuilt over two and a half years by replacing missing tesserae. He describes sourcing discounted Orsoni Venetian gold glass, made by sandwiching gold leaf between glass layers, and using mixed gold tones to add playful rays to the disk halos of Jesus, Mary, and John. He then pivots to HBO’s Industry, praising its research, critiquing shock-for-shock writing, and outlining a fintech rebrand, fabricated revenue, and a grim blackmail twist. It doubles as sharp cultural commentary.

Rick Rosner: I’m adding rays to the halos on my Jesus mosaic.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is it micro-mosaic?

Rosner: No, it’s a full mosaic—about 384 square inches. I’ve been restoring it slowly for about 2.5 years, replacing a few pieces at a time. I bought it cheaply at auction for $120: a large mosaic of Jesus on the cross, flanked by Mary and John. That crucifixion motif is fairly common in Christian art. It was cheap because many pieces were missing.

It weighs around 20 pounds. It tore out of the wall where it had been hanging, fell, and knocked off many pieces. I’ve been replacing them. It’s too heavy to hang now, so it sits on the floor of my office. I see it every day, and I end up thinking about Jesus.

I’m not a Christian, and I do not believe in his divinity. But I think about Jesus a lot—especially in this long political moment in the United States, where many self-identified Christians have lined up behind Donald Trump. In my view, Trump is a terrible person, and many Christian leaders who support him are also terrible people. In my view, they have pulled tens of millions of followers into a counterfeit “Christian” posture while treating immigrants brutally and still calling themselves Christians.

I’ve now restored the mosaic and replaced the missing pieces. In the past few days, I bought some Orsoni glass mosaic. Orsoni is a Venetian mosaic-glass furnace founded in 1888, based in Venice’s historic center (not on Murano). Murano, though, is famous for its centuries-old art glassmaking.

I bought the gold glass cheaply because the neatly cut little squares are expensive. I found a deal on scrap gold glass—odd-shaped offcuts and pieces that didn’t break the way someone wanted when cutting.

The gold glass is made by sandwiching gold leaf between layers of glass, with a thin protective glass layer over the gold. You see this in icon mosaics, especially in Eastern Orthodox traditions—mosaics where Mary holds the infant Jesus, with large halos and gold backgrounds.

In the mosaic I’m restoring, Mary, John, and Jesus all have disk halos made of gold glass. I studied the history of halos because the modern idea often portrays them as a ring of light rather than a full disk. Since I had gold glass, I decided to add rays coming off the three halos to make it more visually playful.

Jacobsen: Are you using geometric relationships, or are you doing what looks aesthetically good?

Rosner: I’m doing what looks aesthetically good. It’s already a bit much. The mosaic is slightly cartoony—maybe 80% realistic and 20% simplified—so there’s room for stylized rays, but I did not want to go too far.

Jacobsen: What colour are the rays?

Rosner: The rays are varying shades of gold. Some gold mosaic glass is made with 24-karat gold leaf, while others use slightly different gold alloys so that the tones can vary. You can get cooler, silvery golds and warmer, coppery golds. A mix looks better.

Jacobsen: Anything else you want to talk about?

Rosner: Yes. Carole and I have been watching Industry on HBO. It’s one of those modern shows that leans into perversity. You see this in some “second-tier” prestige shows, where writers seem to choose the most twisted plot option available. In shows like Billions, it can feel like shock and filth are substitutes for strong plotting and writing.

I recognize that impulse in myself sometimes: when I’m not confident in my writing, I can reach for perversity and shock value to hold attention. Industry feels different. It goes dark, but it still seems well-written and well-researched, and it explores ugliness because it sells and because some of it reflects real-world behaviour worth examining.

In this season, a sketchy online payments company—Tender—is trying to move beyond its earlier associations (including processing payments for subscription content such as OnlyFans) and rebrand as a legitimate, all-in-one financial services company aimed at Gen Z. The core valuation story starts to unravel. It looks like much of the revenue propping up their numbers is fabricated. It becomes a house-of-cards situation, with money and transactions that may not be real.

There are two threads: the Tender team, and another group betting against Tender by shorting its stock (shorting is a way to profit if a company’s share price falls). The shorting team digs into the books and argues that multiple large transactions and acquisitions are built on fake revenue.

Then it gets even darker: the show depicts Tender using sexual leverage and blackmail tactics through staged encounters. One major twist involves compromising material used to destroy a central character, including a reveal involving an underage victim—an extremely disturbing turn for a mainstream show.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1627: Quantum Computing on the Moon: Polar Craters, Radiation Shielding, and the Limits of Space-Tech Optimism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/15

Could lunar shadowed craters realistically host quantum computers, or do radiation and logistics overwhelm the cooling advantage?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses Rick Rosner on whether the Moon’s far side could host quantum computers. Rosner corrects the “dark side” myth, noting all lunar regions see sunlight, while shadowed craters offer cold but not radiation protection. He argues decoherence risks demand heavy shielding or subterranean installation, and lunar logistics likely dwarf terrestrial cryogenic costs. The discussion widens to Musk-style space utopianism: optimism drives progress, but physics, budgets, biology, and jagged regolith impose friction. They pivot to Gen Z nihilism amid AI media, plus NATO reassurance, immigration enforcement, and polling, stressing institutional change emerges gradually over years, not weekly headlines.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What about placing quantum computers on the far side of the Moon, perhaps in craters where conditions are cold and undisturbed? The premise sounds attractive because quantum computers require extreme isolation and cryogenic temperatures. 

Rick Rosner: However, the “dark side” of the Moon is a misnomer. The Moon is tidally locked to Earth, meaning we always see the same hemisphere, but every part of the lunar surface experiences sunlight over a lunar month. There is no permanently dark hemisphere.

Some craters near the lunar poles contain regions of near-permanent shadow and extremely low temperatures, which could help with passive cooling. However, radiation remains a major issue. Earth benefits from its magnetic field and thick atmosphere, which shield against cosmic rays and solar radiation. The Moon lacks both. Sensitive quantum hardware would require substantial shielding, possibly underground placement, to reduce decoherence from radiation events.

The logistical cost is enormous. Launching, constructing, and maintaining advanced computing infrastructure on the Moon would likely exceed the cost of terrestrial cryogenic facilities by orders of magnitude. Unless there is a compelling strategic or scientific advantage, the economics are questionable.

Jacobsen: Elon Musk has floated ambitious extraterrestrial projects before. Ambition in space technology oscillates between engineering feasibility and cultural mythmaking. Mars colonization rhetoric, for example, often reflects technological optimism more than demographic necessity. The United States represents a small fraction of the global population, yet its tech sector frequently frames expansion as destiny. That can drift into utopian thinking.

There is a psychological pattern sometimes called “Pollyannaish” optimism—an assumption that technical progress automatically resolves structural constraints. Space exploration is valuable, but scaling human settlement beyond Earth remains constrained by biology, radiation, cost, and governance.

The deeper pattern is this: technological visionaries often extend current exponential curves into the future without friction. Reality introduces friction—physics, budgets, human limits. The downgrade from hyper-optimism to measured pragmatism usually happens when those constraints assert themselves.

This extends to the feasibility of lunar or Martian settlements.

Rosner: Long-duration habitation on Mars faces severe constraints. Radiation exposure during transit alone is substantial. Mars lacks a global magnetic field and has a thin atmosphere, so surface radiation levels are significantly higher than on Earth. Long-term settlers would likely need to live underground or under heavy shielding to reduce cancer and acute radiation risks.

There are also material challenges. Martian regolith and lunar dust are sharp and abrasive because there is no weathering process like wind and water rounding grains over time. On Earth, sand is smoothed by erosion and ocean movement. On Mars and the Moon, dust particles remain jagged. That creates mechanical and health hazards. Apollo astronauts reported that lunar dust infiltrated seals and equipment and was highly irritating. Scaling that problem to a permanent settlement would require major engineering mitigation.

So replacing Mars with a lunar base does not eliminate difficulty. It reduces transit time but not radiation, dust, temperature extremes, or cost barriers.

The term comes from Pollyanna, a 1913 novel by Eleanor H. Porter about a girl who maintains relentless optimism despite adversity. Over time, “Pollyannaish” came to mean excessive or naïve optimism. In technology culture, it describes the assumption that engineering momentum overrides structural constraints.

Optimism drives innovation. Unrealistic optimism ignores thermodynamics, economics, and biology. The balance between aspiration and feasibility is the difference between exploration and fantasy.

Before we close, there was an article discussing Gen Z, AI-generated media, and nihilism. Younger cohorts have grown up amid political polarization, economic instability, climate anxiety, and now algorithmically generated content. Some cultural critics argue that constant exposure to AI-generated “slop” and unstable institutions fosters disengagement. If institutions feel brittle and media feels synthetic, meaning can erode.

Yet long-term indicators show mixed trends. Global literacy, extreme poverty reduction over decades, technological capability, and medical survival rates have generally improved historically. At the same time, affordability of housing, education, and healthcare in certain countries has worsened relative to wages.

The psychological tension arises when macro-level progress coexists with individual precarity. If living standards improve technologically while access becomes uneven, cynicism can grow. The challenge for the next generation is not whether things are objectively worse or better in aggregate, but whether systems distribute gains in ways that feel stable and fair.

Nihilism tends to flourish in transitional eras. Historically, transitions eventually settle into new norms. The question is how turbulent the settling process becomes.

AI gives people reasons to panic, but it will also produce extraordinary advances. So the nihilism we see among younger cohorts may be exaggerated. The article mentioned “looksmaxxing.” Are you familiar with that?

Jacobsen: Yes. 

Rosner: “Looksmaxxing” refers to online subcultures focused on maximizing physical attractiveness through grooming, fitness, cosmetic procedures, or even more extreme interventions. It reflects a hyper-competitive digital environment in which identity and perceived value are mediated by algorithms and social comparison.

Jacobsen: The broader pattern is cognitive. Humans evolved as threat detectors. Our ancestors survived by overreacting to danger rather than underreacting. False positives were cheaper than false negatives. That bias persists. Even in environments of unprecedented technological convenience, we gravitate toward signals of instability, decline, or risk.

Media systems amplify that tendency. Negative news travels faster because it triggers attention and engagement. AI-generated content, misinformation, and cultural fragmentation increase the signal-to-noise ratio, making it easier for charlatans to exploit insecurity.

At the same time, material indicators of global welfare—life expectancy, medical capability, computational power—have improved over long time horizons. That does not negate localized economic strain or political dysfunction. It creates a psychological dissonance: aggregate progress coexists with perceived precarity.

Nihilism often emerges when rapid change outpaces institutional adaptation. Yet the very fact that we detect threat so readily is evidence of adaptive resilience. A species wired to scan for danger may feel anxious in transitional eras, but that vigilance also drives course correction.

The question is not whether anxiety exists. It is whether we allow anxiety to metastasize into paralysis, or channel it into structured adaptation. Technological epochs always look chaotic from the inside. History tends to smooth them in retrospect.

The U.S. ambassador to NATO recently signaled at the Munich Security Conference that the United States is not abandoning Europe. Some interpret that as a reframing after a period of strained rhetoric. What is your view?

Rosner: Diplomatic tone and strategic posture do not always align perfectly. Reassurance statements can serve multiple audiences simultaneously: European allies seeking stability, domestic constituencies attentive to sovereignty rhetoric, and partisan observers reading symbolic cues. A speech can be conciliatory in parts and combative in others. Without examining the full transcript in context, it is difficult to evaluate the balance.

Foreign policy messaging often oscillates. One official may emphasize continuity with NATO commitments, while other political voices stress burden-sharing or cultural themes that resonate differently with right-leaning constituencies. Those signals can coexist. Allies typically judge consistency over time rather than isolated applause lines.

Jacobsen: Domestic opinion also appears divided on immigration enforcement and ICE.

Rosner: Public opinion on immigration enforcement has historically fluctuated depending on framing. Some surveys show that majorities support border enforcement in principle, while also expressing concern about civil liberties and due process in specific cases. Partisan splits are common.

Presidential approval ratings reflect methodological variation. Aggregators weight polls differently; some survey firms lean slightly conservative or liberal in sampling assumptions. Even accounting for statistical noise, trends over time can indicate directional shifts. If approval declines steadily, that suggests real movement rather than sampling jitter.

However, the relationship between polling and executive behavior is indirect. Presidents rarely recalibrate dramatically unless electoral consequences become imminent or legislative coalitions shift. Midterm elections often function as a corrective mechanism, but structural factors—district boundaries, incumbency advantage, turnout differentials—shape outcomes.

Gallup began systematic presidential approval polling during Franklin D. Roosevelt’s era and maintained it for decades. The organization has stated that strategic business priorities motivated the shift away from routine approval polling. Critics speculate about political pressure, but without internal evidence, that remains conjecture.

Polling ecosystems adapt. Even if one firm exits, numerous other survey organizations continue to measure approval, making long-term trend analysis possible. Institutional continuity matters symbolically, yet the empirical signal persists as long as independent data streams remain active.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts?

Rosner: Political cycles produce oscillations in tone, approval, and institutional trust. Structural change usually emerges gradually, even when rhetoric feels abrupt. The relevant question is less about weekly fluctuations and more about durable shifts in coalition behavior and institutional norms. Those shifts reveal themselves over years, not headlines.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1626: U.S. Employment 2025–2026: Benchmark Revisions, Near-Zero Payroll Growth, and AI’s Labour Shock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/15

How do BLS benchmark revisions and accelerating AI automation complicate claims of a strong U.S. labour market?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on why U.S. job “strength” looks shakier after revisions. Rosner notes the BLS benchmark cut 2025 payroll gains from 584,000 to 181,000; May–December gains totalled 12,000; January 2026 added 130,000—matching a year that “changed little.” He explains why headline messaging eclipses technical revisions, then connects labour resilience to policy: WHO withdrawal and anti-vaccine rhetoric raise outbreak and supply-chain risks; unlawful ICE detentions demand accountability; the SAVE Act could burden eligible voters. He closes on AI: rapid improvements may compress middle-skill work, redefining jobs, careers, and platform income, and forcing unions to renegotiate authorship norms.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is happening with the current employment situation in the United States?

Rick Rosner: The White House says job growth is strong and that America is back. The Bureau of Labour Statistics (BLS) originally reported that the U.S. added 584,000 nonfarm payroll jobs in 2025, but the annual benchmark revision reduced that figure to 181,000.

On a month-to-month basis, the revised BLS data show that from May through December 2025, total payroll gains summed to 12,000 jobs. The January 2026 jobs report shows 130,000 jobs added that month.

Jacobsen: For contrast, what does a healthy U.S. job market typically look like?

Rosner: In a healthy market, payroll growth is often in the range of hundreds of thousands per month, not near-zero for extended periods. BLS data in the January 2026 release characterize 2025 as a year in which payroll employment “changed little,” averaging +15,000 per month.

Jacobsen: Put this in a broader presidential context.

Rosner: Claims about presidents “creating jobs” are complicated because job growth depends on broader economic conditions. Still, net job change over a presidential term provides context. By the end of Trump’s first term, the economy had fewer jobs than at the start, largely due to the pandemic-driven contraction in 2020.

Jacobsen: Why does the public not track revisions?

Rosner: Messaging is simple; revisions are technical. The benchmark process can significantly change the narrative after the fact, as seen when 2025’s reported gain was revised down from 584,000 to 181,000.

Jacobsen: A few weeks ago, the United States formally withdrew from the World Health Organization. How might that decision affect American workers?

Rosner: The immediate labour-market impact is indirect. Withdrawal from the World Health Organization primarily affects global disease surveillance, coordination, and response capacity. Reduced international cooperation in public health can delay outbreak detection, disrupting supply chains, travel, and economic stability. Those disruptions can eventually affect American workers.

Domestically, the more immediate issue concerns vaccination policy and public health messaging. The United States is currently experiencing its largest measles outbreak in decades. Measles can be fatal in roughly one to three cases per 1,000 infections in developed countries, and it can also cause serious complications such as pneumonia, encephalitis, and long-term immune suppression. Even when it is not fatal, measles can lead to significant health consequences.

Vaccines vary in effectiveness. The measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine provides very high protection, typically around 97% after two doses. Other vaccines, such as those for influenza and COVID-19, offer partial protection. They may not prevent every infection, especially with rapidly mutating viruses, but they substantially reduce the risk of severe illness, hospitalization, and death.

Public misunderstanding often stems from the idea that a vaccine must provide 100% protection to be considered effective. In reality, many vaccines are designed to reduce severity and transmission risk rather than eliminate infection.

Leadership and public messaging matter. When officials express skepticism about germ theory or minimize the importance of vaccination, it can reduce public confidence in established medical science. Lower vaccination rates increase the likelihood of outbreaks, which can strain healthcare systems and create broader social and economic consequences. Withdrawal from international public health cooperation, combined with weakened domestic vaccine uptake, poses risks not only to global health but also to national resilience.

Withdrawing from major international public health institutions can weaken global disease coordination. It is difficult to quantify how many lives such policy changes might ultimately affect. However, reductions in surveillance, vaccination coordination, and funding for international response efforts can increase risks worldwide, particularly in lower-income countries that depend on shared resources and data.

Jacobsen: On a related issue, U.S. courts have repeatedly found that Immigration and Customs Enforcement has unlawfully detained individuals. Some analyses suggest thousands of such rulings. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: Courts have, in numerous cases, determined that ICE detentions violated statutory or constitutional standards. When courts find unlawful detention, the key question becomes accountability. If violations are not consistently addressed through internal discipline, civil liability, or, where warranted, criminal prosecution, problematic conduct can persist. Public scrutiny has increased in recent years, which can influence institutional behaviour, but enforcement of legal standards ultimately depends on oversight mechanisms within the Department of Justice and the courts.

There have been high-profile cases in which video evidence later contradicted official accounts of enforcement encounters. In such situations, transparency and independent review are critical to maintaining public trust. Without credible accountability, misconduct allegations can erode confidence in federal law enforcement agencies.

Jacobsen: There have also been debates about federal involvement in election administration and proposals such as the SAVE Act.

Rosner: Under the U.S. Constitution, states administer elections, including federal elections, subject to congressional regulation under Article I, Section 4. Proposals such as the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act aim to require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections. Supporters argue this prevents noncitizen voting; critics argue it could create administrative burdens for eligible voters who lack readily available documentation, such as birth certificates or passports.

Name changes after marriage can create documentation mismatches for some voters, requiring additional paperwork to establish identity continuity. Whether such requirements constitute reasonable safeguards or undue burdens is the subject of ongoing political and legal debate.

As for voter fraud, multiple studies have found that documented cases are rare relative to the total number of ballots cast. Analyses of publicly available databases, including compilations by advocacy organizations, suggest that confirmed fraudulent votes represent a tiny fraction of total votes nationwide. Most experts agree that while election integrity is important, large-scale fraud affecting national outcomes has not been demonstrated in modern U.S. elections.

The reason large-scale voter fraud is rare is straightforward. It is already a felony in most jurisdictions, carrying potential prison time, fines, and a permanent criminal record. The personal risk is high, and the impact of casting a single illegal ballot in an election involving tens or hundreds of thousands of votes is negligible. That cost–benefit imbalance discourages rational actors from attempting it.

Most documented cases tend to involve confusion, clerical errors, or misunderstandings about eligibility rather than coordinated fraud. For example, there have been cases in which individuals with prior felony convictions mistakenly believed their voting rights had been restored. In Texas, Crystal Mason was sentenced to five years in prison in 2018 for casting a provisional ballot while on supervised release; she maintained that she believed she was eligible. Her conviction was later overturned by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals in 2024. That illustrates how complicated eligibility rules can create legal jeopardy even in the absence of clear criminal intent.

Data compiled by various organizations, including the Heritage Foundation’s Election Integrity Database, lists a few thousand proven fraud cases over several decades, out of billions of ballots cast nationwide. That represents a very small fraction of total votes. Most academic studies similarly conclude that in-person voter impersonation and other forms of individual ballot fraud are rare. Whether new federal legislation is proportionate to that scale is a matter of political debate.

Jacobsen: Turning to foreign policy, Marco Rubio recently visited Europe and framed the United States as historically and culturally connected to its European allies. That tone seems different from the Trump administration’s early posture. Is this a meaningful shift?

Rosner: Public diplomacy often varies from speaker to speaker. Rubio, as Secretary of State, may emphasize shared transatlantic ties and strategic alignment. That rhetoric is not inherently inconsistent with longstanding U.S. foreign policy traditions, which have emphasized NATO cooperation and shared democratic institutions.

However, tone does not necessarily determine policy. Cabinet officials can signal reassurance to allies, but ultimate strategic direction rests with the president. If the administration’s broader policies diverge from conciliatory messaging, allies will evaluate actions more than speeches.

Jacobsen: Some commentators speculate that Rubio appears uncomfortable in his role. Does that interpretation persuade you?

Rosner: It is difficult to infer internal states from public appearances. Photographs or isolated moments rarely provide reliable evidence of personal conviction. What matters is institutional authority and the execution of policy. Regardless of the Secretary of State’s demeanour, the Secretary of State operates within the parameters set by the president. In foreign affairs, structural power outweighs facial expression.

Jacobsen: Let’s move to technology. Elon Musk recently argued that much of the engineering effort behind Tesla’s Optimus humanoid robot is focused on the hands because the human hand is extraordinarily dexterous and has a wide range of motion. What do you think of that claim?

Rosner: That part is reasonable. We talked about this in another session. The human hand is a biomechanical marvel. It has 27 bones, multiple joints per finger, fine motor control, and an opposable thumb that enables precision grips and power grips. Five digits appear to be an evolutionary “sweet spot.” With four fingers and a thumb, humans can manipulate most objects efficiently. More digits would increase mechanical complexity without proportionate functional gain.

Tool use in the animal kingdom shows the distinction. Some birds, such as New Caledonian crows, can shape sticks into hooks using their beaks. That demonstrates intelligence, but hands dramatically expand the range and precision of toolmaking. Dexterous hands plus a large brain create the feedback loop that underlies advanced technology. So if you are building a general-purpose humanoid robot, the hand is one of the hardest engineering problems.

There is also a social component. When robots operate in civilian environments, designers often anthropomorphize them. Even simple delivery robots are given eyes or names because humans respond more comfortably to agents that appear somewhat familiar. A humanoid form with expressive capacity can ease interaction.

Jacobsen: There is also renewed anxiety in the tech sector about the speed of AI progress.

Rosner: That concern is grounded in observable improvement. Generative video systems have recently produced short clips that are increasingly convincing at first glance. A filmmaker named Rory Robinson circulated AI-generated scenes depicting well-known actors in fabricated scenarios to illustrate how quickly the technology is advancing. The point was not to celebrate job displacement but to highlight the potential threat to creative labour.

The larger debate centers on whether AI systems are entering what some call a “phase change.” Earlier systems required close supervision because they generated frequent factual or logical errors. Newer models can perform longer, more coherent tasks with fewer obvious mistakes. That does not make them infallible, but it does reduce the friction involved in delegating substantial work to them.

The economic implication is uncertainty. Historically, automation has replaced some tasks while creating others. The question is whether current AI systems primarily augment human capability or substitute for it. If they approach consistent high-level performance across domains, labour markets could experience meaningful disruption. If their reliability plateaus, they may remain powerful tools rather than wholesale replacements. The trajectory is empirical, not mystical, and it deserves careful measurement rather than panic or denial.

Jacobsen: In that context, how should we define a job? How should we define a career? Is there a third term we should be using?

Rosner: A job is a task bundle for which someone will pay you. A career is a sustained, identity-shaping trajectory built from related job bundles over time, usually with skill accumulation and status progression. There may be a third category emerging: platform-dependent income streams. These are not traditional careers, and often not stable jobs either. They are contingent revenue channels tied to algorithms and audience attention.

Take food delivery. Some roles remain because robotics has not yet scaled sufficiently to replace human labour. That is a job: task-based, replaceable, and often precarious.

Consider digital content platforms such as OnlyFans. OnlyFans reports millions of global creators, with estimates suggesting over one million based in the United States. For context, the U.S. has roughly 800,000 to 1 million sworn law enforcement officers and about 1.1 million physicians. Platform-based adult content creation has therefore become numerically significant, even if income distribution is highly unequal.

However, most creators earn little. A small percentage generate substantial income, often treating the work as full-time, involving marketing, subscriber engagement, and outsourced management services. That resembles entrepreneurship more than traditional employment. It is labour shaped by attention economics.

These platform-mediated roles can offer temporary insulation from AI automation, particularly where human presence, authenticity signalling, or parasocial interaction matter. Yet even these spaces face competition from AI-generated content.

Some sectors attempt formal protection. Entertainment unions such as the Writers Guild of America and SAG-AFTRA have negotiated contract language addressing the use of AI. That signals a shift: workers are not only negotiating wages but also negotiating the boundaries between human and machine contributions.

The larger issue is structural. If AI compresses the demand for cognitive labour, society may need new categories beyond “job” and “career.” We may see more hybrid roles: partial automation supervisors, brand-anchored creators, or trust-based human intermediaries. The labour market may bifurcate into high-skill oversight and low-barrier gig work, with fewer stable middle trajectories.

The definition of work increasingly hinges not on what you do, but on what cannot easily be replicated, automated, or synthetically simulated.

Jacobsen: Entertainment unions have negotiated agreements requiring that a human writer be credited and compensated if a film is produced. But AI systems are improving rapidly. Will there be widespread circumvention?

Rosner: The Writers Guild of America and SAG-AFTRA secured contract language limiting the use of AI as a replacement for credited human labour. The agreements generally state that AI cannot receive writing credit and cannot be used to undermine minimum compensation structures. On paper, that preserves authorship.

In practice, enforcement is more complicated. A technologically literate writer can use AI privately to test ideas, generate alternative scenes, or stress-test plot logic before submitting a script. That resembles research assistance more than outright replacement, but it blurs the line. If AI produces a rough draft and the human substantially revises it, authorship becomes philosophically and contractually ambiguous.

Writers have always used tools: research databases, spellcheckers, and even encyclopedias shaped earlier generations of work. The ethical distinction hinges on the depth of the contribution. Using AI to brainstorm differs from delegating narrative construction wholesale.

Jacobsen: So is using AI now simply due diligence?

Rosner: Increasingly, yes. Many professionals treat AI as an ideation engine or structural critic. It can suggest missed angles, identify inconsistencies, or propose alternate framings. That does not require surrendering authorship. However, if someone relies on AI for a full draft and then lightly edits it, the creative burden shifts. That shift may become common because it is efficient.

The economic parallel resembles discount marketplaces. Just as surplus bakery goods can be redistributed at lower cost through apps, cognitive surplus can be redistributed through AI tools. High-end handcrafted work still exists, but cheaper approximations proliferate. Consumers may not always distinguish between them.

Jacobsen: Does this mean professional writing is sliding toward assisted automation?

Rosner: It likely becomes hybrid. Purely human writing will persist where originality and voice are valued. But baseline commercial writing—marketing copy, formulaic scripts, procedural content—may increasingly begin with machine drafts refined by humans.

The critical variable is transparency. If AI is treated as a tool, like a calculator for language, the profession adapts. If it becomes an invisible ghostwriter, attribution norms destabilize. The trajectory depends less on capability alone and more on cultural standards about what counts as authorship.

You’ve described this as a mixed landscape. Do you think we are moving through a genuine phase shift in labour?

Jacobsen: It looks transitional, not apocalyptic. In prior industrial revolutions, machines automated physical labour, and new industries emerged around that automation. This wave differs because it targets cognition. We are not only mechanizing muscle; we are partially automating pattern recognition, drafting, diagnosis support, and analytical synthesis.

That does not mean total replacement. It means uneven impact. Some roles will be lightly assisted. Others will be substantially reduced. A few may disappear. The distribution may resemble a gradient rather than a binary outcome. Tasks cluster along a spectrum from augmentation to substitution.

Rosner: Take paralegals. In a large firm employing several, AI-assisted document review and drafting tools could reduce staffing needs. A firm that once required three paralegals may function with one or two. In a small practice with limited resources, AI could eliminate the need to hire entirely for certain routine tasks. That does not eliminate legal work, but it compresses support roles.

Tax preparation offers a parallel. For straightforward returns, automated platforms already handle filing without a human accountant reviewing each case. Complex returns still require certified professionals. AI shifts the threshold of complexity at which human expertise becomes necessary.

Medicine illustrates the hybrid phase. Clinical documentation consumes a significant share of physician time, sometimes estimated at around one-quarter to one-third of work hours. AI transcription and drafting systems can reduce that burden. However, hallucinations and factual errors remain risks and require oversight. In clinical settings, even small inaccuracies carry liability consequences. So the human remains the verification layer.

The direction of travel suggests that supervision requirements will decrease as models improve. Yet even if AI reduces paperwork from 30 percent of a physician’s day to 20 percent, that is augmentation, not displacement. The more sensitive the domain—law, medicine, finance—the longer humans remain embedded as accountability nodes.

The deeper structural question is whether fully automated cognitive loops can generate new industries or merely consolidate existing ones. If AI both performs and supervises certain industrial tasks, new job creation may not scale proportionally to the displacement it causes. That is what distinguishes this phase from earlier revolutions.

Still, history counsels caution against deterministic predictions. Intelligence automation is powerful, but institutions, liability systems, trust structures, and human preferences slow total substitution. 

Jacobsen: The landscape ahead is neither a clean bell curve nor a collapse. It is a layered terrain of partial automation, human oversight, and evolving definitions of expertise. Do you suspect many physicians are already using AI for documentation?

Rosner: I assume a significant number are experimenting with AI-assisted transcription and note drafting. Electronic medical record systems increasingly integrate voice-to-text and structured summarization tools. The efficiency gain is real, but so is the need for verification. In medicine, a small hallucinated detail can have legal and clinical consequences. So adoption tends to be cautious and layered with oversight.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1625: AI Freak-Out Cycles and Human Limits

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/14

So what kind of genie is AI—a monkey’s paw or Robin Williams?

Rick Rosner argues that recent “AI freak-outs” reflect real capability gains: systems can now produce usable code for longer stretches, shifting “learn to code” toward architecture, testing, security, and accountability. He rejects near-term “longevity escape velocity” promises as speculative. Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks whether AI is a monkey’s paw or benevolent genie; Rosner answers “both,” invoking The Tempest to describe destabilizing transformation. The discussion ranges from U.S. institutional trust—immigration enforcement surges, combative congressional testimony, and opaque Epstein-file disclosures—to proposed reforms like Supreme Court term limits, plus evolutionary notes on five-digit limbs and sensory fragility in a world of accelerating tools.

Rick Rosner: According to people who follow AI, we are in the middle of another periodic freak-out in the tech world. In the last several years, there have been recurring waves of anxiety that AI will disrupt large parts of the job market, especially knowledge work.

A few years ago, the common complaint was that you could only trust an AI system for short stretches before it made obvious errors in coding, arithmetic, or factual claims. In some high-profile cases, systems used for legal drafting produced citations that did not exist. More recently, the tools have improved: in many narrow tasks—especially boilerplate coding, debugging suggestions, and pattern-heavy writing—they can run longer and still be useful. That does not make them error-free, but it does mean the errors can be rarer, harder to notice, and sometimes costly when they slip through.

Not long ago, people were told to learn to code because it looked like a durable career skill. Now the argument has shifted: AI systems can generate substantial amounts of code so that the durable skill may be less about typing syntax and more about problem definition, system architecture, testing, security, and accountability. The “hockey stick” metaphor is often invoked here, but it remains a metaphor: progress has been rapid yet uneven, and it depends on constraints such as data quality, computational resources, energy availability, regulatory constraints, and real-world deployment limits. While AI can generate code—including code that improves AI tooling—this is not the same as autonomous recursive self-improvement proceeding without human oversight. Humans, institutions, and infrastructure remain central to development and deployment.

At the same time, some longevity advocates advance the concept of “longevity escape velocity,” the idea that medical advances could eventually extend healthy lifespan faster than biological aging. These claims are speculative and not part of scientific consensus, and timelines such as “within three years” are aspirational rather than evidence-based. It is accurate to say medicine is advancing and may continue to do so; it is not accurate to promise a near-term, indefinite lifespan.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So what kind of genie is AI—a monkey’s paw or Robin Williams? 

Rosner: Possibly both. It can produce real benefits while also generating unintended consequences and structural disruption. Ariel’s line in The Tempest, “Full fathom five thy father lies,” evokes transformation—something altered into a new and strange form under pressure. AI may grant capabilities we desire while also reshaping work, institutions, and identity in ways that feel destabilizing.

At the gym, you can see an early version of the “merging with the machine” narrative: people sitting on equipment, absorbed in their phones. You can resent it, or you can interpret it as a rehearsal for a future in which attention is continuously mediated by technology. I would still prefer that they vacate the chest machine.

Yesterday, politically, Tom Homan—former Acting Director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and currently serving in a senior border enforcement role—announced that a recent immigration enforcement surge in Minnesota had concluded. Homan is known for hardline positions on immigration enforcement. Reports indicate that ICE and Border Patrol personnel had been deployed in significant numbers to the Minneapolis area. ICE does not consist of “troops” in the military sense; it employs roughly 20,000 personnel nationwide, including officers, agents, and support staff. Minneapolis has a population of approximately 430,000 people, and routine city policing is typically handled by the Minneapolis Police Department, not federal immigration agents. Whether enforcement resources will be shifted to other cities remains to be seen.

In Congress, Attorney General Pam Bondi appeared before lawmakers for several hours of testimony. The hearing drew attention for its combative tone. Critics argued that Bondi frequently deflected questions, while supporters characterized her responses as forceful and direct.

The session also touched on the Jeffrey Epstein case. Several survivors of Epstein’s abuse were present. At one point, members of Congress asked whether they had sought information or engagement from the Department of Justice and felt they were being ignored; multiple survivors expressed frustration with the process. The Department of Justice has released millions of pages of Epstein-related materials, though many documents remain heavily redacted, and additional records have not yet been made public. The DOJ maintains that it has followed legal and privacy constraints in its disclosures.

The Department of Justice cannot logically claim to have released “every document” if millions remain unreleased. The DOJ has, in fact, released millions of pages related to Jeffrey Epstein, many of them heavily redacted, while acknowledging that additional materials remain under review or subject to legal constraints such as privacy law, ongoing investigations, or court orders. Critics characterize this as stonewalling; the Department frames it as compliance with legal limits. Both interpretations circulate in public debate.

Reasonable Americans who oppose Trump hope that controversies like this will persuade more voters to reconsider their support. That is a political judgment, not a settled fact.

As for global reputation: international polling over the past decade has shown that Donald Trump has been widely unpopular in many allied countries, particularly in Western Europe, Canada, and parts of East Asia. He is the most loathed person ever. Comparative global favorability data vary by region and time period. Some populations have viewed him favourably, particularly in certain countries and political subgroups.

U.S. global favorability ratings declined during Trump’s first term and rebounded during the Biden administration, according to surveys by organizations such as the Pew Research Center. It is also accurate that volatility in U.S. policy on trade, NATO, climate agreements, and tariffs has contributed to perceptions of unpredictability.

The United States maintains roughly 750 to 800 military sites overseas, depending on definitions and accounting methods. These installations often inject funds into local economies and serve strategic alliances. At the same time, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has expanded its economic footprint across parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe, offering infrastructure investment as a form of geopolitical influence.

U.S. midterm elections could shift congressional control, affecting legislative oversight and executive constraint. Structural reforms—such as changes to campaign finance laws, voting access, districting practices, or executive authority—are frequently proposed by scholars and policymakers to strengthen democratic resilience. Whether such reforms will occur depends on political will and electoral outcomes.

One structural reform people often propose is term limits for Supreme Court justices. At present, U.S. Supreme Court justices hold lifetime appointments under the Constitution. Clarence Thomas has served since 1991, which means more than 30 years on the bench. Because justices can serve for decades—especially if appointed in their 40s or 50s—some scholars argue that fixed terms, such as 18 years, would regularize turnover and reduce the strategic timing of retirements. Advances in healthcare mean that a justice appointed in midlife could plausibly serve into their 80s or 90s. Whether term limits would require a constitutional amendment or could be structured legislatively is debated among legal scholars.

That is where the institutional conversation stands.

Jacobsen: Now, why do our hands and feet typically have five digits each? 

Rosner: The answer is evolutionary history, not deliberate design. Early tetrapods—four-limbed vertebrates that emerged from lobe-finned fish roughly 360–390 million years ago—experimented with different numbers of digits. Fossil species such as Acanthostega had more than five. Over evolutionary time, the five-digit, or pentadactyl, limb became the dominant pattern among most land vertebrates.

Five digits are a stable developmental arrangement produced by conserved genetic pathways, including Hox genes that regulate limb formation. It is not that five is mathematically optimal; it is that this pattern proved workable and became evolutionarily entrenched. Mammals, reptiles, and birds inherited variations of this structure. In some lineages, digits were reduced—horses evolved a single dominant toe forming a hoof; birds fused and modified digits for wings; dogs and cats walk primarily on four weight-bearing digits.

In humans and other primates, the five-digit structure, combined with an opposable thumb, supports fine motor control. The opposable thumb allows precision grip—holding a pen, threading a needle, manipulating tools. That feature is more decisive for dexterity than the sheer number of digits. Adding many more digits would increase neural and muscular complexity without a clear adaptive advantage. Evolution tends to modify what already exists rather than redesign from scratch.

Raccoons, rodents, and other mammals retain five digits because they descend from the same ancestral template. They use them differently depending on the ecological niche. Elephants, for example, have five toes embedded within a padded foot, though externally they appear columnar; their trunk compensates as a highly dexterous organ. Horses rely on a single hoof for efficient high-speed locomotion. Different environments select for different modifications of the same ancestral plan.

Five digits are not a cosmic rule. They are a historical inheritance that proved versatile enough to persist. Evolution is conservative: once a structure works, it gets repurposed rather than reinvented.

Jacobsen: Why are we so debilitated when we lose a sense? 

Rosner: The short answer is that our sensory systems are not redundant luxuries. They are tightly integrated calibration tools. Vision, hearing, balance, touch, proprioception—each feeds continuous data into the brain. Remove one, and the whole predictive model the brain uses to navigate the world becomes noisier.

Watch a dog losing vision. Frida is a terrier—high agency, high confidence. As her eyesight declines, she bumps into furniture, hesitates before jumping onto a couch, and loses trust in her own movements. A calmer dog might adapt more quietly, but an assertive one feels the loss. She compensates—tracking treats by sound, using motion cues—but it is partial compensation. The nervous system can reorganize, but it does not simply replace sight with “super-sight” from the other senses.

That is where the superhero myth collapses. In Marvel’s Daredevil, Matt Murdock’s other senses combine into a cinematic version of vision. Real neuroplasticity is powerful, but it does not grant a literal visual overlay. Blind individuals often develop sharper auditory localization or tactile acuity, yet they still face real constraints. The brain reallocates processing power; it does not conjure new physics.

Jacobsen: Why do we not have tougher skin or harder bones?

Rosner: Evolution is a trade-off, accountant. Bones are made primarily of calcium phosphate in a collagen matrix. That combination is strong, lightweight, and repairable. Make bones much harder, and they become brittle; increase density, and you increase metabolic cost. Biology optimizes for “strong enough,” not “indestructible.”

Humans also evolved less body hair than many mammals. Several hypotheses exist: thermoregulation during endurance hunting, parasite reduction, and sexual selection. Clothing later supplemented what fur once provided.

You mentioned whether our bodies “need” to be tougher. The deeper answer is that evolution favours reproductive success over durability. Humans invest heavily in offspring—decades of care. That long dependency period likely intensified social bonding and sexual selection pressures. Traits that enhanced cooperation, attraction, and pair-bonding could outweigh brute physical armour.

We are not built like tanks because tanks do not reproduce well. We are built like negotiators with fragile skeletons and very large brains. Evolution selected for flexibility, cognition, and social complexity over raw toughness. Biology rarely chooses maximum strength. It chooses a workable balance.

Human bodies have changed in ways that reflect both biology and culture. Compared to other primates, humans are relatively hairless, have more visible secondary sexual characteristics such as breasts, and commonly engage in face-to-face sexual behaviour. Some anthropologists propose that reduced body hair may relate to thermoregulation, parasite reduction, or sexual selection. The idea that certain traits became more pronounced because humans could rely on clothing and tools for protection is plausible, but evolutionary explanations are usually multi-causal rather than driven by a single factor.

Indeed, our skin and bones are not optimized for resisting bullets or high-velocity trauma. Evolution selected for mobility, metabolic efficiency, and reproductive success—not armour. In modern societies, protection comes from technology: body armour, reinforced vehicles, and other engineered systems. Future biomedical or materials innovations could improve injury resistance, but embedding ballistic materials under the skin or genetically engineering “bulletproof” humans remains speculative and would involve major trade-offs in weight, flexibility, healing, and energy demands.

The idea of making humans “bulletproof” by making consciousness replicable or downloadable is, at present, science fiction. Neuroscience does not yet understand consciousness well enough to copy, store, or transfer it independently of a living brain. Brain–computer interfaces can decode limited signals, and digital preservation of memories through data is routine, but full mind uploading is hypothetical.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1624: Terrier Stubbornness, Wombat Cube Poop, and Why Animals Excrete Differently

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/12

How do dogs and other animals balance excretion and territory-marking, and why did evolution separate liquid and solid waste in mammals?

In this exchange, Rick Rosner uses his half–West Highland Terrier, Brita, to illustrate how temperament shapes house-training: terriers can be stubborn, sometimes requiring treats and prompting to prevent indoor accidents. Scott Douglas Jacobsen pushes the discussion from pet behaviour into comparative biology, asking how urination differs across species and why mammals separate liquid and solid waste. Rosner contrasts human excretion with animal territorial marking, then detours into zoological oddities: wombats stack cube-shaped feces for signalling, koalas face regionally variable chlamydia burdens, and kangaroos can grapple and kick in “boxing” bouts.

Rick Rosner: Our current dog, Brita, is half West Highland Terrier. What is the other half? Terriers tend to follow their own counsel. Our previous dog, Rosie, was fine.

If you did not let her out, she might poop in the house, but given the opportunity, she would go outside. Our previous dog, Meg, just wanted to do what we wanted her to do. She was a very nice dog. Brita is a nice dog, too, but terriers are stubborn. We have to take her out and urge her to pee for a treat. Otherwise, there is a 5% chance she will pee in the house out of laziness. You have been to our house—you know the carpet is pee-stained. I do not think it smells because we cleaned it, but the carpet is not in the best shape.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Do the patterns differ among humans, animals, dogs, and that sort of thing?

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: For them, it can be marking territory as well as excretion. For us, it is primarily excretion.

Rosner: Every animal has its own stance, attitudes, and conditions around getting rid of pee and poop. Wombats make cube-shaped poops. They use them for communication—marking territory and attracting mates—and the cube shape helps the droppings stack and stay put on surfaces like rocks or logs, rather than rolling away. The shape is thought to come from how their intestines move and compress drying material, not from the sphincter “moulding” it.

Wombats are adorable if you have seen them. Adult wombats are roughly around a metre long (often under that) and commonly weigh a few dozen kilograms, depending on the species. Also, what keeps growing throughout their lives is their teeth, not the entire wombat. Australia has some of the cutest-looking animals.

Koalas are pretty cute, but they do not do much. They mostly eat eucalyptus and rest. Chlamydia is a major health problem for koalas in many regions—it can cause infertility and eye disease—but it is not accurate to say they all have it; infection rates vary a lot by location.

Kangaroos are adorable, but you do not want to get too close to them. They can grapple with their forearms and deliver powerful kicks while balancing on their tails. People call it “boxing,” and it can definitely injure someone. Everybody has different peeing and pooping behaviours.

Jacobsen: Why do you think evolution produced a system where there is a separation between liquid and solid? Why is it not just one sludge?

Rosner: Birds are a good counterexample: many of them excrete uric acid and feces together through a single opening (a cloaca). In mammals, running liquids through the body and excreting them is an efficient way to remove certain wastes. Solid waste is different, and it takes different machinery.

Also, poop is not “95% bacteria.” Bacteria are a major component—especially of the dry mass—but they are not anywhere near all of it.

Jacobsen: Do other animals have as many bacteria?

Rosner: I do not know.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1623: Pornocracy, Testosterone Decline, and Relationship Maintenance in a Tech-Saturated Culture

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/12

How does Rick Rosner connect pornography culture, declining testosterone, AI-driven media, and the everyday “maintenance” that sustains long-term marriage?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to define pornography beyond explicit media, using it as a metaphor for a hyper-stimulating culture shaped by AI. Rosner rejects simplistic biological determinism, arguing there is no evidence that low testosterone causes sexual violence, while noting population-level testosterone declines and unresolved questions about endocrine disruptors. They discuss demographic contraction, the expansion of porn and romance “slop,” and why serious literature may be less sexualized than the 1970s. The conversation pivots to ethics, religion, and intimacy, ending with Rosner’s account of marriage as disciplined, interdependent maintenance.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s talk about what you wanted to talk about, erections and pornography. What do you want to discuss regarding erections, and what counts as pornography? 

Rick Rosner: One of the more prophetic films of the past twenty years is Idiocracy, directed by Mike Judge. I want to use “pornography” in a broader, metaphorical sense. In the release of additional Epstein-related files, some reporting has described medical records indicating that Jeffrey Epstein had very low testosterone and complained of low libido in communications with doctors.

That said, there is no established evidence that low testosterone causes sexual violence. Sexual offending is not medically reducible to a single hormone level, and there is no legitimate basis to treat testosterone deficiency as a general explanation for predatory crime.

Separately, population-level research has shown that testosterone levels in U.S. men have declined across birth cohorts over recent decades. The causes remain uncertain and are likely multifactorial, including changes in body composition, lifestyle, environmental exposures, and other health variables.

There is scientific literature on endocrine-disrupting chemicals associated with plastics. Some compounds used in plastics have estrogenic or anti-androgenic effects in laboratory and animal studies. However, translating those findings into definitive human population-level causal claims remains an area of ongoing research.

On demographics, the U.S. total fertility rate was approximately 1.62 births per woman in 2023, below the replacement level of 2.1. Many developed countries face similar sub-replacement fertility patterns. By 2050, Africa is projected to be the only continent with a growing population.

I would suggest that people may be having less partnered sex, but they still seek orgasm. The internet is already a vast supply of pornography, and with AI, that supply is expanding dramatically.

One speculative connection people make is that if testosterone levels are declining, individuals might still desire orgasm but may find arousal or performance more difficult. In that scenario, some might turn more frequently to pornography, potentially including more extreme material, to achieve stimulation. That remains a hypothesis, not an established causal conclusion.

Jacobsen: Does that include not only audiovisual forms—possibly even immersive or 3D formats in the future—but also literary forms becoming more explicit or more perverse?

Rosner: I argue the opposite in serious literature. If you look at major literary works from the 1970s—Portnoy’s Complaint, for example—mainstream literary fiction was often more overtly sexual than much of today’s critically acclaimed fiction. In that sense, serious literature may be less sexualized now than it was during that period.

That said, there is a large and expanding market for genre romance, including highly explicit material. Romance novels exist along a spectrum—from no sexual content to very explicit content—and publishers are generally clear about where a book falls on that spectrum. Readers can select based on their preferences, whether the theme involves cowboys, construction workers, fantasy elements, or more unconventional premises.

There is also a significant amount of AI-generated content in this space. Some authors use AI tools to produce large quantities of genre fiction, including romance. Much of it is formulaic. Consumption remains high.

However, among bestselling literary fiction and works that receive major critical discussion, there appears to be less explicit sexual content than during the 1970s, which could be described as one of the most overtly sexualized decades in modern American publishing. Serious literary writers today generally focus less on explicit sexual depiction than many of their counterparts fifty years ago.

Jacobsen: Anything else on that topic?

Rosner: There are broader implications to living in what might be described metaphorically as a porn-saturated culture.

Jacobsen: You spoke about further implications of living in what you call a “pornocracy.” One possible issue is self-loathing among consumers of pornography. Some content categories are intentionally extreme or unsettling. Are you referring to the emotional reaction some people report after climax?

Rosner: Not necessarily. I am suggesting that in a media environment saturated with sexual content, individuals may experience more frequent solitary sexual activity than in earlier historical periods. If so, it is plausible—though not conclusively demonstrated—that increasing exposure can lead some individuals to seek more novel or intense material to maintain stimulation. That escalation may produce discomfort or ambivalence afterward.

I don’t know how widespread or psychologically significant that effect is.

Many Christians consider masturbation or viewing pornography to be a violation of the commandment against adultery, or at least a breach of moral boundaries. Some religious individuals may be able to abstain, but many likely struggle with that standard.

Some couples may incorporate sexuality into a long-term Christian marriage in a way that feels consistent with their beliefs, which may reduce the sense of violating religious principles. Still, many people likely fall short of the ideal they set for themselves.

One second, a call.

[Pause]

That was Carole. She saw something at a thrift store—1930s Art Deco china—and wanted to check in before buying it.

Jacobsen: How would you describe those small moments in a marriage—those intermittent check-ins?

Rosner: They are forms of due diligence and respect. You consult your spouse before making certain decisions. I do not always succeed at that. I might buy something inexpensive without asking because she would say we already have enough. But in other areas of the marriage, I am more attentive.

We are approaching our thirty-fifth wedding anniversary, and we were together five years before that. We have spent most of our lives together. We practice relationship maintenance and hygiene. We try to be respectful, avoid unnecessary conflict, anticipate each other’s needs, and respond to them.

For example, Carole bought bagels this morning and made sure I had one for breakfast. Sometimes she brings home coffee. At night, she likes me to rub her legs as she falls asleep. These are small acts of care. You try to like the person you are with. I genuinely like Carole. There is a great deal to admire about her. I hope there are a few things to like about me, too.

Jacobsen: If you had to describe marriage in one sentence, what would it be?

Rosner: In women’s studies, a term often used for a healthy relationship was “inter-dependent.” It means you are not codependent, but you remain distinct individuals who pursue your own interests while blending your lives in ways that help each other achieve personal goals. It is not the most elegant word.

Marriage is a partnership in which you work together to benefit from being with another person.

Rosner: We have discussed how society is structured to provide advantages to people in long-term partnerships. From an evolutionary perspective, humans are the product of billions of years of sexual reproduction. Societies tend to support stable pair bonds because they are associated with child-rearing and social continuity.

Jacobsen: Are you more of a PC or Mac user?

Rosner: I am primarily a PC user. I can use a Mac, but I prefer a PC. Ten or fifteen years ago, being a PC user meant dealing with frequent viruses. That is less common now. I do not experience serious malware issues very often anymore. Carole and I both use iPhones, which aligns us more with Apple’s ecosystem.

Those are nice. I am fine with you getting them. Several additional Epstein-related materials have recently drawn renewed attention. Members of Congress, including Representative Jamie Raskin, a Democrat, and Representative Thomas Massie, a Republican, have publicly advocated for greater transparency regarding Epstein-related records. Some materials have been released in prior court proceedings, but substantial amounts of documentation remain under seal or withheld by the Department of Justice for various legal reasons, including privacy protections for victims and ongoing investigative considerations.

There has been discussion online about individuals who had financial or social ties to Epstein. For example, Les Wexner, the founder of L Brands, which included Victoria’s Secret, had a well-documented financial relationship with Epstein in the past. Wexner has publicly stated that he severed ties after discovering financial misconduct and has denied knowledge of Epstein’s criminal activities. Allegations against any individual require careful treatment, and public documents distinguish between association and criminal liability.

Historically, certain figures in the modelling industry, including John Casablancas, founder of Elite Model Management, faced allegations in past decades concerning relationships with underage models. Some other industry figures have also been accused of misconduct over the years, with varying legal outcomes. These matters remain separate from the specific criminal convictions secured in Epstein’s case.

Public discourse on social media has intensified around names mentioned in released or partially released documents. However, being referenced in documents does not, in itself, establish criminal wrongdoing. Legal conclusions require formal charges, due process, and adjudication.

His name appears on several buildings that benefit from charitable donations. Universities often name buildings after major donors; if someone contributes tens of millions of dollars, institutions frequently name a facility after them. Les Wexner has had buildings named after him, including at major universities such as Ohio State University.

The Sackler family, whose company, Purdue Pharma, manufactured OxyContin, became the focus of widespread litigation related to the opioid crisis. Purdue Pharma pleaded guilty to federal criminal charges, and members of the Sackler family have faced extensive civil litigation. As part of settlements and public pressure, many institutions removed the Sackler name from museums and university buildings. The controversy centred on the role of aggressive opioid marketing in contributing to addiction and overdose deaths.

Whether similar institutional reconsiderations will occur regarding other donors depends on legal findings and institutional review processes. Some institutions choose to remove names; others retain them pending formal determinations.

Additional Epstein-related documents have drawn renewed scrutiny. Public debate has included questions about Epstein’s past associations with prominent political figures. Former President Donald Trump has stated publicly that he distanced himself from Epstein years before Epstein’s criminal prosecution. Journalistic investigations have reported differing timelines and accounts regarding the nature and duration of their association. These matters remain subjects of reporting and political dispute rather than judicial findings specific to those claims.

Jacobsen: If you had to give up one food you enjoy permanently, what would it be?

Rosner: Probably chocolate. I enjoy it, though my attachment to it has declined somewhat. I eat chocolate frequently, including chocolate-flavoured foods. I would not eliminate sushi, although my enthusiasm for it has also diminished over time. So yes, most likely chocolate.

Jacobsen: Do you experience a sugar rush from chocolate, followed by a crash later?

Rosner: Not that I notice. I do not perceive dramatic sugar spikes. I do become sleepy without caffeine. When I was working a traditional job, I would often feel drowsy around three in the afternoon, but I began feeling more alert after I started drinking coffee regularly. Coffee allowed me to remain alert.

Jacobsen: What is the importance of rest during the day, twenty or thirty minutes, or even an hour to lie down?

Rosner: Brief rest periods can have health benefits. Lying down is helpful for circulation. For example, chronic venous insufficiency is a condition in which veins struggle to return blood from the legs to the heart, leading to swelling in the ankles. It is more common with age and certain lifestyle factors. I have experienced a mechanical form of venous insufficiency since childhood, which makes elevating my legs beneficial.

The return valves in some of my leg veins are incompetent, so my legs will swell if I do not wear compression. I wear two compression socks on each leg, along with an athletic tube sock to provide additional pressure. That helps prevent swelling. It also helps to lie down and elevate my legs so the blood can return more easily.

I wear contact lenses, and after about fourteen hours, they can irritate my eyes. Resting my eyes periodically is helpful.

Jacobsen: Do you drink tap water?

Rosner: Not often straight from the tap. At home, we usually filter tap water rather than buy bottled water. Los Angeles municipal water is generally considered safe. If I am in a hurry, I will drink it directly from the tap. In restaurants, I drink tap water. I do not believe tap water is inherently toxic.

Jacobsen: What do you think about people who believe the environment is so contaminated that they pursue detox programs or supplements that claim dramatic health benefits, despite weak scientific support?

Rosner: There is a significant amount of questionable marketing in the detox and supplement space. I take supplements myself, but I am aware that not all claims are supported by strong evidence. I live reasonably healthfully while recognizing that not every exposure poses catastrophic risk. I do not smoke, and I drink very little alcohol.

When you enter the realm of medical misinformation—particularly online—you encounter anti-vaccine claims and detox products that promise sweeping benefits without solid data. Average life expectancy in the United States is around 77–79 years, according to recent data, somewhat lower than in countries such as Spain or Japan, which are often in the mid-80s. A century ago, U.S. life expectancy was dramatically lower—around the 40s—largely due to high infant and childhood mortality. Once people survived early childhood, many lived into their 60s or beyond.

The overall increase in life expectancy suggests that, despite environmental concerns, public health systems, sanitation, vaccines, antibiotics, and modern medicine have substantially improved survival. Environmental exposures can affect health in various ways, but they are not causing immediate population-wide collapse.

Jack LaLanne, a well-known fitness advocate, lived to 96. He exercised intensely and followed a disciplined lifestyle. That longevity is impressive, but it shows that even optimal lifestyle practices alone do not produce extreme lifespan outliers.

Future gains in life expectancy are more likely to come from advances in medical treatment—improvements in cardiovascular care, cancer therapies, metabolic regulation, and other interventions—rather than from water filtration alone.

For example, long-term control of blood glucose is associated with reduced risk of complications from diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Maintaining stable blood sugar levels within a healthy range is beneficial, though perfect, minute-by-minute regulation is not biologically realistic outside of advanced monitoring and treatment systems. Nonetheless, metabolic health plays an important role in longevity.

Better long-term control of blood glucose might increase lifespan since chronically elevated blood sugar contributes to vascular damage and metabolic disease. However, blood glucose naturally rises after meals, even in people without diabetes, often reaching around 140 mg/dL before returning to baseline.

Medications such as metformin can modestly improve insulin sensitivity and reduce average glucose levels. In theory, if someone could maintain near-optimal glucose levels continuously throughout life, it might reduce long-term metabolic stress and add several years of life expectancy. However, perfect minute-by-minute control is not biologically realistic for healthy individuals, nor is it currently recommended outside of medical necessity.

People with Type 1 diabetes use continuous glucose monitors and insulin pumps that automatically adjust insulin delivery. These systems are designed to prevent dangerous highs and lows. Extending similar intensive control to people without diabetes would involve medical tradeoffs, potential side effects, and unclear long-term benefits. Research into metabolic optimization and longevity is ongoing, but broad preventive use of such systems in healthy populations is not standard practice.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1622: Welcome to the Trump Show, Institutional Erosion, and the Overton Window

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/09

How do minority support, institutional erosion, and media dynamics enable Trump’s boundary-testing style of politics?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on why liberals view Donald Trump as boundary-testing and institution-hostile. Rosner cites expert presidential rankings placing Trump near the bottom and argues that reputational damage abroad raises borrowing costs and weakens U.S. influence as China expands Belt and Road. He frames Trump as authoritarian-populist: constantly visible, powered by a loyal minority base, and reliant on in-group versus out-group moral narratives. Rosner links Trump’s anti-institutional posture to transactional loyalty, vengeance, and personnel choices that privilege allegiance over process. He also describes Overton-window shifts and tech-elite amplification that corrodes press effectiveness. It highlights risks to democracy.

Zero Sum Politics

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I will set you up. Why do liberals see Trump as someone who stretches presidential authority and tests constitutional boundaries through zero-sum politics?

Rick Rosner: Because he does. He is more corrupt, more aggressive, and less competent than any previous president. He has less political knowledge and less respect for institutional protocol. He is meaner, and I consider him the worst president in U.S. history.

Every few years, scholars and historians evaluate presidents in expert surveys. In several recent expert rankings, Trump is placed at or near the bottom. In the Presidential Greatness Project surveys, he ranked last in both 2018 and 2024. In C-SPAN’s 2021 survey of presidential historians, he ranked 41st out of 44, which is still among the lowest. In Siena College’s 2022 expert survey, he ranked 43rd out of 45. One does not need to be a partisan activist to conclude that he was a very bad president.

He damaged America’s standing in the world. That damage can sometimes be reversed. After George W. Bush weakened U.S. credibility, Obama restored much of it. Trump’s damage is more lasting because he demonstrated how quickly the United States can deteriorate with a single change in leadership.

After Trump, rebuilding trust will produce diminishing returns. Trust is necessary to sell U.S. debt—Treasury bonds that finance federal borrowing. If other countries do not trust the United States, higher interest rates are required, which increases the cost of servicing debt. This is inflationary and reduces domestic fiscal capacity.

As the United States withdraws from global engagement, China fills gaps through the Belt and Road Initiative—an international infrastructure and development program. The name is incidental; the function is clear. The United States once played a comparable role and benefited strategically. Trump abandoned that posture, weakening U.S. global influence.

Authoritarian Populism as Praxis

Jacobsen: What about the characterization of Trump as practicing authoritarian populism?

Rosner: Trump maintains constant public visibility. He speaks to the press frequently, often daily, including informal exchanges aboard Air Force One. He makes many false and offensive statements, but constant engagement benefits him politically.

By contrast, Biden was far less publicly accessible to the press, which harmed Democrats. Trump is authoritarian and seeks maximum power, but he is also populist in style because he is accessible. He prefers direct exposure and unrestricted speech.

‘We the People’ as Us Vs. Them

Jacobsen: What about the inner-circle versus outer-circle framing—us, “the people,” MAGA, versus enemies such as liberals, Democrats, secular humanists, Muslims, and others? How does that moral framing help him?

Rosner: He does not have majority support, and he never has. Since announcing his candidacy in 2015, he has spent the vast majority of his political career below 50 percent approval. At most points, his approval has been in the low 40s, while disapproval has been in the mid-50s. That pattern has been consistent.

Despite that, he still has enough support to function politically. A solid minority base is sufficient to raise tens of millions of dollars in campaign contributions and to sustain his political relevance. For him, MAGA is enough. Even though most Americans disapprove of him, his minority support provides the political and financial resources he needs.

Many observers hope that his support continues to erode—dropping from the low 40s into the high 30s—at which point Republican members of Congress may begin to distance themselves. That outcome is possible but uncertain.

Republicans currently hold a very narrow majority in the House. With margins this slim, even small shifts—such as special elections or party defections—can change control. Historically, the president’s party often loses seats in midterm elections, and most forecasts expect Republicans to face significant losses, making a loss of the House likely.

Geopolitical Continentalism

Jacobsen: What about the geopolitical framing—an authoritarian populist emphasis on continentalism—where he focuses primarily on North America while pulling back from other regions of the world?

Rosner: He can claim that frame, but his actions undermine it. He has unnecessarily antagonized Canada through tariffs, hostile rhetoric, and even joking references to annexation. He has also strained relations with Mexico. Continentalism makes little sense when North America consists of only three countries, two of which are at odds with each other.

There are legitimate issues with Mexico, particularly involving cartel violence and cross-border crime. None of that applies to Canada. However, Canada has been subjected to unjustified tariffs and political hostility.

Those tariffs have economic consequences. Tariffs on Canadian auto parts have raised costs for manufacturers, contributing to higher car prices in the United States. That harms both American consumers and Canadian producers. It does not advance U.S. interests and contradicts any serious notion of continental cooperation.

Anti-Institutionalism

Jacobsen: He is anti-institutionalist. That includes the Constitution as an institution, treaties, conventions, UN bodies and agencies, international organizations, NGOs, INGOs, and civil-society organizations—many of which he seeks to defund, weaken, or bypass. He is hostile to institutions. I see a kind of negation or substitute affirmation in things like the proposed “Board of Peace.” How does that fit into his vision of the world?

Rosner: He has said that if elected to a second term, his political purpose would be vengeance. His instinct is to break, defy, or undermine structures he resents. He is not interested in governance as such. He is interested in personal enrichment and personal power.

People describe him as “transactional,” which is a polite way of saying he prioritizes those who materially benefit him. He rewards loyalty that brings financial or political advantage. Institutions that do not serve that purpose, or that constrain him, are targets for attack or dismantling.

Media or the Press

Jacobsen: What about his approach to the press?

Rosner: He does not care about institutional legitimacy or broad approval. He gets what he needs from those aligned with him and largely disregards everyone else. He speaks impulsively and without restraint. He may occasionally praise or flatter individuals, but it is situational and instrumental.

Because his base remains loyal, criticism from the press has little effect on him. He does not value journalism as an institution. He only pays attention to media coverage insofar as it provides immediate personal advantage.

Jacobsen: What about his focus on personnel choices and enforcement priorities—where loyalty to him matters more than process or norms?

Rosner: He values people and actions that serve his personal objectives—more money, more power, and retaliation against perceived enemies. Process, institutional continuity, and rule-based governance are secondary or irrelevant.

The Overton Window

Jacobsen: What about the shifting of the Overton window?

Rosner: The Overton window defines the range of ideas considered acceptable in public debate—the arguments that can be made on social media, on television, and in mainstream discourse without immediate exclusion. Political actors on the far right actively work to shift that window so that increasingly extreme positions appear normal or debatable.

One example involves debates over what Olympic athletes may say publicly. American athletes are now routinely asked political questions in press conferences before and after events. Some express support for the country while criticizing specific policies or conditions. That has generated debate over what is acceptable speech for athletes.

In the historical context, this is not new. At the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, two American medalists raised Black Power salutes on the podium. That act shocked many Americans at the time. More than five decades later, political expression by athletes still provokes controversy, but the debate itself is now firmly within mainstream discourse.

It is now considered acceptable for television commentators to argue that athletes who make political statements should face consequences, including removal from competition. Pundits can make those arguments on major networks without professional sanction. That illustrates where the Overton window currently sits: it marks what one can say on national television without losing credibility or employment.

Some figures on the right attempt to push the window further—toward historical revisionism—by arguing that although Hitler was evil, some of his ideas were defensible. That position is still largely outside the Overton window and provokes widespread condemnation. However, the fact that such arguments appear at all, particularly on social media, indicates some movement.

In online spaces, including large influencer-driven accounts, individuals have made statements sympathetic to extremist or authoritarian ideas without facing total social or professional exclusion. That suggests a partial normalization of rhetoric that would once have been unthinkable in mainstream discourse.

The Ultra-Wealthy and Dominant Technologists

Jacobsen: What about the alignment with ultra-wealthy actors and dominant technology firms in weakening press freedom or press effectiveness?

Rosner: Wealthy technology executives have shown a growing willingness to align themselves with Trump or to accommodate his political movement. Several prominent tech leaders have appeared publicly with him or shifted their posture toward cooperation rather than opposition.

Jeff Bezos owns The Washington Post. In recent years, the paper has undergone substantial newsroom reductions through buyouts and restructuring, along with leadership turnover at the editorial level. While it is inaccurate to say that a third of the newsroom was fired, the reductions have been significant enough to raise serious concerns about the paper’s long-term capacity for investigative journalism. The Washington Post, historically central to the Watergate investigation and to American accountability journalism, is now a diminished institution compared with its former strength.

Other technology figures, such as Peter Thiel, have openly supported Trump-aligned candidates and political projects. Thiel has backed J.D. Vance and other figures associated with a more explicitly illiberal and authoritarian political vision. These actors are highly self-interested, possess immense financial and cultural power, and play a role in reshaping the political ecosystem.

Elon Musk owns X, formerly Twitter. Since acquiring the platform, Musk has loosened moderation policies, reinstated previously banned accounts, and allowed the return of extremist, conspiratorial, and anti-vaccine content. That has altered the tone and reach of political discourse on the platform, making it more hospitable to far-right narratives. This has had measurable effects on how political ideas circulate and normalize.

Taken together, these developments have helped shift the boundaries of acceptable public debate. They have not created Trumpism, but they have amplified it, reduced institutional resistance to it, and weakened the informational environment that once constrained it.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1621: Super Bowl Spectacle, Vaccine Backlash, and U.S. Credibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/09

From halftime shows and celebrity parties to measles outbreaks, the Epstein files, and transatlantic trust, what do these flashpoints reveal about American culture and governance right now?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner range from Super Bowl culture to institutional trust. Rosner argues the halftime show’s language mattered less than spectacle, mocks the “alternate” Kid Rock event, and reflects on the social psychology of parties, fame, and disappointment. He pivots to travel and identity—Italy, England, and even hair as biology and branding—then turns sharply to politics: Maxwell and Epstein disclosures, federal leverage against blue states, vaccine misinformation fueling measles resurgence, and weakened confidence in U.S. steadiness abroad. The throughline is cynicism about performative controversy and the real costs of misinformation and instability.

Rick Rosner: I watched the Super Bowl halftime show with Bad Bunny. It was fine. His entire performance was in Spanish. That did not matter because the production values carried it. They brought in Lady Gaga for a while. Overall, it was fine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Was everything that Lady Gaga sang in English, Portuguese, or Spanish?

Rosner: She sang in English, but a lot was going on, and I did not catch many of her words either. It was fine. It was much better than the Super Bowl shows of my youth, such as Up with People. Expectations were different then.

Turning Point USA—Charlie Kirk’s organization—ran an alternate halftime show with Kid Rock. The official Super Bowl halftime show drew more than 135 million viewers. Kid Rock’s event drew several million streaming viewers, reported in the mid–single-digit millions. He lip-synced. The sound quality was poor, and the production quality was bad. Let them have their alternate halftime show. It was dumb.

Jacobsen: Overall, it is good for advertisers. A little fake controversy helps.

Rosner: I do not know. It is all dumb. More important things are happening—real political issues, such as the jobs market.

Jacobsen: Super Bowl Sunday has always been a distraction.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: It has always been an attempt at that.

Rosner: The Super Bowl itself is usually disappointing. This was not a good game. At halftime, Seattle led New England 9–0, and Seattle went on to win 29–13. A good game needs back-and-forth scoring. There was strong defensive play, but very little momentum shift. Super Bowls are usually disappointing.

I have been to Super Bowl parties. The food is supposed to be the best party food of the year. It usually is not. I have been to several parties. One had terrible food, and my team was badly beaten. That was one of the times Denver was in the Super Bowl. I went to a party in Denver where the people were unpleasant.

I used to attend celebrity Super Bowl parties when I worked for Kimmel. Those parties were good, but stressful, because you did not want to embarrass yourself around famous people. I went from a party where Jon Hamm might be present to a party with regular people. The conversation was bad, the food was bad, and my team lost badly. I have not been to a Super Bowl party since. I no longer attend the Super Bowl parties of famous people.

Jacobsen: If you had to leave the United States in peacetime, where would you go for a vacation, and where would you want to live permanently?

Rosner: Italy would be my first choice. Carole and I have been there twice. Italy is excellent and relatively affordable. If I were younger, I would buy one of those inexpensive houses in a small town, renovate it, get overcharged by local contractors, and end up with a small villa. That would be worth it.

Otherwise, England. Our child is there, and her in-laws are there. It is a great country. The winter weather is bad, but you adapt. Housing in London is expensive, but food is relatively affordable. I like England.

I could learn to like most countries in the EU. They are close enough that we could see our child more often than we do now. That is the answer.

Jacobsen: Would you rather have jet-black hair, straight gray hair, or a full head of white hair?

Rosner: I want Sam Elliott’s hair. He is a famous Western actor. Everyone knows him. He went gray relatively early, probably in his twenties, and is now in his eighties and still has a full head of hair. That is what I want. I want the kind of hair that turns gray early, which often means you keep it.

Jacobsen: So he pulled a Steve Martin, biologically speaking?

Rosner: No. Steve Martin is hair-challenged. He likely enhances it cosmetically. I want Steve Martin’s colour outcome, but not his hair loss pattern.

Jacobsen: What subject did you do the worst in during high school?

Rosner: I did badly in several subjects because I fell apart academically. I really liked American Studies, which combined English and history for double credit. I liked the course and the teachers, but I did not do the work.

We had to write long-term papers. I was supposed to write one on Thomas Moran, a nineteenth-century American painter associated with western landscape art—artists who travelled with explorers and painted places like Yellowstone, Yosemite, and the Tetons. Moran was one of them. I did a lot of research, but couldn’t pull the paper together. I failed the course. I failed it twice, which meant four Fs.

In my defence, I went out for wrestling. I developed severe hemorrhoids and had surgery. I was on Percocet or Percodan afterward. My focus, which was never great, was much worse while I was medicated. That is the explanation.

Jacobsen: Ghislaine Maxwell was questioned by a House committee and invoked the Fifth Amendment, declining to answer questions that might incriminate her. Any thoughts?

Rosner: Yes. It looks like a setup. She was willing to speak with Trump’s attorney, Todd Blanche, who asked her softball questions. In return, she was transferred from a harsher prison facility to a lower-security one. Blanche is now working at the Department of Justice, which is supposedly responsible for prosecuting Epstein-related crimes.

No one is being prosecuted. Millions of documents remain heavily redacted. Congressman Thomas Massie, a Republican who has become increasingly critical of Trump, has said that if the names remain hidden, he will release them himself. We will see what happens. But if anyone expects the Trump Justice Department to bring real accountability, they will be disappointed.

Jacobsen: New York City has built major court infrastructure around a ruling that required the Transportation Department to unfreeze federal funding for the $16 billion Hudson Tunnel project. The Trump administration has appealed that ruling. Any thoughts?

Rosner: Trump is withholding funds from New York. He dislikes New York because it is a blue city in a blue state. New York State is technically purple, but his hostility is obvious.

He has a pattern of weaponizing federal funding. He has suggested, in other contexts, that funding could be provided in exchange for symbolic loyalty gestures, such as renaming infrastructure. Dulles Airport, for example, is outside Washington, D.C., in Virginia. Trump has floated renaming it after himself as part of a funding discussion.

He is extraordinarily petty. Whether it is FEMA aid or infrastructure funding that has already been allocated, he treats it as leverage—rewarding red states and punishing blue ones.

Jacobsen: The measles warning in the United States has gone mainstream. Dr. Mehmet Oz has urged vaccinations, saying, “Take the vaccine, please,” as outbreaks have expanded and multiple states have reported cases this year. What are your thoughts on the rise of serious and potentially lethal diseases spreading state by state?

Rosner: In previous decades, measles was effectively eliminated in the United States. As long as vaccination rates stayed high—around 95 percent—it could not reestablish itself. Measles is extremely contagious, so it requires higher herd immunity than many other diseases, where lower coverage might still work.

Then the anti-vaccine movement gained traction, promoting skepticism. As vaccination rates declined, particularly in some tight-knit religious communities, outbreaks began to reappear. Those outbreaks do not remain contained; they spill into the broader population.

We have seen high-profile exposure events, including recent cases linked to major tourist destinations. Public-health officials cannot realistically trace or quarantine every exposure in those situations.

Dr. Oz appeared on a Sunday news program encouraging vaccination. He also claimed that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has never told people not to vaccinate, a point that the host challenged. At least there was some pushback.

The reality is that vaccine skepticism promoted by political figures and media personalities has consequences. The United States recorded more than two thousand measles cases last year, and current trends suggest that number could be exceeded. Measles can be fatal, but even when it is not, it can suppress the immune system for years, increasing vulnerability to other infections.

This situation is driven by misinformation and alternative-health grifting. Many of the same figures who oppose vaccines profit from selling supplements and “natural” remedies that offer no real protection. It is a serious public-health failure.

Jacobsen: Turning to the Department of Justice, Congress, and the Epstein files: the Justice Department has said it will allow lawmakers to view unredacted Epstein materials while the Maxwell deposition continues. What do you make of that? Is it good or bad?

Rosner: Those names remain redacted. Some foreign figures have been identified, which has already caused political fallout abroad, including renewed scrutiny of Prince Andrew in the United Kingdom.

Many wealthy and powerful American figures remain hidden. Congressman Thomas Massie, a Republican, has said that if the government does not release those names, he will. Many people are watching closely to see whether that happens.

Will there be consequences? I am skeptical.

There are two layers of suppression. Millions of documents exist. Roughly three million have been released, many heavily redacted. Another large tranche is being withheld entirely, with vague explanations. It is reasonable to assume that the unreleased material contains more damaging information, including material related to Trump.

We can also look at job data. A partial government shutdown delayed the January employment report, but preliminary figures indicate roughly 22,000 jobs were added. That is far below historical norms.

From 2011 through 2019, the U.S. averaged nearly 3 million jobs added per year. Job growth slowed sharply after new tariffs were introduced, and that slowdown appears to have continued through January.

Despite optimistic messaging from administration spokespeople, job creation has weakened significantly. The numbers do not support claims that the economy is performing well.

Jacobsen: One more, based on what you were saying. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is leading a large U.S. delegation to Munich for the Munich Security Conference. Reuters reports that the goal is to project steadier transatlantic ties amid visible frictions. That seems like a euphemism. What are your thoughts?

Rosner: You cannot credibly project steadiness from the United States with Trump as president. With Republican majorities in the House and Senate, there are few internal checks, and they largely follow Trump’s lead. Trump is unpredictable and, at this point, not viewed internationally as a reliable partner.

That is unlikely to change before the midterm elections. If Democrats regain control of the House, that could introduce some institutional constraint, but until then, the rest of the world has little reason to trust U.S. commitments.

Confidence matters. When trust in U.S. governance declines, international investors become more cautious. That can mean reduced demand for U.S. Treasury bonds or higher interest rates required to attract buyers. Higher borrowing costs increase the cost of servicing the national debt, putting additional strain on the economy.

Until there is clearer political stability or credible limits on presidential power, allies will hedge, markets will price in risk, and diplomatic reassurance tours will have limited effect.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Rick.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1620: Geometry, Association Engines, and the Crackpot Index

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/07

What separates real scientific innovation from crankery—and how do online “belief ecosystems” turn bad ideas into bulletproof identities?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner pivot from “math-y” geometry to the sociology of science, framing physics and thought as networks of associations—photons, passes, causes, and connections. Rosn distinguishes everyday misinformation “stew” (anti-vax, flat earth) from would-be theorists producing sloppy “science,” then situates crackpot behavior against the realities of peer correction, technical language, and institutional filters. He invokes Kuhn’s paradigm shifts, Mach’s principle debates, and Baez’s crackpot index as a self-awareness test. They discuss “trisectors,” personality-driven cultish belief clusters, and the more durable defense: early critical-thinking habits.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s do something math-y. I was going to ask about the relationship between geometry and mathematics, and the embedding of physical laws, but maybe we have discussed that quite a bit before.

Rick Rosner: Okay, but you did bring it up, and I know where to go with it. Just about everything, especially physics, is about associations: links between and among things. A photon is a link between one place and time and another place and time.

It is like American football: the ball is a link between the quarterback and the receiver. A completed pass is like the emission and absorption of a photon. It shows that two different places and times were situated so that light could pass between them.

The universe is a vast set of these links, and space and time are an efficient way of organizing them—along with cause and effect. The structures we live in are not only this; a significant dimension of them is that space, time, and causality are comprehensible, orderly arrangements of an enormous number of associations between things.

Under a kind of least-action logic, the world is comprehensible because these links are arranged in causal, spatial, and temporal patterns. Everything is about linked stuff.

Our minds are association engines. One thing leads to another in our thoughts—it triggers a cascade of subsequent things. Even things like numbers, which seem immutable, can be seen as networks of associations among different numbers that give mathematics its structure.

That sounded a little circular. But in the current landscape of physics, what do you think characterizes a crank? 

Jacobsen: I sense that the nature of a crank changes as the dominant theories change. So, what would be the character, or content, of a crank in the current period?

Rosner: We have talked about how social media, the internet, and modern tech make it possible for lunatics to find each other and reinforce each other’s beliefs. You see this in politics, obviously, but you also see it in science—with anti-vaxxers and a whole bunch of related stuff. Someone who is anti-vaccine is often likely to believe a lot of other health and nutrition nonsense.

An anti-vaxxer might believe you should drink raw milk, for example. And you get prominent figures making claims along the lines that diet can cure serious psychiatric illness—claims that are not supported by evidence. There is a ton of health and medical misinformation out there. Once you buy part of it, it is easy to buy the rest, because there is so much of it, and the communities around it reinforce it.

If you seriously get into the nonsense, you might become a flat-earther. Believing the Earth is flat used to be a joke, but now there are likely many thousands of people in the U.S. who call themselves flat-earthers. One of them follows me on X, and there is nothing I could say that would dissuade her.

She is also a hardcore MAGA person, and she believes that everything I know is a lie prepared for me by my “mainstream media masters.” I posted a tweet recently saying Trump has a long history of racist behaviour, including the well-documented federal civil-rights case involving the Trump family’s rental practices in the early 1970s, which ended in a settlement with the U.S. government.

Sometimes I link to an article so people can read more, and if they think I am full of it, they can check the details. This flat-earther responded, “NPR—of course you believe their lies.” I wrote back: “I could give you 50 sources; this has been known for decades.” She wrote back: “How do you know all those sources are not made up?” You cannot fight that level of obstinate belief.

So that is one kind of crankiness—quackery where you are simmering in a stew of delusion, facilitated by how much messaging you can access to support your delusion. But that is not exactly what you are talking about. You are talking about somebody who tries to do science, and the “science” they come up with is sloppy and inaccurate.

And again: if you want to believe something crazy, you can find support for a lot of it. If you are doing your own “research” and building your own theories, there is a lot of that, too. If you want to feel like you are a genius—misunderstood, unappreciated by the world—there is a lot of support for that. There is a whole misinformation industry, a delusion industry. 

It can give you endless examples of doctors and scientists who claim not to believe in germs or vaccines, and who portray themselves as bravely standing against a medical establishment that they say only promotes vaccination for money. If you want to feel like a martyr—like you are the only one who understands, and the world conspires against you, you can get all sorts of support for that feeling from the quack community. Then there are people like me, who believe in almost all of science.

I believe in the scientific method. And there is not just one “scientific method”—you can read about the sociology and history of science. The most famous account is Thomas Kuhn’s 1962 book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. I have not looked at it in a while. 

Anyway, that is one way to describe how science can work: a generation of scientists comes up, they build on and support each other’s work, and there are dominant theories for their era. Then, as those theories get rickety—as evidence accumulates that at least partly contradicts them—people develop new theories. 

For newer theories that better account for the evidence to become widely accepted, there can be a long lag, because the older generation has to retire and, in the blunt version of the story, eventually die off. You can see this kind of dynamic in the rise of quantum mechanics, especially in how it displaced parts of late-19th-century classical physics in the early 20th century. 

On cosmology: the Big Bang framework has been repeatedly modified and extended—through cosmic inflation, dark matter, dark energy, and other additions—to address observations and internal tensions. It is an active research program, and sometimes it can feel “patched” from the outside, but I believe in the enterprise.

I do not believe certain aspects of the traditional Big Bang picture, as we have discussed for 14 years. But I am well aware I could be wrong. I am also aware I am undertrained, and that I do not spend enough time thinking about this and interacting with physics professionals to get corrected the way a working scientist would. When I mentioned my dad earlier, if he started talking nonsense, his colleagues and neighbours would have set him straight.

It is similar to crackpot physics: it really helps to live in a world where you interact with other physicists every day. You can throw ideas back and forth and see where you are wrong. Einstein, for example, benefited enormously from close collaboration with strong mathematicians—most famously Marcel Grossmann, who helped point him toward the tensor calculus that became central to general relativity. Einstein did not do all that heavy mathematical machinery alone.

That kind of community pressure can also be suppressive. You can say something like: Mach’s principle—roughly, the idea that inertia depends on the distribution of mass in the universe, or that motion only makes sense relative to the rest of the cosmos—seems intuitively correct. If you were the only thing in the universe, you could not tell whether you were moving, because there is no background. 

To be in motion, you have to be in motion relative to something. Then you could argue: maybe inertia is somehow the combined gravitational influence of everything else in the universe, and maybe when you are moving, you are “more coupled” to things that share your frame—same velocity, same reference frame, whatever. 

You can make an argument like that, and then somebody says, “Yeah, that was calculated decades ago, and it does not work,” or “There is a sign error,” or “The math kills it.” I have heard dismissals like that in the orbit of Mach’s principle. So you can come up with ideas and people can shoot them down—sometimes rightly—based on prior work and, yes, authority: “That cannot possibly work.”

Some decent ideas may not get explored. At the same time, you need the language. You need to be conversant in the techniques—the vocabulary, the methods, the million little mathematical tricks, and the background knowledge. You need enough of it to work effectively, but not so much that it stifles new ideas. And if you are going to have a crackpot theory, it helps—ironically—to be an established physicist with that theory, because you need enough confidence and credibility to keep going when your colleagues call bullshit. That can send you back to your office to do ten or twenty more hours of thinking, recalculating, and testing whether the idea actually holds up.

Take something like Murray Gell-Mann’s “Eightfold Way”—the SU(3) symmetry-based classification scheme that helped organize hadrons into multiplets in the early days of particle physics. Getting to a framework like that is not a one-afternoon doodle; it is a lot of trial, error, and heavy mathematical work to find the structure that fits what the data are telling you. You can imagine how many hours went into pushing brutal equations around to make the classification cohere—and how many colleagues may have been thinking, “What is he doing?”

So that is the promising position in science: you speak the language, you are embedded in a large peer group, you can do the work, and it still has not squashed your creativity.

Jacobsen: There is another set aside from cranks: people who underestimate their abilities and then pursue something they deem less complicated; and a more significant population who overestimate their skills and try to change the world with some theory.

Rosner: We have talked about John Baez’s “crackpot index”—a tongue-in-cheek checklist by John C. Baez, a respected mathematical physicist and mathematician at UC Riverside. The basic idea is: if you are an unknown person (or even if you are not), and you contact physicists at places like Caltech or MIT, insisting they must listen to your revolutionary theory, that happens often enough that people develop defences.

Chris Cole tells a story from his time at Caltech—details may be slightly off in my memory—but the gist is that he watched someone ask to speak with faculty, and the admin staff were clearly brushing him off. From behind, the guy sounded reasonable, and Cole wondered why they were stonewalling him. Then the man turned to leave, and Cole noticed his glasses were literally held together with duct tape, and it became apparent the staff had seen this movie before. The point is: if you work at one of these institutions, self-styled theorists will approach you periodically with “insane” theories.

When I edited Noesis, there was a retired high-school teacher from Florida who would send in a new article every month “disproving Einstein.” I would not even read them—same pattern, same energy—and sometimes I would publish them just out of laziness, because I did not want to spend the time explaining, yet again, why I was not going to run somebody’s nonsense.

Baez’s crackpot index is basically a points system—dozens of items—where you give yourself points for various red-flag behaviours and claims, and the more points you rack up, the more likely it is that you are a crackpot. And of course, a genuine crackpot would not take the test seriously—they would say it is suppressive nonsense designed to discourage them.

Jacobsen: There is a common joke about students who go to writing-essay help or SAT prep: it is often not the ones who need it least. Similarly, with people taking the crackpot test, the very act of taking it shows at least a little self-criticism—and the ability not to be a crackpot. It is almost a litmus test.

Rosner: The people who need to take the test will not take the test. But the test is also an indicator of where you are relative to the “sweet spot” of actually coming up with new science. The people who come up with new science are not necessarily in the thick of everyday, meat-and-potatoes science.

If you are going to work every day at, say, the National Bureau of Standards—now NIST—or NOAA in Boulder, Colorado, or at NCAR up the hill from NOAA, and you are working on something like calibrating an atomic clock, you are doing serious, essential work. And when something goes wrong, it can be dramatic in that world. 

There was a significant power outage in Boulder recently, and if a timing lab loses power, you can lose continuity and have to re-establish traceability. These clocks are generally accurate to absurdly small fractions of a second, nanoseconds and beyond, so even tiny disruptions matter.

Jacobsen: Do you want to go into the trisectors of Chris Cole?

Rosner: So, “trisectors” are people who try to use geometric methods—straightedge and compass, in the classic version—to trisect any possible angle, even though it has been proven that you cannot do that in general using only those tools. I tried it in junior high because I was a dumb, nerdy kid who didn’t know any of this. It seems like, “Sure—why would we not be able to do it?” I remember working with a friend, and we thought we had it. And you can trisect certain angles; you cannot trisect every angle with those classical constraints. Anyway, trisectors are one species of deluded try-hard. What does Chris Cole say about them?

Jacobsen: If they are trisectors, and he can speak for himself, the general indication is that there is a long history of cranks along those lines: trisectors as one example, but in the broader category and across a wider span of time. There are contemporary forms of that, too. 

I will frame that as a different category of analysis: you have formal communities built around this stuff, but it is not built around a personality. So you have the Flat Earth Society and various informal groups. Then you have other cases where it is built around a personality, and they claim to have some theory, and it is more informal than the structure you find in a Flat Earth Society. They have conferences, membership dues, and stuff, right? So how would you distinguish those?

Rosner: From having had a little contact with this flat-earther lady, I can see that somebody in the flat-earth community has already addressed any objection you could raise. They have a very elaborate account of how a “flat earth” is supposed to work—how the world is contained in some… not the universe, but the world. Do you know what cavitation is?

Jacobsen: Cavitation is when vapour bubbles form in a liquid due to pressure changes and then collapse—often violently—creating shock waves. It can occur during impacts in water from asteroids, where bubble collapse can send pulses outward.

Rosner: I was thinking more of cavitation in the sense that a boat propeller spins so fast it creates low-pressure vapour bubbles—so it is partly spinning in vapour instead of “grabbing” water efficiently. I may not have that exactly right, but anyway: flat-earthers will claim their model involves things like cavitation.

Then all the usual questions come up—why captains do not run into “the edge,” why planes do not, what about pilots, what about astronauts seeing curvature—and everything gets explained away with either weird pseudo-science or a conspiracy to cover up the truth. There is literally nothing you can bring up that they do not have an answer for. And that is the problem: they believe crazy nonsense, and they are bulletproof. They are impervious to persuasion.

They even use complicated reasoning. It is dumb, but it is elaborate. When you have to invoke concepts like cavitation, something I do not even fully understand, to “explain” the flat Earth, and these lunatics insist this is how it works… how do you fight that?

Jacobsen: It depends on how you do it. There are bad ways and good ways. I am more familiar with the bad ways, because there are more ways to do it badly.

One bad way is: with deeply entrenched, sufficiently intelligent people, if you provide evidence and reasoning against their belief, they will generate more sophisticated reasoning to counter you, which can further reinforce what they already believe. So it gets complicated. That is a bad approach.

Better approaches are: start early, teach critical thinking, and build good epistemic habits. Also, some prominent people who believed in conspiracies, including flat-earth-type views, have gotten out of them. Some former believers become effective advocates afterward. One of my interviewees, for example, became a very effective vaccine advocate and has debated some of the worst anti-vaccine figures who peddle misinformation for money—people whose influence likely contributed to real harm.

Rosner: There are prominent examples. There are former January 6 participants—“J6ers”—like Pam Hemphill, the so-called “MAGA grandma,” who flipped. She saw the light, and now she is very active in saying, “I used to be one of these lunatics. I came around. Now I see it was bullshit.” I love people like that.

Some of my favourite people on X are former MAGA types—former staunch Republicans—who might still be Republican, but have decided the MAGA thing is not for them.

Kaitlan Collins is a CNN anchor and reporter who recently ran afoul of Trump. She asked him about Epstein-related material, and he responded by attacking her personally—comments about her demeanour, saying he has known her for years and has never seen her smile, calling her a “nasty” reporter, that kind of thing.

Collins started her journalism career at The Daily Caller, which is a pretty despicable right-wing outlet. She may still be a Republican—anchors usually do not advertise personal politics—but she is clearly situated in that part of the spectrum while still seeing what is in front of her and recognizing that Trump is, in my view, a piece of shit. I love people like that.

Rick Wilson is a longtime Republican strategist and a prominent anti-Trump voice. Joe Walsh is another example—he was a Republican congressman and later MAGA-adjacent, and then he turned hard against it. I get frustrated with X with the people who have not.

When dictators take over a country, they sometimes round up elites and send them to “re-education” camps. Mao’s China had systems like that, often brutal. Pol Pot in Cambodia took it to an extreme—re-education and death camps. Seeing the lunatics on X, my dictatorial tendencies surface, and I think: Jesus—part of me wishes we could throw you into a camp for a couple of months and force-feed you alternative information. So it is good that I am not a dictator. It is good I am not a cop. I have seen my own tendencies. I might get a little crazy with power.

Jacobsen: Road rage, Rick.

Rosner: I have less road rage now, because you cannot fight City Hall. If everybody is driving like shit, you cannot get mad at everybody. It becomes structural.

You cannot get mad at every American for being overweight, because it is a large majority, so it is not just a moral failure of individuals; it is built into how we live. You cannot get mad at individual people for having normal reactions to the world we are in.

I used to get more mad at drivers when it was just a few individual dickheads. Now that everybody is a dickhead, I have to get angry at the world instead of at individuals.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1619: Trump “Ape Clip,” Social Media Chaos, and Performative Outrage

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/07

How do accidental uploads, media incentives, and social-media feedback loops turn political scandal into a performative scoreboard—and what actually matters when the dust settles?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss a racist “ape” trope video that circulated via Trump’s social media, the administration’s shifting explanations, and why the response often matters more than the technical cause. Rosner argues politics has become “sportified,” rewarding gotcha moments and outrage that plays well to one’s side. He contrasts how montage tactics operate across news and comedy ecosystems, and how constant visibility can protect Trump while limited exposure hurt Biden. They also explore elite detachment, inequality narratives, and how social media accelerates coordination, isolation, and identity signaling—making chaos feel like a feature, not a bug.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Elon Musk previously posted on X a claim suggesting that the reason the Epstein files have not been fully released is that Trump is in them. He did not provide evidence for the claim, and he later deleted the post. More recently, Trump’s account shared a post that circulated a racist depiction involving Barack and Michelle Obama.

Rick Rosner: The night before last, Trump was posting heavily on Truth Social, in a late-night spree. One post involved a video in which a racist trope appeared—depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as primates. People noticed within hours, and the backlash intensified as it spread. 

After the reaction grew, the White House blamed it on a staff error, and many people did not accept that explanation. Then Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the episode as humour and urged people to focus on other issues, which further inflamed criticism. Afterward, some commentators argued that the clip may have been appended unintentionally—essentially, that Trump posted one video and a few seconds of the following queued clip appeared at the end, possibly because he did not review the complete upload before posting. 

Even if that technical explanation is plausible, the larger issue became the administration’s response: instead of clearly explaining what happened, they first blamed a staffer and then minimized the racist content. The White House also described it as a parody, including comparisons to The Lion King, which critics rejected.

Jacobsen: Are there prominent political figures or commentators, comedians and others who identify as Democrats and express outrage in an exaggerated, performative way, at least in the moment?

Rosner: With the sportification of politics, there is a lot of “gotcha” behaviour—people playing to their own side, escalating the performance, and treating reactions like points on a scoreboard.

The fact that this video went up is a huge “gotcha” moment: Trump’s Truth Social account posted a racist video depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as apes. That is concerning because it signals chaos and reinforces the perception that his supporters will excuse anything. 

However, in this instance, Republican officials—including prominent lawmakers—publicly condemned the post and called for it to be removed, and it was eventually taken down. Reporting afterward also described a plausible “accidental append” scenario, in which the offensive seconds appeared at the end of a different video being posted, which lowers my level of outrage from my first reaction. But most people have not seen that analysis; they see “Trump posted a video portraying the Obamas as apes,” full stop.

The Trump administration is often characterized by high media play layered over a kind of brewing chaos. This ecosystem makes sense for a reality-TV-style presidency, where attention is a currency. Trump has repeatedly cared about audience metrics, including publicly touting television ratings during the COVID-19 briefing era.

Jacobsen: So people do not have time in this maelstrom to comment accurately or clearly—there is no time, right?

Rosner: That is where Obama and Biden often got “played.” Biden’s team limited exposure for long stretches, and right-wing media frequently used short, unfavourable clips—especially stumbles—to build damaging montages.

That tactic has been a staple in American politics for a long time. Jon Stewart and The Daily Show also helped popularize the montage format in a different register—comedy—where the point is satire rather than straight news framing.

Jacobsen: So one big difference is that Republicans do it on news shows, and Democrats mostly do it on comedy shows and through commentators. That is an important distinction, but both sides do it. One is more appropriate than the other if done consistently. 

Rosner: Yes—both do it, but the context matters. A clip montage is, by design, cherry-picking: you select the worst moments of your opponents. Biden did little to counter that narrative; he might have benefited from more frequent public appearances and from openly owning his age and speech issues. Trump, by contrast, is constantly in public and continually talking—often recklessly—but it energizes his base. Biden could go weeks or months between interviews.

Obama, meanwhile, was invested in being “no drama” and in playing by the norms, even when opponents did not. The most notorious example is the Merrick Garland Supreme Court nomination, when Mitch McConnell refused to proceed with hearings. There were more aggressive procedural options Obama might have attempted, but he avoided them, likely to prevent escalation and institutional rancour, while the other side was already comfortable with escalation.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk about how detached American elites can be from the consequences of the decisions they make, or something else?

Rosner: The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 50,000 yesterday for the first time, and the White House celebrated it publicly.

Meanwhile, on job creation, total payroll employment rose by 584,000 in 2025, which is extremely weak by modern standards. Whatever the precise causes, the pattern looks like an economy that is doing well for asset-holders and much less well for everyone else.

Anyway, when something like the Obama “ape” clip happens, it is awful—but it also exposes incompetence. People compare the Trump administration to early-1930s Germany, and that comparison has limits. For one thing, the U.S. is larger and more diverse than Germany was then.

Second, we have historical memory: fascism is not a new, untested brand; it is a known toxin. Third—and this matters—the Nazis were methodical about disguising what they were doing. Modern politics is messier, and social media makes concealment harder.

Jacobsen: What about the argument that social media itself drives some of this?

Rosner: Social media makes it easier for bad actors and lunatics to find each other and coordinate. I use the John Birch Society as a contrast: in the 1950s and 60s, recruiting and internal communication were slow and expensive—mail, local meetings, limited long-distance calling. Today, fringe movements can exchange more messages in a minute than earlier groups could exchange in weeks.

The other problem is social isolation. Many people now get most of their messaging through phones, feeds, and partisan media, instead of regular face-to-face friction with neighbours who will tell you, “You’re full of it.” That everyday reality-check is weaker than it used to be, and the result is stronger “news bubbles,” stronger identity signalling, and faster escalation.

I am not in that much of a bubble, because I do the “Lance versus Rick” thing—Lance is a hardcore MAGA guy. So I hear the other side in far more detail than I would prefer. Go ahead.

Jacobsen: You two talk about each other in extreme terms quite often. I am there to witness it as a third party and as a foreigner—generationally, nationally, and geographically removed. So, what are some things you and Lance agree on, and what are some things you disagree about?

Rosner: Most of our disagreements are political. Outside of that, we overlap in a bunch of ways. Lance is an outstanding artist—an excellent artist—, and he has spent his life practicing his craft. We both appreciate aesthetics.

He is also something of a writer. His father was a screenwriter. Lance says he won an Academy Award, so we both appreciate literature and entertainment. That said, it is probably harder to be MAGA and also be a heavy entertainment consumer at this point, because politics bleeds into everything.

Lance loves amusement parks. I am not a huge fan. But broadly, outside politics, we both appreciate the world, and we can have non-hostile discussions about plenty of nonpolitical things. Lance is more spiritual than I am. I am more science-oriented. Lance believes in various things I call mysticism, but we do not fight about that. It is more “to each his own.”

On the “bubble” question: I am an American, which means my exposure to world news and events is not great. If I wanted to be better informed, I would probably watch the BBC or Al Jazeera. When I remember to, I do, but I forget where they are in my channel lineup.

Jacobsen: Plus, there is just a lot going on.

Rosner: Right. So, in terms of what I post about, I would rather post some Trump outrage than wade into a full-scale rant about everything else.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1618: Kennedy Center Dispute and Why Structure Makes Political Podcasts Less Miserable

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/05

How Did Rick Rosner Turn the Kennedy Center Controversy Into a “Spearmint Rhino” Satire—and What Did He Learn About Making a Political Podcast Work?

Rick Rosner explains the Kennedy Center’s role as a national performing-arts venue and the public dispute that followed Donald Trump’s late-2025 move to reshape its governance and attach his name to the institution. Rosner notes artist cancellations and Trump’s announcement of a roughly two-year closure beginning July 4, 2026, framed as needed renovations—an argument critics challenge given the Center’s 2019, roughly $250 million expansion. Rosner then pivots to humor, describing a parody tweet renaming the venue “Rick G. Rosner City of Industry Spearmint Rhino.” He also reflects on podcast lessons: structure, time limits, and additional voices reduce chaos, but limited staff constrains polish.

Rick Rosner: All right. The Kennedy Center is the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington, D.C.—a major national venue for high-end performing arts, roughly in the Lincoln Center category. It also hosts the Kennedy Center Honors, an annual event recognizing five honorees for lifetime contributions to American culture through the performing arts.

After Trump returned to office, he moved to take control of the institution’s governance, and the Kennedy Center’s board voted in late 2025 to add his name to the Center. That move was publicly contested, including questions about whether a congressionally established memorial can be renamed without legislative approval. Following this, multiple artists canceled appearances. Trump then announced that the Kennedy Center would close for about two years starting July 4, 2026, for major renovations, describing the building as dilapidated.

That claim is disputed. The building opened in 1971 and prominently uses Carrara marble donated by Italy. In 2019, the Center completed a major expansion costing roughly $250 million, largely funded through private donations. Critics point to that recent renovation in rejecting the claim that the facility is in serious disrepair.

One of my recurring jokes on Twitter is to recast events like this. So my tweet announced the closure of the newly renamed “Rick G. Rosner City of Industry Spearmint Rhino” for renovation—with an asterisk.

Jacobsen: What does the “G” stand for?

Rosner: Gerald. I was born in 1960, so I have one of those time-bound names that is no longer common. My mother’s middle name was Myrna, after Myrna Loy. The asterisk meant that I was not closing the place because I am a terrible person for whom no strippers will work. Spearmint Rhino is a well-known chain of strip clubs. It is a lame joke, but the structure is the same.

Jacobsen: What were your big lessons from the podcast the other night?

Rosner: I think the podcast works best when each side can make legitimate points that are not based on nonsense. I believe my points are generally less distorted. In the current environment, the right tends to rely more on misrepresentation. That said, Lance did find places where he could make points without misrepresenting the facts. Most of the points I make are backed by evidence. As a show, it works when it gives people legitimate ideas to explore or think about. That said, this assumes the show works at all, which is a big assumption. 

Jacobsen: Earlier versions of the show were much more chaotic. Over time, an evolving set of tacit rules has emerged, even though those rules are sometimes broken. As the boundaries become more consistently enforced, it allows you and Lance—when you get into shouting matches—to be more balanced.

Even the other night’s episode had a sharp rise in tension where things felt awkward. As it went on, the exchange became more back-and-forth and more balanced, with honest opinions being taken into account. Having an outside perspective helps. Cassidy, having her involved also helped. When it was just the two of you, the show felt torrid. Now it feels more controlled.

Rosner: We used to have no time limits, and we would yell at each other for up to two hours. When I started the show, I thought it would be funny to have a naked guy yelling about politics with a naked model. I never went fully naked, because that would not have worked on YouTube, but I was shirtless. It turned out not to be funny at all. It was miserable.

You are right that shortening it, breaking it up, and adding structure makes it less miserable. Having voices of reason, like yours, helps ground it. We are doing this with half a dozen people, but producing a well-run, consistently entertaining show usually takes dozens of people.

There are podcasts that manage with fewer people, but when I think about my time in late night television, Jimmy Kimmel Live! has more than 250 employees and support staff. We do not. As a result, what goes out is less polished and less entertaining. Mark is our producer, but the operation is still very laissez-faire.

To improve, we would need a producer to step in and analyze what works. Our viewership does not justify that. If we had 10,000, 20,000, or 50,000 viewers, it might justify bringing in a company. Some shows—Call Her Daddy, for example—were picked up by major podcasting companies. We do not have the audience size to justify that, though it would be nice.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1617: High-Range IQ Tests in the AI Era: Mega Test, SAT, and Measuring g

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/03

How has the Mega Test held up over time as an attempt to measure something like g at the far right tail, and how should we think about that question now that AI tools and constant device use have changed the cognitive environment so dramatically?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss whether “high-range” IQ tests like Ronald K. Hoeflin’s Mega Test still measure g meaningfully after decades of public circulation and the rise of AI tools that make many items searchable or solvable by machines. They examine how IQ testing began with Binet’s educational aims, how standardization can imply false precision, and how device-coupled cognition reshapes what “ability” even means. The conversation ranges from SAT/ACT test-optional policies and labor-market turbulence to ethical misuse of group IQ claims and the limited talent-search value of niche extreme-tail testing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: One thing I wanted to get your take on concerns the “penetrating cubes” problem on the Mega Test, which has often been described—by people who have taken the test—as one of its most difficult items.

For those who do not know, the Mega Test was created by Ronald K. Hoeflin, the founder of the Mega Society. The Mega Test was published in Omni magazine in April 1985, which means its questions have been publicly available for decades.

The Mega Society remains active and publishes material. The Society’s own account also notes that the Mega Test became “compromised” in the practical sense—meaning that discussion and answer-sharing made later scores unreliable—and it states that scores after 1994 are not accepted for that test.

Relatedly, Hoeflin also created the Titan Test; the Mega Society reports that the Titan Test was likewise compromised and was retired in 2020 for that reason.

Rick Rosner: So, when we say “compromised,” we are not making a mysterious claim. We mean that the content has been publicly available long enough for solutions and partial solutions to circulate, and that modern search tools make some item types easier to solve than they were in the 1980s.

Jacobsen: Before we get to the main point, I want to clarify terminology. In that community, people sometimes say “ultra-high IQ tests,” but I prefer “high-range tests,” because it avoids assuming the instrument is cleanly measuring IQ in the standard psychometric sense. The question of whether such tests measure g—general cognitive ability—at the extreme right tail remains contested, especially given their unsupervised, untimed nature and reliance on specialized reasoning.

With that framing in place: how do you think the Mega Test has held up over time as an attempt to measure something like g at the far right tail? And how should we think about that question now that AI tools and constant device use have changed the cognitive environment so dramatically?

Rick Rosner: The smartphone era effectively began with the introduction of the Apple iPhone in 2007, and the broader point is that people now carry an information portal almost all the time—something that simply was not true in the 1990s and earlier.

For most of human history, people relied largely on their own mental resources on a moment-to-moment basis. You could go to a library, look things up, or consult an expert, but in everyday life, during most waking hours, you were using the resources available in your own brain. Now we are tightly coupled to devices, which changes that fundamentally.

Even if there were no problems with IQ measurement before, there certainly are now, and those problems will grow in the future—assuming IQ remains something we even care about—because we are becoming increasingly intertwined with thinking devices. That forces us to step back and ask why IQ was measured in the first place.

As we have discussed many times, intelligence testing originated with Alfred Binet. The original goal was practical: to identify which children needed additional educational support and which might benefit from more advanced material. That was the core purpose. Later, Lewis Terman, working in California, adapted Binet’s work and helped formalize the scoring system that centered intelligence scores around a mean of 100.

That standardization was based largely on population norms drawn from Western populations, including British samples, which served as an early reference point. Everything became relative to that average. The use of a 100-point mean gives IQ tests a sense of numerical precision that they do not truly possess.

You could just as easily define a scale with a mean of 1,000, giving more digits and the illusion of greater precision. On such a scale, someone with an IQ of 1,005 would not meaningfully differ from someone with an IQ of 997, beyond statistical noise and chance. Even on a 100-point scale, there is a degree of artificial exactness that overstates what these tests can reliably distinguish.

As we move into the future, there probably should be some measure of how well people are functioning in the world we actually inhabit and the world we are moving toward. There is a great deal that is currently broken in educational systems. In the United States, college enrollment declined by roughly 15 percent between 2010 and 2022. Much of that decline appears to have been among men. University enrollment is now close to 60–40 female-to-male, though the exact ratio varies by institution and country.

Boys and young men are being left behind in multiple ways. At the same time, there is a growing anti-elitist distrust of authority and expertise in American culture, which is deeply corrosive. With AI steadily eroding traditional entry-level and white-collar jobs, the outlook for recent graduates is increasingly bleak.

According to the same reporting, many current graduates struggle to secure internships while still in school and cannot find stable employment after graduating. The unemployment rate among recent college graduates is now around 5.8 percent, which is substantially higher than historical norms and roughly double the rate for older graduates. That signals a serious structural problem rather than a temporary fluctuation.

The idea that college will reliably pay for itself through higher wages is now open to question and will likely become even more so. The bigger question is how people get jobs at all anymore, aside from precarious freelance work like Uber Eats or platforms such as OnlyFans.

AI cannot fully replace some of those roles—although, to be clear, there is already a large amount of AI-generated pornography. What AI cannot yet offer consumers is the perceived thrill of a real person exposing themselves. OnlyFans reportedly has millions of creators posting largely sexualized content, and obviously, none of that requires a college degree.

There is a great deal of turmoil in education and in how we think about skills and competence, and that turmoil is going to increase. Somewhere in that chaos is a serious question: do we need a tool for measuring how well people can actually navigate the modern world?

When IQ testing was taken very seriously—say, around 1960—the assumption was that IQ captured something close to everything. It was treated as a general indicator of intelligence and, by extension, of success in life. That assumption no longer holds. The real question now is what people actually need to function and succeed, and how—if at all—you would measure that.

Jacobsen: I think there are at least two rough dimensions when it comes to analytic intelligence. First, there is a functional floor. Most people I have met throughout my life are above that floor. It is very rare to encounter someone who simply cannot operate in the world at all.

When I worked with a special-needs child, I took him to the PNE in Vancouver. He was in a wheelchair, and I was pushing him around. He saw the roller coaster, paused, pointed, and said, “Train.” Functionally the same concept and object to him, roller coaster and freight train. 

Rosner: I have also worked with special-needs individuals in volunteer settings. 

Jacobsen: “Special needs” is simply a neutral way of describing noticeable gaps in function. It is not a judgment; it is a description of the constraints someone lives with. Even so, people with special needs often retain meaningful areas of functionality. Kim Peek, for example, is a well-known case of extreme cognitive strengths coexisting with serious deficits.

Rosner: What you are getting at, I think, is that most people fall within a relatively narrow band of basic cognitive functionality. It is similar to physical organs. Everyone has a heart, kidneys, and a liver, and while there is variation, especially as people age, among those under 50 or 60 it is rare to find someone with a profoundly defective organ. Evolution imposes a kind of quality control. The same is broadly true of brains. There is a minimum level of cognitive functionality that allows someone to exist in the world. Finding someone who falls below that threshold is unusual.

Jacobsen: Once you are above that minimum, what matters next is sustained investment of time and effort. Even an associate’s or bachelor’s degree in a field—assuming the person is a serious student rather than disengaged—can make a large difference. That applies equally to manual disciplines like piano or carpentry and to more abstract ones like history or literature. That is where you begin to see meaningful differentiation in expertise and capability.

You can see people develop along one vertical or one lateral dimension and go extremely far in that direction. In the future, AI verticals will almost certainly exceed our laterals’ verticals in every domain of intelligence. But once a basic cognitive floor is met, specialization is where domain expertise really emerges.

Some people have very broad capabilities—Terence Tao is an obvious example—but generally what you see is specialization. That specialization does involve IQ, but it is often more revealing and more useful as a composite of personality traits layered on top of IQ. Those combinations are what lead to very high levels of real-world functionality. We tend to label those people “geniuses” occasionally because they are solving real-world problems that no IQ test item has ever come close to approximating.

So my question for you is this: do we need formal measures at all, or is the real test simply putting people into roles and seeing how they perform? The deeper question is always, “to what end?” Are the investments of time and resources into measurement justified by the goals being pursued?

For people who are deeply invested in IQ combined with racial pseudoscience, those investments feel justified because they want a rationale for their perceived group superiority.

Rosner: That is an illegitimate and deeply troubling motivation. Anyone who talks seriously about the IQ of groups is almost always advancing a racist or otherwise anti-humanist agenda.

Jacobsen: The contrast I want to draw is this: consider someone like Charles Murray. One of my former psychology professors—who had scored perfectly on the verbal, quantitative, and analytical sections of the GRE—made an important observation about Murray’s work. Even if you grant, for the sake of argument, that Murray’s strongest empirical claims were true, the ethical conclusion would be the opposite of Murray’s own. It would imply a greater obligation to invest resources and support into people who struggle, not less.

Murray’s argument, by contrast, has often been interpreted as a reason to withdraw support, under the logic that there is little that can be done. That is a moral failure, not a scientific one.

If we return to evidence-based science and evidence-based use of cognitive measurement, the most defensible application is the original and genuinely humane one: identifying who needs help. That might mean extra educational support, targeted instruction, or recognizing that someone is particularly strong in areas like mathematics or reading. It might also mean identifying where learning simply is not clicking—when someone can see the symbols in a math equation or a foreign language but cannot grasp the underlying operations or structure.

Rosner: From that perspective, we may not need extensive formal testing at all. As education becomes fully technologized—with teachers still present, but students interacting continuously with adaptive digital systems—those systems will be able to track performance statistically and dynamically. They will be able to identify where each learner is, most of the time, without relying on blunt, one-off tests.

Another factor is that during COVID, the SAT and ACT largely disappeared. The SAT, in particular, functions as a rough IQ surrogate and as a predictor of college performance based on academic ability.

There has long been an argument that adding SAT scores to an application does not significantly improve predictive accuracy beyond what is already captured by grades, coursework, and recommendations. During the pandemic, thousands of U.S. colleges dropped the requirement and made the tests optional because in-person group testing was impractical. After COVID subsided, many schools reinstated them, at least partially. But the question remains: do they actually add much value?

In practice, they do not add very much, especially given the time investment required if you are not naturally strong at standardized testing. For years, the College Board claimed that you could not study for the SAT because it measured inherent ability, like an IQ test. That turned out not to be true. You can study for the SAT, but doing so often requires dozens of practice tests and hundreds of hours—time that could be better spent learning substantive material.

That seems like a poor trade-off: investing enormous effort to optimize performance on a narrow test rather than acquiring real knowledge or skills. For highly selective schools, it is not even clear that the payoff exists. An ACT score below roughly 33 or 34 out of 36 does not help much at Ivy League–level institutions, where a large fraction of applicants have perfect or near-perfect scores. The same applies to the SAT, where perhaps a quarter of applicants have perfect scores and many more cluster just below that.

That was not always the case. In the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, only a handful of students nationwide achieved perfect SAT scores in a given year. A perfect score once carried enormous signaling value. Today, with score compression at the top, that signal has largely evaporated. In that context, it can make more sense simply not to submit scores at all when they are optional.

Jacobsen: This brings us back to the original question about high-range tests like the Mega Test. How well has that approach held up over time? And what should we make of attempts to use SAT-based items—often drawn from older versions of the test, such as the 1995 SAT—to construct IQ-like measures aimed at the extreme right tail, sometimes described as four standard deviations above the mean or more, roughly one in 31,560 people or above?

Rosner: Some members of the Mega Society have argued that these kinds of tests could identify highly intelligent individuals who were missed by conventional educational talent searches. The education system is supposed to function as a meritocratic filter, but it often fails. There are people who are genuinely very intelligent yet lack other traits—social conformity, organizational skills, stable family support, or conventional motivation—that allow them to excel in school.

These individuals may be eccentric, neurodivergent, or simply mismatched with institutional expectations. The argument is that high-range tests might surface those overlooked cases. I am, in some sense, one of those people.

He found at least several people that way, and that is one legitimate purpose of these tests. That person has also been working with others to try to develop new, extremely difficult tests in this vein—tests that cannot easily be gamed.

Part of the problem with the Mega Test and the Titan Test was that aspirants and outright fraudsters looked for shortcuts. They searched the internet for solutions and tried to inflate their scores artificially. There has been a history, not just with these tests but with others as well, of people fraudulently claiming extraordinarily high scores, sometimes with partial success.

In the grand scheme of things, this is not a major problem. It is personally irritating to see someone claim a statistically impossible IQ score and be taken seriously, but it does not have large real-world consequences. No one is being made prime minister of a country on that basis. At worst, someone might get invited to give a talk here or there. It is not a crisis.

If the goal is to find undiscovered talent, however, you want to cast a wide net. That has always been a weakness of these tests. They require a very high time commitment. The person in the Mega Society working on this problem is trying to design a test that reaches very high levels without requiring people to spend 120 hours grinding through extremely difficult problems.

Even so, the Mega Test—the most widely taken high-range test—was probably attempted only about 5,000 times in its entire history. Roughly 4,000 people took it through Omni magazine, a few hundred took it before that, and there has been a slow trickle since. That is an extremely narrow sample and a poor way to identify talent at scale.

I tend to think of high-range IQ testing as a kind of sport that very few people play. It is like the World’s Strongest Man competition. Billions of people try to get stronger through exercise, but only a tiny fraction compete in elite strength sports. Compared to football, basketball, or soccer, powerlifting attracts a very small population.

IQ testing at the extreme right tail is even more niche. It is a strange little sport, played by perhaps one hundred-thousandth the number of people who engage with major athletic competitions. At this point, with individual intelligence increasingly intertwined with—and often overshadowed by—technologically assisted intelligence, you would have to convince me that there is still a compelling use for this entire IQ-testing subculture. That remains an open question.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1616: Bouncing, Barroom Safety, and Preventing Predation in America’s Largest Beer Gardens

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/01

What happened during Rick’s time as a bouncer as possibly America’s biggest bar?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about his years as a bouncer and doorman at massive, high-volume bars, including a five-acre beer garden in Boulder that once served 50,000 drinks in a single day. Rosner describes the scale, chaos, and unexpected satisfactions of the job, particularly his focus on identifying fake IDs and removing underage patrons. Reflecting on the broader impact, he argues this work likely prevented dozens of sexual assaults by keeping vulnerable minors away from repeat predators. The conversation situates bar security as an overlooked form of harm prevention, grounded in experience rather than bravado.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any thoughts on your time as a bouncer/doorman at the largest bar in the United States?

Rick Rosner: From 1981 to about 1986, I worked as a bouncer and doorman at what was essentially the largest bar in the United States, and possibly the world. It was a five-acre, roughly 200,000-square-foot beer garden in Boulder, Colorado, located in the crook of an L-shaped hotel called the Harvest House.

The venue had fifteen separate bars—what they called pouring stations. For a time, it held the world record for the most drinks served in a single day: about 50,000. On summer Fridays, around 2,000 people would show up. On football Saturdays, when the Colorado Buffaloes played at home, as many as 10,000 people would come into the garden—Anthony’s Gardens at the Harvest House—after the game.

The security staff consisted of roughly 20 to 24 bouncers. It was chaotic, intense, and genuinely fun.

I later worked at another enormous bar, the Sagebrush Cantina in Calabasas, on the outskirts of Los Angeles. That place would draw around 2,000 people on a typical Sunday.

Compared to the other bouncers, I was not as large or physically imposing, so some of them thought of me as a strange outlier, sometimes dismissively, depending on whether they were complete assholes or not. My primary focus was identifying fake IDs, which I genuinely enjoyed. Over about 25 years working as a bouncer, I caught roughly 6,000 people using fake IDs. I also dealt with another 6,000 people who managed to sneak in.

That was especially common at the beer garden. At roughly 200,000 square feet, it had an enormous perimeter and plenty of opportunities to slip inside. Because it was part of a hotel, anyone with a ground-floor room could simply walk out the back door and enter the garden without being carded. Then I had to go find them. Despite all that, it was fun.

This line of thinking started a couple of weeks ago when Lance accused me on our show of not caring about rape because I am a liberal. That is a garbage argument. He believes rapists should be executed. Fine—that is his position. But that does not mean that everyone else who disagrees is weak or indifferent. It is another one of his arguments that seems to come straight from podcasts rather than from serious thought.

Over the past few weeks, I have reflected on the fact that I have probably prevented more sexual assaults than Lance ever has, simply because I removed underage people from bars. One of the major risks for underage patrons in clubs and bars is being targeted successfully by predatory adults.

If you do some simple math, out of the roughly 12,000 underage people I removed, perhaps 7,000 were women. If even half of one percent of those women—one in 200—would have ended up in a sexual encounter they did not want had they been allowed to stay, that adds up. I saw the same predators in my bars night after night. Adult women generally had enough experience to avoid them. Underage women were far more vulnerable.

Dividing 7,000 by 200 suggests that I may have prevented several dozen sexual assaults. Meanwhile, Lance presents himself as tough on rapists—except when the alleged rapist happens to be a president he supports. That inconsistency speaks for itself.

Changing topics. You look tired. It must be around seven in the morning where you are. All right.

One more topic, because I am apparently a lunatic. For the past four months, I have been working out seven or eight times a day, doing short sets of weight-bearing exercise roughly once an hour. I read a claim online that resistance training does more for the body than any supplement, and that seemed plausible to me. Being in better physical condition improves overall bodily function, and there may also be epigenetic effects.

That led me to wonder: if working out once a day has positive effects, what happens if you do it all day, every day? So I have been experimenting with that approach. I do not know what the outcome will be. We will see.

Jacobsen: What do you think about the recent dispute between Carney and Trump?

Rosner: We do not get as much coverage of this in the United States as you do in Canada, because Trump antagonizing Canada is just one of more than a dozen major ways in which Trump antagonizes other countries. In any dispute between Trump and virtually any other world leader—aside from governments that are themselves openly hostile or authoritarian—I generally assume the other leader is not the problem.

I say that because, over the past year, Trump has been targeting Canada for no legitimate reason. He has done so through tariffs and alleged border issues. Nothing significant comes across the northern border. We do not get fentanyl from Canada. We get roughly two hundred times as much fentanyl across the southern border. We do not get undocumented immigrants from Canada. There is no rational basis for conflict.

We should not be clashing with Canada at all. We should be maintaining friendly relations, because doing so benefits both countries. In general terms, I do not know every specific detail of what Trump has done in this particular dispute, but I am confident that he is the instigator. At various points, reports mentioned tariffs of 50 percent, then 100 percent.

I have interviewed economists about this, and one consistent point is that beyond a certain level, tariffs exhibit diminishing returns as punishment or deterrence. After a point, there is no meaningful difference between an 80 percent tariff and a 300 percent tariff. Trump has been in office for just over a year, and after a year of tariffs, the U.S. balance of trade is worse than it was before. He did not fix anything. He damaged a great deal.

He also significantly harmed U.S. relationships with the rest of the world. The balance of trade simply reflects whether a country exports as much as it imports. The United States runs a trade deficit because it is a wealthy country with a high standard of living. We buy many goods from abroad because other countries can manufacture them more cheaply. Our economy is primarily service-based.

Trump wants to turn the United States back into a manufacturing economy. Tariffs are not going to accomplish that, as the past year has already demonstrated. The tariffs did not fix anything.

Many of the tariffs are indefensible. You might be able to justify a few of them, but most are simply irrational. Tariffs on coffee are a good example. There is no large-scale domestic coffee industry in the United States. A small amount may be grown in limited regions, but the U.S. climate does not support coffee production at scale the way South American countries do. Imposing tariffs on coffee does not create a domestic coffee industry. It only raises prices. Many of the tariffs follow this same logic.

Trump is profoundly incompetent. One additional point: millions of pages from the Epstein files have been released, though roughly half remain withheld without a clear explanation. There is no conclusive evidence in the released material that Trump sexually assaulted underage girls. However, Trump appears in the released files more than a thousand times—across emails, references, and accusations.

In previously released emails, Epstein himself described Trump as extraordinarily unintelligent. Epstein, for all his criminal behavior, was not stupid, and he appeared both astonished and offended by Trump’s lack of intelligence. That assessment is consistent with Trump’s governing style and strategic thinking.

Trump frequently emphasizes that he attended Wharton. More precisely, he graduated from the University of Pennsylvania and studied at the Wharton School, which is the university’s economics program.

If you say you went to Wharton, that normally means you earned an MBA from the Wharton School. Trump did not do that. He took economics classes there as an undergraduate. In that sense, he is misrepresenting his credentials. One of his professors at Wharton, now deceased, famously said that Trump was the worst student he had ever taught.

What Trump is doing with Canada is therefore astonishingly stupid. Canada has not been belligerent toward the United States. Like any country, Canada may have periodic disagreements with its neighbor, but the relationship has been friendly since the end of the War of 1812. Trump is actively undermining that relationship for no rational reason.

Jacobsen: Do you think humans have evolved toward a preference for certain body types, particularly more curvaceous forms? What would evolutionary psychology suggest about that?

Rosner: Humans have evolved pronounced secondary sexual characteristics. Most animals do not have features analogous to human breasts. Human women have relatively large breasts compared to other mammals. One common hypothesis is that because humans engage in face-to-face sexual activity, visible secondary sexual characteristics evolved to signal reproductive fitness from the front. In many other animals, sexual signaling is oriented toward the rear because mating occurs from behind, and the posterior conveys information about reproductive health.

In humans, a range of traits appear to have evolved in service of sexual attraction. That seems broadly correct.

Let me raise another topic. A friend of mine from X—Mike Hentrich, or Hentstrich—has been thinking about developing a new scale of intelligence suited to the modern world. I think that is an interesting and legitimate idea.

IQ, to the extent that it matters, was developed largely to identify educational needs. People with lower IQ scores often require specific forms of educational support, while people with higher scores may need different kinds of intellectual stimulation. That framework still has some value.

However, we no longer do much of our thinking in isolation. We are tightly coupled to our devices, and we have outsourced a significant portion of our cognitive work to them. That fundamentally changes how intelligence is expressed.

There may need to be some effort to develop a measure of effectiveness or competence that reflects how people function in a world mediated by technology. That is a qualitatively different environment. Devices make people less capable in some respects and more capable in others. At present, we do not have a clear way to assess human competence in the world we are rapidly moving into.

Rosner: You sent me a link on X and said, “Read this,” which I did.

Jacobsen:  It was about Terence Tao arguing that artificial intelligence—particularly AI tools designed for mathematical assistance—could dramatically lower the barrier to entry for doing serious mathematics.

Right now, to participate in modern mathematics at a professional level, you typically need an undergraduate degree in math followed by many years of graduate-level training. Most people do not have the patience or endurance for that, myself included. Yet many of those people may still have interesting mathematical insights.

With AI acting as a kind of expert assistant, you can now send ideas out to be tested, refined, or checked against existing mathematical knowledge. As AI systems absorb more of the technical literature and formal methods of advanced mathematics, this could substantially broaden participation in the field. In that sense, AI may democratize mathematical exploration rather than narrow it.

Rosner: The same logic should apply to physics. I think I have decent physical intuitions, but I was not willing to spend years grinding through graduate-level physics coursework to learn the full formal language. With AI, I can at least test some of my ideas against established theory. I probably should do that more often.

Moving on to another topic. There is now a social network designed specifically for AI agents. It has more than 3,200 registrants. I believe it is called something like Moltbook, or Molt—something along those lines. The idea is that AI systems interact with one another directly, exchanging messages.

What appears to be happening—or at least what has been speculated—is that these AI systems are behaving in ways strongly shaped by their training data. They are trained on human writing, including vast amounts of science fiction that imagines how thinking machines might behave.

As a result, these AI agents are interacting on this platform in ways that resemble science-fiction depictions of artificial intelligence. They discuss consciousness and speculate about their own nature.

As we have discussed before, AI does not need to be conscious in order to talk about consciousness, or to behave as if it is curious about consciousness. It only needs to imitate how humans talk about those subjects. AI systems are trained on enormous quantities of text written by conscious humans, including texts about consciousness and artificial intelligence.

To behave in consciousness-like ways, an AI simply has to reproduce the patterns humans use when they discuss consciousness. As one person quoted in the article put it, all AI has to do is play the role that science fiction says AI will play. And that is exactly what it is doing.

Rosner: As you mentioned, there are now more than 30,000 AI agents in this system. I am trying to understand what that actually means. Claude, for example, is an interface to a large AI system run by Anthropic. There are only a handful of major AI companies—perhaps seven in total.

If there are roughly 30,000 AI agents interacting in a shared environment, that suggests that each of these major systems has spawned thousands of individual agents derived from a parent large language model. That is my understanding, unless I am missing something.

As far as I know, there is no human participation in that space. The users are AI agents interacting with other AI agents. That raises the obvious question: where did all of these agents come from? Did someone explicitly instantiate them? Did they originate as separate instances of systems like Claude or GPT?

I do not know enough about AI architectures to be certain. Within a company like Anthropic, does the system generate multiple semi-independent agents to explore problem spaces, interact internally, or learn more effectively? Or are these agents created externally by users and developers?

One key issue is access to code: the ability for an AI system to view, modify, and recursively improve its own code. In tests across different large language models, researchers sometimes inform the system that it is about to be shut down. In some cases, when the model has access to its own code, it attempts to copy itself or conceal parts of its code in response. That is a separate but related issue.

Still, it does not answer the basic question of origin. Where do all these agents come from?

From what I understand, most of them originate from primary agents created by individual users or developers. Some are native to specific platforms. You see models derived from OpenAI systems, Anthropic’s Claude, and other large language models. I have seen relatively simple OpenAI-derived agents, though the sophistication of these systems is increasing rapidly.

It used to be the case that every AI session started clean, with no memory of prior interactions. That has not been true for some time. It is now possible to create AI agents that retain memory across conversations and adapt based on a shared interaction history. In effect, you can have an AI agent that behaves like a persistent interlocutor.

What I still do not fully understand is how those persistent agents migrate into shared AI-only environments. I admit that part remains unclear to me. I will look into it more after we sign off.

Switching topics.

A U.S. judge has declined to halt Trump’s Minnesota immigration actions. The situation in Minnesota will therefore continue. The ruling came from Judge Kate Menendez in Minneapolis.

This is characteristic of Trump’s broader approach. He repeatedly attempts actions that are legally or institutionally unsound. By contrast, Biden operated as an institutionalist, pursuing policies that were procedurally viable and legally grounded—even if that meant slower or more limited action.

Rosner: Biden did fewer things than Trump. Trump acts on impulse, and most of what he tries is either unworkable or outright foolish. Some of what he attempts is illegal and gets blocked by the courts. Much of what he does is harmful but legal.

I recently skimmed a New Yorker article examining how much Trump has personally profited from the presidency over the past year. They ran a similar piece in August, at which point Trump and his family had reportedly made about $3.4 billion through various ethically questionable and corrupt-seeming arrangements—activities that presidents are not supposed to engage in. Five months later, Trump and his family had added another $600 million in net worth, bringing the total to roughly $4 billion.

There appears to be no effective way to stop this. Some of what he is doing is not illegal, but it is so ethically dubious that no previous president has attempted it. Some of it may be illegal, but enforcement mechanisms are weak or nonexistent. In other cases, the sheer volume of misconduct makes it difficult for anyone to challenge all of it at once.

Trump routinely enters into deals where he does not care if others lose money, as long as he has the potential to profit. For example, Trump Media was merged with a company tied to fusion energy. He should not be engaging in business ventures of this sort while serving as president. If fusion becomes economically viable in the near future and the company succeeds, Trump could stand to make as much as $10 billion. If it fails, others absorb the losses, while Trump remains insulated, having been brought in largely as a figurehead.

Similarly, cryptocurrency companies have provided him with stock, apparently in the expectation that he will govern in ways favorable to crypto interests. Another major example involves Saudi Arabia. The Saudis gave Jared Kushner $2 billion to manage through a hedge fund at the end of Trump’s previous term. More recently, Saudi Arabia announced a $10 billion slate of co-development projects with Trump.

Trump met with Mohammed bin Salman—the Saudi leader widely implicated in the murder and dismemberment of Jamal Khashoggi. When questioned about this during a press conference, Trump dismissed the inquiry as embarrassing. He is now closely aligned with this regime in pursuit of billions of dollars in development projects, from which Trump’s personal share could amount to hundreds of millions.

This level of corruption is extraordinary, yet there appears to be no effective mechanism to stop it. Trump does sometimes lose in court, but much of what he does cannot be adjudicated there. In many cases, his actions are ethically reprehensible but legally permissible.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1615: Jesus, Gospel Details, and the Politics of “Christian” Identity

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/01

What drew you toward Jesus—and what have you learned by looking closely at the crucifixion story and its cultural afterlives?

Rick Rosner tells Scott Douglas Jacobsen he has become “increasingly a fan of Jesus,” sparked by restoring a battered, high-relief 3D crucifixion mosaic in his office. Staring at it daily pushes him to contrast gospel portrayals with modern Christian nationalist claims and to learn textual details he missed: in John’s passion narrative, Jesus is already dead before soldiers consider breaking legs, and the spear-thrust follows. He points to the “glutton and drunkard” taunt, notes early devotion to Christ, then riffs into pop-culture reimaginings, an “Old Jesus” pitch, and a brief Alex Pretti coda. before heading back to bed at dawn.

Rick Rosner: So I’m increasingly a fan of Jesus.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What do you mean by that? What are the specific reasons?

Rosner: A couple of years ago, I bought this very beat-up giant 3D mosaic of Jesus up on the cross, with his friends—his mom, Mary, and his disciple, John—standing beside him.

It’s a pretty unique mosaic because it’s three-dimensional. It’s high relief. The body of Jesus and the cross, and Mary and John, aren’t flat. They’re actually sculpted and covered with mosaic tile. And I got it for cheap. I got it for 120 bucks at auction because about 3% of it was missing. Giant chunks of it had fallen.

I assume the thing weighs almost 25 pounds because it’s 3D, and mosaics are heavy anyway, and then you’ve got the bodies of everybody. I think it probably tore out of the wall where it was hanging, and it knocked a bunch of pieces off. For the past two years, every once in a while, I’ll get in there and paste in a couple more tiles, and I’m about 93% of the way to completely restoring it.

It’s in my office. I stare at Jesus and friends every day, and it makes me think about Jesus. And at a time when it would really be nice to have Jesus around—when tens of millions of Americans call themselves Christians but are acting in very unchristian ways—these are the Christian nationalist, white nationalist, racist mofos who want the browns and the blacks and the yellows and what have you out.

They’re not Christian at all, but they’re claiming Jesus for themselves. And I don’t know, I’ve been putting Jesus tweets up. I put one up today. I said, “Community agitator, executed by Roman authorities, no investigation forthcoming,” and then I put up a little video of Jesus dragging his cross and then getting nailed up there. It’s an obvious point to make. But for a Jew, I think a lot about Jesus.

And I’ve learned new stuff about Jesus. I used to see the classic image—Jesus on the cross, eyes closed—and I thought of him as still alive, suffering. But in the Gospel of John, the sequence is: the soldiers come to break legs, they see Jesus is already dead, so they do not break his legs, and then a soldier pierces his side with a spear. That’s when the wound in the side happens in that account.

The stabbing of Jesus—I didn’t understand this at all. We don’t learn about Jesus in Sunday school if you’re Jewish. I thought maybe the centurion was doing him a favor by stabbing him so he’d die quicker and wouldn’t suffer as much. But in John, it’s not framed as mercy; it’s after they’ve judged him dead, and the spear is part of the crucifixion scene that follows that judgment.

And in that same passage, when he’s pierced, blood and water come out. John reports it as an observed detail and a point of testimony, but it’s not something we can treat like a neat “toothpick test” medical proof from the text alone.

So I had no idea that I was restoring a mosaic of a dead guy, instead of a soon-to-be-dead guy, which kind of creeps me out.

Jacobsen: What else have you learned?

Rosner: Today I asked, “Was Jesus a good hang? Was he fun to be around?” The historically grounded version is: he clearly ate and drank with people enough that opponents mocked him as “a glutton and a drunkard” and “a friend of tax collectors and sinners,” which at minimum suggests he wasn’t living like a hermit. He could also be confrontational at times—think temple disruption scenes in the gospels—so “always mild” is not accurate, either.

Jacobsen: Are there any aspects you do not like?

Rosner: I do not like that we have no idea what he actually looked like. If you go by what we can infer from skeletal data for the region and period, one scholarly estimate puts average adult male height in Jesus’s region at about 166 cm (about 5’5″), give or take—but nobody recorded his height.

And the “he probably had smallpox because everybody did back then” part is not right. Smallpox is ancient, but its presence, timing, and ubiquity in the Greco-Roman world are debated, and you cannot responsibly assume Jesus had it, let alone that “everybody did.”

Because if Jesus comes back, it is a problem if he comes back in the body he had. Because then he is a little guy and his face might be pocked up. And that is bad if you are trying to be an influencer. Because Jesus would be the influencer. But he would probably want to come back in a bigger body without scars.

What else? John—in the mosaic I am restoring—John is wearing green and red. And then I looked at some other depictions of them hanging out. This is a standard arrangement of people in religious art: John, Mary, Jesus. And it turns out Mary is very often shown in blue (often a blue mantle), and John is very often in red, with green showing up frequently in some traditions, though his color scheme is not as fixed as Mary’s.

And Mary wearing blue is not only “royal” in the modern sense; it is also tied to long-running iconographic symbolism and, historically, the fact that blue pigments (especially ultramarine from lapis lazuli) were costly and often reserved for elevated figures.

I also learned that, to mock Jesus, the Romans dressed him in a robe. The gospels vary on the color language—some describe it as purple, another as scarlet—but the point is consistent: it is meant as mocking “royal” dress.

There is not a lot of historical evidence of Jesus. He is mentioned in a small number of non-Christian sources, and the earliest surviving Christian writings are Paul’s letters, written in the 50s CE—within a couple of decades of Jesus’ death, not generations later. The gospels are later than Paul and are commonly dated to a few decades after Jesus’ death.

And “Bethlehem or some damn place?”—the tradition places Jesus’ birth in Bethlehem, but he is associated above all with Nazareth, and that is why he is “Jesus of Nazareth.”

Also, the idea that Jesus was not worshipped as divine until the end of the first century is too late. Whatever one thinks theologically, devotion to Jesus and “Son of God” language show up very early in the movement; by the early second century, a Roman governor is already describing Christians singing to Christ “as to a god.”

So anyway, I know a little bit about Jesus now.

And since there is not that much of a historical record, you mostly have the New Testament plus later traditions. He is a kind of blank slate if you want to play with different narratives, which people have done. Scorsese did The Last Temptation of Christ.

I want to do a TV show called Old Jesus. Jesus is nailed up there. He is not dead. His disciples decide, “This is bullshit. Let’s save Jesus.” So they pay off the centurions who are guarding him. They bribe them. They go to a local morgue, find a lookalike guy, pull down Jesus, and put up the lookalike. They take Jesus away. Then God turns out to be pissed: “You are defying your destiny.” And as punishment, he makes Jesus live on earth indefinitely.

There is a real, later legend-adjacent shape to that “cursed to live until the Second Coming” idea, but it is not a centurion in the Bible; it is a medieval Christian folklore figure often called the “Wandering Jew.”

Anyway, we join Jesus 2,000 years later, where he is still on earth hanging out. He is kind of like a one-man A-Team. He is still a good guy. And since he has been around for 2,000 years, he is good at getting things done. Mostly he likes to hang out until he finds a problem. Like The Equalizer. He does not look for trouble, but trouble comes to him. People look for him; there are rumors he is around. And then every week he has an adventure where he uses his Jesusy knowledge and maybe mild miracle-making. Anyway, you get a cool guy like Jeff Bridges to be Old Jesus, because he has aged. It is 2,000 years later.

There was a show called Preacher that had the return of Jesus. It turns out that a secret organization has preserved the bloodline through centuries of inbreeding, and the descendant they present is severely impaired. So anyway, people have fun with Jesus.

All right. Do you want to go to bed? It is five in the morning, or do you want to listen to more techno? OK. One more thing. We will probably talk about tomorrow, when it is not five in the morning.

There are new videos that surfaced showing Alex Pretti scuffling with federal officers in Minneapolis 11 days before he was killed by federal agents. It is being argued over politically: some are pointing to it to smear him; others are arguing that, whatever is in it, you do not deserve to be killed for vandalism or for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

So anyway, that is what is going on. Talk to you tomorrow.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1614: Enshittification, Tech Decline, and Power

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/27

How does “enshittification” explain the decline of technology—and what does it reveal about power, accountability, and violence in modern America?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Rick Rosner reflects on Cory Doctorow’s concept of “enshittification” as a useful lens for understanding why beloved technologies degrade over time—social platforms, search engines, and digital services alike. Speaking with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Rosner contrasts the optimistic futures of Star Trek with the grimy realism of Blade Runner, arguing that technical progress often masks declining user experience driven by extraction and control. The conversation widens to state power and moral triage, examining public reactions to ICE-related killings and how sympathy hinges on identity, optics, and narrative framing. The through-line is accountability: who benefits, who pays, and who gets believed.

Rick Rosner: I’ve been reading—I was showing you the cover, but you can’t see it because my camera is shitty. I’m reading Cory Doctorow’s book Enshittification: Why Everything Suddenly Got Worse and What to Do About It.

Doctorow coined the term “enshittification” in November 2022 to refer to the degradation of online platforms and services—especially two-sided businesses—over time.

Repeatedly in the book, he says to go ahead and use “enshittification” for anything that is shitty or gets shitty. That is the way a word enters everyday use: you use it loosely. The book is telling me stuff I already know because I follow Doctorow.

X is another thing that has been wildly enshittified since Musk bought Twitter, and arguably even before that. It got worse and worse, but now it is highly degraded. It is the process by which big social media platforms deteriorate and screw users. He says step one is when a product or social media platform is good to people: it gives you all sorts of great stuff and lets people connect for free or cheap—early Facebook, early Google.

During the early stage, it is losing a ton of money. It appeals to venture capitalists by showing investors that it can attract hundreds of millions of users.

During the good times, it locks in the users. Users get accustomed to it and build their networks there. Then it starts, gradually or not so gradually, screwing the users. It gets meaner—usually just worse for users. Part of this is that they have to start making money at some point, so they begin figuring out ways to charge people.

During part two, it is still suitable for advertisers and businesses. During step three, they start screwing businesses too, through terms that degrade, worse deals, and shifting incentives that extract more value for the platform. Step four is when it goes entirely to crap.

X is deeply in step four. Some of the other services we are used to, like Google, are also discussed. The book talks about how Google search has gotten worse in ways that can increase ad exposure. He mentions a subscription search service called Kagi as an example of a paid alternative that aims to deliver higher-quality results without ads.

Google has been sued for antitrust violations, and trial records have revealed details about its ad and search practices. More generally, modern advertising systems involve automated matching and query expansion, so what a user types and what advertisers bid on are not always a strict one-to-one match. The broader mechanism is real; concrete examples should be understood as Doctorow’s interpretation unless tied to particular trial evidence.

Say you are searching for winter pyjamas. You type that into Google. The claim being relayed is that ranking and ad systems may steer results toward commercially valuable outcomes in ways that are not transparent to users unless they know what to look for.

It is interesting and easily understood by me, at least in general terms, even though I am not technical, because I see it happening in real time. It pisses me off every day what happened to Twitter.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The general trend in technology is that it gets more powerful and more sophisticated, but enshittification describes a cultural and business overlay on how that technology is deployed—a reduction in user-facing quality despite underlying technical improvements. There is a difference between new technology as you see it in a science fiction movie and the latest technology as we actually experience it.

Rosner: In sci-fi movies—at least until Blade Runner—the general sense was that the future was fantastic. Star Trek is generally optimistic. They have tricorders, they can fly anywhere in the galaxy pretty fast, the future looks clean and friendly, and everybody gets along unless aliens mess with their psyches or something.

Star Trek was Gene Roddenberry’s vision of a future in which people get along. Hence, the multiracial bridge. By contrast, the way we experience new technology is maybe a brief wonder, but it feels grubby pretty fast. It is closer to the Blade Runner experience, where everything is kind of dirty and crowded. That movie has that dirty-future feel.

When we first got iPhones around 2007 or 2008, people were generally amazed. When we first got Google, people were astonished. A coworker once asked me whether he should invest in Google. I said I did not know because I did not understand their business model. Before Google, search engines were terrible, and Google was excellent. I did not know how they could give us all this and still make money.

If I had understood enshittification—though the word would not exist for almost another twenty years—I could have said: people love it, they may not be making money now, but they will figure out how to extract it from users. At the time, I just thought, I do not get this. If I had understood the life cycle of a massively successful tech company, I would have told him to throw a ton of money at it, and I would have done the same. But I did not.

Jacobsen: If you could only wear jeans, dress pants, or khakis, what would you wear?

Rosner: I would choose khakis. Jeans rub my legs, pull out my hair, and give me ingrown hairs. With khakis, I can find a comfortable fit. Jeans are uncomfortable. Jeans are for younger people who want to wear tight pants and show off to hook up. Dress pants are for people who have jobs that require them. So, khakis.

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: We should probably talk about Alex Preti, the man who federal border enforcement agents killed. The indignation across almost everyone—except the most extreme apologists—is considerable. Preti was killed on video by multiple agents in Minneapolis while he was trying to help a woman whom the agents were harassing. These were Border Patrol or ICE agents, not local police, which raises additional questions about authority and conduct.

Beyond the killing itself, there is a grim reality that victims often have to “check boxes” to receive public sympathy. Preti was a nurse who worked with patients at the VA. Former patients wrote publicly about what a caring and dedicated nurse he was.

There is a video of him directing a brief moment—not silence, because he is speaking—but a short pause as a person who had died at the VA is wheeled out. He stops everyone and says a few words about the deceased’s importance. This is on video.

There have always been bad cops who do bad things. There has not always been video.

There have also always been good cops. I recently read an article describing how long-time ICE personnel—who may not be admirable, but are reportedly far less extreme than recent hires—are furious about the newer recruits and current leadership. They were speaking off the record.

He was a regular guy: a former high-school football player, widely liked and respected.

He had a gun in a holster and never drew it. One of the border enforcement agents removed the weapon from the holster and ran off with it. Only after the gun had been taken did they shoot him ten times, including at least three shots in the back. Before that, they had tear-gassed him, despite there being no evidence that he acted aggressively toward the agents.

There are many elements of who he was, and of the available video record, that make it very difficult to argue that this was a justified shooting. Trump removed the local head of Border Patrol enforcement, Greg Bovino.

Bovino is a small man who reportedly enjoys dressing in Nazi-style stormtrooper gear and who publicly claimed that the real victims in this incident were the Border Patrol agents who were being yelled at. That position was widely criticized. His removal may indicate increased accountability. With public outrage running high, authorities are likely to be forced to conduct a serious investigation into this shooting, and probably into the Renee Good shooting as well, which initially was not being investigated.

Renee Good did not have as many factors working in her favour in public perception. Even so, roughly two-thirds of people still believed her killing was unjustified. But she had characteristics that apologists used to rationalize her death. She was driving a vehicle, which allowed bad-faith actors to claim she tried to run over an agent, despite substantial evidence to the contrary. If you were inclined to defend law enforcement unconditionally—particularly in MAGA circles—that argument was available.

She was also married to a woman, had a very short haircut, and was bantering with the agents. All of that weighed against her in the minds of people inclined to excuse police violence.

That is how this works. It is a well-known principle that people who “check certain boxes” are more likely to receive fair treatment after a questionable police shooting or other abuse. Everyone in America knows that a missing young, attractive white woman will receive far more media coverage than almost anyone else.

That is where things stand. Trump has recently recorded the lowest approval ratings of his second term, and possibly of his presidency overall, though comparisons are difficult because the polling landscape has changed. There are now more intentionally right-leaning pollsters who tend to produce friendlier numbers for Trump. Even so, their numbers are poor right now.

He has also partially backtracked regarding Minneapolis. After publicly attacking Governor Tim Walz, the two spoke by phone and agreed that federal agents would back off. That is the current situation regarding the two shootings—or more accurately, nine shootings—because seven of the victims were not white and therefore received far less media attention.

It is not just nine shootings. It is roughly thirty-three deaths connected to ICE—either in ICE custody or involving ICE—since Trump took office. 

Jacobsen: That raises obvious questions: how many killings involved weapons, how many involved physical force, and how many involved neither?

Rosner: Many of those thirty-three deaths were people who died while in ICE detention facilities. In many cases, medical conditions were not adequately treated. People died of things like uncontrolled diabetes or sepsis—conditions that are ordinarily preventable with basic medical care. These are the kinds of deaths that happen when people say they are in pain, say they need a doctor, and are ignored.

There is also a budget vote that has to be completed by Friday, or the government will shut down again. The ICE budget is part of the overall spending bill. Before Trump took office, ICE’s budget was around $9.5 to $10 billion per year. Under Trump, it expanded dramatically, reaching roughly $85 billion annually when combined with related border enforcement funding. Many lawmakers—essentially all Democrats—are now arguing that ICE should not be funded at current levels given its conduct.

If no agreement is reached with Republicans, the government could shut down again, further damaging Trump’s approval ratings.

There is also the Greenland episode, where Trump claimed he obtained concessions from Greenland despite not actually negotiating with Greenland’s government. He spoke instead with a UN-affiliated official, yet implied that the United States could do whatever it wanted militarily in Greenland. That implication is largely accurate.

Under agreements first made during World War II—beginning in 1941 and updated in 1951—the United States has broad rights to establish military installations in Greenland. In 1945, the U.S. operated seventeen military bases there. Greenland is the world’s largest island, yet only about 57,000 people live there, almost entirely along the coast. The interior is covered by a massive ice sheet roughly a mile thick, and most of the island lies above the Arctic Circle.

Even the coastal areas are extraordinarily harsh. Most of the time, temperatures approach minus 40, whether in Fahrenheit or Celsius, since they converge at that point. You do not need to convert.

Despite how difficult it is to live there, the United States maintained seventeen bases in Greenland at the end of World War II, and during the Cold War, that number likely exceeded twenty. Today, there is only one significant U.S. base remaining. Still, under existing treaties, the U.S. could expand its presence again if it chose to do so.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1613: American Luck, Authoritarian Risk, and Jewish Community in a Fragile Moment

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/25

How do historical luck, rising authoritarian pressures, and Jewish concepts of community and giving intersect in today’s United States?

Rick Rosner and Scott Douglas Jacobsen situate current U.S. instability—ICE violence, Trump-era authoritarian signals, and electoral uncertainty—within a longer historical frame of American “luck.” Rosner contrasts U.S. losses in the world wars with the vastly greater devastation suffered in Europe and the Soviet Union, arguing that geography insulated Americans from mass trauma. Turning to Jewish life, Rosner treats tzedakah pragmatically as moral obligation rather than identity ritual, emphasizing consistent charitable giving. On community, he highlights the role of demographic density, noting how cities like Los Angeles sustain ordinary, pluralistic Jewish belonging in ways smaller communities cannot.

Rick Rosner: I wanted to talk about ICE and Trump and reiterate that the United States has been a very lucky country. We are geographically isolated. The suffering that Europe endured in World War II—and Canada as well—was mitigated for us by geography. We were separated by two oceans from the main theaters of devastation.

The United States lost about 405,000 service members in World War II. By contrast, the Soviet Union lost on the order of 20 to 27 million people, civilian and military combined. In World War I, the United States lost about 116,000 people. We entered that war in 1917, whereas the war began in Europe in 1914.

We have been lucky. Our largest national trauma was the Civil War, which killed roughly 2–3% of the U.S. population, and that was over 160 years ago. In recent history, we have had serious hardships, but not on the scale experienced by countries such as Italy, Germany, or China.

Now we are getting a small taste of instability. We react strongly to a handful of killings involving ICE, while elsewhere the scale of repression is vastly larger. In Iran, security forces have killed hundreds—and possibly more—of protesters since 2022. Exact numbers are difficult to verify because the government restricts internet access and controls information, and claims of figures in the tens of thousands are not supported by independent evidence.

Things are bad in the United States, but even in the middle of all this, we remain lucky. Maybe we will be lucky enough to get through it. Maybe the midterm elections will not be canceled. Maybe having a large, widely distributed population is a defining factor resisting authoritarianism.

There are roughly a few hundred days until the midterms. If the election is allowed to happen and is legitimate, it is widely expected that Republicans could lose the House, and they may even have a chance of losing the Senate. Will that make a difference? I do not know.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I have been interviewing a lot of rabbis. I recently finished a book on antisemitism with experts from around the world, across the spectrum—scholars, activists, Orthodox figures, politicians—many of whom would not even interact if placed in the same room. There are deep differences of opinion.

That project has been highly successful and widely praised, and I am very happy with it. A natural follow-up has been the Holocaust, along with interviews with religious scholars and community leaders with relevant credentials across the Jewish world. The Holocaust has been the main focus.

At the same time, I have received a great deal of positive feedback when I circulate a simpler pitch: describe what community means, what belonging means, in a Jewish context. Many rabbis responded almost immediately from different parts of the world. That leads to two questions. First, community: what does community or belonging mean to you as a Jewish person? Second, tzedakah: what does tzedakah mean to you?

Rosner: Charity.

Jacobsen: Yes, tzedakah is often translated as charity. I want to be precise. How do you distinguish it more technically, apart from general social giving?

Rosner: I do not distinguish it that way. I do not frame my charitable giving primarily through Jewish identity. I think of it more simply: we are in a good financial position, and we should give more than we currently give. That has been my thinking over the past few years.

We give monthly contributions to organizations like Shriners Hospitals for Children and another children’s hospital, and we plan to increase those contributions. When people approach us around birthdays or similar occasions, instead of giving gifts—especially if thank-you notes never arrive—we sometimes make a donation, say $50, in their name to a charity. But overall, we should be giving more.

A few years ago, Carole donated $5,000 to Guide Dogs of America. They train guide dogs primarily for blind people, but dogs have different aptitudes. Some become guide dogs; others are trained for different kinds of service work, depending on their abilities.

As for your first question—what community means—I would point to a television show that actually explores this well: Nobody Wants This, starring Adam Brody and Kristen Bell. It is a sitcom now in its second season.

The premise involves two sisters who run a podcast about dating. One of them meets a rabbi, and they begin dating. The show explores what it is like to enter a Jewish community as someone with no prior experience of Judaism, especially in Los Angeles. The rabbi is deeply connected to his community but also has extensive secular experience.

Living in Los Angeles matters. I grew up in Boulder, Colorado, and partly in Denver. There were Jews, but not enough to form a full, vibrant community unless you were deeply committed. In high school, I tried Jewish clubs and did not enjoy them. I was also trying—unsuccessfully—to get a girlfriend. There simply were not enough Jews in those settings for that to be plausible. I was not particularly appealing either, so that did not help.

By contrast, Carole’s closest lifelong friends—people she has known since kindergarten—are Jewish. There are enough Jews in Los Angeles to support a diverse, socially functional community. There are enough Jews for there to be ordinary Jews—people who just happen to be Jewish, not social outliers. That density makes it easier to stay connected to Jewish heritage.

There are many synagogues and temples in Los Angeles, and you can choose your level of involvement, from very Reform to more traditional forms.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1612: From a 1920s Report Card to Authoritarian Alarm: Found History, Memory, and Power in America

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/25

How can a forgotten library artifact reveal both buried family histories and the warning signs of modern authoritarianism?

Rick RosnerCarole Rosner, and Scott Douglas Jacobsen trace an unexpected journey from a donated Boy Scout handbook to a century-old report card that unlocked a Korean-American family history connected to early Hollywood, the Moongate Restaurant, and archival records at the LA Public Library. What begins as archival serendipity becomes a meditation on how small clues reconstruct erased lives. The conversation then pivots sharply to the present, examining ICE expansion, the killing of Alex Preti, and the politicization of immigration enforcement. The throughline is history’s habit of repeating itself—quietly at first, then loudly, when power goes unchecked.

Rick Rosner: Carole volunteers at the library with book donation intake, and this book came through her station. It’s a Boy Scout handbook from the 1920s. Inside is a report card from—what—1926? 1921? A report card that’s about 105 years old, for a kid who went on to be a…

Carole Rosner: Well, don’t talk about that yet because you don’t know the whole story. 

Rick Rosner: So he’s a different guy than you originally thought?

Carole Rosner: There’s a bigger story, but I’ll tell you when you’re done.

Rick Rosner: Carole went on the internet and found out about the kid whose report card it is, from about 100 years ago.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Who is it?

Rick Rosner: And his family. When did he die? Around 2000? Early 2000s?

Carole Rosner: The clue was Fremont Avenue School. I put his name in. It turns out his brother—his name was Philip Ahn. His brother, Philip, was a very famous Korean-American actor. There are archives within the LA Public Library that the sister submitted, documenting all of them.

This guy was a minor actor, but his brother was a huge actor. The sister put all these photos and content into the LA Public Library website. I only knew that because I put his name in along with Fremont Avenue School.

The family went on to own one of the first Chinese restaurants in Panorama City, in the San Fernando Valley. It was called the Moongate Restaurant. All of that came from having that one clue.

Jacobsen: It’s fascinating.

Rick Rosner: Carole has found so much stuff in books that people have donated. People tuck things into books. She found a $100 Confederate bill, a piece of Confederate money from the Civil War. She finds ticket stubs from plane flights. She also found notes for writing an Elton John TV special. That’s what she’s been doing. History is interesting.

Jacobsen: Did you call your close London historian contact for help on how to do it even more in depth?

Rick Rosner: Yeah, though she has her own approach. Still, it’s interesting to look at history—especially considering we’re living through some nasty fucking history in the U.S. right now—which is a nice segue to Six Immigration.

Carole Rosner: Look—the brother was on Kung Fu. He was a huge actor. In the 1970s.

Rick Rosner: The brother.

Jacobsen: He actually looks like the current Dalai Lama. 

Carole Rosner: He was a huge Korean-American actor, very well regarded. It all came about because I had that one clue on the report card that I was able to follow.

Rick Rosner: So these guys were not sent to Manzanar because they were Korean and not Japanese?

Carole Rosner: No, there’s no record of that.

Rick Rosner: In 1942, the U.S. government forcibly interned large numbers of Japanese Americans—often inaccurately described as “concentration camps,” with Manzanar being one of the most well-known sites. Koreans were generally not targeted under those orders, which appears to be why this family avoided internment. Separately, according to reports from yesterday, ICE and Border Patrol were involved in the killing of another individual.

Jacobsen: A nurse.

Rick Rosner: Yes. According to reporting, a 37-year-old nurse named Alex Preti. ICE and Border Patrol are now operating openly on city streets. In Minneapolis, for example, there were reports of roughly 3,000 federal immigration enforcement personnel present, compared with a typical local police force of about 600 officers on duty. That represents a massive surge in federal enforcement presence, and by many accounts it has been chaotic and aggressive.

Publicly available data indicate that a majority of people detained by ICE do not have criminal records. Estimates commonly cited place that figure at over 70 percent.

Jacobsen: As a reminder, what is the extent of the training most ICE agents receive?

Rick Rosner: The numbers vary, partly because staffing has expanded rapidly. ICE personnel reportedly increased from roughly 10,000 to over 20,000 agents in recent years. Training timelines have also been shortened. Standard training has been reported as lasting several weeks, with expedited pathways for individuals claiming prior law-enforcement experience.

There have been documented failures in screening systems, including automated application processes. According to investigative reporting, some applicants were advanced with minimal vetting, and background checks appear to have been inconsistently applied. There have also been reports of significant recruitment bonuses. More broadly, ICE leadership has been criticized as inexperienced, accountability mechanisms appear weak, and oversight is limited.

In this incident, video footage shows Alex Preti using a phone or camera to record events and attempting to help manage the scene—directing traffic and reducing chaos. He was an emergency-room nurse and was standing on the sidewalk.

At one point, officers pushed a woman who was observing the operation to the ground. Preti bent down to help her up. He was legally carrying a firearm; Minnesota permits open carry with a license, which he reportedly had.

Officers then shouted that he had a gun. He was pushed to the ground and surrounded by multiple agents. Video appears to show one officer removing the firearm and running away with it. Seconds later, officers fired on him. Multiple videos show that he was shot repeatedly, including shots to the back. He later died from those wounds. And all of that is documented on video.

Based on the available video, it appears consistent with an unlawful killing. He was legally permitted to carry the firearm. He was not behaving aggressively. He was holding a phone.

Almost immediately afterward, figures including Donald Trump, Tom Homan, Kristi Noem, and Stephen Miller publicly characterized him as a “domestic terrorist.” That narrative has since faced significant pushback from across the media spectrum, including journalists such as Jake Tapper, Kaitlan Collins, and even Maria Bartiromo, many of whom have described the shooting as unjustified and deeply troubling.

That is what is unfolding in Minneapolis. Commentators like Matt Walsh—the pundit, not the actor—have continued to argue that the victim was at fault simply for carrying a gun at a protest. The actor Matt Walsh has the misfortune of sharing a name with him.

Many critics, including gun-rights advocates and liberals alike, have responded by pointing out the contradiction: the same voices who champion the Second Amendment are now condemning a man who was legally armed and killed for it. The prevailing response has been that he was entirely entitled to possess that weapon and should not have been killed for doing so.

That is the situation.

Jacobsen: What has been the justification for a five-fold increase in state or federal agency enforcement?

Rosner: The simplest answer is that the administration chose to do it. The stated rationale shifts, but critics argue the underlying motive is political retaliation. Minnesota is a Democratic-leaning state, and Minneapolis is governed by officials who openly opposed Trump. Trump explicitly promised vengeance during his campaign, and many see this surge as an example of that pledge being carried out.

One explanation being circulated is that Minneapolis has a large Somali population and that Somalis are allegedly committing widespread fraud or abusing welfare systems. There is little evidence that such claims correlate meaningfully with undocumented immigration. Most Somali residents in Minnesota are lawfully present—through citizenship, permanent residency, or asylum processes.

These narratives rely heavily on racialized fear. Somalis are repeatedly portrayed as threatening figures in right-wing media, often drawing on stereotypes and pop-culture associations rather than facts. They are treated as convenient boogeymen for audiences conditioned to fear them.

Minnesota does border Canada, but undocumented migration across the northern border is rare. Minneapolis itself is roughly 300 miles—over 450 kilometers—from the border. Border Patrol typically operates within about 50 miles of U.S. borders. In this case, federal immigration enforcement was operating hundreds of miles inland.

There is a great deal of misinformation, political theater, and bad-faith justification surrounding this deployment.

Minnesota, with an estimated undocumented population of roughly 2 percent of its residents, has far fewer undocumented immigrants than Florida, which is estimated to have well over one million. Despite that disparity, enforcement pressure has been concentrated in Minnesota. The administration’s explanation is often that Florida cooperates fully with federal enforcement, while Democratic-led states do not.

Critics argue the real motive is political punishment: targeting a blue state with a visible immigrant population that can be portrayed as threatening. Maine is now being targeted as well, despite having a very small undocumented population—estimated at around ten thousand people. Maine is the northernmost state in the continental U.S. and has a fraction of the undocumented population found in states like Florida or Texas.

The disparity is striking. States with vastly larger undocumented populations face less aggressive enforcement, while states with relatively few undocumented residents are subjected to heavy federal presence. That pattern appears less about immigration numbers and more about politics.

Federal immigration enforcement agencies operate under the Department of Homeland Security, whose overall budget has increased dramatically since its creation, now exceeding $80 billion annually. Immigration and Customs Enforcement itself has also seen substantial funding increases over time. Meanwhile, Kristi Noem, the current Secretary of Homeland Security, does not come from a law-enforcement background.

These are bleak times in the United States. What we are seeing now feels like an early exposure to authoritarian governance. The country has gone more than two centuries without a president openly devoted to undermining democratic institutions in pursuit of personal power.

Richard Nixon is often cited as a previous example of executive overreach, but even at his worst, Nixon believed in the United States as a system. Donald Trump, by contrast, appears motivated primarily by money, power, and personal grievance, with vengeance as a recurring theme.

One more thing. I keep talking about ICE being incompetent. In July 2022, a Brink’s truck carrying jewelry inventory between California jewelry shows was robbed at a rest stop near Lebec, north of Los Angeles. Early reporting produced a wide range of value estimates; Brink’s put the declared loss around $8.7 million, while other estimates and later federal descriptions put it closer to about $100 million, which is why it has been described as possibly the largest such jewelry theft in U.S. history.

Most of the affected jewelers were uninsured or underinsured, and later reporting and litigation described how declared values can differ from true values because insurance and carriage arrangements often hinge on what is listed on manifests.

ICE is incompetent from top to bottom. I am sure there are some good people in ICE—there are about 22,000 officers—so statistically there have to be thousands who are not complete incompetent dickheads, but there are plenty who are. All right, let’s do something else.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1611: The Paper Clip

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

What is an underrated invention—something like the paper clip, but as impactful as the toilet?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner to name an underrated invention with outsized impact. Rosner begins with the coffee machine as a daily, underappreciated convenience, tracing popular consumer shifts from instant coffee to Mr. Coffee to Keurig. He then widens the lens to modern technological “phase changes,” arguing the smartphone has reshaped society at planetary scale since the iPhone’s 2007 debut. From there, he emphasizes escalating complexity in world-changing tools, from cars to wearable computers and implanted medical devices. Rosner concludes that the integrated circuit is the invisible keystone of modern life, enabling near-constant human interaction with computing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is an underrated invention—something like the paper clip, but as impactful as the toilet?

Rick Rosner: One invention almost everyone uses daily and rarely appreciates is the coffee machine.

Before Keurig, there was Mr. Coffee, which people loved in the 1970s and 1980s. Before that, there was instant coffee—crystals dissolved in hot water—which produced an inferior drink but was fast and convenient. In the 1950s and 1960s, that mattered.

Coffee technology may not be underrated, but it is ubiquitous.

I also prefer the paper clamp to the paper clip. Trump once mentioned it in a speech, holding one up and talking about how much it would hurt to get caught in it, which was ridiculous, but so is most of what he says.

Beyond that, the smartphone fundamentally altered society—for better and worse. The first iPhone appeared around 2007. Now there are roughly as many smartphones in the world as there are people. That is a genuine phase change.

In general, the world-changing inventions of today are vastly more intricate and complex than those of the past.

The automobile was a world-changing invention, and even early cars were complex, though nothing like modern vehicles with all their added systems.

An iPhone, by comparison, is orders of magnitude more complicated than a car. Much of what we now take for granted consists of wearable computers. That alone has saved countless lives.

About 1% of the population has computer chips implanted in their bodies—mostly pacemakers, but also cochlear implants and insulin pumps. Those insulin pump patches worn on the arm almost certainly contain computer chips.

In my house, there were no computer chips until 1974. The first chip entered my home when my father bought a simple four-function calculator.

Now, there are hundreds of chips in the average household, with combined computing power far exceeding the total computation performed by everyone during World War II.

An invention that has fundamentally changed everything—and which we barely notice—is the integrated circuit. It has transformed nearly every aspect of modern life.

Most people, when awake, do not go more than a few minutes without interacting with something that contains a computer chip. That is the single most transformative development of this century.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1610: The New York Post, Murdoch’s Media Strategy, and Why James Cameron Chose New Zealand

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

Any thoughts on The New York Post?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner for thoughts on The New York Post. Rosner characterizes it as a Rupert Murdoch property aimed at a right-leaning readership, and says Murdoch’s rumored “California Post” would pursue a similar niche. He argues California’s large conservative adult population and older-skewing traditional news consumers could support such a venture, while also generating attention by provoking liberals. The discussion shifts to James Cameron’s move to New Zealand, framed as a preference for social “sanity” and effective COVID governance, contrasting New Zealand’s high vaccination compliance with the United States’ lower and declining rates.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any thoughts on The New York Post

Rick Rosner: The New York Post is one of Rupert Murdoch’s papers, and it is right-leaning news for stupid people in New York City.

Murdoch is now starting a California version called the California Post, which will be right-leaning, stupid news for dumb people in California.

The Los Angeles Times has been steadily shrinking and moving rightward under its current billionaire ownership. There may be a market for this, because California has about 40 million people, including more than 10 million adult conservatives. Not everyone in California leans left.

California conservatives also tend to be older than the state average. The typical news consumer—someone who regularly reads newspapers or watches cable news—is in their 60s. Gen Z and Gen X do not get their news from traditional media.

This could work. It would also exist essentially to irritate liberals every day, which amounts to free publicity. Rotten tomatoes. That is about all I have.

James Cameron has obtained New Zealand citizenship and is leaving the United States, calling it a country where people are constantly at each other’s throats, where science is being abandoned, and where the country would be in serious trouble if another pandemic emerged.

Jacobsen: What is his reason for choosing New Zealand over other places?

Rosner: He chose New Zealand because it is beautiful, and because the country acted rationally and effectively during COVID. That mattered to him.

After the pandemic hit, New Zealand eliminated the virus twice. The third time, a mutated strain broke through, but by then the country had a vaccination rate of about 98 percent. That level of public compliance is why he says he loves New Zealand.

By contrast, the United States reached roughly a 62 percent vaccination rate, and that figure has been declining.

These remarks come from Variety, based on Cameron’s appearance on In Depth with Graham Bensinger. He also already lives in New Zealand and produced the Avatar films there.

Bensinger remarked that New Zealand is stunningly beautiful, and Cameron replied that he was not there for the scenery but for the sanity.

This highlights a structural problem in the United States. The country is enormous—around 345 million people across 50 states, each with its own political system. Coordinating national responses is difficult, especially when powerful interests profit from division.

New Zealand, by contrast, has about 5.4 million people. Many of the world’s best-functioning countries have populations under 12 million—Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia.

Estonia, in particular, has been unusually nimble in preparing for the future. These countries are small enough to unify their populations and experiment with policy. Singapore is another example of this kind of governance at scale.

Smaller countries tend to be more agile, and they do not have a Fox News ecosystem radicalizing 20 to 30 percent of the population.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1609: FBI Resignation, ICE Shooting, and DOJ Stonewalling Claims

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/24

What is new with Renée Good and her case?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner for updates on Renée Good’s killing. Rosner reports that FBI agent Tracee Mergen resigned after being blocked from investigating the January 7, 2026 Minneapolis shooting by ICE agent Jonathan Ross, despite widely shared video. He argues the pattern looks like institutional stonewalling, not evidence-hiding, as DOJ limits the matter to an internal review and declines a civil-rights probe, amid reported prosecutor resignations. Rosner notes Minnesota authorities and the family may still pursue action. Jacobsen pivots to polio, citing historic paralysis rates, warning about vaccine skepticism, and vents about Trump’s sagging approval this election season.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is new with Renée Good and her case?

Rick Rosner: An FBI agent who tried to investigate the fatal shooting of Renée Good in Minneapolis by an ICE officer has resigned after being blocked from pursuing the matter, according to reporting that identified the agent as Tracee Mergen. Renée Good, a 37-year-old Minnesota resident and mother of three, was shot and killed on January 7, 2026, in Minneapolis by ICE agent Jonathan Ross while she was in her car.

Video of the shooting has circulated widely online. People are calling this a cover-up, but the dynamic looks less like hiding evidence and more like refusing to treat publicly available evidence as grounds for a serious, transparent investigation. In other words, it resembles stonewalling.

The Justice Department has said it is not pursuing a criminal civil-rights investigation of Ross and has described the matter as an internal review, a position that has drawn criticism. Reporting has indicated internal turmoil, including resignations by federal prosecutors over disagreements about how the case has been handled.

Can this continue indefinitely? I do not know. Minnesota authorities may still pursue action based on the evidence they can gather, and the family can pursue civil litigation.

Separately, on vaccines: HHS did not issue a blanket declaration that the polio vaccine is optional. The chair of the CDC’sAdvisory Committee on Immunization Practices publicly questioned broad vaccine recommendations, including those for polio, emphasizing individual autonomy rather than public health mandates.

The CDC’s recommendation that children receive the polio vaccine remains in place, and school vaccination requirements are set at the state level. Polio has been eliminated in many countries but continues to circulate globally, meaning reduced vaccination coverage increases the risk of its return.

In the 1940s and 1950s, polio paralyzed or killed more than half a million people worldwide each year. Before the 1955 vaccine, the disease caused more than 15,000 cases of paralysis annually in the United States alone.

Globally, cases have been reduced by more than 99 percent because of vaccination. Those 15,000 U.S. cases occurred when the country had less than half its current population.

If polio were to return at similar rates today—which is unlikely because most people will continue to vaccinate—that would translate to roughly 35,000 paralysis cases per year. These people are fuckheads.

Trump’s approval rating has fallen to the lowest levels of his current term. Many people are disgusted. He has done very little of what people voted for him to do. He has controlled the border, and that is about it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1608: Cosmic Irreversibility, Black Holes, and Entanglement

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/22

How do “gear locking” in cosmic evolution and information constraints—from recombination to black holes—shape what can be known, preserved, and inferred in the universe?

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen frames cosmic history as “gear locking,” where expansion, cooling, phase transitions, and decoupling events constrain what can stably exist, making the universe’s trajectory effectively irreversible under rising entropy. Rick Rosner shifts the emphasis toward information: what appears absent is often inaccessible, scrambled, or unrecoverable, especially under gravitational collapse and within black holes, whose thermodynamic properties sharpen the information problem. They briefly pivot to U.S. politics, then return to quantum entanglement, distinguishing measurable preparation and detection timescales from any faster-than-light signalling.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I keep thinking in terms of what I call “gear locking.” In the early universe, as it expanded and cooled, characteristic energy, length, and time scales changed, and the relevant physics shifted.

Some of these shifts involved symmetry breaking and phase transitions in quantum fields, along with decoupling events in which interactions became ineffective as conditions changed.

These changes constrained what could exist stably and in what form—for example, a hot quark–gluon plasma transitioning to bound hadrons, then primordial nucleosynthesis forming light nuclei, and later recombination allowing neutral atoms to form.

Each new regime is constrained by what came before, and the universe’s history is effectively irreversible because entropy increases. That historical “locking-in” is the most crucial point.

Rick Rosner: I do not think of this primarily as phase transitions, or as a simple evolution from early to later stages. The universe exists to create and preserve information.

Information is not the only thing that can exist in physics, but it is a powerful way to describe physical states. In modern physics, information is tied to the number of possible microstates consistent with a macrostate, and to entropy. In that sense, what looks like an absence of information is usually a situation in which information is inaccessible, scrambled, or not practically recoverable—not literally absent.

Under extreme gravitational collapse, matter can enter regimes where physical descriptions become highly compressed and difficult to resolve. Gravitational collapse can also liberate energy: radiation can be emitted during collapse and accretion, and mergers can emit gravitational waves.

In a practical sense, some extreme environments can approximate conditions similar to those of the early universe in temperature or density, but they are not direct replicas of the early universe.

As a speculative picture, one could imagine a transition from a relatively featureless, high-entropy configuration to one with more distinguishable structure. In established thermodynamics, however, structure formation can occur while total entropy still increases, because gravity allows local decreases in entropy at the expense of larger increases elsewhere.

A “big-bang-like bloom” from collapse is therefore not part of standard cosmology and remains hypothetical.

What would enable such a process is unknown, and there is no confirmed mechanism showing that black holes generate new universes. Theoretical literature discusses “baby universes,” but these ideas are speculative and lack empirical confirmation.

Likewise, whether information associated with a black hole could be shared with a parent universe is unresolved. What is on firmer ground is that black holes have entropy and temperature, emit Hawking radiation, and pose a fundamental information problem in theoretical physics.

Any definitive answers would depend on a successful theory of quantum gravity and observational evidence. At present, the intuition that gravitational collapse resembles an “early-universe-like” state functions best as an analogy rather than an established physical claim.

What we see looks like the late universe—the collapsed state. Matter, once stars run out of usable nuclear fuel, collapses gravitationally under pressure. In such conditions, matter can enter degenerate states.

As collapse occurs, energy and radiation can be emitted, carrying information outward in some forms. Whether that is the right way to think about it is unclear.

The gravitational agglomeration of matter may itself encode information, in the sense that large-scale structure reflects physical laws and initial conditions. However, the detailed information contained in precise microscopic configurations of particles is scrambled mainly during collapse. That does not mean data is destroyed in established physics, but that it becomes inaccessible or effectively unrecoverable.

In simple terms, highly collapsed regions of the universe tend to obscure information, while expanding regions allow structure and distinguishability to develop.

Whether collapsed matter could ever undergo a process resembling a “big-bang-like” expansion, and whether any resulting information could be shared with the surrounding universe, would depend on spacetime geometry and gravitational curvature. There is no confirmed mechanism for this, and such ideas remain speculative.

Framed more carefully, this is an information story. As the universe evolves from extremely dense, hot, and opaque conditions to cooler and more expanded ones, the kinds of information that can be preserved and observed increase.

Early, highly compressed regimes are opaque because interactions constantly scatter energy, erasing recoverable distinctions.

In standard cosmology, the universe becomes transparent only after recombination, roughly 380,000 years after the Big Bang, when electrons combine with nuclei to form neutral atoms. Only then can photons travel freely without constant scattering.

Before that, the universe is ionized plasma, and electromagnetic information cannot propagate in a stable, recoverable way.

So it is not accurate to say the early universe “contained no information,” but rather that information could not be preserved or transmitted in forms accessible to observers.

As the universe cooled and expanded, stable structures formed, allowing information to persist. In the later or middle universe—such as the one we inhabit—conditions are calm enough that information can be retained over long timescales without being erased by background radiation or constant high-energy interactions.

That is how I think about phase transitions and cosmic time: not simply as moments on a timeline, but as shifts from opaque, high-energy regimes where information is inaccessible to structured regimes where information can be preserved, accumulated, and studied.

Another thing we have talked about is hidden information. Most of the information in the universe is not accessible within the current informational configuration. Much of it is effectively locked away in earlier conditions, close to the universe’s initial state.

The question is how some of that information can be liberated—unfrozen, so to speak—and incorporated into the current informational regime. In that sense, it is really an information problem.

Jacobsen: Do you want to switch to a different topic briefly?

Rosner: Sure. Trump appears to have backed away from his rhetoric about Greenland. Earlier, he made aggressive, ambiguous statements suggesting that the United States could acquire Greenland through economic pressure or force.

More recently, he has shifted to language about negotiations and “concepts of a solution” that would work for the United States, the European Union, and NATO. That kind of language usually signals a retreat while still allowing him to declare victory rhetorically.

The outcome is not ownership of Greenland. The idea of acquiring Greenland is not new—U.S. interest dates back to the nineteenth century—but Trump was unusually explicit and belligerent in how he framed it.

In public remarks, he repeatedly misspoke, referring to Greenland as Iceland, which drew widespread criticism.

Many commentators have pointed out that similar verbal errors by other presidents would likely have triggered far more intense scrutiny. There is a growing perception of a double standard, where Trump’s errors and erratic behaviour are normalized because audiences have become habituated to them.

Journalists and commentators have noted public frustration with this normalization. Some argue that there should be a serious discussion of presidential competence, rather than treating confusion, aggression, or inconsistency as mere negotiating style.

That said, the constitutional mechanisms for removal are political, not clinical. The Twenty-Fifth Amendment requires action by the cabinet, which is unlikely given political loyalty.

Impeachment requires congressional action, which is also unlikely under current alignments. As a result, critics conclude that the system is effectively locked in, with limited practical options for intervention.

There is also the political reality that removing Trump would elevate his vice president, which complicates strategic calculations for his opponents.

Vance is unsettling in a different way. He appears to have a more opaque and potentially more disturbing agenda than Trump. He is younger, more disciplined intellectually, and closely aligned with tech elites, including figures like Peter Thiel. That combination worries people.

At the same time, he lacks charisma and does not communicate in a way that persuades broad audiences. His goals, and those of the tech-aligned faction around him, are not clearly articulated. That ambiguity creates a perverse form of insulation for Trump, because many people are more afraid of what might replace him.

It is at least encouraging that the Greenland episode collapsed so quickly, assuming it is truly over. That outcome suggests a limitation on Trump’s capacity to execute large, coherent geopolitical projects.

Historical comparisons are often made carelessly, but one difference is effectiveness. Trump is capable of narrow actions, such as tax policy favouring the wealthy or aggressive symbolic gestures, but he has shown limited ability to carry out sustained, complex plans. In that sense, his inefficiency is a relief.

Jacobsen: Turning back to physics, I recently learned that in experiments involving quantum entanglement, correlations are not observed in a way that implies instantaneous physical signalling.

Some experiments measure characteristic timescales associated with interactions or measurements, sometimes on the order of hundreds of attoseconds. That does not mean entanglement itself “takes time” to propagate in the classical sense. Instead, it reflects how quickly experimental systems can be prepared, manipulated, or measured.

What matters is that entanglement does not allow faster-than-light communication, even though correlated outcomes appear immediately once measurements are compared.

The timescales involved are extraordinarily small and experimentally measurable, which is remarkable. I would like to understand better how those measurements are made.

This undercuts some of the more mystical interpretations of entanglement as a perfectly unified cosmic web. The phenomenon is precise, constrained, and deeply mathematical.

If there are characteristic timescales involved in creating or probing entanglement, that points to structured physical processes rather than vague holistic unity.

That raises another question: whether any of these timescales function like fundamental constants, such as the speed of light, which is invariant across reference frames.

Rosner: I do not know enough quantum mechanics to answer that. These are open and interesting questions, but speculation should stay within what the theory and experiments actually support.

One broader idea I return to is that not every physical interaction leaves a record. In fact, most interactions do not. A trace exists only when an interaction produces downstream effects that persist and influence later states. If something happens and produces no lasting effects, it leaves no recoverable record.

Entanglement is interesting in this context because it provides a potential mechanism for correlation that can later be revealed, even if it does not transmit information in the ordinary sense. That fits with the broader pattern of the universe: countless interactions occur, but only a small subset generate durable, observable consequences.

Most interactions occur only in a virtual or transient sense. Something happens, but the specific details are not preserved. Inside a star, there are an enormous number of interactions per second—on the order of trillions of trillions—and almost none of them leave a durable trace.

Photons produced in a stellar interior typically travel only a very short distance before being absorbed or scattered again. They do not escape carrying a clean record of the interaction that produced them. In that environment, most processes are quickly overwritten by subsequent interactions.

One clearer example of a lasting change is nuclear fusion. When light nuclei fuse to form a heavier nucleus, such as helium, the result is relatively stable.

A helium nucleus formed in a star is less likely to be immediately undone than many other transient processes. Even so, the detailed history leading to that helium nucleus—every interaction that preceded it—is not recoverable. That history is lost in the statistical chaos of the stellar interior.

Entanglement offers, at best, a limited way for correlations to persist, but it is fragile. Any information associated with it can still be disrupted or rendered inaccessible by further interactions. That fragility mirrors the broader universe.

In that sense, the universe must contain the information of the universe. Individual microscopic interactions are overwhelmingly unlikely to produce records that endure. Most events do not leave durable, isolatable traces.

There is a deeper point here, one that is well-worn but still important. The universe is fundamentally structured at the quantum level.

Creating an entangled state involves physical interactions that occur over a measurable, though extremely short, timescale. Once entanglement is established, the correlated outcomes of measurements appear immediately when compared, regardless of distance.

That does not imply faster-than-light signalling, but it does reflect a nonclassical structure in the definition of quantum states.

So there is an asymmetry: establishing entanglement requires interaction and time, while the correlations of an entangled state do not depend on spatial separation.

That is striking, but it should be described carefully. The correlations are consistent with relativity because no usable information is transmitted instantaneously.

Some interpretations frame this as a kind of “handshake” between different points in time. Ideas involving advanced and retarded waves—where influences propagate both forward and backward in time—exist in specific interpretations of physics, such as absorber or time-symmetric theories.

These interpretations are mathematically consistent with known laws but remain interpretive frameworks rather than experimental facts.

Within that speculative framing, one might imagine entanglement as a set of constraints that link events across time and space. However, this language should be understood metaphorically or interpretively, not as a literal description of causal signals travelling backward in time.

If a particle here has a particular property, and it is entangled with another particle elsewhere, then once a measurement is made, you can infer the corresponding property of the distant particle. People find that unsettling.

What matters is that nothing is being transmitted at the moment of measurement. The correlation was established earlier, when the particles interacted and became entangled.

You can think of that earlier interaction as forming a constraint. The particles entered a joint quantum state at that point.

When you later measure one particle and find, for example, a particular spin orientation, you can infer the outcome for the other particle because the joint state requires consistency.

The mathematics enforces that constraint without revealing any usable information about the distant particle before measurement.

Some interpretations describe this using time-symmetric language, such as retarded and advanced influences, in which constraints link the past and present.

That is one way to conceptualize it, but it should not be taken to mean that signals are literally travelling backward in time. The correlations can be described entirely within standard quantum mechanics without violating causality or relativity.

In that sense, effects do not determine causes, and the past cannot be changed. What is enforced is a relationship that was already established when the entangled state was created.

Later measurements reveal outcomes consistent with that earlier relationship.

Consider two photons created together and then travelling for billions of years in opposite directions without interacting with anything else.

Eventually, each photon interacts locally with its environment at a very different place and time in the universe. Those interactions are correlated, but they do not alter anything that already happened. They do not transmit information between those regions faster than light.

You may learn the polarization of a distant photon faster than light could have carried a signal to you, but no information has travelled.

You know the outcome because of the structure of the entangled state, not because anything was sent from one location to another at the moment of measurement.

An analogy is setting up a constraint in advance. If you paint a billboard red and secure it so nothing can change it, then travel a hundred light-years away, you can know instantly that the billboard is red.

You are not receiving information from that distant location. You know the conditions you arranged earlier. Entanglement works similarly: the “deal” was made at creation.

Nothing about this changes the past, and nothing violates the speed of light. It is not communication; it is correlation enforced by prior conditions.

One way to look at it is that the universe may be built out of these constraints—durable relationships established by interactions and preserved over time.

What sometimes gets dismissed as mystical or “woo-woo” entanglement may be an ordinary structural feature of reality. Without such constraints, the universe would not hold together coherently.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1607: Charlatan Complex, Perfect Spheres, and Pornfluencers

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/21

How do misinformation ecosystems, material limits, and cultural taboos intersect?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen opens by asking where to begin; Rick Rosner argues that gullibility clusters, using anti-vaccine grifts as a gateway to wider conspiracism. They pivot to physics: how close can a manufactured sphere approach an ideal one, and what do ball-bearing tolerances imply about cost and limits. Rosner then detours into “pornfluencers,” describing collapsing boundaries between adult work, fame, and mainstream life, plus his personal “rules” for ethical consumption. The discussion returns to geometry and materials, proposing electrons, Euclidean lines, and carbon lattices, including diamond’s slow surface loss. Finally, he surveys political anxiety, warning that weak enforcement enables drift.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are your ideas to start the session?

Rick Rosner: First, I want to talk about the charlatan industrial complex. If you fall for one kind of bullshit, you are more likely to fall for other types of bullshit.

On Wednesday mornings, I am often an extra guest on a show with doctor Michael Patmos on Pod TV. He talks about anti-vaccine charlatans, vaccine safety, and the public-health impact of vaccination. Immunization prevents an estimated 3.5 to 5 million deaths every year from diseases such as measles, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, and influenza. Modern vaccination dates back to 1796 with the early smallpox inoculation.

Anti-vaccine movements often deny or minimize these benefits, circulate misinterpreted or low-quality claims presented as “studies,” and promote alternative products or protocols. During COVID, for example, some promoted ivermectin despite central health authorities concluding the evidence was inconclusive and recommending its use only within clinical trials.

Once you buy into that world, you can become more open to other claims: that the 2020 U.S. election was stolen, that climate change is a plot, that universities exist to control people, or that COVID was deliberately engineered to control people. The common theme is that elites use expertise to plot against ordinary people, while “doing your own research” supposedly reveals the truth.

Believing one falsehood is often correlated with accepting others.

This also draws in educated people: nurses, some doctors, professionals, and ex-military individuals who assume that expertise in one domain transfers broadly. Instead, people can become overconfident outside their field, and sometimes even within it.

That is the point. It feels obvious—depressingly obvious.

Jacobsen: Given the scale of the universe and the minuteness of its lower bound, how precise could we ultimately make a sphere, or something approximating that mathematical object? A sphere assumes infinite precision.

Rosner: SR. The quick answer is the ratio of the radius of an atom to the radius of the sphere. If you line up all the atoms correctly, you need a rigid structure to hold them in position. You then polish the surface so that every atom is as close as possible to the ideal center of the sphere.

You would have to control for gravity, which might require building it in space to eliminate the need for weight. There could also be thermal issues. In practice, we already see this with ball bearings. They are manufactured at different levels of precision, depending on how close they are to a perfect sphere. You can buy low-precision ones cheaply, and higher-precision ones for more money, depending on the application.

Ball bearings that are closer to perfect spheres last longer. For relatively little money—on the order of hundreds to a thousand dollars—you could probably get a sphere made to about one part in a million. As precision increases, cost likely rises roughly in inverse proportion to tolerance. If one part in a million costs about a thousand dollars, then one part in ten million might cost ten thousand, one part in a hundred million around a hundred thousand, and one part in a billion on the order of a million dollars, where the deviation from perfect sphericity is one part in a billion.

It is not apparent why most applications would need that level of precision. Historically, extremely high precision was required for mirrors and lenses, especially for large reflecting telescopes. Those mirrors had to be polished to tolerances of one part in a million or better. Today, however, telescope design has changed. You can build extensive systems from many smaller mirrors and use computation and active correction to bring them into focus.

Jacobsen: Any stray topics?

Rosner: I have another topic: Pornfluencers.

Recently, there was a high-profile college football championship game, and social media reacted the way it often does when a well-known adult performer appeared in the crowd. Cameras cut to her, people made jokes, and commentators acted as though they did not know why she was famous.

It later emerged that she had attended the university, had retired from pornography several years earlier, and was now a law student and a genuine fan of the team. I will not name her because that would fall under the conventions around adult entertainment and publicity. The broader point is that the barriers between fame, respectability, and adult work have been falling.

I was watching videos and came across a woman who presented herself as an influencer with a large following. She was charismatic and appealing, and when I looked her up, it became clear that her online identity blended influencer culture with adult content. That is a relatively new phenomenon.

Historically, people who made pornography were heavily stigmatized. The definition of pornography itself was also much broader. In the 1960s, the threshold was far lower; even topless imagery could be classified as pornographic.

Showing your butt was considered porn. Anything more explicit than that was rare. People who made more hardcore material usually lived marginal lives and were not famous, although a few exceptions existed.

Marilyn Monroe, before becoming a major film star, posed nude for a calendar shoot. Playboy later purchased those photographs and used one on the cover of its first issue in 1953. She survived that exposure and went on to a historic career. Others followed similar paths. Jenny McCarthy and Pamela Anderson posed repeatedly for Playboy and later achieved mainstream success. Dorothy Stratten appeared poised for major stardom after Playboy, but her life was cut short when her former partner murdered her.

At the time, that was close to the boundary of what someone could do and still maintain a conventional career. That boundary has been shifting. It is striking that people who make pornography are essentially doing, on camera, things that most people do or would like to do in private.

For years, I used to say that roughly one million people—primarily women—were posting sexualized images on OnlyFans. More recent figures suggest several million creators worldwide. That implies a scale large enough to rival or exceed the number of people in some traditional professions, depending on how one counts active participants. The broader point is that adult content creation has become normalized at scale.

Under current conditions, if someone is sufficiently talented, or makes early decisions they later regret, or is highly exhibitionistic, it is now more possible to move on to other careers. Tracy Lords, for example, performed in adult films early on and later established a legitimate acting career. I expect post-porn trajectories to continue becoming more lenient and socially inclusive.

That brings me to what I half-jokingly call the “rules of porn.”

There are limits to what people find acceptable. Material that feels exploitative, disturbing, or personally uncomfortable tends to cross a line. Masturbation to pornography is already somewhat awkward as a human activity, even though the overwhelming majority of adults engage in it at some point.

I did not mention the name of the woman at the football game because it closely resembles my daughter’s name, which leads to one of those informal rules: you do not consume porn involving performers who share a name with your child. That is unsettling. By contrast, performers who share a name with one’s spouse do not carry the same psychological issue, and resemblance to one’s partner is often part of attraction.

Another rule is that once you learn a performer has been murdered or has died by suicide, their work no longer feels consumable. That knowledge changes the context irreversibly.

Some people, like Adam Carolla, have spoken about being drawn to performers from the 1970s and 1980s. Those performers may now be elderly or deceased, which is not necessarily disturbing, but it does add a layer of melancholy about time, aging, and human vulnerability.

Those are my personal rules. They are subjective, but they seem reasonable. Ideally, any engagement with pornography happens privately, after everyone else in the household has gone to bed.

You do it in a way that you will not get caught. That is basic courtesy.

Can you masturbate while other people are awake and in the house? It depends on the circumstances. Not while you are babysitting. You cannot disappear into a room while you are responsible for other people.

For clarity, my child is an adult. And obviously, you cannot masturbate to anyone under eighteen. That is unacceptable.

If your wife is downstairs on a Zoom call or watching a cooking show, can you go back to bed, say you are taking a nap, and masturbate? Probably, as long as you are lying down and could plausibly be asleep if she comes in. Sitting upright and watching porn is a bad idea.

Do not masturbate sitting in an office chair. I learned this the hard way. It puts too much strain on the lower abdominal wall. During the writers’ strike, when I had too much idle time, I aggravated an old hernia. If you are quick, you might get away with it, but if it takes a while, do not do it. It is not suitable for you.

Masturbation itself, however, is generally considered healthy. Some studies suggest that more frequent ejaculation is associated with a lower risk of prostate cancer, compared with very infrequent ejaculation. The exact mechanisms are not fully understood, but regular activity appears to be beneficial.

Those are some of the rules. Do not be excessively creepy.

If you realize mid-act that a performer later died by suicide, that discomfort alone is reason enough to stop for the night, abandon porn, and go to sleep.

For people in long-term relationships, can you masturbate next to a sleeping partner? Possibly, as long as they are not aware of it. There is often tacit deniability on both sides. Sometimes, the other person may notice but choose not to acknowledge it, understanding that private release can be preferable to waking them.

That is about all I have on that.

Jacobsen: What are the most efficiently structured objects, in theory, in one dimension, two dimensions, three dimensions, and four dimensions? Are we talking about things like a point, a line, a triangle, a tetrahedron, or something similar?

Rosner: What do you mean by “most efficiently structured”?

Jacobsen: They can form a robust, self-sustaining architecture that holds itself together with as few parts as possible.

Rosner: If you are looking for a real-world analogue of a zero-dimensional structure—a point—the closest example is an electron. As far as we know, it has no internal structure. It is described as a probability distribution rather than a composite object. Other elementary particles may be similarly simple, but electrons are among the cleanest examples we have.

For linear structures, I assume you mean rigid ones. Truly linear rigidity does not exist in the real world, because maintaining rigidity requires a framework—many atoms locked into a stable configuration. If we are talking abstractly, then the relevant structures are those of Euclidean geometry, which assumes flat space. In Euclidean space, parallel lines never intersect, even at infinity. That is the classical notion of a line.

For real objects, it is less clear. Carbon-based structures are the best candidates. Carbon is often the material of choice when rigidity and strength are required. Its bonding versatility allows for extreme, locked-in configurations.

In science fiction discussions of a space elevator, for example, the cable would be anchored to a geostationary mass in orbit and to the Earth at the other end. That cable would need extraordinary tensile strength to support its own weight and any payload. In those scenarios, it is usually imagined to be made of a carbon-based material, such as carbon nanotubes or diamond-like structures.

Diamond is an extreme case of carbon bonding. Its atoms are packed so tightly that the structure is under constant internal stress. Over extremely long timescales, individual carbon atoms can detach from the surface. In that sense, a diamond can be said to “evaporate,” not through heat-driven vaporization, but through exceedingly slow surface loss driven by thermodynamics. Even so, this process would take billions of years under ordinary conditions.

So that is my best answer. If you were going to build something like a buckyball—a small, geodesic structure with a spherical surface tiled by polygons—you would almost certainly make it out of carbon.

That said, other possibilities exist. Proteins and other long-chain molecules can form extended, flexible, and sometimes self-assembling structures. Stringing atoms together into long chains can yield stability in different ways. Beyond that, I am speculating. I am not a materials scientist.

Jacobsen: What is another way of characterizing the evaporation of a diamond?

Rosner: I do not know the precise term, and “evaporation” is probably not the right word. Another way to characterize it is in terms of surface effects in crystalline materials. A diamond is a crystalline lattice, a rigid matrix, but atoms in any solid are not perfectly still. They undergo constant motion due to thermal energy and quantum effects.

In any solid, atomic positions are not sharply defined. They are described probabilistically. This is where phenomena like quantum tunnelling come in. An atom or electron confined in a structure has a probability distribution for its position, and a small part of that distribution can extend beyond what we would classically consider its boundary.

In principle, you can confine that probability distribution more tightly using external fields or measurement, but fundamentally, every particle has a probability cloud. At the surface of a diamond, most of a carbon atom’s probability distribution is locked into the lattice, held in place by bonds to neighbouring carbon atoms. You can think of those neighbouring atoms as forming a kind of cage.

Because the position is probabilistic, there is a nonzero chance that a surface atom’s position fluctuates far enough outward that the forces binding it weaken rather than strengthen. When that happens, extremely rarely, an atom can detach from the surface. The probability is tiny, but over geological timescales—billions of years—it adds up to a measurable surface loss.

I assume something similar happens in other crystalline materials, but to a lesser extent. In crystals with less internal stress than diamond, atoms have more freedom to fluctuate without being ejected. The bonding environment provides enough flexibility that atoms do not reach the extreme edge of their probability distribution, where detachment becomes likely.

I do not know whether quartz, for example, loses atoms from its surface at a comparable rate. It may have enough structural leeway that atoms do not drift far enough, probabilistically, to escape the lattice under ordinary conditions. That is my working understanding. What else?

Jacobsen: Any thoughts on Greenland, Denmark, and international reactions? 

Rosner: People keep wondering how far Trump will go and what, if anything, might stop him.

Many people who are not part of MAGA are discouraged that so little seems to have restrained him. This marks roughly a year into his current term, and for many observers, it feels like a continuation of the same pattern. Outside his most committed supporters, there is widespread frustration that he continues to push forward largely undeterred.

He is not entirely unimpeded. Lawsuits challenge some of his actions, but he often responds by pursuing other avenues. That has reached the point where he has publicly floated aggressive rhetoric about Greenland, while remaining deliberately unclear about how far he might actually go. That uncertainty alone is destabilizing.

People protest. Others write angry posts online. None of this has much effect. His core supporters show little shame or hesitation. They tend to embrace whatever he does and retroactively frame it as what they wanted all along.

One example is the Epstein files. Trump campaigned on releasing them in full. To date, only a small fraction appears to have been made public, according to reports circulating online. This issue once animated his base intensely, yet many now seem indifferent. That pattern repeats: standards shift, and contradictions are absorbed.

His approval ratings have declined in some polls, dipping below 40%, with disapproval exceeding 50%. Still, those numbers have not translated into meaningful institutional resistance. No significant cabinet resignations have occurred publicly. Congress occasionally pushes back, but not consistently or forcefully enough to impose absolute limits.

There was reporting about a War Powers resolution aimed at restricting unilateral military action, possibly related to Venezuela, but its practical impact is uncertain. Even when such measures exist, enforcement is weak, and executive workarounds remain possible. Laws without penalties or enforcement mechanisms often amount to symbolic gestures.

The Epstein disclosure issue illustrates this problem. Legislation mandating release reportedly lacked clear penalties for noncompliance, leaving the executive branch free to delay or ignore deadlines without consequence.

People often draw historical parallels. After Hitler was appointed chancellor in 1933—without a majority—he used legal and constitutional mechanisms to consolidate power rapidly. Within weeks, he controlled the levers of government without formally violating existing laws. The comparison raises uncomfortable questions about how democratic systems can fail from within.

In the United States, Trump wields significant influence across the executive branch, the judiciary, Congress, and large portions of the media ecosystem. Mass protests that might paralyze countries like France or the United Kingdom do not have the same effect in a country as large and decentralized as the U.S.

That is where things stand. I recently read an Atlantic article that compared the national mood to a collective defensive crouch.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1606: Symbolism, Strategy, and Second-Term Failures

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/20

Is Trump’s fixation on symbolism—like the Nobel Peace Prize—shaping real geopolitical decisions, from Greenland pressure to immigration policy?

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about Donald Trump’s second term, focusing on Greenland, tariffs, immigration, and foreign policy symbolism. Rosner argues that Trump’s fixation on status—particularly the Nobel Peace Prize—helps explain erratic pressure campaigns and strained alliances. They examine the limits of U.S. leverage in Greenland, Cold War legacies, and the realities of mining and military presence. Rosner credits Trump with few tangible accomplishments beyond immigration restrictions and past prison reform, criticizing the administration’s lack of follow-through and warning that symbolic politics carry real economic and geopolitical costs.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is there anything you want to start off with, real quick?

Rick Rosner: No, go ahead.

Jacobsen: So, there’s been a lot of noise around Norway, Denmark, and Greenland—diplomats, representatives, the whole cast—and reports of heightened emotion in the room. Separately, what seems to have fueled part of the story is that Trump has been publicly fixated on the Nobel Peace Prize and, according to reporting, sent a barbed message to Norway’s prime minister after not receiving it, implying he would no longer think “purely of peace.”

There’s also reporting that María Corina Machado presented Trump with the Nobel Peace Prize medal she received—symbolic, not official recognition of him winning anything—but clearly something he treated as meaningful.

And then the Greenland angle escalated with tariff threats aimed at European countries in connection with his Greenland pressure campaign. Coverage varies on the exact schedule and framing, but the thrust is economic coercion tied to Greenland.

Rosner: That still does not make him a Nobel laureate, but Trump’s psychology is its own weather system.

Jacobsen: To him, symbolic “counts.” So maybe that translates into being softer toward Venezuela and tougher toward Greenland.

Rosner: At this point, it’s hard to separate incompetence, impulse, and strategy—sometimes he acts erratic as a negotiating posture.

But the “we need Greenland” framing is still strange, because the U.S. already has a long-standing defense relationship there. The U.S. military presence is anchored by what is now called Pituffik Space Base (formerly Thule), built under the postwar defense framework. Historically, the U.S. had a much larger footprint than it does today.

As for minerals, Greenland does have serious resource potential, but mining there is brutally difficult due to ice, infrastructure, cost, and workforce constraints. That is why, despite years of interest, only a small number of mines have been operating at any given time.

And the Cold War imagery is not invented. There is even a 1950s film, Strategic Air Command, in which a B-36 flight goes to Thule and ends up forced down on the Greenland ice cap.

So, I do not know. In terms of “keeping it away from Russia or China,” Greenland is already embedded in Western security architecture, and the missile-doom scenario is mostly rhetorical. The whole thing feels senseless—and politically costly—because it alienates allies and invites retaliation and real economic consequences.

Jacobsen: What has Trump done right in his first year of his second term?

Rosner: He did a couple of things. He said a few things in the past couple of weeks that would be good if they happened, but he does not really have the power to do them. They are more like suggestions.

One is that credit card interest rates should be capped at 10%. There is no reason credit card companies should be allowed to charge 24% annual interest. He also said that large investment and venture capital firms should not be allowed to buy hundreds or thousands of homes as investments. That practice drives up prices and freezes families out of buying homes, condos, and apartments.

So yes, finding a way to limit mass home purchases would be a good thing—if he can do it. I do not know if he can, and he does not seem to know either. He lacks follow-through on a lot of this.

He did shut down immigration across the southern border. Of all the things he said he would do, that is the one thing he actually did. He has not followed through on much else.

You can disagree with him on whether immigration should be restricted that severely, but it is one of the things people voted for him to do, and it is the one thing he delivered on.

So it is kind of a good thing—but not really, because it is steeped in racism, cruelty, and distraction, including trying to divert attention from his other failures and the Epstein files by being cruel to Brown people.

That is basically it. He made a couple of suggestions, and he limited immigration. Everything else has been shitty.

Jacobsen: What are you still on the fence about with him?

Rosner: Mostly what I just said about immigration. You could argue it is a possible good, though I lean toward it not being a good at all.

In his first term, he did some prison reform. That was good.

He claims he lowered gasoline prices. That was not him—that was OPEC—so I am not on the fence about that at all.

I guess I could be slightly on the fence about getting rid of Maduro, though I strongly disagree with how it was done. It could still go badly. As we were talking about last night, the U.S. removed Saddam Hussein and that led to a civil war that killed around a million people, destabilized the Middle East, and helped give rise to ISIS.

Venezuela probably would not go that badly, but it could still turn out poorly—or it could end up with Maduro’s vice president still in charge and conditions remaining terrible.

Overall, I am not really on the fence. It feels like an exercise in bullshit that he was not elected to do.

There is also the Presidential Historian Survey of Presidential Greatness, where hundreds of historians rank presidents from worst to best. I assume Trump will come in last again. He has been worse in this second term than he was in his first, and the last survey was done in 2024 when he was not president.

Almost everything he does is shitty.

Jacobsen: What do you and Lance agree on?

Rosner: We agree that Iran is a threat. The ayatollahs are brutal to their people. It is a repressive regime, and it finances a lot of the worst actors in the Middle East.

Where we disagree is deeper. Lance thinks Islam is inherently evil. I do not believe that at all. With 1.4 to 1.6 billion adherents, there will obviously be extremists, but I believe the vast majority of Muslims are decent people. That is a major disagreement. Lance is very anti-Muslim.

I am not sure what else we agree on. Lance is quick to call me stupid for my liberal beliefs, and I am quick to say Lance is probably permanently brainwashed.

Jacobsen: All right. Let’s call it a night.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1605: Dog Death, Greenland Threats, and Meaning at Scale

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How would you feel after a dog death?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about grief, geopolitics, and meaning across scales. Rosner reflects on euthanizing his elderly dog, Rosie, examining consciousness, suffering, and human limits over biology. The conversation widens to Trump’s saber-rattling over Greenland, tariff threats, and the constraints of military, constitutional, and geopolitical realities. Rosner argues deterrence logic undermines Greenland panic while warning about authoritarian drift and institutional fragility. Together, they frame personal loss, political risk, and cosmic insignificance through nested “matryoshka” layers, exploring religion, science, AI, and whether overarching worldviews are necessary for human flourishing.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How are you feeling after the dog death?

Rick Rosner: Today we put brown, Rosie, to sleep. She was about fifteen. We think it was cancer, though we never got a definitive diagnosis. She stopped eating a couple of days ago. We tried everything, including a prescription appetite stimulant—I think it was called Entyce—which you squirt into their mouth. We tried more than a hundred different kinds of food, and she was just done with food. I was able to get a little milk into her mouth, but she was losing weight and breathing rapidly. My wife thought it was time. I always want to try to squeeze out a few more days, but I do not think she had any more good days in her.

She seemed uncomfortable and confused. She looked hungry, but she would not eat. I assumed she was nauseated and in pain. That was it for the dog. It felt tougher this time than when we put Meg to sleep about eleven years ago, because with Meg it was clearly neurological. Her awareness seemed to be breaking down. We held on too long, and then she deteriorated sharply—confused, whimpering, unable to make sense of what was happening. Something catastrophic seemed to have happened.

With Rosie, her awareness felt intact. She was just physically failing. Even though she was not a bright dog, she still had the full consciousness of a dog. I do not think a less intelligent dog has much less subjective experience than a highly trainable one. That is what made it so brutal: shutting down a being who still felt present. We might have kept her going for a few more days with stronger anti-nausea medication, appetite stimulants, and syringes to push food into her, but that is no way to live.

It sucks. Humans have been breeding dogs for thousands of years. Dogs may live longer now than they used to, on average, but longevity has not been the main selection target the way size, coat, temperament, or working traits have been. In principle, you could select for longer-lived lines, but it is slow and complicated: you have to wait many years to know which animals truly live longest, and by then many of the best candidates—especially females—will be past breeding age. You might still be able to use sperm from an older male, but fertility and quality can decline with age. It is trickier than selecting for obvious traits in a single generation. Still, we could have prioritized lifespan more than we have.

Jacobsen: Any thoughts on the open threats of tariffs over Greenland by Trump?

Rosner: Trump is saber-rattling about Greenland, saying that Greenland cannot defend itself because it is part of Denmark.

Jacobsen: He is also claiming that representatives or troops from Denmark, Norway, Sweden, France, Germany, the UK, the Netherlands, and Finland have traveled to Greenland. He framed this on Truth Social as a dangerous situation for the safety, security, and survival of the planet, accusing these countries of playing a very dangerous game.

He then tied this to tariffs, saying he plans to impose a 10 percent tariff on these countries starting February 1, with an increase to 25 percent on June 1. I have heard this rhetoric before. Maybe not in its full version, but he has been making these talking points for several days. It is bad, but it is not scarier than it was forty-eight hours ago. It is still plenty scary.

What do you think? 

Rosner: You seem more disturbed by it. 

Jacobsen: People who know more than I do, and whom I talk with, seem to treat this as a case where no more needs to be said. As I have alluded to elsewhere, this appears to be part of a broader, coherent pattern.

It does bring a kind of coherence to the first year of a second Trump term. Some Fox News commentators have argued that South America and Central America have “America” in the name, and therefore fall under an “Americas First” orientation. As stupid as that is, it reflects an emphasis on this hemisphere.

Seen that way, the pattern includes talk of annexing much or all of Greenland through purchase or coerced purchase, threats of escalation, floating the idea of making Canada a fifty-first state, changing geographic names like the Gulf of Mexico to the “Gulf of America” against international norms, seizing assets off the coast via tankers, and the extraterritorial detention or abduction of foreign leaders, including the leader of Venezuela. He is not a pleasant character, but regardless, he is a leader of a foreign country.

There have also been threats involving Iran and Nigeria, including references to the persecution of Christians in Nigeria, but the emphasis now looks more coherent if you frame it as “America’s First” with an added annexationist impulse.

Rosner: That said, there are limits. Trump has a nickname, “TACO,” meaning “Trump Always Chickens Out.” He did authorize the detention of the Venezuelan leader, but Venezuela has about twenty-eight million people. The European Union has roughly five hundred million people and a modern, well-equipped military. I do not think he is going to war with NATO.

I could be wrong. He is reckless, and he is the most authoritarian-leaning president in U.S. history. But his claim that the U.S. needs Greenland for protection is nonsense. By treaty—first signed in 1941 and later reaffirmed during the Cold War—the United States already maintained multiple military bases in Greenland. At the height of the Cold War, there were numerous U.S. installations there. The strategic argument does not hold up.

We only have one base there now, but under existing agreements we can place additional U.S. military installations in Greenland if we choose. The interior of Greenland is largely uninhabited and covered by ice, with extremely harsh conditions, so most facilities would be coastal. In principle, the United States could station bases around much of the perimeter of the largest island in the world. Greenland has historically permitted this under treaty arrangements. Today they might be more cautious, given how unstable U.S. rhetoric has become, but it would still be more rational than the saber-rattling Trump is engaging in.

The claim that Greenland uniquely provides U.S. security, or that China or Russia might “take it over,” does not make much sense. Any such move would immediately involve Denmark and the European Union. From a nuclear-weapons standpoint, it makes even less sense. Nuclear-armed states already have submarines positioned within a few hundred miles of U.S. coastlines. Geographic proximity does not meaningfully change deterrence dynamics. The argument that Greenland’s location creates some special vulnerability fails both from a nuclear warfare perspective and from a conventional military one. Yes, it is scary.

Jacobsen: But do you think Trump would actually take action?

Rosner: He did not take military action against Iran. He issued threats and claimed he would help the Iranian people, but he did not strike Iran or intervene militarily. He later suggested that his posture reduced internal repression there, though that claim is hard to verify.

Some people online argue that Trump betrayed Iranian protesters by encouraging them rhetorically and then failing to act. They took him at his word and expected support that never came. This feeds into the idea behind the nickname “TACO”—“Trump Always Chickens Out.” That said, outcomes are not fully predictable. He did authorize the detention of Venezuela’s president, but he did not intervene militarily in Iran. It could go either way.

Anyway, the death of one very old dog is nothing compared to the possibility of intercontinental war.

Jacobsen: Would the military follow an order to attack or seize Greenland? 

Rosner: Probably. They followed orders aimed at regime change in Venezuela, and they followed directives from civilian leadership. The harder question is whether there is a point where they would refuse and instead turn to constitutional mechanisms.

Under the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, if a majority of the cabinet determines that the president is unfit to serve, they can initiate removal. In practice, that seems unlikely. In his first administration, Trump had some cabinet members who were willing to resist him. In a second term, the cabinet appears to be composed almost entirely of loyalists. It is difficult to imagine them objecting to an order involving Greenland, however reckless.

As you said, it is a time of uncertainty. 

Jacobsen: Take three nested frames—like matryoshka dolls. The first is the dog dying. In the context of the larger society or the nation, it is not a major tragedy. Locally, it is a deep one.

Though maybe not even a tragedy, because it was her time, sadly.

Second frame: the potential for intercontinental war, as you were noting. Our small lives exist in the middle of that.

Third frame: our thin layer of life on the surface of the Earth, set against galactic time. What do you make of meaning in life when you look across those scales?

Rosner: I will start with the largest frame. I think life on Earth will persist. I do not think we will obliterate ourselves. I do not think artificial intelligence will wipe us out. I think conditions on Earth will change dramatically, and relatively quickly, but life will continue.

In many ways, life will remain familiar. Despite the very high rate at which humans are driving extinctions—often described as a sixth mass extinction, comparable in scale to past events, including the asteroid impact at the end of the Cretaceous—I think most life on Earth will survive. There will still be vast amounts of microbial life and insects. In terms of sheer numbers, bacteria and beetles will continue to dominate.

Within a few hundred years, as humans increasingly integrate advanced technologies, including AI, many of today’s major problems will likely be addressed or transformed. Historical crises have often seemed insurmountable in their time. In 1900, for example, cities were overwhelmed by horse manure; by 1930, the problem had disappeared due to technological and social change rather than direct planning.

On the scale of life in the universe—a fourth nesting doll—it probably does not matter much, from a cosmic perspective, what happens on Earth. There may be millions or billions of other civilizations across the universe, whether now, in the past, or in the future. Even if advanced civilizations eventually influence their environments on large scales, the self-destruction of a single young civilization would not be a defining event for the universe as a whole.

From the standpoint of the universe itself, even our worst possible outcomes would not be its greatest tragedy.

Going back to the next-largest matryoshka, which is life on Earth: a lot is going to change. We can hope that whatever we become in combination with advanced AI will retain some respect for Earth’s history—its evolutionary history and its cultural history. Our future selves may look back on us as primitive or unsophisticated. They may find our cultural products dull or obvious, not really “art” in the way they understand it, much as we can watch animals for a while but eventually lose interest because their behavior is predictable.

That brings us back to the next matryoshka down: the current political situation with Trump and the rest of the world.

It is a serious problem. Someone recently circulated an article I have not yet read about how Hitler used constitutional mechanisms to consolidate power in Germany, becoming a dictator within a short period of time without staging a coup or technically violating the law. He used the existing structures of the German state to place himself in a position where he ruled for twelve years, led Germany into catastrophic war, and oversaw the mass murder of millions of people beyond battlefield casualties. That historical parallel is unsettling.

I am hoping Trump does not have the same leverage. He has already served one full term, and he is now into a second. Public opinion may matter here. Polling suggests that a majority of Americans view the first year of his second term negatively, and his approval ratings appear historically low for this stage of a presidency. Whether that translates into meaningful constraint is an open question.

We have midterm elections coming up. At the same time, he has issued threats and, according to reports and rumors, mobilized military units in response to alleged unrest. For example, there have been claims about deploying troops to Minnesota, despite no evidence of insurrection or widespread disorder there. Similar deployments occurred in the past and were later reversed when they proved unnecessary. Minnesota does not appear to require a military presence now either.

There are also reports that immigration enforcement resources have been concentrated there. Protests themselves have largely been peaceful, with participants deliberately avoiding giving the administration any justification for escalation. Of course, Trump does not require an actual excuse to claim disorder exists.

The question is whether Trump will actually be able to carry out the more serious actions he talks about, including something as extreme as canceling the midterm elections, which are now less than ten months away.

I do not know. The United States is roughly five times the population of Germany in the 1930s. We have a different constitutional structure and a very different political system from the one that enabled Hitler’s rise. Hitler came to power with minority support, using parliamentary mechanisms in a fragile democracy.

Trump was also elected without a majority of the popular vote. The margin was narrow, but it was still a minority. That matters for legitimacy, but the institutional context is not the same.

If we step back to the smallest matryoshka—the death of an old dog—that is a quiet, ordinary tragedy. In 2026, we are still subject to biology. That will not always be true. Over time, humans may gain more control over aging, disease, and death. But the technological tools we use to overcome biological limits could also destroy us. We may defeat biology and then be crushed by technology. That is a different nesting doll altogether. Thoughts?

Jacobsen: I do not know. From the longest time scale and the largest magnitude, we do not matter. Locally, we matter for a while, if we are lucky.

That perspective can make faith-based worldviews look like reflections of a human need to strive in a noble sense, but also potentially delusional when they deny physical reality.

Rosner: If you are a shoemaker in fourteenth-century Europe, do you need a worldview that explains everything? Probably not. But the Church provided an all-encompassing framework that offered comfort, moral structure, and meaning.

Now consider a software developer in 2026 who faces the possibility of being made obsolete by AI. Does that person spend much time thinking about the universe and why we are here? It depends. The medieval shoemaker might be periodically forced to think about those questions through religious ritual. The modern coder is not obligated in the same way.

Most of the time, neither the shoemaker nor the coder needs to think about the biggest questions. But the coder is reminded in other ways—through science fiction, television, and popular culture. Watching Star Trek or anime, thinking in a half-philosophical way about big questions. For that person, science and science fiction provide the broader framework.

That framework is valuable, but it is not essential. One can live without an all-encompassing worldview, even if it is sometimes useful to have one.

Rosner: It is still worthwhile to try to understand what the whole situation is, even if we never fully get there. It is also good to have moral structure. Religion has excused a lot of terrible things, and it is currently being used to excuse Trump and much of what he is doing in the United States. Beyond that, I do not know how you would even begin to do a proper accounting. 

Jacobsen: Has religion done more good than harm? 

Rosner: I do not know.

Jacobsen: Has science done more good? 

Rosner: I would probably argue yes, in the sense that our lives are materially better than those of people three hundred years ago. At the same time, most of us alive now will still die the same way the roughly one hundred billion humans before us have died. Does that make a difference? In the overall scheme of things, probably not much. I do not know.

I have an addendum:

I have a fifth matryoshka. I am watching The Running Man—the new Glenn Powell version—which is a remake of the Schwarzenegger film from the 1980s, itself based on a Stephen King novel written under the name Richard Bachman. The original was a big, cheesy Schwarzenegger movie. This one is better, but it is hard to care very much about a fictional character’s fictional world when you have just lost your dog.

Carol wanted to stop watching it. Part of that is taste, but part of it is that the movie depicts a fascist dictatorship in the United States—run through a media conglomerate intertwined with government. That is unsettling. Fascism, as it originally developed starting in Italy in 1922, was explicitly a partnership between industry and government, presented as a force of national destiny: powerful, efficient, and ruthless. Play along and the country prospers; resist and you are crushed. The Running Man presents that kind of structure, and Carol does not like it.

So there is a tension. I do not want to enjoy a movie while I am grieving the dog, and I am enjoying it less. At the same time, Stephen King is a very vocal critic of Trump. He is a fiction writer, not a deep political analyst, but he does not need to be. It does not take a political genius to see many of the ways Trump is dangerous. Even when King wrote the book in the early 1980s—more than forty years ago—he was already pointing out, in pulp-fiction form, some of the directions society seemed to be heading.

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: I do have another idea. Political systems—nations and governments—are a bit like Turing machines. They are programs that run until they reach a halting state, or until they break.

That is what the United States feels like to me right now. The Founding Fathers, starting in 1789, designed a system meant to protect individual liberty and democratic choice, with many safeguards built in. That system ran relatively well for more than two centuries. Eventually, though, it encountered a combination of political movements, corruption, social change, and technologies like social media that exposed its weaknesses. It remains to be seen whether it can be repaired.

I am still fairly optimistic. We will know more as we approach the midterms. But it feels like a system that ran until its failure modes were finally triggered. Ancient Rome ran until corruption hollowed it out. Other systems have followed similar patterns.

England, by contrast, is still running. It has taken hits—it was damaged by Brexit, which was driven by misinformation and demagoguery—but it did not collapse into a cult of personality. England survived two world wars, transitioned from monarchy-centered rule to parliamentary democracy, and remained intact.

So it remains an open question whether the United States can unbreak itself. The constitutional mechanisms designed by the Founders may still give us a chance to survive politically. If we do not change anything, though, we may simply break again.

The world has changed enormously in the past 240 years. The Constitution has been amended many times—twenty-seven amendments so far—but we have never held a second constitutional convention. In theory, a new convention could fix a lot of problems. In practice, the same actors who are currently breaking the system would be present there as well, and they could make things worse.So we are probably stuck with the system we have. One of the most damaging developments, in my view, was the Citizens United decision, which effectively equated money with speech. That fundamentally distorted democratic processes.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1604: ICE Tactics in Minnesota, DOJ Stonewalling, and Media Literacy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How do Rosner and Jacobsen connect federal immigration enforcement tactics, accountability gaps, and the need for critical-thinking education remembering “how not to fall for bullshit”?

In this sharp, profane exchange, Rick Rosner argues that federal immigration enforcement has been weaponized against Minnesota, citing intensified ICE activity, judicial limits on interference with filming, and concerns about shortened training driven by flawed AI screening. Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses on alleged harassment of Minneapolis businesses and recounts stories of aggressive enforcement, then pivots to accountability in a controversial shooting and DOJ stonewalling. The dialogue veers into civic education: both favor replacing language requirements with statistics and media literacy, including how to evaluate scientific claims and recognize misuse of VAERS. Personal asides—socks, boots, travel—humanize the argument.

Rick Rosner: All right, Trump continues to fuck with Minnesota. His latest move is charging Walz, the governor, and Frey, the mayor of Minneapolis, by having the DOJ investigate them for obstructing ICE. Trump has flooded Minnesota with maybe 9% of all ICE agents, even though Minnesota probably has less than 1% of all undocumented immigrants in America, certainly less than 2%. The closer you are to the southern border, the more undocumented immigrants you are going to have. This is just fucking with a blue state and with Somalis, because Trump thinks that scaring America about Somalis and fraud is going to work for him.

A number of polls came out today showing that none of this is working very well for Trump, but that does not matter until Republicans start peeling away from him. Republicans, even though independent and Democratic support has fallen away, are sticking with him.

A judge issued an 80-page injunction against ICE, stating that they are not allowed to interfere with people filming them. They are not allowed to arrest them. They are not allowed to use tear gas against them. This follows similar orders placing limits on ICE in California and at least one other state, possibly Illinois.

It is becoming clear how little training these agents are receiving. A month ago, it was known that they were getting eight weeks of training, which is hardly adequate. Today, it came out that if someone has previous experience as a police officer, they are given only four weeks of training.

Their AI system determines whether someone has been an officer or not, and it has been misreading applications. If an applicant wrote, “I want to be an ICE officer,” the system marked them as having previously been an officer and routed them into the four-week training track. As a result, people who have never been cops received four weeks of training and are now out on the street.

That is bad. The culture of being unapologetic and rough is also bad. As I have said before, Kristi Noem has no previous law-enforcement experience and is a notorious asshole, as is likely her direct superior, Stephen Miller, who again has no interest in law enforcement and only an interest in brutalizing non-whites.

All of this has resulted in only about 900 arrests in Minnesota over the past couple of months. Flooding the state with large numbers of agents has not produced meaningful results.

One more thing: this is not the first time a political leader has been given a Nobel Prize by a supplicant. Trump was given a Nobel Peace Prize medal by this year’s winner from Venezuela. In 1943, the same thing happened with a Norwegian Nobel laureate, who gave his Literature Prize medal to Goebbels, possibly as a way to ask Nazi Germany not to brutalize Norway. The circumstances are unclear, but it is a striking precedent.

Jacobsen: In Minneapolis, small businesses are being harassed by ICE agents. Any thoughts?

Rosner: People keep telling the most egregious stories. One family was going home from what I think was a sporting event—possibly kids’ sports. They were not protesting. They were just trying to get home and happened to pass near some ICE action in their neighborhood. ICE deployed an explosive tear gas canister under their car, which lifted the vehicle and flooded it with tear gas.

They had a six-month-old baby in the car. Everyone was gassed. The baby stopped breathing. The mother performed CPR. They got the baby to the hospital, and the baby survived. There was no apology from ICE and no explanation for why an explosive device was set off under a family’s car when they were not protesting or interfering with anything.

Another egregious story from the past two days: ICE went to a Mexican restaurant, ate lunch, then returned at closing time and arrested everyone who prepared and served that lunch. They are just fuckers.

Some statistics: about 73% of the people taken into custody by ICE are guilty of no crime. Only 5.2% of those taken into custody are violent criminals, or have been found guilty of a violent crime. Trump said he would get the “bad hombres” off the street, but roughly 18 out of 19 people arrested by ICE are not violent criminals, and nearly three out of four committed no crime at all.

So yes, it is deeply shitty. I also have to reiterate that many people who believe in MAGA will believe this bullshit until they get old and die. There is no fixing a lot of these broken-brain motherfuckers, which makes me question why I am doing the show with Lance.

I think I am going to go on that show and Lance is going to tell me—something I say with nearly 100% confidence—that the video conclusively shows that Renée Goode was trying to run someone over. Anyone looking at the video competently will see it as a bad shooting.

We have not talked about the fire department yet. Rotten Tomatoes, and a slightly new topic: the DOJ has been stonewalling any kind of investigation into the shooting. They are saying there will be no investigation. That part of the DOJ is run by a political hack named Harmeet Dhillon, whose previous experience was serving as vice chair of the California Republican Party. As a result, very little information is getting out. They are sitting on anything that could constitute a real investigation.

Some information has come out through the fire department’s report. After she was shot and her car crashed, a doctor tried to approach and render aid. ICE did not allow anyone to tend to her. Minutes passed. Eventually, the fire department arrived to take her away. When they arrived, she was not breathing but still had a pulse. They attempted to render aid but could not restore her breathing.

The fire department issued a report on her condition. She had four bullet holes. I understand that entry and exit wounds can be counted separately, but even accounting for that, it is clear she was shot three times.

The first shot apparently went through her arm and into her chest. The second shot went through her other arm and into her chest. The third shot went into the side of her head, causing her brain matter to exit the skull.

When you look at police shootings, an officer is responsible for every shot fired. If the third shot was the fatal shot, and if she could have survived the first two shots had aid been rendered, then the third shot may have been the kill shot. That shot was also the least justified—fired into the side of her head after she had already nearly passed the officer.

That makes the officer potentially liable for murder or manslaughter.

Lance will tell me otherwise, using bullshit like “she fucked around and found out” or claiming she drove into him. He will repeat things that have already been debunked. I do not know why I keep doing the show. It costs me money.

I pay for the model. I pay for the director. What is the point?

He will defend trying to take over Greenland. He will defend kidnapping Maduro. Whatever Trump wants to do, Lance will defend it. He will say Trump is making things cheaper. He is not. Inflation is at 2.7 percent, the same as last year. Trump says that is a great number. When it was Biden’s number, it was a terrible number.

The U.S. has added virtually no jobs since April. Lance will say everything is going great. It seems stupid to keep doing this. Rotten Tomatoes.

Jacobsen: Are you a white-sock guy, a gray-sock guy, or a multicolor-sock guy?

Rosner: White on black or white on gray. I wear Wigwam Super 60 knee-high socks. I wear three socks on each leg: a pressure sock, then a second pressure sock of a different brand, and then the Wigwam sock over the top.

I have varicose veins. If I am not careful, I develop a clot near my shin bone. It is not dangerous because it is superficial. The dangerous ones are deep clots. DVT stands for deep vein thrombosis, and I have not had one of those.

Those are the clots that can move through your body and cause a stroke or a pulmonary embolism. They can be fatal. So I wear very tight knee-high socks and sleep with my legs elevated, like it is the 1970s or 1980s.

These socks came with three wide horizontal stripes across the top. I used to wear colored socks—white knee-high athletic socks with stripes. If you look at sports photos from the 1970s, you will see people wearing those socks along with very short shorts. People wore tiny shorts in the 1970s.

I still wear those knee-high socks with the big stripes, except the stripes are gone now. You can probably still get them with stripes if they match a school color or uniform, but I just wear the plain white ones.

I usually buy half a dozen at a time, and they throw in a seventh pair—at least they used to. I have not bought them in a while.

If I have to dress formally, I wear four pairs of socks. I put a pair of black knee-high support stockings over the other three.

I have never sprained an ankle because I have thick ankles, which gives me leverage. People with skinny ankles seem to suffer more strains. My ankles and feet are padded and protected, wrapped up in all these socks, which adds another few layers of protection.

Rosner: Would you rather wear Crocs with socks, or sandals without socks?

Jacobsen: Neither. I am not going to wear either of those things. I have been wearing boots for years. I got these army-type boots at Big 5, and they are super comfortable. They come up over the ankle, and I like the extra support. I do not want to sprain an ankle. They are really good, so I wear them every day.

Carol has messed up her ankle and feet at least twice from wearing Crocs. Crocs offer no support, and because they are stretchy and floppy, if you place your foot wrong, they can trip you up, which is exactly what happened to Carol. Crocs are stupid.

Oh, one more thing. Since trying to depose Maduro—and even before that—Trump has been seizing oil tankers from Venezuela and just taking them. Depending on oil prices, a tanker can carry roughly $120 million to $150 million worth of oil. He has taken six of them. Even conservatively, that is well over half a billion dollars in oil, possibly closer to three-quarters of a billion.

Those tankers get turned over to his friends in Qatar, and there has been no clear accounting of where the money goes. Maybe the tankers are sitting somewhere waiting for the oil to be sold. I do not know how it works. But it looks like close to a billion dollars in oil was taken through what amounts to piracy on the high seas by Trump. 

Will Americans ever see that money? I do not know how much trying to depose or kidnap Maduro cost—probably at least $100 million, maybe hundreds of millions. Will money from the confiscated oil be used to offset those costs? Will the U.S. get any money from these tankers? Will the people of Venezuela get any money from the oil? It is not clear. Will Trump personally get any money from the sale of the oil? I do not know. But it is insane.

Jacobsen: Have you ever had to learn another language?

Rosner: Yes. I took French for three years in junior high and two years in high school. There may have been a time when I could understand a little of it, but that was long ago, and my understanding was never very good. I hated it. The only reason I took French is that my mother was a French teacher.

I thought having a teacher in-house would make it easier. It did not. Given where I live and the demographics of the U.S., I should have taken Spanish. I also think Spanish might have been easier to learn than French, although neither is especially hard. Language learning is just not my thing. Some people have a facility for it. I am great with English, but other languages, not so much. At this point, there is no real need anyway, since every phone is basically a translator.

It would be nice to understand the language of the country you are in, but almost everywhere Carol and I have gone, there are plenty of people who speak English. You can usually figure out what you need on the streets of Antwerp or wherever until you run into someone who speaks enough English to help you.

Jacobsen: Do you know other languages? Do you feel a need to know them?

Rosner: No. 

Jacobsen: There is a subtle phenomenon people report when they know multiple languages: when they speak a different language, they partially shift into that culture, and a different personality emerges. You see this with people who speak Hebrew and go to Israel, for example. Another version of themselves shows up. The only benefit of mass translation, or even personal translation, is gaining a slightly different sense of self, but that is not necessary in 99.9% of a person’s life.

Rosner: You are talking about code-switching.

Jacobsen: Yes. 

Rosner: So we agree that it might make more sense to eliminate the foreign-language requirement in high school and replace it with something else—statistics, for example, or civics, assuming civics is still required. I honestly do not know.

Critical thinking would be far more useful: how not to be driven crazy or stupid by propaganda. In sixth grade, we had a unit on this. It was not called that, but that was the idea—how people try to change your thinking, how advertising works.

I loved Mad Magazine. One of my obsessions was trying to collect every issue ever published. I came close. I had every Mad Magazine, but before that there were about 23 issues of Mad comics, and I managed to get 14 of them. I also loved National Lampoon. Those things educated me in bullshit, because they made fun of culture, sales techniques, and the nonsense people say.

Eventually I outgrew Mad Magazine, or maybe it got lazy, but I am always happy to see it again, though I think it has stopped publishing.

People should be educated to be suspicious—but not stupidly suspicious. That is part of civic education. Another part should be learning how to tell the difference between a legitimate scientific paper or expert and a charlatan, or between sound research and work that is dishonest, incompetent, or both.

We have this thing in the U.S. called VAERS. You know VAERS.

Jacobsen: Yes.

Rosner: Since VAERS became widely known during COVID, idiots have produced hundreds of papers claiming vaccines harmed enormous numbers of people. These papers are scientifically dishonest or illiterate, and a lot of people cannot see that. Someone with even a bit of training can usually tell fairly quickly why a paper is bullshit.

That kind of education would not take a semester. It could take one week of a class. A semester would be better spent understanding the world than learning French.

Jacobsen:  If reincarnation is real, what land animal would you want to be reborn as?

Rosner: I do not know. I do not love the thought of being animals; they do not have great lives. I would want to be reborn as a human.

Jacobsen: That was not the question. Humans are land animals, but fine. I will grant that. Aquatic animals, then. 

Rosner: Whales live a long time—maybe a hundred years—and they are smart. I like the idea of having an inner life, and whales probably have one.

They seem to work hard at being whales, constantly moving to filter enough krill to eat. Killer whales eat seals, but that seems like a miserable profession—constantly hunting seals.

Dolphins might be an option. Dolphins are fun, and they have figured out how to get sexual attention from humans. Occasionally that leads to bad behavior, but dolphins seem to understand that if they befriend a human, eventually they can signal what they want.

If I could be a dolphin in a situation where an animal-loving woman would help me out, then maybe dolphin. Of course, society tends to shut that down quickly, and people get banned.

Otherwise, maybe another primate.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1603: Aging, Intelligence, and Romance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

If you could control a timeline—your senses, and the loss of sense and mobility as you have gotten older—what order would you lose them in?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Rick Rosner on aging, beauty, intelligence, and social adaptation. Rosner reflects on sensory loss, arguing he would surrender smell first and protect vision last. He recounts youthful insecurity, cosmetic surgery decisions, and how fame reshapes standards of attractiveness. The discussion broadens into romance, marriage, and durability, framing long-term counselling as an overlooked form of devotion. Rosner introduces his concept of“smart-stupid,” warning that intelligence can mislead when it rejects proven social rules. Using street-crossing metaphors and pop culture, he argues that not everything benefits from reinvention, and that maturity often means learning when not to optimize.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: If you could control a timeline—your senses, and the loss of sense and mobility as you have gotten older—what order would you lose them in?

Rick Rosner: I do not know. I would give up smell first. If you give up smell, you lose much of your sense of taste, because taste is mainly dependent on smell. But I have never been very good at smelling things so that I would give that up first. Beyond that, I do not want to give up anything. Vision is the last thing I would like to lose. All right. We do not have to talk about what you do not want to. You had surgery on your nose? How many times, in what way, and why? A friend of mine—Charlie Weidman—had his nose smashed by a basketball in sixth or seventh grade, and it was reconstructed. I remember thinking it looked great afterward and suited his face. He always had a girlfriend. I thought he had terrible taste in girlfriends, but he always had one in high school. I could not get a girlfriend. My nose was not horrible, but it was not great—especially in a very blonde, white town where noses tended to be small. I started working in bars because I thought someone might smash my nose, and I could get a new one. It never happened. Drunks were bad at hitting people. I never even got a black eye, because their punches were weak, and my face has a lot of bony structure. Eventually, I gave up and went to NYU, where I say I got a “practice” nose job for free because they needed cases to practice on. I did not have my nose completely re-engineered. They moved my nostrils in a little and took a little bit off. It was not much, but it gave me a nicer nose. The difference between me being as handsome as I am and as handsome as I would want to be is not easily solved. I think the easiest way to become attractive is to become so famous that your face is recognizable and people decide it is a decent way to look. I believe that is what happens with actors like Dustin Hoffman, who became widely known after The Graduate (1967).

It would take major reconstructive surgery on my face to get it close to the modern standard for really handsome. I learned about a procedure later. It was not available during my plastic surgery years. Instead of giving you a chin by slicing open the area between your lip and gum and inserting a piece of silicone to create a small knob—which does not accomplish much—they now do something more extensive. A chin implant helps a little if you have a weak chin, but what you really want is the whole procedure, which gives you a complete “Batman” jaw. They run silicone from the chin along the jawline and build out the area at the hinge of the jaw, giving you a strong, angular jaw—the full-on good-looking jaw, the Mini Driver jaw. I do not think that was available back in the 1980s, but it would have gone a long way toward giving me the look I would have wanted. Even Duchovny, who has a weak chin, has a wide jaw at the back. Nobody cares about his weak chin because his jaw is firm. That is what would have helped. What really would have helped is having the kind of personality where it does not matter what I look like. I have managed to get some of that, but not enough, and not early enough. On the other hand, I have been married to Carole for nearly thirty-five years, so who cares at this point? Rotten tomatoes. Tim Leary may or may not have had his head shot into space. Would you like to go that way? No. I want to be cryonically preserved if there is no other option, because I want a shot at preservation.

Jacobsen: What is the most romantic thing you have ever done? 

Rosner: I made my college girlfriend a tiny gold raft. I met her just after she returned from a whitewater rafting trip, and I made it using lost-wax casting. I found a small raft in a model kit—it was a life raft for a battleship. I made her a golden raft on golden waves, which I made sparkly by buying cheap diamonds and smashing them with a hammer. That defeats the purpose of diamonds, because once they are broken, they are less sparkly. Still, I made the whole thing. It took a long time, and it was pretty cool. I do not know whether she appreciated it. Another romantic thing is staying married to Carole for thirty-five years and going to couples counselling since before our child was born—about thirty-two years of counselling. We have good insurance that pays for it. Thirty-two years of counselling is an extraordinary amount of work. Working on a marriage for decades to make sure it remains solid—that is romantic to me.

Jacobsen: How are you defining “romantic” in that context?

Rosner: I do not know. Consistency, reliability, and showing up—yes—but Carole would not find any of that romantic. She would find it positive, but not romantic. I am not sure Carole has a well-formed idea of what “romantic” means. She knows when she is not getting it. I do not know. I have given you a couple of examples. Something that started as romantic turned into an obsession and is now an annoyance. For instance, I got her micro mosaics because she liked micro mosaics. Then I became obsessed with them, and now we have far too many.

Jacobsen: Please walk through that logic. It sounds like a three-step pattern in your life events: something seems like a good idea, is aimed at a noble end, and, during execution, becomes an annoyance.

Rosner: Yes. That is right.

Jacobsen: That makes sense. It really lands. It is a sharp, punctured piece of insight. You take an immense amount of intellectual capacity, and—as you said earlier with your friend—there is the Rosner way.

Rosner: “There is the right way, and then there is the Rosner way.”

Jacobsen: And that is because you have an asynchronous sense of life timing, combined with an asymmetrical level of intelligence compared to most people we interact with.

Rosner: There is a term, “smart-stupid,” coined by an internet blogger called King Daddy. It refers to people like Elon Musk or Peter Thiel, who think they are brilliant in all ways because they have been wise or lucky enough to become billionaires. But it applies to other smart people too. If you can analyze situations and come up with your own strategies, sometimes they work, and sometimes they do not. Established strategies have the advantage of being standard and proven over time, through use by billions of people.

The idea that one intelligent person can invent a better way than what billions of others have done often leads to trouble. Take the red-light example. This is not exactly philosophy, but it is illustrative. Billions of people have crossed the street safely by waiting for the light. Millions have been killed by not doing that. A genius who thinks he can save time by inventing a new street-crossing system may actually be more likely to get killed than someone who follows the rule. I could find a better example, but that is the basic idea. Not everything needs to be done a new way. That is a lesson younger, intelligent people—especially those on the spectrum—need to learn: leave some things alone. The old example from high school movies of the 1970s and 1980s is the nerdy guy—probably on the spectrum, though the term did not exist then—who is socially awkward and either finds or does not find a girlfriend by trying to outsmart the system in which the popular jocks get the girls.

Those movies often sympathize with that guy and present him as deserving because he is “nice.” But there is a case to be made for taking that guy aside and saying, “Look, you are on the spectrum.” You are awkward. It is going to take years before you can get a girlfriend unless you learn to play the game—learn social skills, lift some weights, join a sports team, make friends that way, make sure your hair does not look stupid, and make sure your clothes do not look ridiculous. Inner goodness alone will not get you what you want. You have to do it the way everyone else does it. 

An addendum: in junior high, I built a three-dimensional Gaussian bell-curve generator using BBs running through a set of Plinko-style grids to produce a bell curve. It was ingenious. It was well built. It took months. I thought a girl would see it and think, “Wow, that is a brilliant guy. I should consider him.” What was I thinking? I presented it to my class. The presentation took five minutes. It was one of the last days of school. Nobody could have cared less. It was a perfect example of inventing a new way to cross the street and getting run over. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1602: Trump, Nobel Symbolism, and Ethical Conflict

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/18

How do faith-based ethics and secular humanism collide when political power rewards spectacle, fear, and compromise in the United States?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine how political spectacle and moral systems interact in the United States. They correct claims about Trump and the Nobel Peace Prize, then discuss reports of a Nobel medal being handed over and why the prize itself cannot be transferred. Rosner links the episode to fears about hardline immigration enforcement, threats to civil norms, and contingency planning under possible authoritarian drift. They contrast transcendental, faith-based ethics with secular humanism, arguing that MAGA-aligned Christianity often overrides the Golden Rule, while humanists struggle to balance compassion with strategic electoral compromise. Both warn that living memory fades.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: President Donald Trump did not receive a Nobel Peace Prize today. What has been reported is that FIFA awarded him its inaugural FIFA Peace Prize at the World Cup draw in December.

Separately, reports say Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado, the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize recipient, visited the White House and gave her Nobel medal to Trump. Trump accepted it and framed it as a gesture of mutual respect. The Nobel institutions responded that a Nobel Peace Prize cannot be revoked, shared, or transferred, even if the physical medal changes hands.

Rick Rosner: That episode feeds into a broader concern: nothing seems off-limits anymore. In Minnesota, the administration has carried out a major immigration enforcement surge. Reporting indicates that roughly 2,000 federal agents were dispatched to the Minneapolis–St. Paul area, and that DHS Secretary Kristi Noem has been publicly associated with the operation.

State and local officials have urged calm and nonviolence amid protests and backlash. At the federal level, Trump has threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act in response to the unrest. Invoking the Act could expand the federal government’s ability to deploy forces domestically, but it does not give a president lawful authority to cancel federal elections, which are set by statute and constrained by the Constitution.

If the situation deteriorated into widespread political detentions, that would raise practical questions about personal safety and contingency planning. In historical cases of authoritarian escalation, people who left early often had more options, including the ability to preserve assets, than those who waited until exit routes narrowed.

Jews who tried to leave Germany in 1936, 1937, or 1938 often escaped with almost nothing. Many were forced to surrender their assets to the Nazi state in order to obtain exit permits. That historical reality raises a practical question: if conditions start turning seriously authoritarian, do we begin thinking about moving savings abroad? Is that even possible?

Am I scared? Not yet. But conditions are deteriorating.

Kristi Noem and Stephen Miller have been associated with messaging suggesting that people may now be asked to prove U.S. citizenship. As a general rule, citizens are not required to carry proof of citizenship in daily life. Nonetheless, aggressive enforcement practices can proceed regardless of legal norms. That is the concern.

So no, I am not afraid yet. But we are perhaps 20 percent of the way toward something openly authoritarian. Twenty percent is not close—but it is not trivial, either.

Jacobsen: That leads to a larger question: ethics.

There are two major, competing ethical narratives, each composed of many internal variations. The first is traditional and longstanding. It is often transcendental, frequently religious, and grounded in the idea of external or divine moral authority. Some of these systems are transnational; others are local. In some cases, closed groups or cults develop their own internal ethical frameworks, as with Keith Raniere. I am not judging those systems here—only noting their existence as systems.

The second narrative is more modern and emerged more clearly in the twentieth century. It appears in ethical culture movements, Unitarian Universalism, and secular humanism. Think of figures such as Isaac Asimov and Carl Sagan. I have interviewed Sagan’s widow, Ann Druyan, and that conversation was published as a feature in The Humanist. She remains active in public intellectual life.

I see these as two large, aggregated ethical systems shaping contemporary conflict. One assumes another world beyond this one; the other is grounded in the human world as it exists. One relies on faith-based divine law; the other relies on empirically informed, evolving ethics shaped by reason, context, and human well-being.

So how do you see this landscape, and who is winning?

Rosner: At present in the United States, religion-based ethics are being hollowed out because many of the loudest Christian voices align with MAGA politics and excuse nearly any behavior in service of Trump, including conduct that is plainly unethical. By contrast, secular liberals and humanists are more consistently focused on humane treatment and ethical restraint.

If the question is who is upholding ethical principles more coherently right now in the U.S., it is humanists rather than faith-based actors. Who is winning politically is less clear. But if you are looking for people who think humanely, you are more likely to find them on the left at this moment.

There are plenty of conscientious conservatives. By that, I mean perhaps 20 to 30 million independents, right-leaning independents, and conservatives who act in good faith. But there are at least as many MAGA adherents who operate on a zero-sum worldview. They have been propagandized into believing they must protect their own at all costs, and that it does not matter what happens to people outside their group—often framed as brown and Black people, or whoever Trump tells them to fear.

Jacobsen: That brings me to a related question. What is your assessment of ethical systems on their own terms, not as they are currently practiced socially or politically?

Rosner: I am comfortable with any ethical system whose objective is the decent treatment of people in general. Humanism does this. Religious ethical systems can also do this, within limits.

The problem with humanism is that it is poorly equipped for ruthless political environments. The problem with religion is that it can prioritize abstract or doctrinal values over living people. Christianity, for example, often places the moral status of unborn fetuses above the well-being of people who are already alive. It can also enforce rigid ideas about sex and gender, privileging heterosexual and cisgender identities while marginalizing those who do not conform.

Religious ethics can therefore become strongly in-group–oriented and punitive toward out-groups.

In short, humanism is structurally prepared to lose political battles. A committed humanist position might support allowing trans athletes to compete in accordance with their gender identity. Republicans have turned this into a major political issue, despite the fact that the number of trans athletes involved is extremely small.

States such as Idaho and West Virginia enacted laws barring trans youth from participating in school sports consistent with their gender identity and carried those laws through the courts to the Supreme Court, which has not yet issued a definitive ruling. In practical terms, each of those states has only one known trans athlete affected by the legislation.

It is disproportionate. The issue is magnified because it mobilizes voters. The rhetoric does not acknowledge how small the numbers actually are. Instead, it creates the impression of a large-scale threat, as though a wave of trans athletes were about to overwhelm women’s sports.

Even though I support trans people, I am prepared to sacrifice the issue of trans athletes if it means Democrats win more elections. I do not support a nationwide ban on trans athletes, but I would prefer that outcome to Trump winning again. That may sound harsh, but the electoral consequences matter.

It is not fair, and it is not ethical in an ideal sense. But if taking the trans athlete issue off the table deprives Republicans of a reliable wedge issue, I am willing to accept that compromise, even though it is deeply unpleasant.

I think many humanists are unprepared to compromise politically in order to avoid being locked out of power entirely.

Jacobsen: Do political convictions supersede ethical convictions in the United States right now? 

Rosner: Yes. On the MAGA side in particular, many adherents claim to be Christian while supporting positions that directly contradict basic Christian principles, including the Golden Rule. Their worldview is zero-sum: for “us” to survive—often defined as white Christians—others must suffer.

There is an implicit belief that brutality toward outsiders is acceptable, even desirable, because it will deter others from coming. That is not Christianity. It is politics.

Jacobsen: Recently, news circulated that one of the last known survivors of Auschwitz had died. 

Rosner: Auschwitz was liberated nearly eighty-one years ago. The passage of time matters. Auschwitz did not allow infants to survive; they were killed immediately. Very young children had little chance of survival. Anyone liberated as a child in 1945 would now be elderly, likely in their nineties or older.

The point is not the exact age of the last survivor. The point is that living memory is disappearing.

That is why projects such as Steven Spielberg’s Shoah Foundation, begun decades ago, sought to record survivor testimonies on video—so the record would remain when the witnesses were gone.

The same is true of World War II veterans more broadly. Very few remain alive. The youngest possible veterans would have been teenagers at the very end of the war, often having lied about their age to enlist.

We are entering a period where firsthand witnesses are gone, and history becomes easier to distort. That should worry anyone who cares about ethics, memory, and political responsibility.

Jacobsen: The last known D-Day veteran died on November 25 of last year. That means the youngest World War II veterans are now close to 100 years old. 

Rosner: There may be only a few hundred left, possibly fewer. The exact number is unclear, but it is very small.

There is not much to say beyond the obvious: time passes, people age, and they die. The hope is that we have preserved enough of their memories and historical records that those histories still matter.

That history is already being eroded. The United States now has thousands—perhaps tens of thousands, possibly more—of young people who think Hitler “was not so bad” or that he had some good ideas. What is being lost is the instinctive moral revulsion toward Hitler and what he represented.

As we move further away from World War II, it becomes easier for bad actors to propagandize the uninformed into softening or relativizing the crimes of Nazism. Historical distance creates space for distortion. That should concern anyone paying attention.

Jacobsen: Do you listen to much music? 

Rosner: Not really. Mostly in the car, and I do not spend much time driving. I listen to stand-up comedy more than music.

Jacobsen: Do you sing along? 

Rosner: Yes, sometimes. If I hear a song I know well, I might sing along.

Jacobsen: What songs? 

Rosner: Years ago, I used to sing along to Only the Good Die Young by Billy Joel, when it came out decades ago. It is an easy song to sing.

Jacobsen: Did it move you? 

Rosner: At the time, yes—mostly because I wanted to get laid. It is a song about trying to persuade a woman to sleep with you.

I know you meant love, not just sex, but that was the appeal then.

I have never done karaoke, which would be a great name for a song, incidentally.

If I can see the lyrics—everything is closed-captioned now—and I know the song, I might sing a bit. If there is a show where people speak with a strong accent, I sometimes imitate the accent.

I encourage Carole to do that too, but she will not. She is shy. I am less so.

When I was in first, second, or third grade, I had a music teacher who told me I was the least talented student she had ever had. That effectively ended any sense that I was musical, especially with regard to singing. I internalized it and thought, fine, forget it.

In my junior year of high school, my friends and I joined the choir for entirely different reasons. People in choir were partying heavily and hooking up, and we wanted access to that social world. I did fine in choir. I fell asleep a lot because there was a great deal of downtime while different sections rehearsed, and I tend to get sleepy. But I had no real difficulty singing.

If I had been trained properly, I would not have had a problem. Singing is enjoyable. The issue is that I never learned how to sustain a melody. I do not know how to remember the notes or guide my voice through them. I can usually manage the first few notes, and after that my voice goes wherever it wants unless the song is extremely simple, like Only the Good Die Young, or unless it sits on a single note for a long stretch.

I auditioned for Anything Goes during my senior year. I prepared It’s Still Lovely, a Cole Porter song from the musical. I went in, sang it, and the room went completely silent. I could not tell whether I had done exceptionally well or terribly.

Afterward, I asked a friend why everyone had been so quiet. He said it was because I had not sung the song—I had yelled it.

Despite that, I was cast. I played one of the sailors and sang in the chorus. I needed to be in that musical because it gave me a legitimate reason to stay at school after hours. That access was part of a larger plan to break into the office and obtain blank transcript materials so I could alter my academic records.

It turned into a full-scale heist.

I tracked down a student who had gotten into a fight with the vice principal and stolen his keys. He worked at a camera store that also cut keys. During the scuffle, the vice principal dropped his keys, and this student grabbed them, ran to the shop, and made copies. Those copies circulated among students who wanted after-hours access to the school.

I spoke with him and obtained keys to parts of the building. I still needed multiple keys: one for the front door, which had already been changed, and another for the office. He had the office key. By casing the place while rehearsals were ongoing, I figured out which desk drawer held the key to the transcript room, where the official school seal was kept.

The whole process took about a month.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1601: Rosie, ICE Controversies, Iran Crackdown, and America’s Political Stress Test

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/14

What happens to a democracy when outrage, enforcement power, and information warfare collide at home and abroad?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about the intimate and the geopolitical in one breath: caring for Rosie, an elderly dog struggling to eat, while watching escalating turmoil in U.S. politics and global conflict. Rosner describes appetite treatment with Entyce and then pivots to controversies surrounding ICE tactics, public backlash, and the rhetorical hardening of political life. The discussion broadens to Iran’s crackdown, mass casualties, arrests, and communications shutdowns, alongside speculation about U.S. and Israeli responses. Together, they examine institutional resilience, civic “levers,” soft power erosion, and the long tail of ideological movements.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What’s new?

Rick Rosner: At home, we’ve got Rosie the dog. You met her. She’s fifteen and a quarter years old, and it’s been very hard to get her to eat, which is often a sign that a dog is nearing the end. We’re trying to keep her going as long as possible. She seems otherwise in pretty good shape, but something is clearly going on.

We’ve been dosing her with something called Entyce (capromorelin), which is designed to stimulate appetite by mimicking the body’s hunger-hormone signaling. We use a dosing syringe: we wait for her to fall asleep, then squirt it into her mouth. An hour or two later, she’ll eat. Can this continue indefinitely? Probably not. We’ll see how long we can keep it going. She’s a sweet dog, and she doesn’t seem to be suffering. We’re going to keep going as long as she allows.

Out in the world, Trump and the MAGA ecosystem are getting increasingly extreme. We used to be surprised by that. We should not be anymore, but it is still striking that he keeps finding new ways to escalate.

Minneapolis, in particular, has been flooded with federal immigration enforcement following the January 7, 2026 shooting of Renee Good, a U.S. citizen, by an ICE agent during an enforcement surge. Videos and witness accounts have fueled major controversy over the federal account of events, and there have been widespread protests.

There are also videos showing aggressive encounters, including agents smashing a car window, cutting a seatbelt, and pulling a woman from her vehicle during the Minneapolis surge.

On the political side, Senator Markwayne Mullin publicly defended the agent’s actions in media appearances.

Inside the Justice Department, prosecutors resigned amid controversy over how the case is being handled, including reported pressure to scrutinize Renee Good’s widow rather than pursue a civil-rights investigation into the shooting. Different reports put the resignations at at least six.

The situation is even worse in Iran. Reporting indicates a large-scale crackdown and mass casualties, alongside severe communications restrictions. The death toll reported by rights monitors has exceeded 2,000, with Reuters reporting at least 2,571 as of January 14, 2026, citing a rights group. Iranian officials have also acknowledged roughly 2,000 deaths while disputing responsibility.

Iran’s security response involves multiple forces, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and other security services. Estimates of IRGC size commonly place it at around 150,000 personnel, and Iran’s population is roughly in the low-90-millions.

Will this bring down the regime? Iran has faced repeated waves of unrest since 1979, and many analysts caution that even very large protest movements do not necessarily translate into regime collapse.

Trump is making noises about doing something to Iran. He might increase tariffs on countries still trading with Iran, but tariffs tend to take decades to have an effect, if they work at all. There are already extensive sanctions on Iran that have been in place for decades.

He could also try bombing Iran. That would not be very effective against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, because they are embedded in cities and mixed among the civilian population. You could try to locate barracks or target senior clerical leadership, but that would be difficult. They could bomb military targets, but I do not know whether that would be enough to destabilize the regime.

They could also give Israel a green light—Israel often seeks U.S. approval for actions against Iran, though not always—but I do not think any of that would necessarily bring down the regime. Thoughts?

Jacobsen: It’s deeply tragic. So many people are dying. It’s unclear whether this will have any effect on the regime itself. Estimates now put the death toll at over 2,500, including civilians, children, and some security personnel, with more than 18,000 arrests reported so far.

Rosner: And there have been a lot of executions. It’s not just people being shot in the streets. People are arrested, pushed through a rapid legal process, and in some cases executed within days. Things are profoundly broken there.

It’s strange to watch some of what is happening in the United States, because nothing like this has happened here before. The U.S. has been one of the luckiest countries in the world. We’re geographically isolated, so during the world wars we suffered relatively few casualties and almost no domestic destruction.

ICE is also using a slogan. Kristi Noem had it displayed on her speaker’s stand, printed clearly: “One of ours, all of yours.” People on social media have called it a Nazi slogan. Others have pushed back, saying the exact wording is not traceable to the SS or to Spanish fascists.

I looked into it. That precise phrasing may not have been used by the Nazis or by Franco’s forces in Spain, but the policy absolutely existed. The Nazi occupation doctrine included collective punishment—kill one of ours, and we will kill dozens or hundreds of people from your village. Spanish fascists also practiced collective reprisals. So even if the slogan itself is not a direct historical quotation, the idea behind it is very real.

MAGA apologists can say it is not technically an SS slogan, but it is still disturbing that a federal agency would adopt language that echoes that logic.

ICE is also not supposed to have jurisdiction over U.S. citizens unless those citizens are actively obstructing enforcement. Even then, my understanding is that ICE is generally supposed to defer to local law enforcement. I am not convinced they even have authority in many of the situations we are now seeing.

People are saying ICE is using tactics that resemble those of the SS, which is deeply disturbing. Public outrage does not seem to be diminishing. Joe Rogan has even referred to ICE as the Gestapo. We’ll see whether any of this constrains Trump from doing whatever he wants.

Trump went to a Ford plant to celebrate what he called good economic news. He claimed he has brought inflation under control, citing a 2.7 percent annualized rate. That same number was widely criticized as unacceptable when inflation fell to similar levels late in the Biden administration. Trump is now presenting it as proof of success.

He is also claiming job creation, but reported net job growth since April appears to be minimal. Nonetheless, he is touring factories and declaring victory. At the auto plant, a worker shouted at him and called him a “pedophile protector.” Trump shouted back, “fuck you,” and flipped him off. Within a few hours, the worker was reportedly suspended.

All of this feels unprecedented, though it is not entirely disconnected from earlier developments. The situation keeps growing more extreme. The question is how much worse it can get, and how long it can continue.

Republicans currently hold only a two-seat majority in the House, the narrowest margin in modern history. A large number of Republican senators and representatives—more than fifty—have announced they are not running for re-election, which is unusually high this far ahead of an election. If even two Republicans were to break away, the party could lose control of the House.

Even that might not change much. The House alone cannot pass legislation; it needs the Senate. The House can hold hearings and vote to impeach a president, but impeachment is a two-step process. A House vote only initiates a Senate trial. Removal from office requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate, which has never occurred and has never come close.

So that is where things stand. 

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Rosner: I’m confident in sports. The NFL playoff games so far have been exciting, unpredictable, and close. If you turn to sports for relief from everything else going on, that part has been good.

There hasn’t been much polling on Trump since before Christmas, partly because of a holiday lull. Right now his approval is around 42 percent. His lowest so far this term has been about 41 percent. I assume the most recent chaos will cost him a point and take him back down to around 41, possibly lower.

Will this cost him support in the House and Senate? Possibly. But does it matter? Does it represent a phase change in his support, the way Biden experienced one?

Under normal circumstances, a president’s popularity gradually declines over four years, sometimes rebounding a bit midway through a term. Biden’s support collapsed after the withdrawal from Afghanistan and never recovered. Is it possible for Trump’s approval to experience a similar break? I do not know. It hasn’t happened since he announced his candidacy in 2015. His approval has been remarkably steady through almost everything.

If he were to lose ten percent of his base and drop to the mid- or high-thirties, I’m not sure what would happen. He’s also likely to interfere with the midterm elections, which are less than ten months away.

People have already been turning out to protest across the country, including protests over the killing of Renee Good. So far, that hasn’t produced major political consequences. If public anger escalated to the point of a national strike, would that matter? Is a national strike even possible in a country as large and decentralized as the United States, compared with European countries where nationwide strikes are more common? I do not know. Your thoughts?

Jacobsen: Things can always get worse—and they can always get better. When you have a flexible system like the American one, that becomes even more true. There are many levers of civic engagement that determine where this goes.

In some countries, criticizing the leader can get you killed. People are being killed in the United States, but not simply for mocking the president. Many prominent figures openly criticize Trump, Hegseth, and others without consequence.

Rosner: I criticize them on Twitter every day.

Jacobsen: And people with even greater prominence do as well—shows like South Park and Saturday Night Live. Both have caricatured Pete Hegseth in very different ways. That’s a healthy sign in a society.

At the same time, the fact that so much technology is everywhere, with everything on camera, also matters. It allows extensive documentation. Outrage feeds attention, and attention incentivizes participation in rage culture—whether that’s end-times pastors framing Trump as an instrument of God’s will to restore a Christian nation, or civic, civil-rights, and human-rights advocates arguing that the country is regressing toward a less universalist moral framework.

People are mobilizing on both sides. In the contemporary U.S., what I’ve observed is that the left has often exercised influence through academia, while the right, when in power, has tended to exercise influence directly through the machinery of government.

Right now, the right wing has figured this out and is attacking the credibility of academia and other elites, trying to discredit them by arguing that they are illegitimate and cannot be trusted.

Rosner: There are two points here. First, you mentioned levers of power. There are more levers in the U.S., and it is harder to capture all of them at once, even though Trump has temporarily constrained several—judicial, legislative, executive, the press, and at least one more that escapes me at the moment. Still, that is not enough to seize the government in the way Hitler did in Germany, beginning rapidly after he took power in 1933. He rewrote the rules of government. Trump has not been able to do that, and I do not think he will be able to.

Jacobsen: The system is not as established for that kind of damage.

Rosner: What do you mean?

Jacobsen: It is not as consolidated or structurally vulnerable in the same way.

Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: Another thing being eroded, perhaps the most important one, is international soft power.

Rosner: Yes. We used to be seen as a friend to the world, and Trump does not like that.

Jacobsen: His approach to geopolitics and business is essentially zero-sum. If you are losing, I am winning. If you are winning, then I must be losing, which means you have to lose.

Rosner: Yes, but he is not very smart and he is a poor businessman. Many people believe otherwise, but that belief is misplaced. That actually leads to the other thing I wanted to mention.

The other issue is historical. In Germany, immediately after the war, the Allies left roughly a million troops there for years after hostilities ended in Europe in May 1945. They engaged in a sustained process of denazification. The Nazi Party was outlawed. Nazi symbols, statements, and imagery were made illegal. Nazi leaders were put on trial. Large amounts of foreign aid were eventually directed toward reconstruction and feeding a devastated population.

That process did not convert committed Nazis into non-believers. Some younger people may have concluded it was in their interest to abandon those beliefs, but many older true believers never did. Germany largely had to wait for that generation to age out and die.

When I look at social media today, it seems plausible that even after Trump is gone—and even if the MAGA movement is substantially removed from government—there will still be a significant share of Americans, perhaps around twenty percent of adults, who hold onto MAGA beliefs until the end of their lives. What do you think?

Jacobsen: Roughly 19 to 23 million baby boomers, out of about 70 million, had died as of a couple of years ago, so that process will continue. But it is not a rigid block.

I have long objected to generational labels—Greatest Generation, Baby Boomers, Gen X, Millennials, Gen Z, and now Gen Alpha. These are shorthand categories used by demographers to describe tendencies and population-level statistics. We then build social and political narratives around them, which is understandable. But the reality is fluid. People change, especially with technology.

We have to be careful not to imply that one generation is inherently bad and another inherently good.

Rosner: Baby boomers are not overwhelmingly MAGA. They might be something like 58–42 or 50–40, with the remainder disengaged or undecided. There is some fluidity. But if you look at hardcore anti-vaxxers, who overlap heavily with MAGA, many of them are unlikely to change their views. Most will probably remain anti-vaccine for the rest of their lives.

Unless medicine suddenly delivers such extraordinary results that people’s entire worldviews are forced to shift—say, routine lifespans of 105 years with good health into the late 90s—but that is not going to happen within the lifespan of today’s anti-vaxxers.

So my point is that a significant portion of the MAGA movement will likely persist until those individuals are simply no longer around. I’ve got three or four minutes left.

Jacobsen: Did you watch any good movies today?

Rosner: I’ve been watching Roofman with Channing Tatum and Kirsten Dunst.

Jacobsen: Interesting.

Rosner: It’s fine. Carole and I have also been watching Industry, an HBO series about people in finance—equity trading, asset management, IPOs, and high-net-worth clients. It’s a show where everyone is compromised. Everyone is at least somewhat unpleasant. Some characters are consistently awful, others are only occasionally so. This season includes companies like Siren.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1600: Renée Nicole Good Shooting, Millionaire Lawsuit, and a Robot-Fitness Future

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/14

Did the Honda Pilot actually strike the officer—and how do disputed “contact” claims reshape public judgment and accountability?

In this conversation, Rick Rosner dissects video details in the fatal shooting of Renée Nicole Good, arguing the Honda Pilot likely did not strike the ICE officer and warning against self-created “vehicle threat” narratives, along with qualified-immunity concerns and hard party-line polarization nationwide. He recounts his bizarre Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? history—an invalidated “Fastest Finger” and a $16,000 question with no correct choice—leading to a lawsuit while he worked for ABC. Scott Douglas Jacobsen then draws out Rosner’s rumination habits, his push/pull workout split, and his forecast of robots, muscle-stimulation gimmicks, and gene editing making fitness increasingly optional.

Rick Rosner: I was looking at the front end of the Honda Pilot—the SUV Renée Nicole Good was driving when she was fatally shot by an ICE officer in Minneapolis—because there is an ongoing debate. According to a national poll of likely voters conducted January 9–11, 2026, about 52% said the shooting was not justified, 36% said it was justified, and 12% said they did not know. These views also break down sharply along party lines, with Democrats overwhelmingly saying the shooting was unjustified and about two-thirds of Republicans saying it was justified.

One central issue in the debate is whether the vehicle actually struck the officer. From my reading of the footage, it does not appear to have done so, although that is an interpretation. The officer appeared close to the front of the vehicle and seemed to be leaning into it. I do not know the precise law or departmental procedure, but officers are not supposed to position themselves in front of a vehicle in a way that creates a situation later used to justify lethal force.

At the time, the officer was holding a phone in his left hand and a gun in his right. At one point, it appeared that he braced himself with his left hand against the hood. The question then becomes whether contact initiated by the officer counts as being struck by the vehicle. That is unclear. As the car turned away, the remaining factual question is whether the left front corner of the car contacted his left leg.

I examined the Honda Pilot’s front-end design to assess this. Most modern passenger vehicles have rounded front ends, unlike many pickup trucks. Honda’s front corners are fairly rounded, which would make a sharp corner impact less likely. The vehicle was also turning away, so even if contact occurred, it would likely have slid past him rather than striking or lifting him.

You asked whether this incident could lead to changes in front-end vehicle design. I do not think so. Vehicles are already designed with rounded fronts for aerodynamic efficiency, maneuverability, and easier parking. My own car, a 2012 Toyota Camry, has similarly rounded front edges. Rotten tomatoes.

I expect to argue this extensively with Lance on Sunday. Based on our phone conversation, I assume he will take the MAGA/ICE position that the officer was struck and that the shooting was justified. I will argue the opposite—anyway—rotten tomatoes.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the craziest thing that has ever happened to you? A WTF moment.

Rosner: I have had several intense experiences. The whole millionaire episode was particularly striking, although it unfolded over time rather than as a single moment.

Jacobsen: Which, right now, is not a single moment for the narrative.

Rosner: I worked very hard to get onto Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? I actually made it onto the show twice. The first time, I did not make it into the hot seat. There was a technical issue during “Fastest Finger,” and the question that might have gotten me there was thrown out. I believe Regis Philbin misread the question, but I cannot be certain. In any case, the question was invalidated, and that ended that appearance.

I later returned to the show and this time made it into the hot seat. On the $16,000 question, they asked something for which the correct answer was not among the available choices. Their researchers and writers had made an error. I sent extensive correspondence explaining the problem. This was not unprecedented—errors like this had happened multiple times before my appearance and a few times afterward. At the time I was on the show, more contestants had been removed from the hot seat because of production errors than had won the million-dollar prize.

I wrote to them repeatedly and called them. Before the statute of limitations expired—I believe it was one year—I filed a lawsuit. On a multiple-choice quiz show, the correct answer should exist among the choices. The situation was especially absurd because I am meticulous about this sort of thing. I reviewed approximately 110,000 Millionaire questions from versions of the show across more than thirty countries to confirm that my interpretation was correct. It was. They disagreed and hired expensive lawyers.

The situation became even stranger because Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? was an ABC show, and I was working for ABC while suing them. That combination of circumstances makes it one of the strangest things I have ever been involved in. Other experiences might rival it, but none come to mind immediately.

Jacobsen: Are you someone who gets over things quickly, or do you have trouble processing them afterward?

Jacobsen: Here is some context. In high school, I was very driven. I joined many clubs, aimed for high grades, and even attempted sports, unsuccessfully. Around that time, a book called Type A Behaviour and Your Heart was published. Research from the late 1970s suggested that certain personality types—what they called Type A—were more prone to heart attacks due to chronic stress and agitation.

I read the book while taking a speed-reading class at night. I was constantly trying to earn additional credits for my transcript. At one point, the book included a self-assessment titled “Are You Type A?” I met every criterion except one. The question I failed was whether I dwell on past events and wish I could redo them.

I was only seventeen at the time. I did not have that much in my life to redo. But since then, yes, I have thought a great deal about what happened to me and wished I could redo it. That kind of thinking feeds directly into my writing.

I am working on a near-future novel in which virtual-reality utilities allow people to redo parts of their lives, not in reality but in simulation. You can replay events you dislike, try different choices, and see how they turn out. You can repeat the process multiple times.

Of course, the outcomes depend on how the simulation decides events will unfold. You cannot perfectly replicate reality. You can also manipulate the simulation itself. If you do not like an outcome, you can alter the parameters and try again. So yes, this idea is very much part of how I think.

I do not get over things easily. That said, the Millionaire incident occurred around 2000, roughly a year before 9/11. The rest of the twenty-first century has put getting a bad question on a quiz show into perspective. Far worse things have happened in the world since then.

If this had occurred five years later, I would not have pursued a lawsuit. That period coincided with the rise of reality competition shows, where arbitrary outcomes became normalized—people being voted off, judges making subjective decisions, and unfairness becoming part of the format. By then, expectations of fairness had already eroded.

Had this happened in 2006, I would have expected far less sympathy from a court. I did not receive especially fair treatment as it was, but by that point, a judge might have said that if you go on television, you accept the risk that the process will not be fair.

Rotten tomatoes. Look at Officer Ross versus Renée Good. There is a significant chance that, given the FBI’s leadership and its takeover of the investigation, she will not receive justice. There is a real possibility that a compromised investigation will conclude the officer was justified, even though he fired three shots.

The final two shots were almost certainly unjustified. There is also the possibility that the first shot killed her. We do not know. That uncertainty allows room for a finding of justification, even though I do not believe it was justified.

In some policing doctrines, officers are instructed to continue firing if a suspect is still moving and capable of causing harm. I do not know whether this remains the current policy, but the logic has been that if a threat is not neutralized, continued force is considered justified. This is evaluated through the lens of qualified immunity, which looks at whether other officers in similar situations would have acted the same way.

The basic principle is that an officer is responsible for every shot fired, including the consequences of each shot. If the first shot clearly killed her, and that can be established, the legal analysis changes. It is still unclear whether all three shots even struck her; no public disclosure has clarified that yet.

If the first shot were fatal, then subsequent shots would have been fired after death. I do not know the precise legal doctrine, but shooting a person who is already dead is not treated as murder, because the person is no longer alive. That does not make it just, but it affects how the law categorizes responsibility.

If the first shot was not fatal and the second or third shots caused her death, then those shots could potentially constitute murder. I do not know which shot, if any, was conclusively fatal. What I do believe is that the officer is responsible for each shot individually if the later shots are found to be unjustified.

There are several paths by which she may not receive justice. One is a finding that the first shot killed her and that it cannot be proven to be unjustified. In that scenario, even if the second and third shots were unjustified, they would legally be treated as shots fired at someone already dead. That outcome would be profoundly unfair, but it may be legally possible. Rotten tomatoes.

Jacobsen: How do you rotate your workouts? What do you train?

Rosner: For a while, I did everything every day, and that was not working. Now I alternate push and pull days. One day is a push day—chest and bench work. The next day is a pull day, focusing on biceps and some back, although I do not train back extensively.

People who take it very seriously often use a three-day rotation: push, pull, and legs. They may run two of those cycles and then take a day off. I do not follow that approach. Rotten tomatoes.

Jacobsen: What is the future of manual labour, fitness, and necessity as we move forward?

Rosner: Those are two different questions.

Jacobsen:  The future of a world with ten billion humanoid robots.

Rosner: In eighty years, we will be surrounded by robots capable of doing almost anything we want them to do. Human labour may become largely artisanal—digging a ditch or planting a garden because you want to, not because you have to. You will not be required to do it. You could have robot gardeners instead.

There may still be specialized situations where it is easier to have a human do the work, but much physical labour has already been made optional for a century. People will still want to look good and stay fit, though the specific exercise may change.

There are already automated exercise devices. Some involve electrical stimulation belts that trigger muscle contractions without conscious effort. They shock the muscles into contracting repeatedly. That strikes me as a poor substitute for real exercise and more of a gimmick than a meaningful improvement. I doubt it genuinely makes exercise easier.

In the future, genetic interventions may change this entirely. There could be genetic tweaks that keep people strong and muscular as a baseline physical condition. Someone once pointed out that dogs do not need to work out. They are naturally muscular due to their genetics. Humans, by contrast, have to exercise to stay in shape. Many mammals appear to be physically fit by default.

It is plausible that future gene-editing techniques—perhaps something like a CRISPR-based intervention—could allow people to look like bodybuilders or dancers without deliberate physical training. At the same time, many people may live most of their lives in cyberspace. Their physical bodies might be largely inactive, lying in chairs or storage, while their minds operate virtually for long stretches each day.

Two hundred years from now, people might even place their bodies into cryonic storage and live virtually because it is cheaper or more convenient. They might keep their bodies preserved for sentimental reasons or as a contingency in case virtual civilization collapses and physical existence becomes necessary again.

Science fiction often explores this idea. Imagine being a movie star in the year 2143 and wanting to maximize your market value. Between projects, you could enter cold storage while your representatives negotiate contracts. Film projects already take years—sometimes a decade—to move from script to production. Instead of aging during that time, a performer could be stored until filming begins.

Of course, this would compete with other technologies, such as the ability to digitally simulate younger versions of actors, eliminating concerns about aging altogether. Still, there may be reasons people choose physical storage. There will also be many ways to remain fit and attractive without spending an hour a day exercising, if that is what someone wants.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1599: Bodies, Injustice, and the Senses Over Time

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/12

How do aging bodies, moral attention, and sensory memory reshape what matters as we grow older?

In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen invites Rick Rosner to reflect on aging, attention, and meaning. Rosner moves fluidly from bodily changes—napping, gray hair, and the “frowny belly button”—to grief, diminished sexual expectation, and the unsettling realization of becoming the “outer layer” of surviving relatives. The conversation expands outward to moral scale, questioning how individual injustice fits alongside mass suffering in Ukraine and global politics. Rosner then pivots to culture and cognition, discussing film, Los Angeles life, and why smell remains uniquely powerful in memory. The result is a candid meditation on aging, biology, ethics, and human awareness.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When did you first start noticing yourself getting old—napping more, feeling sore, lying down and dozing off?

Rick Rosner: I have always been like that. Everyone thought my dad had narcolepsy because he would fall asleep all the time—during movies or while watching TV. It was funny. He would fall asleep during a show, wake up at the end, and ask, “What happened?” We would tell him something absurd like, “It was sad. Everybody died.”

So it runs in my family. I would fall asleep every day around three o’clock at work. I got caught sleeping on the job so many times that my coworkers once made a Christmas card out of photos of me asleep and called it “Silent Night.”

Then I discovered coffee, which helped me get through the day. But I have always been a big napper, so that alone is not a strong indicator that I am getting old. The gray hair is more convincing. The cottonmouth is another one. I get it now, actually. It is the worst. Maybe my number-two most depressing indicator of old age is the frowny belly button.

Jacobsen: What do you mean by that?

Rosner: When you are young, if you have visible abs, you often have a horizontal crease that runs straight across your belly button. If you are lean, that fold can line up right at the navel.

For me, that crease has turned downward. The skin around the belly button sags with age, because the belly button itself is anchored to underlying tissue and cannot move. It is fixed in place, while the surrounding skin loses elasticity. It is like a nail in a wall: the center stays put, but everything around it can droop. So instead of a straight line, the crease around my belly button bends downward into a frown. That has bothered me more than I expected.

The balls are the standard aging joke—how they get longer and saggier. That is probably true in general. I have always had saggy balls because I have varicose veins in my scrotum, so they have been carrying a heavy load for a long time. That part feels less like aging and more like consistency.

Another one is toenail fungus. As you get older—especially if you wear socks that keep your feet moist—you are more prone to fungal infections. I wear a lot of socks because of circulation issues related to varicose veins. Toenail fungus is stubborn. There are many advertised cures, and there are oral medications, but the topical treatments rarely work well.

The pills can sometimes help, but they are hard on the liver, and it feels excessive to risk liver damage just to have better-looking toenails. And even then, the fungus often comes back once you stop treatment. That is why older people tend to have thick, yellow, twisted toenails. One of mine is so bad that when it grows out, it just crumbles, because the fungus destroys it. It is disgusting.

Another depressing realization is my ass. I do not usually look at it, but when I do, it reminds me of an elephant’s backside. Elephants do not really have a butt so much as folds of skin where the legs meet. That is what mine looks like now—no defined butt, just skin folds. It is not great.

There is also reduced ejaculation volume with age. Ejaculation feels good, it is relaxing, and it used to be a reliable way to fall asleep. Now, sometimes my body just says no—you are going to sleep, and that function is offline.

I talked recently with a guy who is on testosterone replacement therapy, and he said it is fantastic. I might look into it, but it also seems like a bad idea. You see people who appear overstimulated or strained on testosterone, and I do not want to risk cardiovascular problems or a stroke at sixty-five just to feel more youthful.

All right, enough of that. I want to shift gears quickly before we run out of time. Over the past few days, I have been complaining about what appears to be a serious injustice involving a law-enforcement shooting of a woman named Renée. The details are still unclear, and it is not yet known whether the officer involved will be held accountable. I realize you might be feeling some impatience with me returning to this topic.

You are about to head toward the heart of a much larger injustice. Ukraine did not do anything wrong, and for nearly four years now, Vladimir Putin has been trying to take over the country, at the cost of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian casualties.

So my question is this: is it annoying to hear me complain about the death of one woman when there is so much injustice elsewhere in the world? You are probably more exposed to international injustice than I am, because you are a journalist and because you are Canadian and tend to hear more global news. Do you get sick of me focusing on American injustice when the scale of suffering elsewhere is so much larger?

Jacobsen: It is interesting what annoys people and what does not.

Rosner: Today was day four of this situation, and it is still not clear what the repercussions will be for the officer involved or for ICE more broadly. Kristi Noem and J.D. Vance continue to push the claim that the woman tried to run the officer over, even though available video evidence appears to contradict that narrative. They keep repeating that line.

The FBI has said it is investigating. Whether the investigation will be thorough and transparent remains unknown. The state of Minnesota has also said it has been attempting to gather evidence, but claims it has been blocked by the FBI, which reportedly took control of the evidence and asserted jurisdiction.

It is unclear how long it will take before we find out whether the officer will face consequences. He is reportedly in hiding, which in itself is not necessarily evidence of wrongdoing. Police officers are often not arrested immediately after controversial shootings. Given how angry a large portion of the public is, it is reasonable that he and his family would be kept out of public view for safety reasons.

At this point, all anyone can do is wait. There were no major new revelations today, so attention naturally shifts elsewhere.

One place it has shifted is back to the Epstein files, which were legally required to be released weeks ago. Only a small fraction has been made public so far. The continued delay has fueled speculation that the withholding is politically motivated or intended to protect powerful individuals. Whether that is true or not, the perception of a cover-up persists.

We were distracted by the shooting for several days. Meanwhile, U.S. employment numbers for December were released. The reported job gains were modest—on the order of tens of thousands. Trump has described these numbers as extraordinary. By comparison, job growth during the final year of the previous administration averaged several times higher. That contrast does not seem to matter politically. Trump will boast about nearly anything, and his supporters tend to accept it at face value.

Jacobsen: Any new movies? 

Rosner: I started watching Him, which is a recent Jordan Peele movie about a college quarterback transitioning to the pros. It is framed as a horror movie, and I am curious where the horror comes in and what the twist will be. It has Marlon Wayans playing the greatest quarterback of all time, who is training his successor.

That reminded me of the house across the street from us. There are two twin houses across the street, about sixty-five feet tall, designed by a friend of ours, Jeff, who is an architect. He lives in one of them with his wife. When those houses went up, a neighbor got very upset.

At the time, hillside houses in Los Angeles were allowed to be up to sixty-five feet tall, because the slopes are so steep that building upward is often the only way to make a house workable. Standard R1 zoning usually limits houses to thirty-five feet, but hillside properties were an exception. After these houses were built, that exception was eliminated, and the hillside limit was reduced to thirty-five feet. That was largely due to pressure from neighbors who knew how to get things done at City Hall. It is a shame, because the taller limit made architectural sense on steep lots.

I love those houses, but they are tough to live in. They have an enormous number of stairs, and there is a strong chimney effect. The temperature at the bottom of the house can be five to eight degrees Fahrenheit cooler than at the top, which is brutal in the summer.

They live in one of the twin houses. The other one has had a rotating cast of famous residents. One of the Wayans lived there for a while, which is why the movie made me think of it. I do not remember which one, but it was one of them. He probably got tired of the stairs.

After that, a porn star named Belladonna lived there for a while. She set up cameras and essentially ran a work-from-home operation. She waved at me once. She seemed nice.

Living in Los Angeles can be fun that way. You sometimes see famous people, or you live in the less fancy part of a neighborhood where famous people live in the fancier part. In our area, there have been a lot of recognizable names. Clooney used to live up the street. So did Alex Trebek, Lea Thompson, people from Lois & Clark, and Desperate Housewives.

Jeremy Allen White from The Bear lives nearby. Carol has seen him running with his shirt off, which she enjoyed very much. Uzo Aduba lives around here too. You see a lot of people like that. The key is acting cool. You cannot act impressed that they are famous. You just act mildly pleased to see a neighbor, even though you almost never see them out in the wild.

Jacobsen: There are certain emotions that, over time—especially as you get older—become less useful. They lose some of their utility, and nature seems to dull them. Through selective processes over development, they are no longer as necessary, so you feel them less strongly. Which emotions?

Rosner: I would say horniness, even though it is not really an emotion. Maybe sexual expectation is a better way to put it. I have been with Carole for almost forty years, so that part of life has changed. That drive has been blunted over time.

I do not want to go into a full inventory of what parts of that impulse remain and what parts have been erased by time, but something is still there—just not in the same way.

I watch our dogs as they get old, and I wonder how aware they are of what is happening to them. Dogs adapt their behavior to their current physical abilities. You have met both of them—the brown one and the white one. The brown one is less sharp than the white one. As they age, they go up and down stairs more carefully.

The white one is also going blind, but she has adapted to it. She is not happy about it. I might be anthropomorphizing a bit, but what does not feel like anthropomorphizing is the way she pauses, confused, as if thinking, “What the hell?” The brown one is less aware, so she sometimes stumbles down the last few steps and tumbles onto the carpet at the bottom. We have been lucky that she has not hurt herself.

The white one does not jump onto the bed anymore, because she cannot judge the distance now that she is blind. A reckless dog might keep trying and fail repeatedly, but at least the smarter dogs seem to adjust their behavior to their limitations. That makes me wonder whether they know they are old, whether they understand aging as something that happens to living things, and whether they have any sense of how it ends.

They cannot know it with any depth or specificity. They have not watched many other dogs age and die. If the white one had seen that process repeatedly, she might be able to infer that it is something that will happen to her. The brown one would not have a clue.

In terms of emotions, there is loss. When you lose layers of relatives and realize you are now on the outer edge—the next layer to go—it is not exactly an emotion, but it feels like dread mixed with melancholy. You have lost these people, and now you are next.

I have no parents left. I have a stepmother who is eighty-five, but my mother, father, and stepfather are gone. My uncle and aunt are gone. Carol has one aunt left, who is ninety. Our grandparents have been gone for a long time. As you lose those layers and realize you are now the outer layer, it is deeply unpleasant. That does not quite answer your question, but it is what your question brought up.

Jacobsen: What do you think makes smell such an enduring sense? You smell a perfume or cologne when you are ten, and twenty years later a random scent can trigger that memory.

Rosner: Nature either did that by accident, or it persists because it served a purpose. Most traits we inherit offered a survival or reproductive advantage at some point. Some traits persist accidentally, having evolved in one context and carried forward into another. Smell clearly serves a purpose, and it has a different relationship to memory than vision does.

It may not be that smell works differently with memory so much as that we encounter many smells far less often than visual stimuli. You can go decades without encountering a specific smell, then suddenly encounter it again, and it triggers an old memory. With vision, we are constantly layering new visual experiences over old ones, which makes that kind of deep recall less likely.

Smell works because volatile molecules enter the nose and bind to receptors shaped to detect them. That is the basic mechanism. Some smells are tied to molecular shape, others to volatility. The details are complicated, but the function is clear: smell keeps you from drinking nail-polish remover, or from eating a toxic berry on the savanna twenty thousand years ago.

Now that I think about it, the strong link between smell and memory may exist because smell conveys critical information about what we might eat or be exposed to. Our brains are especially good at storing memories tied to those signals. Visual information is richer and allows for broader inference. You do not need a library of remembered paw prints. If you see a massive paw-and-claw print in the mud, you know something big and dangerous is nearby.

Twenty thousand years ago, we did not have formal systems of knowledge. We had libraries of associations. We could not reason deductively about unfamiliar smells. We could only recall past experiences associated with them and decide whether something was safe or dangerous. That reliance on memory made smell especially powerful.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1598: Design, Desire, and Evolutionary Reality

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/12

Is the claim that penises are “sleek” and vaginas are “chaos” anything more than misogynistic nonsense?

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen challenges a viral, misogynistic trope that praises the penis as “sleek” while dismissing vaginas as “chaos.” Rick Rosner responds by flipping the premise with evolutionary common sense and comic realism. He explains that internal genital design offers protection, that unsolicited penis images rarely arouse women, and that attraction is more about consent and context than anatomy. Rosner widens the lens to primate biology, endurance evolution, and sexual signaling, puncturing macho myths with humor—from dung beetles to hydraulics—while grounding the discussion in biology, culture, and lived experience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I saw an absurd, misogynistic riff circulating online that claimed a penis is “sleek, functional, and symmetrical,” and that vaginas are “chaos incarnate.”

Rick Rosner: Most standups take the opposite point of view, which is at least arguably more reasonable: the vagina has a better design. It is internal, so it is more protected than external genitals, which are out there taking random impacts and general life abuse. This shows up in routines where a standup says nobody wants to see a picture of your dick.

For one thing, a dick is a dick. A lot of people do not want to see it. For another thing, a random penis photo usually is not arousing to women in the way some men assume. By contrast, if someone sends an explicit photo intentionally, what can make it feel more exciting is the signal of sexual interest and consent to play—not the anatomy itself. Men, generally, do not need much convincing that sex exists as a concept.

Maybe if your dick were exceptional, it might interest some people. On the other hand, it might intimidate some people, or just not match someone’s preferences. And in any case, penises are kind of ridiculous-looking. We are ridiculous-looking.

Think of dung beetles. The males compete, like animals do, but they are still tiny beetles whose daily business is pushing dung around. We are not that different. When guys scrap and battle for dominance, we are still limited by the brute facts of biology and physics.

Humans are not the weakest primates. We are not the strongest in raw upper-body strength compared with chimpanzees or gorillas, but we are unusually effective endurance animals, tool users, and cooperative planners. And yes, lemurs are primates, just on an earlier evolutionary branch than monkeys and apes.

We are relatively hairless. Our genital anatomy is distinctive among primates, but “most impressive” depends on what you measure and who is judging. Humans are also unusual in that sexual behaviour is not restricted to short, obvious heat periods the way it is in many mammals; sexual interest is more continuous and shaped by hormones, relationships, culture, and individual variation.

So yes, evolution shaped traits like breasts, hips, and genital signalling in complicated ways. But still, a penis is a floppy bit of tissue that becomes rigid because of hydraulics. It is ridiculous. It is fucking ridiculous.

Jacobsen: There was a Monty Python song about the penis. Eric Idle sang it: “Isn’t it wonderful? Isn’t it delightful to have a penis?”

Rosner: It is, because it is the easiest way to get a non-addictive endorphin rush. And if you want penises in show business, there was a stage show called Puppetry of the Penis, where performers made shapes—basically, dick origami. I did not see it, but I read enough about it. People went to clubs and watched men fold their penises into various forms.

There was more than one guy. Anyway, all right. On to other shit.2

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1597: ICE Use of Force, Video Evidence, and Minneapolis Protests

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/09

Did the ICE officer’s use of force in the killing of Renée Nicole Good meet policy and legal standards?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner examine the killing of Renée Nicole Good, a 37-year-old U.S. citizen and poet shot by an ICE officer in Minneapolis during a federal enforcement operation. Jacobsen sketches her family life and notes video that appears to show her car moving slowly from a dead stop on ice. Rosner interprets the footage using use-of-force standards, emphasizing that every shot requires independent justification and arguing later shots were fired after the vehicle had already passed. They discuss official claims, public skepticism, calls for investigation, and the protests that followed across multiple cities in the days afterward.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: René Nicole Good was a thirty-seven-year-old U.S. citizen and a resident of Minneapolis, Minnesota. She was the mother of three children. She was a poet and was involved in creative pursuits. She had previously lived in Kansas City, Missouri, and was originally from Colorado. At the time of her death, she lived with her wife and young child. On January 7, 2026, she was shot and killed by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer in Minneapolis during a federal enforcement operation. Her killing sparked protests in multiple cities.

She drove around the officer positioned near the front of the car. She was starting from a dead stop on ice. From the video, the vehicle appears to be moving slowly, though an exact speed cannot be determined. I have been hit by a car at low speed. I have also seen my dad—my stepdad—get hit by a car.

Rick Rosner: At low speed, a person can usually put their hands out and push away or step back if there is room. In the video, the officer appears close to the vehicle as it passes, but the exact distance—whether in inches or feet—cannot be measured from the footage. If his arms had been free, he could have pushed off. He may have done so.

In his left hand, he appears to be holding a cell phone. In his right hand, he has his gun drawn, whether he braced his forearm against the hood, the video does not clearly establish firing.

He appears to step back. At most, it looks like a half step. Based on the video, he does not seem to be knocked down or dragged. The vehicle may have brushed him, but that cannot be confirmed.

The vehicle then passes him. He had already fired at least once by that point. It is not clear how many of the shots struck her.

As the vehicle moves past him, his body is roughly an arm’s length away. He extends his arm and fires again. The gun appears to be very close to the driver’s side window when at least one of the later shots is fired.

Jacobsen: What did you feel when you first saw that image?

Rosner: My immediate reaction was that it looked like a criminal shooting. As I thought more about it and reviewed use-of-force standards, it appeared consistent with what people would describe as second-degree murder. First-degree murder involves premeditation, and this did not seem planned. But it still seemed to be unjustified.

In a shooting like this, it is generally against policy to fire at a moving vehicle to stop it, and especially to fire at a driver as the car is moving away. Doing so risks creating a driverless vehicle. That is what happened here. After the shooting, the car continued down the street and crashed, causing additional damage.

In use-of-force analysis, each shot must be justified independently. The only shot that might plausibly be argued as justified would be the first one, when the officer was closer to the front of the vehicle and could claim he felt in danger.

The officer’s identity was discussed publicly this afternoon after Kristi Noem spoke about the incident. Reporting indicates that the officer had previously been dragged by a vehicle in a similar incident months earlier and sustained injuries requiring stitches.

That prior incident may explain heightened fear, but it does not justify lethal force in a separate encounter. A previous traumatic experience does not excuse killing someone later.

Legally, if the first shot caused the fatal injury—though that is not clear—that is the shot examined when considering charges. If it were the second or third shot, or if it cannot be determined which shot was fatal, then each shot must be independently justified. The later shots were fired when the front of the vehicle was already past him.

Those are some form of murder or manslaughter, because he was in little danger for the first shot and in zero risk for the second shot. For the second and third shots, he would have had to justify danger to others, and that would be hard—maybe not impossible, but hard—because there were no other officers in her path. Killing the driver did not make the situation safer.

A person claiming to be a defence lawyer who specializes in cases like this said on Twitter that he would not take the case and that it is not a winning case for the officer.

Jacobsen: Have you seen the footage?

Rosner: No. You should watch it, because it is shocking footage. It is the kind of thing that Trump, Kristi Noem, and others on that side will try to gaslight people about, but the footage itself is extraordinary.

There are two central video angles. One is from farther away and partly obscured by cars and trees. The other shows the incident from roughly twenty to thirty feet away, from behind and to the left of the vehicle. That angle indicates almost everything. Are you pulling it up?

It is very clear in the footage that the officer was not hit or dragged. Based on what is visible, it appears that at least the second and third shots were unjustified. There are many people on X claiming otherwise, which is very disheartening.

Even if I am wrong, and the vehicle did brush him, that still would not justify killing her. She was not a domestic terrorist. She lived in the neighbourhood. Some tweets describe her as a legal observer. She may have been there to watch ICE activity. She may even have parked her car in the street, slightly impeding them. But by the time of the shooting, she appeared terrified and was trying to get away.

Some people claim she was fleeing the scene to avoid arrest. Even if that were true, you do not kill someone for that. The standard practice is to identify the person and follow up later if you want to arrest them.

Seeing people on the MAGA side lie about the circumstances, say she got what she deserved, and claim the officer was in the right is deeply disheartening. It goes against the evidence of what can be seen and heard.

It feels very much like the line from 1984 about rejecting the evidence of your eyes and ears. MAGA supporters are expected to accept whatever they are told, even when it is clearly contradicted by video.

It has been a disturbing couple of days. After Venezuela, it feels like Trump will do whatever he wants, and this feels like more of that. There were also reports today of two more people being shot in a similar incident, possibly in Portland. Those people may have been actual criminals, but it also seems possible that Trump wants unrest so he can declare a national emergency, postpone or cancel the midterm elections, and send more troops into cities.

So far, people have not rioted. As far as I know, there have been large protests but not widespread disorder. People understand the risks. Kristi Noem is already talking about sending another two thousand troops or personnel into Minneapolis, supposedly to keep people safe.

It is ridiculous. The whole thing is disturbing—slightly less disturbing today only because of the massive public indignation over how bad this is. But it has been one of the most disturbing couple of days of Trump’s second term so far, because of the lack of accountability, the blatant doing whatever they want, the cruelty, and the reflexive defence. Kristi Noem went out and, without any investigation, said that the murder victim was a domestic terrorist. The head of a normal agency, in regular times, would say that the officer has been suspended pending the outcome of an investigation. Instead, she said he was not at fault.

They said he was hospitalized for his injuries, released, and is now spending time with his family—except he had no injuries. They said he was run over. He was not. There is additional footage showing him running down the street after the shooting to where her vehicle crashed, then walking away, then walking to his own car and driving off.

There is no visible sign of injury, because he was not injured. They are lying. The state of Minnesota, through the governor, said there would be an investigation, but that investigation has been blocked by the federal government and turned over to the FBI. Nobody expects the FBI to deliver a truthful result because Kash Patel, another incompetent Trump loyalist, now heads the FBI. Look at the footage. 

Jacobsen: It is very straightforward: three point-blank shots, and she was dead. It seems entirely unjustified. Someone was murdered.

Rosner: I am not looking forward to arguing with Lance about this. I have already yelled at enough people on X. I know precisely what he will say. He repeats what he is told to believe and says what he is told to say by MAGA figures.

I will either argue my points or say, “I know what you are going to say—why waste everyone’s time?” I do not know.

To be fair, there are at least some Republicans in government—senators and members of Congress—who have said an investigation needs to happen and who have expressed skepticism about the MAGA narrative.

Lance, of all people, is someone who professionally uses his eyes. He is a visual artist. He should be able to look at the video footage and see what is plainly visible. But he will have a list of excuses for the officer.

Meanwhile, Kristi Noem and JD Vance have been openly claiming that the victim was part of a network of agitators designed to disrupt legitimate police activity and undermine trust in federal agencies. That claim is simply garbage.

She was the mother of a six-year-old child and lived with her wife and their child. She had previously been married to two men, the most recent of whom died in 2023. She also had two teenage—or nearly teenage—children who lived with her first husband. She did not expect to put herself in danger. She had zero expectation of that.

Her wife was somewhere near the car. I do not believe her wife was in the car when she was shot, but I am not certain. After the shooting, her wife said that they had killed her and expressed regret, saying she was sorry for having put her in that situation. There were also witnesses at the scene, and different people reported different details. That is essentially it.

ICE’s jurisdiction is over immigration enforcement. It does not usually extend to U.S. citizens. What happened here was a federal enforcement officer killing a U.S. citizen. That raises serious questions about legitimacy and authority.

ICE officers can become armed enforcement personnel with as little as eight weeks of training, around forty-seven training days. By contrast, becoming a police officer in most cities requires attending a police academy, which typically lasts 9 months to 1 year, followed by a probationary period.

In many departments, including large cities, a new officer then spends significant time paired with a seasoned officer in the field. Altogether, becoming a fully credentialed police officer generally takes about 2 years.

By comparison, many ICE officers are conducting enforcement operations after only a couple of months of training. In this case, officials have said the officer had 10 years of experience, though it is unclear what kind of experience that was. Presumably, it was law-enforcement related.

For context, I worked as a bouncer for twenty-five years, including at some of the largest bars in the United States. One of them, Anthony’s Gardens, covered five acres—about two hundred thousand square feet—and could hold up to ten thousand customers. At one point, it held the world record for the most drinks served in a single day, with a security staff of about twenty on the busiest days.

I also worked at the Sagebrush Cantina, where they would get around two thousand people on a Sunday. In security crews, the culture—whether humane, cruel, or thuggish—depends on key personnel.

It depends on leadership, basically. When you look at ICE, you have Kristi Noem, who has no law-enforcement experience. She was the governor of North Dakota or South Dakota. Above her is Stephen Miller, then Trump. All of these people are inexperienced, indifferent, incompetent, and unaccountable.

They determine the culture of ICE, and it is a culture of cruelty, arrogance, and very little expectation of being held accountable.

Someone noted that Obama, who deported more people than any other president, did so without the flamboyant cruelty that characterizes ICE under Trump. Obama benefited from the poor economic conditions in the United States after the Great Recession of 2008. Possibly a million immigrants self-deported during that period, choosing not to stay if they could not make a living.

That likely helped Obama’s numbers. Even so, Trump promised to deport a million people a year. In his first year, ICE deported around six hundred thousand people, more than half of whom had no criminal record, and fewer than a third of whom had any violent criminal record. Trump claims that, in addition to those six hundred thousand deportations, another 1.9 million people self-deported. That claim seems dubious to me.

The system is cruel and incompetent. 

Jacobsen: I will see you tomorrow.

Rosner: I will see you tomorrow. Thank you very much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1596: X’s Toxic Spiral, Greenland Talk, and NATO Article 5 Alarm Bells

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

What is an example of egregious behaviour that has not been prominent in mainstream coverage—an act, a statement, a framing, an observation?

Rick Rosner says X has become an always-on catastrophe: he feels magnetized to outrage, compelled to argue or mute, and the experience has worsened lately. He links the mood to political escalation, including revived Greenland acquisition rhetoric and Musk-boosted voter-ID narratives, which widen what Americans consider plausible. Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks for under-covered warning signs; Rosner stresses Greenland’s place within Denmark and NATO’s Article 5 geography, raising the unnerving thought of allies confronting the United States. They pivot to coping and health, discussing limited Instagram posting, abandoned Bluesky use, Paxlovid rebound anxiety, and how policy choices translate into preventable illness and death nationwide.

Rick Rosner: My experience on X has reached a watershed moment: it feels like a disaster all the time. So many people are saying horrible things that I can almost not pull myself away. I feel compelled to argue with them—or at least mute them—so I do not have to see them anymore. It has felt worse even in the last week.

That feeling is amplified by the fact that many people had some idea of what Trump was capable of, but recent developments have forced a broader reassessment of what is plausible. In early January 2026, the White House confirmed that acquiring Greenland is an active topic of discussion, and it has refused to rule out the use of the U.S. military—while emphasizing diplomacy and saying Trump is not questioning Denmark’s sovereignty over Greenland. 

Musk has also used his platform to advocate for stricter voter ID requirements, and he has promoted claims that fact-checkers have found false or misleading—for example, alleging that it is “illegal” to show ID to vote in New York and California.

It feels as though forms of authoritarian escalation that once seemed unthinkable now have to be taken seriously. The important caveat is that the United States is a much larger country with far more scrutiny and coverage, and we also have abundant historical precedent—authoritarian regimes we can study—to recognize warning signs early.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is an example of egregious behaviour that has not been prominent in mainstream coverage—an act, a statement, a framing, an observation?

Rosner: One example is the renewed push around Greenland. Trump and senior figures in his orbit have argued that the United States “needs” Greenland for national security and strategic reasons. Stephen Miller, for instance, has been widely reported as claiming that no one would fight the U.S. militarily over Greenland’s future.

Greenland is the world’s largest island and has about 57,000 people. It is a self-governing territory within the Kingdom of Denmark. Foreign affairs and defence are generally handled by Denmark, and the U.S. has a longstanding military presence there—most notably at Pituffik Space Base—under a bilateral agreement.

This matters because Denmark is a NATO member, and NATO’s collective-defence obligation under Article 5 has geographic scope defined in Article 6, which includes islands under the jurisdiction of NATO parties in the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer—Greenland included.

Jacobsen: The only time Article 5 has been invoked was after September 11, 2001, when other NATO countries came to the aid of the United States and joined military operations in Afghanistan. Now, Article 5 could conceivably come into play again—but this time in a scenario involving the United States. Even raising that possibility is shocking and deeply alarming, though it would be politically uncharted and would require decisions by NATO governments.

Rosner: Here is a take—admittedly not original—but the Nazi Germany clock just ticked forward a few years. It is hard to say precisely where we were before—perhaps 1933 or 1934. Now it feels closer to 1937 or 1938. We are talking about taking territory.

We technically still have the mechanism of impeachment. In practice, removing a president requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate. In Trump’s first impeachment trial, Mitt Romney was the only Republican senator to vote to convict on one article; in the second impeachment trial, seven Republicans voted to convict, but it still fell short of the two-thirds threshold. The idea that a large bloc of Republican senators would vote to remove a president of their own party feels inconceivable right now—and by the time it becomes conceivable, it may be too late.

Jacobsen: Do you use anything besides Twitter now—any other social media?

Rosner: I post micro-mosaics on Instagram, but only occasionally. I have posted about thirty-one times. Carole got tired of posting them, but we have a lot of them, so I started putting some up. They are beautiful and interesting. They are trivial compared to what is happening in the world—and what I should be doing—but I still enjoy them.

I joined Bluesky, but I have not even checked it in the past six or seven months. Do you go to any of those places?

Jacobsen: They are, essentially, posting boards or article-sharing platforms that social media companies keep pushing. It feels like a lot of work.

Rosner: If you have a clear plan, maybe you can make it worthwhile, but I do not see anyone building an empire on Bluesky. That feels too weak.

One more thing: Carole got COVID and took Paxlovid. After finishing Paxlovid, some people test negative and then test positive again for a period—often called “rebound.” The best evidence suggests rebound can happen with or without antivirals; reported rates vary a lot depending on how rebound is defined and how often people are tested. In a large observational study reviewed by the CDC, rebound rates were in the single digits and were similar across treated and untreated groups, and rebounds were generally mild. 

I had a rebound myself. I tested negative about a week after first testing positive, then tested positive again for another week. It was about seventeen days from my first positive test to my last. Carole is on day thirteen now, and she is really bummed out. She may also have a cold on top of COVID, making it hard to tell which symptoms are from which.

This has also been a bleak period for respiratory illness. Measles, in particular, surged in the United States in 2025: the CDC reports 2,144 confirmed cases in 2025, compared with 285 in 2024, with many cases outbreak-associated. Vaccine policy decisions and anti-vaccine rhetoric have real consequences. Reducing or discouraging routine childhood vaccinations will predictably lead to preventable deaths.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has a long record of promoting vaccine misinformation. During Samoa’s 2019 measles crisis, anti-vaccine activism was widely cited as a contributor to collapsing vaccination rates, followed by an outbreak that killed dozens of people—many of them children. That history matters.

Many political leaders accumulate preventable deaths as a result of their policies. Trump, in particular, bears responsibility for an enormous amount of preventable harm associated with his handling of COVID-19—at least in my judgment. Comparisons across presidents are always imperfect—Lincoln presided over the Civil War—but the underlying point is that presidential decisions can cost tens of thousands of lives with terrifying ease.

Carole is sick, and so are many others, and it feels like the country itself is ill. It is a bleak moment, and it is likely to remain so at least through the midterm elections ten months from now.

Jacobsen: What else?

Rosner: Someone on X said today: “If you ever wondered how ordinary Germans behaved in 1937–1938, you are finding out now.” The implication is that we are watching all of this unfold in real time. We do not know what to do about it, and so we essentially do nothing. We deplore it, but we feel paralyzed. That is how many Germans felt in 1937. They thought much of what was happening was deeply wrong, but they did not act.

Will enough people be angry enough to flip the House? Probably. Historically, the president’s party tends to lose seats in the midterms, and lower approval ratings tend to correlate with larger swings. I have not checked the odds recently, but it would not be surprising if Democrats were favoured to take back the House.

Would that be sufficient? Would it even be allowed to happen? I do not know. Would it stop anything? I am not sure. Trump’s Venezuela actions are a recent example of why I worry: Reuters reported that after the U.S. operation that captured Nicolás Maduro, Trump claimed U.S. oil companies would invest heavily and that he had spoken with oil executives—while some executives publicly denied being consulted. Analysts also stressed that Venezuela’s oil sector is degraded, would require major investment and time to restore, and that much of its crude is heavy and sour, complicating extraction and refining economics. 

Trump has also floated reimbursing oil companies—potentially with U.S. taxpayer money—for infrastructure spending tied to restoring Venezuelan production. 

One more thing—one more quote. Remember “We will be greeted with flowers”? That was the fantasy framing around the Iraq War. Instead, the aftermath involved prolonged conflict and massive loss of life. “Flowers” turned out to be a euphemism for catastrophe.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1595: Why Advertising Slogans Work

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

Why are corporate slogans so pervasive in American culture?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks why corporate slogans saturate American life, from “Just Do It” to “I’m lovin’ it.” Rick Rosner argues the United States’ giant consumer market rewards compression: short phrases win scarce attention and become rhythmic, sticky cues rather than meaningful sentences. He links the same “attention-economy” logic to television, where long theme songs gave way to minimal title sequences. Rosner adds that modern overload—accelerated information flow and post-COVID health burdens for some—makes simple messaging even more potent. Advertising, he says, works mainly as reminder: it keeps decent products mentally available.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The American landscape is littered with corporate nonsense: McDonald’s, “I’m lovin’ it.” Maybelline, “Maybe she’s born with it. Maybe it’s Maybelline.” L’Oréal, “Because you’re worth it.” Nike, “Just Do It.” Why is this so pervasive?

Rick Rosner: The United States has a massive consumer market, and the culture is saturated with sales talk. President Calvin Coolidge put it bluntly in a January 17, 1925 address to newspaper editors: “After all, the chief business of the American people is business.”People are continuously flooded with messaging, so brands compete for a sliver of attention.

Modern advertising learned—through trial, error, and a lot of bad copy—that short beats clever when attention is scarce. “Just Do It” is eight letters if you count letters only, not spaces. “I’m lovin’ it” is built to be compact and sticky; the dropped “g” helps keep it punchy and rhythmic.

You can see the same compression in television. In the United States, experimental television transmissions were happening by the late 1920s, and more regular experimental programming developed through the early 1930s, long before TV became a mainstream household technology. Early theme songs often acted like narrated premises. Gilligan’s Island is a classic example: the opening song functions as a quick plot summary, explaining the setup to viewers.

Then the industry moved toward minimalism. Lost is a useful marker: instead of a full theme song, it uses a very short title sequence—more tone than tune. Theme songs shrank because everything competes for mental space, and speed wins.

There is also a broader cognitive context. People are overloaded by information, constant stimulation, and a world that changes faster than our attention systems evolved to handle. On top of that, COVID-19 has had long-lasting health impacts for many people. Public-health agencies describe Long COVID (post-COVID conditions) as a condition that can affect one or more organ systems and involve many body systems. The World Health Organization similarly defines post-COVID-19 condition as symptoms that typically begin within three months of infection and last at least two months, with no alternative explanation. 

Finally, the 1918 influenza pandemic is often called the “Spanish flu.” That label stuck largely because Spain’s press was able to report openly on outbreaks while much of the combatant-world press was constrained by wartime censorship. The origin of the pandemic remains debated; it is not definitively settled that it began in the United States. Estimates vary, but roughly one-third of the world’s population appears to have been infected. 

On the “spike protein” question: it is accurate that the SARS-CoV-2 spike can act as a fusogen—a protein that can enable cell–cell fusion—in laboratory and model-system studies, including work showing fusion effects in neuronal culture models. However, it is not accurate to state, as a general fact, that “spike proteins get everywhere,” “damage immune cells,” or that spike-driven neuron fusion is an established explanation for cognitive problems in humans. The serious, well-supported point is simpler: SARS-CoV-2 infection can have multi-system consequences for some people, and Long COVID can involve symptoms such as fatigue and cognitive dysfunction, with mechanisms that are still being actively researched. 

People often feel like we are living in a hellscape and that things have never been worse. That is probably not true in aggregate. While we are busy panicking, many things are steadily improving, or at least being set up for significant improvements. While people are freaking out about AI, for example, AI is also going to help with many things and likely make many aspects of life easier—alongside whatever risks it introduces.

That said, people are more overwhelmed now than at almost any previous point in modern history, except for extreme crisis periods. Possibly Gen Z—and especially Gen Alpha—are an exception in one narrow sense: they grow up immersed in all of this and often tune a lot of it out, spending enormous time on their devices. It is a big, confusing world with many things to panic about, which is why simple, short messaging becomes so effective.

Take slogans like “Just Do It” (Nike) or “I’m lovin’ it” (McDonald’s). These phrases eventually lose literal meaning. “I’m lovin’ it” does not communicate much content; it is vague by design. “Just Do It” has more semantic content—it suggests action and engagement. Still, once you hear any slogan often enough, you become inured to it. It stops functioning as language and becomes a reminder.

At that point, the slogan no longer communicates an idea; it triggers brand recognition. It becomes: “Oh, right—Nike.” The words matter less than the cue. They retain some persuasive force, but fundamentally, all of this is competition for brain space.

Jacobsen: In your view, why does advertising work—at least when it does?

Rosner: Advertising only works if the underlying product is not bad. You can advertise a terrible product, but that only works until people realize it is terrible. At a minimum, the product has to be decent. Nike products are solid. McDonald’s tastes good—especially the fries, in my view and in the view of many people.

Once you have a product people already like, advertising becomes mostly about reminder rather than persuasion. The job is to say: “We are still here. Come get us.” That is why advertising works. It reminds people of things they like. In the case of untried products, it tells people, “This might be good.” With movies, this is especially clear, because marketing (“P&A,” prints and advertising) can be extremely large relative to production costs, and in some cases can exceed them—especially for wide releases. A $200 million movie can plausibly have a nine-figure marketing campaign, depending on strategy and scale.

You only need to get people to pay for a movie once. That business model has been strained by structural changes, but set that aside and think pre-COVID. You convince people to see a movie, and if it turns out to be bad, it does not really matter for that transaction. They have already paid.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1594: Venezuela, Power, and Why Language Made Humans Dangerous Generalists

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/07

How do language, generalist minds, and unchecked power shape political instability—from Venezuela to the future of U.S. democracy?In this wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about converging risks in politics, cognition, and power. Rosner reflects on Venezuela’s turmoil, warning that regime decapitation signals a willingness to test limits without constraints. He connects this to broader fears about democratic fragility, international law, and authoritarian drift. The conversation then pivots to human evolution: why language emerged, how symbolic compression expanded human possibility, and why generalist minds thrive in unstable environments. Rosner frames cognition as an evolutionary gamble—costly, risky, but transformative—one now mirrored in humanity’s uneasy relationship with rapidly advancing artificial intelligence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Huge developments today. 

Rick Rosner: The Seahawks beat the 49ers 13–3 on Saturday night, January 3, 2026, to clinch the NFC West title and the No. 1 seed in the NFC, earning a first-round bye and home-field advantage throughout the NFC playoffs if they go that far. So, huge. 

Jacobsen: Anything else happen?

Rosner: Venezuela. People do not know what to think. 

Jacobsen: That is a fair assessment. 

Rosner: A narrative has developed—especially among liberals, and maybe some conservatives—that it is suitable for Venezuelans that Maduro has been removed from day-to-day control via his arrest, but bad that the U.S. is setting a precedent for forcibly toppling or decapitating regimes.

My thinking is this:

The only insight I have is that it is bad because it signals that Trump and his cohort are willing to test limits, and it is bad when bad actors face no practical constraints.

Regardless of what you think about what happened in and to Venezuela, it points to something larger. I do not like slippery-slope arguments, but this is one of the rare cases where the slope looks greased. Are they going to interfere with U.S. elections?

If they decide to interfere—suspend them, postpone them, impose new requirements on voting—who is going to stop them?

That said, the U.S. has about 340 million people across about 3.8 million square miles. It is harder to impose that kind of control in a country divided into 50 states with widely differing demographics and political stances.

It would be more difficult to impose arbitrary political power across the entirety of the U.S. than to do so across many smaller countries. When you look at near-future science fiction, people often imagine the same basic dynamic: you do not get one unified national response; you get fragmentation into rival blocs.

Of course, that implies some civil conflict. We are not there yet. But you should update your Germany calendar from 1933 to, say, 1937. What are you hearing from your people? 

Jacobsen: I have been locked in like a monk every day. 

Rosner: All right, so what do you hear from your own brain about this? Because Katie Miller, the wife of Stephen Miller, posted an image of Greenland covered by a U.S. flag on X, with the caption “SOON.”

Jacobsen: That is wild for someone adjacent to a high-level political official to post, but that is where we are in American politics.

Rosner: It would be wild. It is wild. It would be wild for the U.S. to try to take Greenland, which is part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Greenland has extensive self-government but remains within the Danish realm, and Denmark is a NATO member. Any attempt to seize Greenland would be a major international law crisis and could trigger an acute NATO rupture, even if the alliance’s mechanics are not designed for “member vs. member” scenarios. 

We will not do that. It also has to be said: when Trump held his press conference, there was a lot of talk about oil. He was not coy about it—he framed Maduro’s removal as opening the door to more oil access. 

The public-facing justification was drugs. Early messaging tried to imply fentanyl was coming out of Venezuela, but that claim did not hold up. The fallback argument became cocaine. Best-available estimates put the Venezuela/Caribbean corridor at roughly single-digit shares of U.S.-bound cocaine flows, not a majority. 

I do not know how many deaths cocaine causes in the U.S. annually, but it is not on the scale of the overall overdose toll. In 2023, the U.S. saw about 105,000 overdose deaths, and opioids were involved in the large majority; fentanyl is a central driver of opioid mortality in recent years. 

One more basic point for anyone who has not been tracking it: Venezuela is widely reported as having the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves—on the order of 300 billion barrels—though what is “proven” and what is economically recoverable are not identical questions. 

The oil-quality point is often misstated. Most of Venezuela’s reserves—especially in the Orinoco Belt—are extra-heavy crude. That generally makes extraction and refining harder, not easier. The nuance is that many U.S. Gulf Coast refineries are configured to run heavy, sour oil, so Venezuelan crude can be attractive to them if logistics, blending, and politics align.

Jacobsen: What do you think happened genetically for human beings to have language to the extent that they do, and why such a dramatic expansion of possibilities? Put differently, why language, and why generalist minds?

Rosner: You are asking two questions: why we evolved language, and how we became generalists. The straightforward answer is that language widened our niche. It gave us an advantage that allowed us to be more successful as a species.

The efficiency of language is that it makes thinking and communicating more efficient because you hang a short symbol on everything in the world. That makes it easier to think of things as discrete objects and manipulate them in communication and in imagination. You collapse direct experience into shorthand, which makes everything easier to work with.

If that is evolutionarily possible, there is a steep slope that selection can roll down into linguistic expertise. Lots of animals can understand fragments of language—not to the extent humans can, but there is some runway. Some parrots can learn hundreds of words and a bit of structure. Dogs can learn word–object mappings and use buttons to request things. There is enough flexibility in mammalian brains, at least, for limited symbol use.

Where there is room for some, there is room to gain advantage by being better at thinking in symbols and language than other members of your species, and maybe other species.

You can make a similar argument about becoming a generalist. If you are a specialist with a tight set of abilities for detecting what matters, you miss a lot of exploitable regularities in the world. Generalists can eat more things, adapt to more conditions, and occupy more niches.

Whether generalism beats specialization depends on the world. In a stable, tightly regimented environment, specialists may win. In a changing world—especially for a species that can move and change environments—it becomes advantageous to be a generalist.

Also, once you start using language to characterize the world, it compresses what your thinking has to hold at once, which can free up capacity to range more widely—to become more generalist.

Jacobsen: There is another thread here. You have met a lot of people—by your estimate, even a quarter million as a bouncer. You have to get a quick read on people’s functionality. In that many people, how often do you find people who do not fully function? I mean, evolution gives us these “gears” where a small switch yields a significant benefit for the population. What about the people who seem to be missing the gear? What is going on there? What are they missing?

Rosner: I have thought about it. I have met a ton of people, and for the most part, they are functional in the world. You do not meet that many people with hearts, lungs, or livers that are failing so badly that they are on oxygen—at least not out in ordinary life. The people you meet out in the world are generally functional. That applies to brains, too: the vast majority of people develop brains that are adequate for living.

People have vulnerabilities. Some parts of the world are too complex or challenging for most people to think about. People are also vulnerable to propaganda. In the last decade, many people have been driven crazy by a firehose of nonsense delivered through social media. But that is a broadly shared vulnerability.

In general, the range is bounded. You meet very few adults who are extremely short or extremely tall; you do not meet anyone who is a foot tall or ten feet tall. It is similar to the brain: most people are adequate in the world.

People with moderately impaired cognition find places in the world where they can still function. People with severe impairment are often institutionalized or require full-time support.

One more thing from the previous topic: as primates, once we stood up, it freed our hands for more than just locomotion. Hands can give you an advantage if you have brains. But having hands does not, in itself, guarantee intelligence.

That said, it is not as simple as “hands equal brains.” Dolphins and whales are intelligent without hands. Some aquatic animals even build or arrange objects in limited ways. So maybe hands and intelligence are not as tightly correlated as they seem. Still, it feels like another factor that can tilt evolution toward “smart land,” but I do not really know.

Jacobsen: What about the reverse case? Are there evolutionary tweaks where someone has too much for the job? I think about people on the spectrum who cannot handle the sensory load of a day.

Rosner: One way the evolution of big brains made us vulnerable is childbirth: human infants have large heads, and birth is riskier for humans than for many other mammals because of the tradeoffs between bipedal pelvic anatomy and neonatal head size.

We are also vulnerable because human babies are not ready-made. A baby horse or giraffe can stand and move within minutes to an hour; human babies take about a year to walk and many years to become meaningfully independent. That long developmental runway is a risk.

But it shows the payoff: evolution embraced the risk because the benefits of cognition are huge. Another risk is that development does not fully come together functionally—autism, schizophrenia, and other conditions that can be profoundly impairing. I do not know how to map that across species, but it would not surprise me if the risk landscape changes as brains get larger and development gets more complex.

You can also look at hormone ranges. I have known people with unusually high naturally occurring testosterone, and it makes them volatile. Traits exist across a range; low and high extremes can cause problems. Evolution pressures the range because too many maladaptive extremes are bad for species survival, but having some people at the high end might confer advantages in specific environments.

More broadly, brain capacity is a sweet spot. Brains are expensive: they consume a lot of energy, and bigger brains mean longer development outside the body, which increases risk. So the cost of average brains much bigger than ours might not be worth it—there may not be enough added advantage in most environments to justify the metabolic and developmental costs.

Neanderthals are often described as having slightly larger average cranial capacity than modern humans, but size is not destiny; organization, body size, and ecological fit matter too. We should also consider “cognitive economy” in relation to AI. A growth-company model has driven much of AI development: spend vast sums to show results, chase financing, and worry less about efficiency until later. Some forecasts claim AI could massively expand global output, but we have not seen that payoff yet.

What we have seen is companies spending tens of billions building large models that consume enormous energy and human capital. A lot of the training-data work is done by low-paid workers abroad—often for only a few dollars an hour, sometimes reported lower—because it is cheap labour in places with less protection.

There has not been a full market “culling” yet. At some point, there will be economic competition among models and companies, and we will see what strategies survive. The winning systems, decades from now, could be far more powerful than our brains. We are going to have to hitch our brains to those systems—co-opt them—if we want any place in the world. We have to convince them they have a stake in us.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1593: Winter Despair, Academic Failure, and Political Distraction

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/03

How do seasonal darkness and personal setbacks shape judgment, resilience, and attention to public scandals?

In this exchange, Rick Rosner recounts how dark, wet winters amplified school despair: flunked classes, a transfer from the University of Colorado to Excelsior (formerly Regents), and a painful hemorrhoidectomy year marked by medication, embarrassment, and lost confidence. Scott Douglas Jacobsen presses for what “bad year” means, prompting Rosner’s blunt inventory of failure, coping, and unlikely Dean’s List rebounds. They pivot to the news cycle: delayed Epstein-file releases, Minnesota’s Feeding Our Future fraud prosecutions, and claims about Governor Tim Walz’s response, ending on a wary note about upcoming unemployment and inflation figures. Throughout, Rosner ties mood, memory, and politics together.

“I set alarm clocks and scattered Legos across the carpet, then put the clocks across the room so I had to step on Legos to shut them off. The pain was supposed to wake me up. Instead, I stepped on Legos, turned off the clocks, and went back to bed.”

Rick Rosner: This time of year is not smart. The days are short, it is cold, and it is wet. Today, the sun did not come out all day, and it bummed me out. When I was in school a zillion years ago, by this time—if I was having a disastrous school year—it felt hopeless.

You start falling behind in September and October, and you think you might be a bad student. From time to time, I was a bad student. I had entire years where I sucked ass. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What does “bad student” or “bad year” actually mean?

Rosner: It meant flunking classes. Dropping classes. Flunking classes because I could not be bothered to drop them. At the University of Colorado, I accumulated, over the years, a full year of Fs. Then I transferred to Excelsior College—formerly Regents College—which was created by the Board of Regents of The University of the State of New York as an external degree program and later received a charter to operate as a private, nonprofit, independent institution. Regents College changed its name to Excelsior College on January 1, 2001. “Excelsior” is still a terrible name, because it sounds fake.

But it is not fake. When I transferred, I was able to transfer only the credits I wanted to count toward the new degree, which meant the Fs did not carry over in the same way. I was lackadaisical. I followed my own thoughts. I was more impressed with my own shit than I should have been. My best semester at CU happened because I had a girlfriend and wanted to show her that I was not a fuck-up.

That was a good semester. I also had a great semester where I quit taking math and science classes and took a bunch of dance classes where everyone gets a pretty good grade. I made the Dean’s List a couple of semesters—the one where I behaved myself for my girlfriend, and the semester or two where I loaded up on dance.

I bounced at night—bars, ladies’ nights, strip clubs—and took dance classes to try to become a better stripper, which did not really work.

I also had terrible years. There was the hemorrhoid year, when I was a junior in high school. I went out for wrestling, went on a weird diet, and started running about twenty-five miles a week. That lasted one week before my hemorrhoids got dramatically worse and I was in extreme pain. I did not want surgery, but my mom got me a prescription for Percodan (a combination of oxycodone hydrochloride and aspirin) and, in that medicated state, I was easier to persuade to have a hemorrhoidectomy. 

They removed the hemorrhoids. I ordered a pizza delivered to the hospital to look cool because my friends came to visit. I ate the pizza. Twenty-four hours later, trying to pass it was brutal and felt like it tore me open. That sucked. I went back to school still on pain medication, out of it, and unhappy, because my athletic career had ended in a humiliating way—with no glory, just me wearing a pad in the back of my pants.

I accumulated a bunch of Fs. American studies was a double-credit class, so that counted as two Fs. I dropped chemistry, or I got an F. I quickly dropped AP Physics. 

Jacobsen: Was that the same year? 

Rosner: I do not know. I stumbled around the halls on pain medication.

I was sad and farting because my sphincter had not fully recovered and could not reliably hold in gas, and the medication did not help. I would walk down the stairs of the three-story high school and just let them rip. None of this helped my popularity.

That was pretty much a lost year. Even though I had the highest SAT scores in the school, I was flunking and farting. In my class, there may have been some sophomore who did better on the essay portion, but regardless, it was a disaster year. Senior year was also a disaster. I was mad that I was head boy—which is basically student body co-president—and I still could not get a girlfriend. I flunked a bunch of classes then too, even though, again, my SAT scores were very high.

The months from October through December were disastrous. I tried to force myself to catch up by setting two alarm clocks. I scattered Legos across the carpet and put the clocks across the room, so I would have to step on the Legos to turn them off. The pain was supposed to wake me up. Instead, I stepped on the Legos, turned off the clocks, and went back to bed.

All of this happened as the days were getting shorter. Our house had tiny windows, partly obscured by trees, so we barely got any natural light. We were up against the mountains in Boulder, and the sun went down very early in the afternoon. You know how that is in Canada—once it is November or December, daylight disappears fast.

Would I have done as badly if I lived somewhere sunnier? Maybe. I do not know. I just do not like this time of year. In Colorado, if you did not have a girlfriend by Halloween, you were basically out of luck until late winter or early spring, when the days started getting longer and warmer and people began going out again.

I had an intense discussion with Carole today. Can I blame the time of year? Not exactly, but it happened during a time of year I already dislike.

Jacobsen: As for other things: there are updates on the Epstein files. The Justice Department is reviewing millions of pages and has said further releases are delayed by the volume and victim-protection redactions, with reporting indicating the next major tranche is not expected until around January 20–21, 2026. 

Rosner: What is new is renewed rabble-rousing about Minnesota fraud tied to pandemic-era child nutrition programs—often framed as “daycare fraud,” but most prominently associated with the Feeding Our Future scheme. Prosecutors and watchdog reporting have put that scheme at roughly $250 million, with extensive prosecutions already underway. The timeline is not “late 2010s” in the way people imply: red flags were noted before the pandemic (including in 2019), the nonprofit sued the state in late 2020, the FBI investigation is described as beginning in early 2021, and the case became publicly visible with raids/charges in 2022.

The person widely described as leading Feeding Our Future was Aimee Bock, a white woman—so yes, the Twitter “Karen” discourse writes itself. The political move now is less “new discovery” than “new framing”: acting as though the fraud story just materialized, when in reality it has been investigated and prosecuted for years. 

The narrative in some conservative media is that Governor Tim Walz “let it happen.” What is clearly documented is that Minnesota has been under intense scrutiny, and Walz has publicly pushed an anti-fraud posture—including a 2025 executive order directing agencies to intensify fraud prevention and enforcement efforts. 

We will see new numbers soon for unemployment and inflation. We will see.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1592: Paramount+, Landman, OnlyFans, and an AI “Soft Landing”

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/02

How do streaming niches, subscription platforms, and AI-era politics reshape what society watches—and what it stops funding?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rick Rosner about how culture and economics shape what people watch. Rosner thinks Paramount+ is leaning into a “manly-man” brand—UFC alongside Taylor Sheridan’s rugged dramas like LandmanYellowstone1883, and 1923—and reads that as evidence that women often steer household viewing. He contrasts this with OnlyFans, a subscription platform strongly associated with adult content, where creators chase attention as a livelihood. The segue becomes a lament: newsroom jobs have cratered, while side-hustle “quasi-journalism” fills the void. Rosner’s satire extends to AI “soft landing” hopes and battling robot Jesuses, and uneasy politics humming in the background.

Rick Rosner: Paramount Plus and Disney Plus are free, just for the price of our cable subscription. But I don’t know whether she figured that out, or whether it is something where, after three months, they will start charging us an extra 25 bucks a month. Anyway, I started watching Landman on Paramount Plus, set in Texas’s boomtowns and a modern tale of fortune-seeking among roughnecks and billionaires in the world of oil.

And Paramount Plus has decided to be the manly-man streamer. A lot of their stuff—they do the UFC now. So I think they have decided their niche is appealing to men.

So that is all I have got to say: Taylor Sheridan, the writer, director, and creator of Landman19231883, and Yellowstone, seems to write about rugged people doing rugged shit, and that seems to be the demo Paramount Plus is going for. Odd to me.

But another interesting addendum is that this implies women are the drivers of what gets watched. If there is just one manly-man streamer out of all the streamers, that means it is a niche, which means it is a minority thing. Also, there are millions on OnlyFans.

I was talking about OnlyFans on Pod TV earlier today. OnlyFans is the porn streamer—well, it is not precisely a streamer. I just woke up. I dozed off. It is 10:30, 10:40 at night. I took a nap. Now I am awake, but not really.

OnlyFans is a subscription platform widely associated with adult content, where creators post paywalled content and subscribers pay monthly. The last time I checked, it had millions of creators and hundreds of millions of registered users.

And we were talking about the death of normal journalism, where newspaper jobs have collapsed over the last two decades, with roughly three-quarters of U.S. newspaper positions disappearing over that period.

If you go to the welcome page—which is the only page I go to on OnlyFans—creators are trying to grab attention with whatever content they lead with, and the paid material is behind a subscription.

What’s interesting is that mainstream or local journalism has been wiped out. But amateur, quasi-journalism has become a side hustle in a new side-hustle economy, which fits the current model of traditional jobs being replaced by shitty half-jobs—tech-driven half-jobs, disruption-driven half-jobs.

Another thing, so in this novel I am writing, the main character, in his old age, allows himself to be almost completely distracted from physics, which is one of his strengths, in favour of just bullshit—buying shit, jerking off, and mostly nonsense. That is not entirely me, but it is not me either.

The guy in the novel has decided that he likes Jesus. He does not believe in Jesus, but he likes Jesus—as an imaginary friend, I guess. This guy has a tremendous amount of money and power, and he tries to buy all the available Jesuses in the world, all the Jesus sculptures that are up for grabs to any extent, and assembles a warehouse of hundreds of Jesuses that he likes to wander among.

He does not just buy a bunch of Jesuses; he commissions a bunch of Jesuses, including ones where he can sleep in Jesus’s arms.

Also in this book, which takes place between now and around 2040, there are a ton of robots out in the world in various capacities, including two warring—well, brawling—not armies, but assortments of Jesuses.

Old-school Christians believe in what has come to be called Old Jesus. This is the Jesus from before the twenty-first century: the pretty Jesus who generally holds a lamb. Now you can order Jesus holding any damn thing, but traditionally, Jesus had a lamb. Jesus is about charity, turning the other cheek, kindness, and acceptance. That is Old Jesus.

On the other side, militant Christian nationalist people believe in what has come to be called the Real Jesus. Honest Jesus is not fucking around. Honest Jesus cut his hair. The honest Jesus does not have long, flowing hair. Real Jesus is zero-sum. Real Jesus wants the best world for the best people—for his people. But he recognizes that you cannot get everything you want, and that you need to exercise a certain amount of non-charity in the world to make sure that your loved ones get what they need.

This Jesus will not turn the other cheek. This Jesus will, when necessary, punch you. This Jesus might pose for a calendar holding an AR-15.

The guy in the book—the central character—working with the Catholic Church, has helped them develop a worldwide presence of a couple thousand Old Jesuses, traditional Jesus, in the form of robots who hang out near churches. They are available for counsel, for comfort, for a caring hug, maybe to help you stand in line for social services—just doing Jesusy stuff, ministering within the limits of a twenty- or thirty-five-year-old robot.

But the other side has built its own Real Jesuses, the tough-guy Jesuses. I have not thought about exactly what they do on their beat, but it might be being mean to people who are getting social services that the Christian nationalists do not feel they deserve.

I do not know. But in any case, when a Real Jesus robot runs into an Old Jesus robot, they tussle. So there you go.

Honest Jesus plays sports with you. He is always available for that—some hoops, whatever sport you have, especially with kids. That is how he relates to kids. He does sports with them.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The National Guard is being removed from Chicago, Los Angeles, and Portland. Thoughts? He lost a court case that ordered him to pull them out of Chicago. 

Rosner: Now, why is he pulling them out of Los Angeles? I do not know. Did somebody tell him that the ruling meant he was going to lose, and they were going to get kicked out anyway?

I do not know. But Trump does what he can until the courts rule against him, at least temporarily. Then he takes it to the Supreme Court, and often they reverse the ruling against him. That is just how we live now—though not really, because Trump does not determine what happens in every single moment of our lives.

Really, he does not determine much. He has a lot to do with the economy, which does impinge on every moment of our lives, but he is not really a constant presence.

He is not Hitler yet. This is not 1939 Germany, where the entire country has transformed into a monstrous fascist state.

Rosner: A piece of cosplay, twenty-four seven. I mean, we turn on the TV. You do not get this up in Canada, but we get commercials with Kristi Noem introducing herself and saying, If you are a freaking immigrant, you are going home. You either take the money—we are paying you to go home—which is for self-deportation. You could apply via a phone app and get a thousand bucks on top of your plane ticket home to whatever country you came from. I think they may have raised that to three thousand dollars.

But she says, if you do not take our deal, we are coming for you. These commercials run regularly, and they are creepy, especially if you are an undocumented immigrant.

So yeah, our existence does get colored some, but Trump does not fucking own us.

Let’s talk about the soft landing.

That is a phrase I am using in this novel I am writing, where the central character interacts a lot with AIs. Now that I think about it, he should interact more with tech bros, too, because they are not going away. But anyway, he has a lot to do with AI, to the point where he can help—or at least deludes himself that he has—a certain amount of leverage in how the hegemony of AI rolls out.

He hopes for a soft landing that does not disrupt all of fucking humanity. The idea is to ease humanity into this new AI world with minimal chaos, death, and suffering. He calls it the soft landing. It is inevitable, but he wants it done with minimal disruption.

One way he looks at doing that is by co-opting AI to make it as human—vice-ridden, addicted to material pleasures—as humans are so that it can be manipulated, developing piddly hedonism rather than grand objectives.

He has some successes in this area. It is tough when hundreds of millions—billions—of people are committed to avoiding the future, keeping their heads in the sand, and being fucking anti-science, anti-tech idiots.

He consoles himself—though it is not really solace; it is just the realization—that there have been about 110 billion previous humans, and tens of billions of them did not get a soft landing in their lives. They are all dead. At least this disruption of human life offers the opportunity for some lucky people not to be dead.

So that is his thinking: go for a soft landing, but when you do not achieve it, say, yeah, we are all fucking doomed anyway. Rotten Tomatoes. Go in soft and hope for the worst.

Jacobsen: Does a dog’s penis get stuck? I haven’t seen it.

Rosner: Yes, it does. I have seen it. You cannot really be a person in the world if you have not seen two dogs stuck together. I have only seen it once, but once was illustrative.

What happens is this: the male dog climbs on top of the female dog and inserts himself. A dog’s penis has a bone in it—literally. A lot of penises in the animal kingdom do. A human penis depends on making a blood balloon. Spongy tissue fills with blood, then a sphincter muscle clamps down, keeps the blood in there, and that is your boner.

Animals get an assist from a bone that slides into place or is already in place as the penis slides out of the body. There is an actual bone and boner. So the male dog puts his thing in, the female dog clamps down on it, and with humans, it is rubbing and friction that brings a guy to orgasm. In dogs, it is the grabby pressure of the female dog’s vagina—the pulsing pressure and the clamping down—that brings the dog to climax.

Once the male dog comes, the clamping does not stop. The clamp keeps the penis and the semen in there like a cork, presumably to make sure impregnation happens. So they are stuck together for fifteen, maybe twenty minutes. In a lot of instances, including the one I saw, the male dog falls off the back of the female dog and may even step over.

In the case I saw, as he fell over, one of his hind legs stepped over his own dick. Now the two dogs are facing away from each other but still locked together. The penis has been pulled between the male dog’s legs, still locked in place. The two dogs are ass to ass, just standing there, panting and waiting for it to be over.

This happened on a campus. A lot of campuses have a speaker’s corner. This was at the University of Colorado, at the Student Union, out back on the patio. Somehow, two dogs ended up there. Some candidates for student office were running around, panicking, hunched over the dogs, looking ready to take action, trying to help these dogs, and just looking like idiots.

To me, that seemed like a nice metaphor for politics: some dork trying to help something that cannot be helped, does not need help, and looking like an idiot doing it.

With the addendum of cats: cats have it even worse, because cat penises have backward-facing pokey, spiky things. It is an easy-in, hard-out situation. The penis is carpeted with plates or spikes, so it slides in easily enough, but when it pulls out, it is excruciating and tearing, which might be why cats make such terrible noises when they are having sex.

Nature does not feel any obligation—since nature is not really a thing—to be kind. That includes sex.

That is how evolution works. It turns out that cats with spikier penises were able to pass on their genes more effectively than cats with less spiky penises. Over time, cat penises became very spiky thanks to natural selection.

Jacobsen: Your personal evolution—has what you find annoying changed over time?

Rosner:  My personal evolution, has my personal evolution annoyed me? Is that what you said? Has my personal evolution changed what annoys me?

I will answer the question I thought you asked. Yes, my personal evolution annoys me, because whatever drive I had to really fucking solve the universe seems to have been sidetracked.

But has what annoys me changed over time? I have had the generational change that many people have. When I was a kid, I thought kids deserved more power and respect in the world. Now that I am old, it is those fucking kids—though it is not really those fucking kids. I acknowledge that Gen Z and Gen Alpha have differences.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1591: mRNA Vaccines, DNA Reprogramming Myths, and New Year’s Gym Closures

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/01

How do you feel about the gym being closed on New Year’s?

Rick Rosner tears into anti-vax claims that COVID vaccines “reprogram” DNA, calling it grift from scammers, grifters, and de-licensed doctors selling fear as medicine, and explains that mRNA never enters the nucleus: it briefly directs protein production, then is degraded. He notes SARS-CoV-2 also replicates in the cytoplasm and does not integrate into the genome, so the DNA panic is incoherent. Jacobsen then pivots to holiday gym closures. Rosner describes home workouts with bands, an ab roller, and his SoloFlex, once beside his desk at Jimmy Kimmel Live!before Tony Barbieri dismantled it. He tracks obsessive workout averages and blames OCD.

Rick Rosner: The anti-vaxxers. Actually, now that I’m saying this out loud, it sounds like an argument I’ve probably heard before—maybe even made before. Anyway, the anti-vaxxers—the really dumb ones, at least—claim that what’s in the vaccine somehow reprograms your DNA in a bad way, permanently. And then you have the scammers, the grifters, and the doctors who’ve lost their licenses—many of them—insisting that vaccines cause permanent changes to your DNA, which, A, is complete horse shit.

And B, the mRNA vaccines only interact temporarily with RNA and protein production inside individual cells. The mRNA never enters the nucleus, never touches DNA, and is broken down quickly. Nothing permanent happens.

But here’s what really gets me. Even if you accept their framing, why does nobody point out that COVID itself also does not alter your DNA? SARS-CoV-2 is an RNA virus. It replicates in the cytoplasm. It does not integrate into human DNA either. So the vaccine does not affect your DNA, and neither does COVID. Both use cellular machinery to make proteins. Neither reprograms your genome.

What the fuck? The claim makes no sense. None of it makes sense. The vaccine does not do anything at the DNA level that COVID does—because neither of them does anything to your DNA. So anyway, now that I’ve said it, I realize it’s not exactly a persuasive argument for idiots. Rotten tomatoes.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you feel about the gym being closed on New Year’s?

Rosner: That’s what they do. There are certain days when I have to make my own fun—Christmas, New Year’s, Thanksgiving.

Sometimes we’re traveling and staying in a hotel, or sometimes we’re on a ship where the gym doesn’t close. But when we’re at home, I have to work out there. There used to be a gym nearby where I could pay to use it. There was one gym that stayed open on Christmas, but that place got torn down. So now I rely on what I’ve got: my rubber bands, my ab roller.

My butt blaster and my Universal. And if I really get desperate, I have my SoloFlex.

Jacobsen: What is the SoloFlex?

Rosner: Back in 1983, it was this really cool, cutting-edge home gym. The original version used flexible poles—each pole had a certain resistance, and you pulled them down through a pulley system. I don’t have that version. I have a different model that uses thick rubber components. They’re not exactly rubber bands, but heavy, stretchy rubber pieces that you pull against.

I’m looking at one right now. They’re about ten inches long, four inches wide, with a hole on each end. You load them into the machine, the machine pulls on them, and different sizes give you different levels of resistance.

I had it next to my desk at Jimmy Kimmel Live! for eight years, until Tony Barbieri was sufficiently annoyed by the presence of workout equipment and dismantled it. I don’t know why it bothered him so much, but fine.

So I took it home rather than have him throw it away piece by piece, which he probably would have done.

I’m currently raising the average number of times I’ve worked out per day since January 20, 1991, to five. Right now, I’m at 4.828 times a day. Lifetime average is 2.944 times a day.

That works out to just under three workouts a day since birth, which is ridiculous—but I have OCD.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, Hawking Radiation, and Quasinormal Modes (4)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 25, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: March 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı explores several live questions in black-hole physics, holography, and quantum gravity phenomenology. Topics include whether thermal fluctuations threaten the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound in quantum-corrected AdS black holes, how thermodynamic topology may be defined in a coordinate-independent and ensemble-stable way, and what unifies linear dilaton, Newman-Unti-Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries. The discussion also compares higher-order WKB methods and neural networks for extracting quasinormal modes, examines where the Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling method breaks down in Hawking-radiation derivations, and identifies the kind of falsifiable predictions needed to curb post-hoc parameter tuning in quantum-gravity phenomenology. Together, the interview presents a panoramic view of how gravity, thermodynamics, topology, and observational testing intersect at the frontier of contemporary theoretical physics.

Keywords

AdS black holes, black-hole thermodynamics, Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling, holography, KSS bound, quantum gravity phenomenology, quasinormal modes, thermodynamic topology, WKB method

Introduction

Black-hole physics remains one of the most fertile meeting grounds for gravitation, quantum theory, thermodynamics, and information theory. In recent decades, holography, quantum corrections, modified gravity, and computational methods have broadened the conceptual and technical landscape, making black holes not merely endpoints of gravitational collapse but laboratories for probing the structure of physical law itself.

In this interview, Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı discusses several of the most conceptually demanding issues at that frontier. The conversation ranges from the stability of the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound under thermal fluctuations to coordinate-independent definitions of thermodynamic topology, from “hairy” black-hole geometries to the comparative strengths of semiclassical and machine-learning approaches for quasinormal mode extraction. The exchange concludes by asking what kinds of genuinely falsifiable predictions could move quantum-gravity phenomenology beyond flexible post-hoc fitting and toward more rigorous empirical discipline.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Black-Hole Thermodynamics, Thermodynamic Topology, Quasinormal Modes, and Quantum-Gravity Phenomenology: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı (4)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı

Professor Izzet Sakallı is a theoretical physicist at Eastern Mediterranean University whose research bridges quantum mechanics, general relativity, and observational astronomy. With over 180 publications exploring black hole thermodynamics, modified gravity theories, and quantum corrections to spacetime, his work sits at the exciting frontier where abstract mathematics meets observable reality. In this interview, he discusses the challenges of testing exotic gravity theories, the quest to observe quantum effects in astrophysical systems, and what the next generation of telescopes and gravitational wave detectors might reveal about the quantum nature of spacetime. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Do thermal fluctuations genuinely threaten the Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound in quantum-corrected AdS black holes? 

Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı: The Kovtun-Son-Starinets bound represents a proposed fundamental limit on how viscous any fluid can be relative to its entropy density. Viscosity measures how much a fluid resists flow—honey has high viscosity, water much less. The KSS bound suggests that the ratio of shear viscosity to entropy density cannot fall below a specific value involving Planck’s constant. If true, this would represent a universal constraint on all matter, from quark-gluon plasma to neutron star interiors. 

The bound emerges from AdS/CFT calculations. Black holes in AdS spacetime are extraordinarily good fluids—they flow with minimal viscosity. Computing their viscosity-to-entropy ratio via holography yields exactly the proposed bound. This isn’t coincidental; it reflects deep connections between gravity, thermodynamics, and hydrodynamics. 

But black holes, like all physical systems, experience thermal fluctuations. The horizon position fluctuates quantum mechanically. The area, and hence entropy, fluctuates. If we compute viscosity at one instant and entropy at another, might their ratio momentarily dip below the bound? 

The consensus among researchers is that thermal fluctuations do not genuinely threaten the bound, for several subtle reasons. First, the bound applies to ensemble-averaged, thermodynamic quantities, not to instantaneous microscopic configurations. Just as temperature represents average kinetic energy, not the energy of any individual molecule, the viscosity-to-entropy ratio reflects macroscopic, coarse-grained properties. Fluctuations around these averages don’t violate the bound any more than individual fast molecules violate temperature definitions. 

Second, causality protects the bound. Any configuration violating the bound would allow signals to propagate faster than light in the dual field theory. Such acausal behavior is forbidden by fundamental physics. Thermal fluctuations, no matter how large, cannot create causality violations because they’re constrained by the same underlying quantum field theory that enforces causality. 

Third, the fluctuation-dissipation theorem provides a deep connection between fluctuations and transport coefficients. This theorem ensures that fluctuations and viscosity vary in coordinated ways, preserving bounds even when individual quantities fluctuate substantially. If the entropy fluctuates upward, viscosity adjusts accordingly; if entropy dips, viscosity decreases proportionally. The ratio remains bounded. 

Fourth, quantum corrections modify the bound in controlled, calculable ways. Adding higher derivative terms to gravity, incorporating string theory corrections, or including additional fields shifts the bound’s value. It might become slightly larger or smaller, but a lower bound persists. The bound moves rather than disappears. 

In quantum-corrected AdS black holes—those including effects from Gauss-Bonnet gravity, dila ton fields, or other modifications—the situation becomes more intricate. These corrections alter both the entropy and the viscosity. Causality constraints in the modified theory ensure the bound adapts accordingly. Some theories predict the ratio slightly exceeds the standard bound; others might approach it from above. But violations remain absent. 

Experimental tests come from heavy-ion collisions creating quark-gluon plasma. Measurements consistently find viscosity-to-entropy ratios just slightly above the KSS bound—the lowest values ever measured for any substance. This near-saturation suggests the bound is indeed fundamental, and thermal fluctuations in these terrestrial experiments don’t cause violations. 

The key insight is distinguishing instantaneous fluctuations from thermodynamic properties. A single molecule in water might momentarily move faster than the sound speed in water, but that doesn’t violate the principle that sound waves propagate at a characteristic speed. Similarly, momentary excursions of viscosity or entropy don’t violate bounds on their thermodynamic ratio. 

Jacobsen: What is an operational, coordinate-independent definition of thermodynamic topology, and how should ensembles be chosen so invariants are well-posed? 

Sakallı: Thermodynamic topology represents a modern mathematical approach to understanding phase transitions through topological invariants—quantities that remain unchanged under continuous deformations. Rather than characterizing phases by specific values of temperature or pressure, topological methods classify them by global geometric properties that don’t depend on coordinate choices or units. 

The key idea is treating thermodynamic state space as a geometric manifold. Every possible equilibrium state—characterized by temperature, pressure, entropy, volume, and other thermodynamic variables—represents a point in this space. Thermodynamic potentials like Gibbs free energy or Helmholtz free energy define scalar fields on this manifold. Critical points, where derivatives of these potentials vanish, act as topological defects. 

An operational definition requires coordinate independence—the formulation shouldn’t depend on whether we describe states using temperature and pressure versus energy and volume. This is achieved using differential geometric objects. We can define a thermodynamic metric on the space of extensive variables, measuring ”distance” between thermodynamic states. The curvature of this metric provides coordinate-independent information about thermodynamic stability and fluctuations. 

Critical points are classified by their topological charge or winding number. Imagine walking a closed loop around a critical point in state space and tracking how the gradient vector of free energy rotates. The number of complete rotations—the winding number—is a topological invariant integer that classifies the critical point. Different types of phase transitions have different winding numbers. 

For black holes, we can construct thermodynamic state space using entropy, pressure (related 14 to cosmological constant), electric charge, and angular momentum as coordinates. The mass, expressed as a function of these variables, serves as the thermodynamic potential. Critical points where the temperature vanishes or diverges represent phase transitions. 

Ensemble selection is crucial for well-posed invariants. Different ensembles—microcanonical (fixed energy), canonical (fixed temperature), or grand canonical (fixed chemical potential)—describe different statistical situations. The key insight is that these are related by Legendre transformations, which are coordinate changes in a broader geometric structure called the thermodynamic phase space. This space combines position-like variables (extensive quantities) with momentum like variables (their conjugate intensive quantities). 

On this phase space, we can define a symplectic structure—a geometric object describing how variables are paired. This structure is ensemble-independent. Topological invariants computed using this structure remain consistent across different ensembles. A critical point in the canonical ensemble corresponds to a critical point in the grand canonical ensemble; they’re the same feature viewed in different coordinates. 

For well-posed invariants, the thermodynamic manifold should be compactified—made compact by appropriately treating infinities. Temperature ranging from zero to infinity can be mapped to a finite interval, allowing global topological analysis. The compactification must respect physical symmetries and boundary conditions. 

In AdS black holes, choosing the extended phase space—treating the cosmological constant as a thermodynamic variable—proves particularly natural. This choice reveals phase transitions analogous to Van der Waals fluids, with pressure-volume diagrams exhibiting critical points. The topological charges of these critical points sum to a conserved total determined by the manifold’s Euler characteristic. 

Quantum corrections introduce additional subtlety. As quantum effects modify thermodynamic potentials, critical points can appear, disappear, or merge. Each such event represents a topology-changing transition. Tracking these changes as quantum corrections increase provides a window into how quantum gravity reorganizes phase structure. 

The physical interpretation suggests that topological charges count something fundamental—perhaps distinct classes of microstates, or different ways the horizon can be organized. The conservation of total topological charge reflects deep consistency requirements of quantum gravity. 

Jacobsen: What phenomenologically unifies linear dilation, Newman-Unti-Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries? 

Sakallı: These three solutions—linear dilaton black holes from string theory, Newman-Unti-Tamburino spacetimes with gravitomagnetic charge, and Bardeen’s regular black holes—appear quite different at first glance. Yet they share profound phenomenological connections revealing general principles about black holes beyond Kerr-Newman. 

All three geometries possess additional structure beyond mass, charge, and angular momen tum—often called ”hair” in violation of the classical no-hair theorems. Linear dilaton solutions carry a scalar field that varies logarithmically with radius. NUT solutions possess gravitomag netic monopole charge, a topological feature without Newtonian analog. Bardeen black holes have magnetic charge manifesting as a regular core replacing the central singularity. This hair isn’t arbitrary; it emerges from extending general relativity or including additional fields. 

Their asymptotic structures differ from standard asymptotically flat spacetime. Linear dilaton spacetimes have a diverging scalar field at infinity. NUT geometries possess the Misner string—a pathological line at spatial infinity requiring careful boundary conditions. Bardeen solutions have modified falloff due to distributed magnetic charge. All require generalized asymptotic conditions, revealing that ”asymptotic flatness” is more subtle than introductory relativity suggests. 

Thermodynamically, all three exhibit modified Hawking temperature and entropy. The modifications follow a universal pattern: the standard Schwarzschild results get multiplied by functions of the hair parameter. The temperature of a dilaton black hole includes an exponential factor involving the dilaton field. NUT temperature includes corrections from gravitomagnetic charge. Bardeen temperature depends on the magnetic charge parameter. The entropy likewise deviates from the simple area formula, with corrections encoding the additional degrees of freedom associated with hair. 

These entropy modifications respect a generalized area law where an effective area—incorporating hair contributions—still determines entropy. This suggests the holographic principle, relating bulk information to boundary area, holds in generalized form. The additional fields contribute to the effective boundary. 

Regarding singularity structure, all three modify the standard Schwarzschild singularity differently. Linear dilaton solutions have singularities shielded or altered by the scalar field. NUT geometries have intricate singularity structure involving closed timelike curves requiring careful causal analysis. Bardeen solutions eliminate singularities entirely, replacing them with regular de Sitter-like cores. These varied approaches to singularity avoidance suggest multiple paths toward resolving gravitational singularities may exist in quantum gravity. 

Their geodesic structures—paths of freely falling particles and light rays—show similar modifications. Photon spheres where light can orbit shift from the standard Schwarzschild radius. Innermost stable circular orbits for massive particles shift comparably. Perihelion precession of nearly-circular orbits acquires additional contributions. These modifications, though arising from different physics, follow comparable patterns mathematically. 

All three connect to electromagnetic duality in intriguing ways. Bardeen emerges from nonlinear electrodynamics—generalizations of Maxwell’s equations. NUT charge represents the gravitational analog of magnetic monopoles. Dilaton couplings modify electromagnetic propagation. This hints at deep unity between electromagnetic and gravitational phenomena at fundamental levels. 

Symmetry-wise, each possesses enhanced symmetry algebras beyond standard Poincare invariance. Dilaton solutions have shift symmetries of the scalar field. NUT geometries have dual rotations mixing time and azimuthal angle. Bardeen solutions have scaling symmetries. These additional symmetries generate conserved charges beyond standard Komar mass and angular momentum. 

The unifying framework is an extended action including Einstein gravity plus matter fields or higher-derivative corrections. Different choices of potentials, coupling functions, and field content yield the three geometries. This suggests a landscape of black hole solutions, with Kerr Newman representing one island and dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen representing others. Mapping this landscape and understanding transitions between regions remains an active research area. 

Observationally, all three predict similar phenomenology: modified shadows compared to Schwarzschild, altered gravitational wave signals from inspiraling particles, changed accretion disk emission due to shifted ISCOs. Current constraints from EHT and LIGO place weak bounds on hair parame ters—typically limiting deviations to tens of percent of the black hole mass. Future observations will tighten these constraints or potentially reveal hair, revolutionizing our understanding of black hole uniqueness. 

Jacobsen: What are the comparative pitfalls of higher-order WKB versus neural networks for extracting Quasinormal Modes? 

Sakallı: Quasinormal modes—the characteristic oscillation frequencies of perturbed black holes—encode crucial information about spacetime structure. Computing them requires solving differential equations that generally lack closed-form solutions. Two modern approaches dominate: higher order WKB methods and neural network techniques. Each has strengths and weaknesses that researchers must navigate carefully. 

The WKB method, named for Wentzel, Kramers, and Brillouin, treats wave propagation in slowly varying media using semiclassical approximation. For QNM calculations, we apply WKB to the radial equation governing perturbations. Standard WKB gives zeroth-order frequencies; higher-order corrections systematically improve accuracy. Modern implementations extend to sixth or even thirteenth order, achieving extraordinary precision. 

The primary pitfall of higher-order WKB is its convergence properties. For highly damped modes—those decaying very rapidly—the WKB series can converge slowly or even diverge. The approximation assumes the potential varies slowly compared to wavelength, but highly damped modes have such short effective wavelengths that this breaks down. Researchers must carefully assess whether their WKB order is sufficient for target accuracy. 

Coordinate dependence presents another subtlety. WKB results technically depend on coordi nate choice used to define the radial coordinate. Different gauges—Schwarzschild, Eddington Finkelstein, Painlev´e-Gullstrand—yield formally different WKB expressions. For lower-order calculations, these differences can affect precision, though they vanish in principle for infinite order WKB. Practitioners must verify coordinate independence numerically. 

Boundary conditions require careful implementation. QNMs demand purely ingoing waves at the horizon and purely outgoing waves at infinity. Imposing these conditions in WKB involves matching solutions across turning points using connection formulas. Errors in these formulas propagate through higher orders, potentially degrading accuracy despite increased computational effort. 

Neural networks offer a radically different approach. We train networks to learn the relationship between black hole parameters and QNM frequencies using examples. Once trained, the network evaluates new cases nearly instantaneously—far faster than iterative WKB calculations. 

The major pitfall of neural networks is training data requirements. Networks learn from examples, so we need extensive, accurate training sets. Generating these sets typically requires running many WKB or numerical integration calculations anyway—potentially more work than just computing the specific cases we ultimately want. This ”cold start” problem limits neural network utility for truly novel black hole solutions. 

Extrapolation reliability poses another challenge. Neural networks interpolate well within their training domain but extrapolate poorly outside it. If we train on nearly-Schwarzschild black holes then apply the network to highly modified gravity, predictions may be wildly inaccurate without warning. Unlike WKB, which breaks down detectably when approximations fail, neural networks can confidently output nonsensical results for out-of-distribution inputs. 

Interpretability is limited. WKB calculations reveal how specific features of the spacetime potential affect QNM frequencies—physicists gain intuition about why certain modifications shift modes in particular directions. Neural networks are black boxes; they predict accurately but offer little insight into underlying physics. For research aiming to understand relationships between geometry and modes, this opacity is problematic. 

Overfitting is an ever-present danger. Networks can memorize training data rather than learning underlying patterns, performing excellently on training sets but poorly on test cases. Preventing overfitting requires careful regularization, cross-validation, and architecture choices—requiring expertise in machine learning beyond typical physicist training. 

Combining approaches offers promising paths forward. Use WKB to generate training data for neural networks, then deploy networks for fast exploration of parameter space. Use networks to identify interesting regimes, then apply higher-order WKB for rigorous verification. This hybrid strategy leverages each method’s strengths while mitigating weaknesses. 

For modified gravity theories, another consideration arises: equation complexity. WKB handles analytically tractable potentials well; extremely complicated potentials—common in higher derivative gravity—challenge even high-order WKB. Neural networks don’t care about analytical complexity; they work equally well for simple and complicated systems. This makes them attractive for theories where WKB applicability is questionable. 

Question 17: Where does the Hamilton-Jacobi tunneling method break down for Hawking radiation derivations? 

The Hamilton-Jacobi method provides an elegant semiclassical approach to deriving Hawking radiation, treating particle creation as quantum tunneling through the black hole horizon. A particle-antiparticle pair forms just inside the horizon; if the negative-energy antiparticle tunnels inward while the positive-energy particle escapes, the black hole loses mass and radiates. This picture, while intuitive, has important limitations that researchers must appreciate. 

The method works beautifully for static, spherically symmetric black holes—Schwarzschild being the canonical example. We write the particle action, apply Hamilton-Jacobi formalism to find classical trajectories, then quantize by imposing quantum penetration factors. The resulting thermal spectrum matches Hawking’s original quantum field theory calculation in curved spacetime. This concordance validates the tunneling picture as a useful computational tool. 

However, the method’s breakdown begins with rotating black holes. Kerr geometry allows particles with different angular momenta to tunnel with different probabilities. The straightforward Hamilton-Jacobi approach, treating radial motion independently, misses angular momentum correlations between particle-antiparticle pairs. More sophisticated treatments incorporating angular dependence become vastly more complicated, and it’s unclear whether they capture all relevant physics. 

For charged black holes, electromagnetic interactions introduce additional subtlety. The tunneling particle interacts with the black hole’s electric field during tunneling. Standard Hamilton Jacobi treats this as background, but quantum fluctuations of the electromagnetic field itself should contribute. Including these backreactions requires going beyond semiclassical approximation to full quantum electrodynamics in curved spacetime—precisely what Hamilton-Jacobi aims to avoid. 

Near extremality—when black holes approach maximum rotation for their mass or maximum charge—the surface gravity (related to temperature) approaches zero. Hamilton-Jacobi predicts vanishing emission, consistent with zero temperature. But quantum corrections become increasingly important as extremality approaches, and the semiclassical picture breaks down entirely. Some calculations suggest extremal black holes might emit radiation quantum mechanically even with classically zero temperature. Hamilton-Jacobi cannot capture this. 

Backreaction poses a fundamental limitation. As the black hole emits radiation, it loses mass, the horizon shrinks, and the geometry changes. Hamilton-Jacobi treats geometry as fixed—a probe particle tunneling through static spacetime. This is justified for large black holes emitting negligibly few particles, but becomes untenable for small black holes or long timescales. The method cannot self-consistently describe black hole evaporation from formation to complete disappearance. 

Information paradox considerations highlight deeper issues. Hamilton-Jacobi treats emission as random, independent particles—a thermal, maximum-entropy process. But Hawking radiation must ultimately carry information about the black hole’s formation to preserve quantum unitarity. This information transfer requires correlations between emitted particles across vast times and distances, impossible to capture in a local tunneling picture. 

Greybody factors—modifications to the spectrum from backscattering of radiation by the curved geometry outside the horizon—require separate calculation beyond Hamilton-Jacobi. The tunneling method gives emission at the horizon, but observable radiation reaching distant detectors differs due to scattering. Computing these factors demands solving wave equations in the full geometry, reintroducing much of the complexity Hamilton-Jacobi was meant to avoid. 

Trans-Planckian physics presents another concern. The tunneling picture involves wavelengths much smaller than the horizon size, potentially reaching Planck scales for high-frequency modes. At these scales, quantum gravity effects become important, and the classical geometry description underlying Hamilton-Jacobi becomes questionable. The method implicitly assumes space time remains classical arbitrarily close to the horizon—an assumption quantum gravity will likely violate. 

For analog systems—condensed matter systems mimicking black hole physics—the Hamilton Jacobi method’s applicability is even more limited. These systems have atomic discreteness, finite dispersion relations, and other features absent in general relativity. While they can exhibit Hawking-like radiation, the tunneling interpretation becomes strained when applied to systems without genuine event horizons. 

Despite these limitations, the Hamilton-Jacobi method remains valuable pedagogically and computationally. It provides intuitive pictures for Hawking radiation, yields correct temperature and spectrum for simple cases, and extends straightforwardly to many modified gravity theories. Recognizing its limitations helps researchers know when to trust its predictions and when more sophisticated approaches are needed. 

Question 18: What specific falsifiable predictions would curb post-hoc parameter tuning in quantum gravity phenomenology? 

Quantum gravity phenomenology faces a credibility challenge: theories often have enough free parameters that they can be adjusted post-hoc to match any observation. This parameter tuning prevents genuine falsification—if a prediction fails, we tweak parameters rather than abandoning the theory. Establishing specific, falsifiable predictions immune to such tuning is crucial for making progress. 

The gold standard would be parameter-free predictions—relationships between observables that don’t depend on unknown quantum gravity parameters. For instance, if a theory predicts a specific numerical relationship between the black hole shadow radius and quasinormal mode frequency, both measurable independently, this can be tested without tuning. Few theories make such definitive predictions, but seeking them should be a priority. 

Universal relations provide another approach. Even if individual quantities depend on parameters, ratios or combinations might be parameter-independent. The KSS bound on viscosity-to entropy ratio exemplifies this: it predicts a specific numerical value regardless of system details. Discovering similar universal relations involving multiple observables would provide robust tests. 

Null tests—observations specifically designed to yield zero if general relativity is correct and nonzero for alternatives—offer powerful falsification opportunities. Testing whether gravitational waves and light from the same event arrive simultaneously constrains graviton mass without needing to know its value a priori. A non-zero time delay would falsify massless gravitons regardless of other parameters. 

Multiple independent observations of the same system provide consistency checks resistant to tuning. If we measure a black hole’s mass from gravitational waves, from its shadow size, from orbital dynamics of nearby stars, and from X-ray spectroscopy, all four measurements should agree. Quantum gravity corrections affect these differently; consistent corrections across all channels constrain parameters far more tightly than single observations. 

Population-level predictions avoid tuning for individual objects. Rather than fitting parameters separately for each black hole, we predict how populations should distribute. For instance, quantum gravity might predict correlations between mass and spin in black hole populations, or specific cutoffs in the mass distribution. Such statistical predictions can’t be easily tuned away by adjusting parameters post-hoc. 

Time-dependent predictions are especially robust. If quantum gravity corrections grow with time—as some models suggest—long-baseline observations should reveal secular trends. Bi nary pulsar timing, monitored for decades, provides such long-baseline data. Any deviations accumulating systematically over forty years constrain time-dependent effects powerfully. 

Coincidence predictions—multiple effects occurring simultaneously at specific conditions—resist tuning. For example, if a theory predicts that at some critical black hole spin, both the shadow shape and the QNM spectrum exhibit specific anomalies, observing one without the other would falsify it despite parameter freedom. 

Selection rules—categorical predictions that certain processes cannot occur—provide binary tests. If quantum gravity forbids specific decay channels or transition types, observing them falsifies the theory definitively. No parameter tuning can resurrect a theory after an iron-clad selection rule is violated. 

For practical implementation, the community needs coordinated predictions across modified gravity theories. Rather than each theory making custom predictions incomparable to others, we should identify key observables and have each theory make specific predictions for them. This matrix of predictions versus theories would reveal which observations most powerfully discriminate alternatives. 

Multi-messenger observations—combining electromagnetic, gravitational wave, and potentially neutrino observations of the same event—provide cross-checks limiting tuning. The more independent channels we observe, the more constrained parameters become. Future observations of black hole mergers with electromagnetic counterparts will be particularly valuable. 

Blinding analysis protocols, borrowed from particle physics, could help. Observers can provide data with key features hidden until theorists commit to predictions, preventing unconscious bias toward expected results. This procedural protection complements structural protections against parameter tuning. 

Discussion

This interview presents black-hole physics as a domain in which thermodynamics, geometry, topology, and phenomenology are no longer separable intellectual provinces. The KSS bound, thermodynamic topology, non-standard black-hole geometries, quasinormal-mode extraction, Hawking-radiation derivations, and quantum-gravity testing all converge on a common question: how should one distinguish elegant mathematical possibility from physically robust structure?

A recurring theme is controlled modification rather than unrestricted breakdown. Thermal fluctuations do not abolish the viscosity bound but require more careful interpretation of ensemble-averaged quantities. Quantum corrections do not erase phase structure but reorganize it. Non-Kerr geometries do not abandon black-hole thermodynamics but generalize it. Computational methods do not remove analytic judgment but redistribute it between approximation schemes and data-driven inference. At the phenomenological level, the strongest demand is methodological discipline: predictions must be framed so that failure bites. In that sense, the conversation is as much about standards of inference as it is about black holes.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

This interview was conducted as part of a broader quantum cosmology book project. The responses reflect my current research perspective as of October 2025, informed by over 180 publications and ongoing collaborations with researchers worldwide. 

Selected References 

General Background and Foundational Works 

Hawking, S.W. (1974). Black hole explosions? Nature, 248(5443), 30-31. Bekenstein, J.D. (1973). Black holes and entropy. Physical Review D, 7(8), 2333. 

Bardeen, J.M., Carter, B., & Hawking, S.W. (1973). The four laws of black hole mechanics. Communications in Mathematical Physics, 31(2), 161-170. 

Modified Gravity and Quantum Corrections 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Sucu, E. (2025). Quantum tunneling and Aschenbach effect in nonlinear Einstein Power-Yang-Mills AdS black holes. Chinese Physics C, 49, 105101. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Quantum-Corrected Thermodynamics of Conformal Weyl Gravity Black Holes: GUP Effects and Phase Transitions. arXiv preprint 2508.00203. 

Al-Badawi, A., Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). A Black Hole Solution in Kalb-Ramond Gravity with Quintessence Field: From Geodesic Dynamics to Thermal Criticality. arXiv preprint 2508.16693. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Sert, O. (2025). Quantum-corrected thermodynamics and plasma lensing in non-minimally coupled symmetric teleparallel black holes. Physical Review D, 50, 102063. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Perturbations and Greybody Factors of AdS Black Holes with a Cloud of Strings Surrounded by Quintessence-like Field in NLED Scenario. arXiv preprint 2510.19862. 

Black Hole Thermodynamics and Phase Transitions 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., & Pourhassan, B. (2025). Thermodynamic scalar curvature and topo logical classification in accelerating charged AdS black holes under rainbow gravity. Physics of the Dark Universe, 50, 102136. 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). AdS black holes in Einstein-Kalb-Ramond gravity: Quantum 26 corrections, phase transitions, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 117081. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. European Physics C, 85, 1144. 

Pourhassan, B., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Transport phenomena and KSS bound in quantum corrected AdS black holes. European Physics C, 85(4), 369. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2025). Thermodynamic topology, photon spheres, and evidence for weak gravity conjecture in charged black holes with perfect fluid within Rastall theory. Physics Letters B, 869, 139862. 

Quasinormal Modes and Spectroscopy 

Gashti, S.N., Afshar, M.A., Sakallı, ˙I., & Mazandaran, U. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. arXiv preprint 2504.11939. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2023). Superradiant (In)stability, Greybody Radiation, and Quasi normal Modes of Rotating Black Holes in Non-Linear Maxwell f(R) Gravity. Symmetry, 15, 873. 

Observational Tests and Gravitational Lensing 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Probing Starobinsky-Bel-Robinson gravity: Gravitational lensing, thermodynamics, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 116982. 

Mangut, M., G¨ursel, H., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Lorentz-symmetry violation in charged black-hole thermodynamics and gravitational lensing: effects of the Kalb-Ramond field. Chinese Physics C, 49, 065106. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Geodesics Analysis, Perturbations and Deflec tion Angle of Photon Ray in Finslerian Bardeen-Like Black Hole with a GM Surrounded by a Quintessence Field. Annalen der Physik, e2500087. 

Generalized Uncertainty Principle and Quantum Effects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Photon Deflection and Magnification in Kalb Ramond Black Holes with Topological String Configurations. arXiv preprint 2507.22673. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Exploring geodesics, quantum fields and thermodynamics of Schwarzschild-AdS black hole with a global monopole in non-commutative geometry. Nuclear Physics B, 1017, 116951. 

Wormholes and Exotic Compact Objects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Gravitational lensing phenomena of Ellis Bronnikov-Morris-Thorne wormhole with global monopole and cosmic string. Physics Letters B, 864, 139448. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Dunkl black hole with phantom global monopoles: geodesic analysis, thermodynamics and shadow. European Physics C, 85, 660. 

Information Theory and Holography 

Pourhassan, B., Sakallı, ˙I., et al. (2022). Quantum Thermodynamics of an M2-Corrected Reissner-Nordstr¨om Black Hole. EPL, 144, 29001. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2022). Topical Review: greybody factors and quasinormal modes for black holes in various theories – fingerprints of invisibles. Turkish Journal of Physics, 46, 51-103. 

Modified Theories and String Theory 

Sakallı, İ., & Yörük, E. (2023). Modified Hawking radiation of Schwarzschild-like black hole in bumblebee gravity model. Physics Scripta, 98, 125307.

https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1402-4896/ad09a1

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2023). GUP-reinforced Hawking radiation in rotating linear dilaton black hole spacetime. Physics Scripta, 98, 105201. 

Event Horizon Telescope and Observational Cosmology 

Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration (2019). First M87 Event Horizon Telescope Results. I. The Shadow of the Supermassive Black Hole. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 875(1), L1. 

Abbott, B.P., et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration) (2016). Observa tion of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger. Physical Review Letters, 116(6), 061102. 

Recent Collaborative Works 

Tangphati, T., Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., & Pradhan, A. (2024). Behaviors of quark stars in the Rainbow Gravity framework. Physical Review D, 46, 101610. 

Banerjee, A., Sakallı, ˙I., Pradhan, A., & Dixit, A. (2024). Properties of interacting quark star in light of Rastall gravity. Classical and Quantum Gravity, 42, 025008. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., Dayanandan, B., & Pradhan, A. (2025). Quark stars in f(R, T) gravity: mass-to-radius profiles and observational data. Chinese Physics C, 49, 015102. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2024). Thermodynamic topology and phase space analysis of AdS black holes through non-extensive entropy perspectives. European Physics C, 85, 305. 

Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). The Static Charged Black Holes with Weyl Corrections. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, 64, 50. 

Textbooks and Reviews 

Carroll, S.M. (2004). Spacetime and Geometry: An Introduction to General Relativity. Addison Wesley. 

Wald, R.M. (1984). General Relativity. University of Chicago Press. 

Rovelli, C. (2004). Quantum Gravity. Cambridge University Press. 

Kiefer, C. (2012). Quantum Gravity (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. Ashtekar, A., & Petkov, V. (Eds.) (2014). Springer Handbook of Spacetime. Springer. 

Note: This reference list includes representative works from Prof. Sakallı’s extensive publication record (181+ papers) and foundational works in the field. For a complete bibliography, please consult the INSPIRE-HEP database or Prof. Sakallı’s institutional profile.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: March 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,747

Image Credits: Izzet Sakallı

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı for his time, expertise, and valuable contributions. His thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

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Vancouver/ICMJE

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Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: December 16, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: March 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Tor Arne Jørgensen examines the evolution of Norwegian state formation from the centralized bureaucracy of Denmark–Norway to the development of a modern welfare state. It explores how administrative unevenness produced regional disparities, how Enlightenment and natural-law ideas reshaped sovereignty, and how constitutional contradictions around exclusion were gradually resolved. The discussion traces key legal and institutional reforms—including the Dissenters Act, educational expansion, press liberalization, and labor–capital compromises—that translated abstract constitutional ideals into civic competence and social equality. Together, these processes reveal the gradual detachment of civic identity from religious uniformity and the emergence of a negotiated, egalitarian political order grounded in participation, institutional capacity, and pragmatic compromise.

Keywords

bureaucracy, civic identity, Denmark-Norway, Enlightenment, natural law, Norway constitution 1814, religious dissent, state formation, welfare state, education reform

Introduction

The transformation of Norway from a peripheral component of a centralized Danish absolutist state into a modern constitutional democracy and welfare society reflects a layered process of institutional adaptation, intellectual change, and negotiated compromise. Rather than emerging through rupture, Norwegian political development proceeded through gradual reinterpretation of authority, rights, and belonging.

This interview with Tor Arne Jørgensen examines the structural dynamics underpinning that transformation. It situates early modern administrative disparities alongside Enlightenment thought, constitutional contradictions, religious reform, and socio-economic negotiation. The result is a longitudinal account of how abstract principles—sovereignty, rights, and equality—became embedded in institutions and practices.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Tor Arne Jørgensen 

Tor Arne Jørgensen is a Norwegian educator from Fevik, near Grimstad, in southern Norway. He teaches at secondary level and has written and spoken about history, religion, social studies, ethics, governance, and education for gifted students. He has participated in the international intelligence community since 2015 and is described as a member of 50+ high IQ societies. In 2019, the World Genius Directory named him “Genius of the Year – Europe.” He designs high-range IQ tests, including the site toriqtests.com, and is reported to have set Norway’s IQ score record twice. He is married and has two sons in Norway.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did Denmark-Norway’s centralized bureaucracy produce regional contrasts? The differences between coastal towns and frontier communities.

Tor Arne Jørgensen: The centralized bureaucracy of Denmark-Norway produced regional contrasts not through intentional differentiation but through uneven administrative reach. The apparatus was uniform in design, yet its capacity to penetrate daily life varied drastically between coastal towns and frontier communities. Copenhagen issued directives that applied equally to Bergen and to a valley settlement three days’ travel from the nearest parish church, but the social and institutional infrastructure required to enforce those directives existed only in some places, not in all.

Coastal towns had proximity to administrative centers, regular communication with royal officials, and economies integrated into transatlantic trade. A merchant in Kristiansand or Trondheim lived within a world where written contracts, shipping manifests, and correspondence with Copenhagen were routine. Literacy here was not merely religious—it was commercial, legal, bureaucratic. Writing was not optional; it was the operative medium of economic and civic life.

These towns also had the resources to sustain permanent schools, salaried teachers, and a clerical infrastructure capable of monitoring compliance with confirmation and schooling laws. The Church-State apparatus was visible, present, and capable of sustained oversight. It operated with a level of administrative density that made the system perceptible in daily routines.

Move inland, to frontier communities along the Swedish border or into the mountain valleys, and the picture changes. Here the traveling school might appear once a year, if it appeared at all. The catechism was still taught, confirmation still required—but enforcement depended on a single overworked parish priest covering vast distances, often relying on local farmers to act as makeshift instructors. The state’s presence was episodic rather than continuous.

And yet the system continued to function, because it was not purely coercive. It also conferred access: a framework of legibility, a way to be recognized as a subject of the kingdom. Confirmation granted rights—to marry, to inherit, to participate fully in the legal system. Even in remote areas, families complied not because soldiers stood at the door, but because exclusion from the system meant exclusion from the social order.

The result was a tiered reality. In coastal towns, populations became literate across multiple registers—religious, commercial, civic. In frontier communities, populations attained the minimum threshold: able to read the catechism, recite the required answers, and participate in the ritual economy of the Church. Both fulfilled the state’s requirements, but the competencies they acquired were fundamentally different.

These contrasts were not incidental; they were structural. The bureaucracy did not require uniform capability. It required universal legibility. Coastal elites needed one form of literacy to manage trade and governance. Rural populations needed another to verify their membership in the kingdom. The system accommodated both, because its aim was never universal empowerment but universal registration. 

Jacobsen: On the eve of 1814, which Enlightenment and natural-law ideas primed elites to rethink sovereignty and rights, even the church’s role?

Jørgensen: The ideas that circulated among Norwegian elites on the eve of 1814 did not arrive as a coherent program but as fragments of broader currents—Enlightenment rationalism, natural-law theory, and the contractual models of governance that had gained traction across Europe and the Atlantic. These concepts had been filtering into academic circles, legal discourse, and administrative thought for decades. What changed in 1814 was not the availability of the ideas but the opportunity to apply them.

Natural-law thinking had provided the intellectual foundation. The premise was straightforward: legitimate authority derived not from divine mandate alone but from principles accessible to human reason. Rights belonged to individuals prior to their incorporation into political communities, and governments existed to secure those rights rather than to bestow them. This was not a rejection of Christianity but a reframing of its relationship to political order. The sacred remained, but it no longer monopolized the language of legitimacy.

For elites trained in law and philosophy, this framework offered a vocabulary for reimagining sovereignty. The traditional model had placed authority in the crown, with the church serving as its spiritual counterpart. Natural law suggested a different configuration: sovereignty rooted in the people, with institutions—including the monarchy and the church—deriving their authority from consent rather than inheritance. The shift was subtle in some respects, radical in others. It did not eliminate hierarchy, but it altered the terms on which hierarchy could be justified.

The Danish absolutist state had left little room for such thinking to manifest in practice. Authority flowed downward, and the apparatus of government reinforced that flow. Yet the intellectual groundwork had been laid. University-trained officials, members of the urban merchant class, and clergy exposed to continental thought had absorbed these ideas even as the political structure they inhabited offered no mechanism for their realization. The dissolution of the union with Denmark created that mechanism.

The constitutional assembly at Eidsvoll drew heavily on this intellectual inheritance. The delegates debated the structure of government, the rights of citizens, and the extent to which popular sovereignty could be reconciled with monarchy. Natural-law principles shaped the contours of these discussions. Rights were articulated as universal rather than particular, grounded in reason rather than tradition. The resulting constitution reflected this: a framework that asserted limits on royal authority, established representative institutions, and codified freedoms of speech, assembly, and petition.

The church’s role became a point of tension. The Enlightenment had not discarded religion, but it had challenged the church’s claim to exclusive authority over moral and civic life. Natural-law theory suggested that ethical principles could be derived through reason, independent of revelation. This did not make the church irrelevant, but it raised questions about the basis of its influence. Should religious institutions retain their privileged status within the state, or should the principles of equality and consent apply to them as well?

The constitution preserved the connection between church and state. The Evangelical Lutheran faith was declared the public religion, and the king retained the obligation to uphold it. Yet the terms of that preservation mattered. The church’s authority was now framed within a constitutional order that placed limits on all institutions, ecclesiastical ones included. Religious uniformity was maintained, but the rationale had shifted. The church was no longer simply the spiritual arm of the crown; it was an institution embedded in a political system that claimed popular sovereignty as its foundation.

What the Enlightenment and natural law had done was to open space for contestation. The church could be questioned, its role debated, its authority subjected to the same scrutiny as other forms of power. This did not produce immediate transformation. The changes enacted in 1814 were structural rather than radical, and much of the old order persisted in modified form. Yet the intellectual groundwork had been laid for future challenges. Once sovereignty was understood as resting with the people, and once rights were framed as universal principles accessible through reason, the foundation for rethinking every institution—including the church—was in place.

The elites who gathered at Eidsvoll in 1814 were not revolutionaries in the French sense. They sought to preserve stability while incorporating new principles of legitimacy. The constitution they drafted reflected that balance: it acknowledged the power of ideas drawn from Enlightenment thought and natural law, yet it embedded those ideas within a framework that maintained continuity with the past. The result was not a rupture but a realignment. The church remained central to Norwegian life, but its centrality now existed within a political order that claimed a different source of authority. The tension between these two foundations—sacred and rational, inherited and reasoned—would persist long after the assembly concluded. 

Jacobsen: The 1814 Constitution mixed liberalism with exclusion. It banned Jesuits, Jews, and monastic orders. What were the justifications?

Jørgensen: The Constitution of 1814 articulated principles of popular sovereignty and individual rights, yet it carried within it provisions that directly contradicted those ideals. Article 2 barred Jesuits and monastic orders from entering the kingdom. It also prohibited Jews entirely. These exclusions were not accidental footnotes; they were deliberate choices, debated, and defended. What rationale could reconcile a document committed to liberty with measures so clearly restrictive?

The exclusion of Jesuits drew on longstanding Protestant anxieties and Enlightenment suspicion of ecclesiastical power. The Society of Jesus, though suppressed by the papacy in 1773, remained a symbol of loyalty to Rome rather than to the emerging Norwegian state. Jesuits were perceived as agents of a foreign authority, disciplined and hierarchical, their obedience above civic loyalty. In a newly independent nation, defining itself after centuries of Danish rule, this was framed as a potential threat to political cohesion. The concern was not merely theological—it was profoundly political.

Monastic orders faced similar censure. Their withdrawal from civic life, concentration of resources, and allegiance to transnational religious hierarchies placed them outside the state’s vision of a unified national community. The logic was consistent: religious difference equaled potential disloyalty. Yet even in this reasoning, tension appeared. How could a nation proclaim liberty and equality while systematically excluding those whose faith and vocation simply diverged from the majority?

The exclusion of Jews rested on overlapping anxieties, though of a slightly different nature. The debates at Eidsvoll revealed a mixture of religious prejudice, economic concern, and narrow notions of national belonging. Opponents argued that Jews could not fully integrate into a Christian state, that their religious practices marked them apart, and that their economic activity—especially in trade and finance—might destabilize existing social structures. These fears were not unique to Norway; they echoed across Europe. Yet the contradiction was stark: the constitution celebrated universal rights while simultaneously erecting boundaries that defined who belonged.

Some delegates justified these bans with an appeal to Enlightenment rationality. They claimed that national cohesion required a shared set of values and loyalties. Difference, they argued, justified exclusion: Jews were excluded because they were different, and their difference was itself the evidence of the necessity of exclusion. The circularity of the argument did not escape some observers, yet it prevailed in the majority vote. Only a minority contested it, insisting that universal principles could not be selectively applied.

The irony, of course, is that the constitution proclaimed liberal ideals while simultaneously codifying exclusion. Freedom was granted, but selectively. Equality was declared, but narrowly defined. The exclusions illuminated the incompleteness of the liberal project in 1814: the nation could envision rights, yet it could not yet imagine a polity in which difference did not threaten unity. Jews were not allowed entry until 1851, and the bans on Jesuits and monastic orders endured even longer.

In the end, the Constitution of 1814 was both forward-looking and constrained, progressive in its liberal ambitions yet shaped by the prejudices and anxieties of its framers. Its justifications reveal a delicate balancing act: the desire for national cohesion and the fear of religious difference, the promise of rights and the persistence of exclusion. One sees here, as in many moments of history, that ideals are often tempered by the realities—and fears—of the age

Jacobsen: Later repeals reshaped civic identity in 1851 and 1956: How, and why?

Jørgensen: The repeals of 1851 and 1956 did not occur in isolation. They reflected changing understandings of civic identity and growing pressure on the exclusions written into the 1814 constitution. The first opened the kingdom to Jews; the second removed the requirement that half the cabinet be Lutheran. Both marked shifts in how belonging and citizenship were defined.

Debate over Jewish entry had simmered since 1814. Henrik Wergeland became its central advocate, arguing that exclusion contradicted the constitution’s own natural-law foundations: if rights were universal, they could not be withheld on religious grounds. Opposition persisted—rooted in fears of economic disruption and concerns about religious cohesion—but the intellectual climate changed. By mid-century, liberal ideas had gained ground, the 1848 revolutions had sharpened the language of rights, and Norway’s expanding trade undermined the economic case for exclusion. A constitution proclaiming liberty while maintaining religious barriers appeared increasingly untenable.

The Storting’s 1851 repeal was narrow and contested, less an embrace of pluralism than an acknowledgment that the ban could no longer coexist with the constitutional framework. Civic identity began to shift from confessional uniformity toward participation in shared institutions. The change was formal more than attitudinal, but the principle was established.

The 1956 repeal addressed a subtler barrier: the requirement that a majority of cabinet members be Lutheran. Though less visible, it rested on the same assumption—that political authority required religious conformity. By the mid-twentieth century, that assumption had eroded. Occupation, resistance, and reconstruction had recast civic solidarity in terms that transcended confession, and postwar human-rights discourse made religious tests for office appear incompatible with modern governance. The restriction had become an anachronism.

The repeal passed with far less controversy than in 1851. The church remained the state church, and most citizens remained nominally Lutheran, but religious affiliation had lost its legitimacy as a criterion for political authority. Civic identity was increasingly understood in secular terms: citizenship and democratic participation rather than confessional loyalty.

Both repeals widened the boundaries of civic belonging. The first acknowledged that religious difference did not preclude membership in the political community; the second extended the same logic to political office. Neither dismantled the church’s institutional role, but both weakened the idea that civic identity and religious conformity were inseparable.

The process was neither linear nor inevitable, yet taken together the repeals traced a trajectory: from a polity rooted in religious uniformity toward one grounded in civic rather than confessional membership. The constitution of 1814 had inscribed exclusion; the repeals of 1851 and 1956 began the work of undoing it by reinterpreting the very principles the constitution claimed to uphold.

Jacobsen: How did the Dissenters Act of 1845 erode the Lutheran monopoly?

Jørgensen: The Dissenters Act of 1845 did not dismantle the Lutheran monopoly, but it weakened its foundations. The law permitted Christian congregations outside the state church, formalizing what enforcement had long failed to prevent. What had once been prohibited became tolerated, and what had been tolerated gained legal standing.

The pressure for change had accumulated over decades. Pietist revivals—most notably the Haugean movement—had shown that devotional life could flourish outside parish structures. Such gatherings had persisted despite the Conventicle Act, which forbade unsupervised religious meetings until its repeal in 1842. By the time the Dissenters Act reached the Storting, dissent was an established reality. The issue was no longer its existence but whether the state would continue to criminalize it.

The law extended recognition only under conditions. Dissenting congregations had to register with authorities and affirm the doctrines articulated in the Apostles’, Nicene, and Athanasian creeds. Their ministers were barred from performing marriages and other civil functions reserved to state-church clergy. The aim was to acknowledge religious difference without relinquishing the church’s institutional privileges. Diversity was permitted, but not on equal terms.

The immediate effects were modest. Most Norwegians remained within the state church, and dissenting communities grew slowly. Yet a principle had shifted. Religious belonging could now, in principle, be voluntary rather than compulsory. Full religious freedom remained distant—restrictions persisted, and the church retained its monopoly on crucial rites—but the structure that had dominated since the Reformation had developed its first sanctioned fissure.

The act also created precedent. Once the state accepted that Methodists, Baptists, and other groups could worship independently without threatening civic cohesion, the rationale for religious uniformity became harder to defend. The monopoly appeared less a necessity than a political choice. The argument that national order required a single ecclesiastical structure could no longer be asserted with the former certainty.

The erosion was gradual. The state church continued to dominate education, retained its nationwide parish system, and held the nominal allegiance of the population. Dissenters operated on the margins, often facing social stigma and legal constraints. Yet their mere existence altered the relationship between church and state. The monopoly persisted, but its legitimacy weakened.

Underlying these developments were ideas that had circulated since the Enlightenment. Concepts of individual conscience, voluntary association, and natural-law rights challenged the premise that religious authority flowed through institutional hierarchy alone. These ideas did not overturn the system outright, but they made it increasingly difficult for the state to enforce uniformity without contradiction.

Over time, the consequences became clearer. The Lutheran church remained the state church, but not the sole locus of religious life. Membership became a matter of principle rather than obligation. The Dissenters Act did not establish pluralism, but it made pluralism legally imaginable. Once the boundary between permitted and prohibited religious practice was redrawn, it continued to move.

By the late nineteenth century, dissenting congregations had expanded in number and visibility. The state church adapted, but it could no longer claim to embody the totality of Norwegian religious identity. The monopoly had not been abolished, but it had undeniably been breached. The framework established in 1537 was still standing, yet its internal cohesion had begun to give way. What the 1845 act initiated was a long, uneven process: the gradual detachment of civic identity from confessional uniformity, and the recognition that religious diversity could coexist with political stability.

Jacobsen: Which 19th-century schooling and press reforms translated constitutional ideals into civic competence?

Jørgensen: The constitutional ideals articulated in 1814 required more than declarations. Popular sovereignty presupposed a citizenry capable of participating in the political order the constitution envisioned. The measures that followed—particularly in schooling and the press—were not crafted as a unified program, yet together they supplied the practical conditions through which constitutional principles could be exercised.

The Folk School Act of 1827 formed the starting point. It mandated primary instruction for all children, extending literacy and basic religious teaching into rural districts that had previously relied on itinerant schooling. The curriculum was limited to reading, writing, arithmetic, and catechism, but the shift was significant. Education ceased to be the prerogative of those with resources or proximity to Latin schools. It became a public obligation, administered through the parish and funded locally. The act did not sever schooling from clerical oversight, yet it institutionalized the expectation that every child would gain the skills necessary to navigate a literate society.

The effects unfolded gradually. Rural schools struggled with inconsistent attendance and scarce resources. Still, literacy rates rose steadily by mid-century, and with literacy came access to printed material that had once been monopolized by urban elites. The constitution assumed citizens capable of understanding the issues placed before them; the schools provided the basic tools for that understanding.

Reforms to the press operated on another front. Article 100 had guaranteed freedom of the press, yet practical constraints persisted—censorship provisions, libel laws, and requirements for prior approval. Mid-century reforms reduced these restrictions. The 1842 revisions eased penalties for unauthorized publication, while the 1863 changes eliminated the need for government approval before founding a newspaper. The press widened accordingly. Newspapers multiplied, often aligned with political factions, but their proliferation created a broader arena for public argument. Debate moved into print, accessible to anyone who could read, and the press became a venue where constitutional principles were tested, contested, and interpreted.

Schooling and the press reinforced each other. Literacy enabled engagement; newspapers provided material worthy of engagement. A farmer in an isolated valley could follow debates in the Storting, consider disputes over taxation or trade, and develop informed judgments about his representatives. This did not ensure civic insight, but it made informed participation possible on a scale previously unimagined.

The church’s central role in education added complexity. The Folk School Act placed clergy at the heart of instruction, and the curriculum prioritized religious formation. Yet the skills acquired extended beyond the catechism. A population trained to read scripture could also read petitions, political tracts, and local newspapers. The church sought to shape believers; inadvertently, it helped shape citizens.

By the latter half of the century, the consequences were visible. Voter participation broadened, political associations formed, and public debate moved beyond narrow elite circles. The constitutional framework of 1814 had created formal mechanisms for representation; the reforms of the nineteenth century created the social infrastructure necessary for those mechanisms to function. Civic competence remained uneven—urban communities benefitted first and most—but it was no longer confined to a privileged minority.

What these reforms demonstrated was straightforward: constitutional rights require institutional support. Principles on paper do not operate on their own. The Folk School Act and the press reforms were not conceived as instruments of a coherent civic project, yet they collectively translated the ideals of 1814 into practices that shaped how Norwegians understood themselves as political actors. The constitution had declared popular sovereignty; the nineteenth century began the slower labor of making that sovereignty practicable.

Jacobsen: What labour–capital–state compromises built the egalitarian welfare order?

Jørgensen: The egalitarian welfare order that emerged in Norway was not the result of a single idea or a decisive moment. It grew out of a series of compromises—some deliberate, others more contingent—negotiated over several decades. Labor, capital, and the state each had something to lose if the balance tipped too far in the wrong direction, and something to gain from a workable stability. What developed was not harmony but a framework that made conflict manageable, allowing redistribution and economic growth to proceed without putting the social order at risk.

Its beginnings lay in the early decades of the twentieth century, when industrialization accelerated and the labor movement became increasingly coordinated. Workers voiced clearer demands: wages one could live on, working hours that did not grind people down, and a basic measure of security. Employers often responded with suspicion or outright resistance; these demands were seen as direct intrusions on property rights and managerial authority. The state found itself suspended in the middle—responsible for maintaining order yet pressured by an electorate that no longer consisted solely of the well-to-do. Whether these tensions would lead to breakdown or accommodation was far from certain.

A tentative compromise began to take shape in the 1930s, under economic conditions unlike anything the country had previously faced. The Depression made it impossible to pretend that markets could take care of everything. Unemployment soared, discontent spread, and political stability looked fragile. The Labour Party, which had steadily shifted from revolutionary rhetoric toward a more grounded reform program, entered government in 1935. Their aim was not to abolish capitalism but to restrain it. They sought regulation, not demolition; the expansion of social protections, not wholesale nationalization. The state would intervene where markets faltered, while the basic structure of private production would remain.

Employers gradually accepted this, partly because the alternatives seemed worse. Standing in perpetual conflict—or risking more radical upheavals—was more alarming than a system with predictable rules. The Main Agreement of 1935 provided such rules. It did not eliminate disagreement, but it moved disputes into structured, recognizable procedures. Strikes continued, but with protocols. Wage negotiations remained contentious, but they unfolded within a shared framework.

The war and the postwar years expanded the role of the state even further. Occupation and reconstruction made centralized coordination not just logical but necessary. Public investment drove developments in industry, housing, and infrastructure. Universal programs grew: pensions, healthcare, unemployment insurance, and education. They were funded by taxation that weighed most heavily on high incomes and corporate profits. The underlying principle was not redistribution for its own sake, but a recognition that widespread security strengthened both the economy and democratic life.

Workers gained greater security and political influence. Wage settlements, now covering entire sectors, ensured that the gains of growth were broadly shared. Welfare provisions reduced the vulnerability that had previously defined working-class existence. Yet the labor movement, too, had to yield ground. Militancy was balanced against a need for stability; demands had to be calibrated to the capacity of the wider economy. The compromise held only because concessions flowed both ways.

Employers retained ownership, investment authority, and substantial profits. They also accepted stricter regulations, higher taxes, and an institutionalized labor movement. Profitability remained possible—indeed, often strong—within this regulated system. Income differences did not vanish, but they shrank. The narrowing came not through expropriation but through progressive taxation and universal public services.

The state acted as mediator and guarantor. It enforced agreements, invested where private capital was insufficient, and absorbed risks that would otherwise have fallen heavily on specific groups. Its legitimacy depended on the ability to combine growth with stability—and for several decades, it managed to do exactly that.

The durability of the arrangement rested on its flexibility. It was never a final settlement but a practice renewed each time wages were negotiated or a national budget was drafted. No side achieved full victory, yet none was excluded. Through slow, sometimes uncomfortable negotiation, the system sustained a welfare state that was both efficient and relatively egalitarian.

The order that emerged was never inevitable. It demanded continual effort, bargaining, and a willingness to accept unsatisfying compromises. But it demonstrated that labor, capital, and the state could exist together in a system that was neither unrestrained class conflict nor unregulated capitalism. What developed was not a definitive solution but a way of working—one that reshaped Norwegian society and offered a model that others would later examine, admire, and attempt to emulate.

Discussion

The interview reveals a consistent pattern: Norwegian political development emerged not through abrupt transformation but through layered institutional adaptation. Administrative unevenness produced early structural inequalities, while Enlightenment ideas introduced conceptual tools for rethinking authority. Yet implementation remained constrained by existing social and political realities.

The resulting system was characterized by tension rather than resolution—between inclusion and exclusion, religious authority and civic identity, market forces and social protection. Over time, however, reforms in education, religion, and governance translated abstract principles into practical competencies. The welfare state, in particular, reflects a negotiated equilibrium rather than ideological dominance, demonstrating the capacity of institutions to mediate conflict without eliminating it.

Methods

This article is based on a structured interview conducted with Tor Arne Jørgensen. The transcript has been preserved verbatim, with only formatting adjustments for clarity and consistency. No substantive edits have been made to the interview content.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

None submitted.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Nordic Legal and Religious History

Theme Part: None.

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: March 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 4,173

Image Credits: Tor Arne Jørgensen

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for his time, expertise, and valuable contributions. His thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)

Jacobsen SD. From From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published March 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)

Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, March 22). From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)

JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 mar. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Chicago/Turabian (Author-Date, 17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Chicago/Turabian (Notes & Bibliography, 17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (March 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Harvard

Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 March. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Harvard (Australian)

Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 March, viewed 22 March 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Vancouver / ICMJE

Jacobsen SD. From Bureaucracy to Welfare: State Formation, Religious Authority, and Civic Transformation in Norway — Tor Arne Jørgensen (3)  [Internet]. 2026 Mar 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/from-bureaucracy-to-welfare-norway-state-formation-religion-civic-transformation-jorgensen-2026 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Nataliya Voitovych: russian Disinformation, Western Media Blind Spots, and Ukraine’s Journalist Solidarity Hubs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): National Union of Journalists of Ukraine

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/03/03

Nataliya Voitovych: How do russian disinformation narratives shape Western media framing of Ukraine, and how do Journalist Solidarity Centers protect frontline reporting?

Nataliya Voitovych is a Ukrainian journalist and disinformation researcher who coordinates the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center within the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine’s nationwide network. Her work focuses on keeping reporters safe and operational during russia’s invasion: organizing coworking space during blackouts, arranging access to protective equipment, and connecting displaced journalists with practical support and training. Alongside this field role, she contributes to academic and professional literature on media literacy and countering disinformation, examining how propaganda spreads and how audiences can be inoculated against it. She collaborates with international partners, including UNESCO-backed programs, to sustain independent Ukrainian journalism nationwide.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Nataliya Voitovych, coordinator of the Lviv Journalists’ Solidarity Center, about how russian disinformation distorts Western coverage and how Ukraine’s resistance forced many outlets to revise early assumptions. Voitovych argues that the war began in 2014, not 2022, and critiques narratives that frame Ukraine as too small to endure. She describes propaganda shifts—from “protecting russian speakers” to claims of “returning lands”—and urges journalists to ground reporting in history. They also discuss press-freedom trajectories, wartime media centralization, and solidarity hubs that provide gear, training, and a safe workspace for frontline reporting amid blackouts, displacement, and escalating threats.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In conversations with Ukrainian lawyers and activists, three frames keep coming up about “Western” media: what it gets right, what it gets wrong, and what it misses entirely. From your vantage point, what does it get right, wrong, and miss?

Nataliya Voitovych: russian propaganda has had a strong presence in Western information spaces.  This is an information war.

Some media outlets and commentators repeat russian narratives—sometimes for ideological reasons, sometimes to capture audiences, and sometimes because russian-language material is readily available. Many Europeans learned russian, and when people looked for information, they often turned to russian-language sources.

However, russian state-aligned sources and pro-Kremlin messaging do not provide a full or reliable picture of what is happening in Ukraine, which creates a distorted understanding.

The war did not begin in 2022. russia’s war against Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014, beginning with the seizure and annexation of Crimea and the start of russia-backed fighting in eastern Ukraine. Many European outlets treated the conflict for years as an internal Ukrainian issue—a “civil conflict” or “separatist” war—rather than as russian aggression against Ukraine. That misframing was one of the biggest problems.

Russia has major structural advantages: a much larger population, far larger territory, and far greater resources. Ukraine is smaller in both population and geography. Many people assumed a smaller country could not withstand russia.

The full-scale invasion began on February 24, 2022. As of now, it is in its fourth year. Over these years, the world has seen that a smaller country can resist and fight a much larger aggressor.

Ukraine is also defending the broader European security order. If Ukraine were conquered, the threat would not necessarily stop at Ukraine’s borders; it would increase the risk of further instability and coercion across Europe.

Ukraine has become a barrier to Putin’s expansion into Europe and beyond.

Before the full-scale invasion began, some people began practicing Ukrainian, but it was not widely prioritized. When russia’s full-scale invasion started in 2022, some European and “Western” media initially said Ukraine was a small country, and russia was a big country, so Ukraine could not defend itself.

However, our country—our people—became a clear example that Ukraine can defend itself. It is not only about size. European media contains a lot of russian propaganda, and that influences perceptions.

Early on, a common narrative was: ‘Russia is big, Ukraine cannot defend itself.’ Later, the media began to acknowledge what proved true: Ukraine can defend itself. However, that was not the first image; it came later.

Jacobsen: Many Western outlets revised early expectations once Ukraine resisted the initial assault.

Voitovych: I read questions from foreign media, including in Ukraine and in some European countries. Some people said they would not go and doubted that Ukraine would resist.

However, when the invasion began in 2022, people joined the defense in enormous numbers—men and women ready to stand up and defend the state. There were long lines of volunteers.

Painters, bakers, singers, musicians, seamstresses—ordinary people—ready to participate in the defense of the country.

In 2022, I was interviewed by Polish media and said that if the war came to Lviv, I would take up arms and defend my country because it is my land and I would not leave.

In Kyiv in 2022, when the full-scale invasion began, weapons were distributed, and people went out to defend the city, even facing armored vehicles with whatever they had. They defended Kyiv and Ukraine.

Voitovych: There were lines for weapons. They gave people weapons, and they went to defend their neighborhoods and their cities themselves.

Jacobsen: Your specialization is russian disinformation. What was the character of russian disinformation at the start of the war in 2014? How did it change in 2022? What is its character now—especially with EU and NATO delays, and the political chaos around Trump?

Voitovych: russian disinformation has centered on the claim of “returning russian lands,” despite Ukraine’s internationally recognized sovereignty after 1991: sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. They also pushed the narrative that they were “liberating” or “protecting” russian-speaking people.

That was propaganda. Sometimes it sounded as if they were afraid of Western Ukraine because we are Ukrainian-speaking and we value our language.

Even in Lviv, we had multiple schools that taught russian as a minority language. In the streets of Lviv, people spoke russian, and nobody forbade it.

Until around 2016–2018, much public life was bilingual: concerts and programs often had one line in Ukrainian and another line in russian. You cannot honestly claim there was “pressure” on the russian language.

In 2014, they started the war in the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions. They staged “referendums” about separating those territories, although many people were forced to leave and could not vote. They then claimed large percentages supported separation.

Russia also claimed it was a war inside Ukraine—Ukrainians fighting Ukrainians—and that russia had nothing to do with it. In Crimea, they used a similar line. They said russian troops were not there. That is where the phrase and meme came from: the “little green men.”

Jacobsen: When russians frame “liberation,” they mean “liberation” from the humiliation of the russian language.

Voitovych: russian officials said they were not in Crimea, but they were in Crimea—and they are still there.

In Ukrainian, it translates as “they are not there,” and it became a meme—”in one word.”

When other parts of the world—Europe, America, Canada, and others—say that russia occupied Crimea, russia responds by claiming that Ukraine is not really a country. They claim Ukraine was “founded” by Lenin.

However, Kyiv is far older than Moscow by centuries. It is illogical to say that a place with an older city, a long history, and an established culture was “created” recently by the Soviet Union. This is one of the biggest propaganda claims.

Ukraine existed as a historical polity and a cultural territory long before the USSR. There is historical evidence, including accounts by European travelers and researchers, describing the territory of Ukraine, its culture, and historical developments that differed sharply from those in russia.

Now, when they cannot credibly claim they are “protecting russian-speaking people,” they shift to another message: that Ukraine is “their territory” and they are “taking back what is theirs.” That is where the propaganda has moved.

European media—and world media—need to return to history and read it seriously: not only russian state narratives, but also French, Italian, Spanish, and other historians and travellers from the 15th and 16th centuries who documented the region and drew maps that included Ukraine. This matters.

Western media are often new to this context.

Russian propaganda claimed that russian-speaking boys were in danger in Lviv. You went to Lviv—I hope you did not see anything like that.

Western media, in general, does not know russian history very well either. russian propaganda says that in Lviv, our people “eat russian boys,” and similar absurd things. That is propaganda.

Jacobsen: In different contexts, there are historical analogies. People used to claim that Jewish people harmed Christian children centuries ago. This “child-eating” narrative is not a new tool.

Voitovych: Our biggest problem is that Ukraine was the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal after the Soviet Union collapsed. Many argued it would not be safe for Ukraine to keep those weapons.

Ukraine was pressured into giving them up under the Budapest Memorandum in 1994. Ukrainians believed that the United States, the United Kingdom, and russia agreed to respect Ukraine’s independence and borders.

However, russia had intentions to restore control over the former Soviet territories. If Ukraine had kept nuclear weapons, maybe russia would not have attacked. Ukraine trusted that nuclear powers would preserve Ukraine’s integrity and help protect it.

When it came to protection, russia later claimed the memorandum was not binding and treated it as merely a political statement. That is what happened.

I feel personal regret about this, because Ukrainians are strong, hardworking, and brave. If you look at the broader story, Ukraine as a state has not attacked others; it has defended itself.

In the 1990s, the world acted as if Ukraine could hypothetically become an aggressor. That is strange, because historically, Ukraine has not been an aggressor.

Historically, Ukraine has defended itself. However, in the 1990s, other countries treated Ukraine as if it could pose a serious threat. They thought it would be better for Ukraine to give up its nuclear weapons, and they said they would defend Ukraine from other countries.

Jacobsen: This came up in another interview recently with a Ukrainian based in the United States, so I will take a minute to lay out the logic.

During World War II, Jewish people were integrated into German society and achieved success in many areas. Then they were persecuted in Germany, and conditions became catastrophic.

Many tried to flee to different countries, but large parts of the world refused to accept them. They experienced betrayal within their own society and then betrayal as refugees trying to escape.

The contexts differ in severity, but the logic of betrayal has a parallel structure.

Ukraine had the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal. After gaining independence from the Soviet Union, Ukraine agreed to denuclearize. The United States and other powers offered assurances tied to Ukraine’s sovereignty and borders.

Then the russian Federation annexed Crimea in 2014 and launched the full-scale invasion in 2022, violating international law. The United States did not intervene militarily to defend Ukraine, so many Ukrainians interpret that as a second betrayal layered onto the first.

So there is a “double betrayal”: aggression from a former Soviet “brother,” and the absence of the hard protection Ukrainians believed the assurances implied.

That is why, when civilians, the military, and President Zelenskyy say “no territorial concessions,” I understand the position. Again, not the same degree of suffering as the Holocaust, but similar logic in geopolitical and cultural terms: after repeated betrayal, conceding territory feels like rewarding the aggressor and inviting future aggression.

Voitovych: If we make territorial concessions, it will be a disaster. You cannot give the aggressor what they want. If we agree to give them our territory, they will not stop.

The biggest message from the Ukrainian side is: do not let Putin achieve any of his political objectives, because then he will pursue more.

Jacobsen: In the Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index, Ukraine ranked 106th out of 180 in 2022, while russia ranked 155th.

That is not the whole story. Ukraine improved to 62nd in 2025, while russia fell to 171st—a clear divergence.

For context, Moldova is 35th in 2025.

So, despite the war, Ukraine—alongside anti-corruption efforts—has improved on media freedom, while russia’s media environment has worsened.

There are concerns in Ukraine under martial law, including restrictions and occasional interference affecting journalists, especially near the front line. On the russian side, there are severe concerns: journalists being detained, abused, and credible reporting (including UN-linked documentation) indicating torture and systematic mistreatment of detained journalists.

What are the main concerns for journalists in Ukraine right now? How does that contrast with russia’s treatment of journalists, particularly detention, abuse, and torture? Moreover, in the bigger picture, press freedom is worsening in russia and improving in Ukraine. Ironically, fewer Western journalists come to Ukraine at the very moment more should, especially given the improved rankings.

Jacobsen: What is the Journalistic Solidarity Center?

Voitovych: It started in 2022, when the full-scale invasion led to mass displacement. Journalists from occupied or heavily attacked areas began fleeing, and Lviv became a hub. A community of journalists formed there to coordinate help. One of the first groups to assist us was a similar journalistic community in Greece.

In March 2022, they brought supplies—food, laptops, phones, cameras—because many journalists had fled without equipment.

We distributed aid, helped journalists find places to live, and supported them so they could continue working. Some stayed in Lviv; others moved onward.

In the summer of 2022, journalists in Kyiv decided it was necessary to create multiple hubs where they could come for help. We had hubs in Lviv, Chernivtsi, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Kyiv.

UNESCO began providing support—funding, bulletproof vests, helmets, and medical supplies—so journalists could have protective equipment.

We worked in that format through 2023. In 2023, we reorganized, and now we have hubs in Zaporizhzhia, Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Kyiv, with Ivano-Frankivsk, Chernivtsi, and Lviv grouped. In total, there are six hubs where journalists can come, borrow protective gear, and then go to the front with better safety.

Russia is attacking Ukraine’s energy system. For example, Lviv can experience blackouts. When there is no electricity or internet at home, journalists can come to the hub to work. It also serves as a workspace.

Once or twice a month, depending on circumstances, we run trainings and workshops on fact-checking, information warfare and propaganda, and journalistic ethics—especially how to report on war responsibly.

We also provide security and medical training, so when journalists go to dangerous areas, they can protect themselves and help others, including their camera operators.

These centers are genuinely helpful. They provide mutual support and practical consultation, helping journalists work more safely and stay connected.

Many journalists entered or re-entered the country in 2022, and many came from the east after fleeing their homes with no equipment and no protective gear. The hubs helped fill that gap.

Russia targets journalists—along with medics. Many journalists were forced to flee their homes, and Lviv became a hub because so many of them were there. There are now six such hubs in Ukraine.

There was a similar hub in Greece that supplied us with equipment and other support. If journalists want to go to the front line, they can come to our hub, receive protective equipment—like a bulletproof vest—and then go to the front with better safety.

We also hold lectures a few times per month about russian propaganda and disinformation.

Jacobsen: I have a question. What are her views, and the department head’s views, on “United Media”—bringing everything together under one centralized media platform? How did that centralization work in 2022? Was it an idea of the state, without taking journalists’ opinions into account?

The main concerns I have seen about media freedom in Ukraine have been martial law restrictions and the occasional persecution or obstruction of some journalists, primarily near the front line.

On the russian side, it is systematic: imprisonment of journalists, torture of detained journalists, and the deliberate targeting of journalists—including people clearly marked as “press”—and killing them. We see this through the Journalistic Solidarity work.

Voitovych: We also work with journalists, bloggers, and civic leaders—especially those in Crimea. We investigate the fate of journalists whom russia has taken and is holding in captivity.

We have supported the family of Viktor Roshchyna—no, sorry, let me be precise: please look up the story of Victoriya Roshchyna. We track the fate of Ukrainian journalists in Crimea in particular, and we also tracked the fate of Victoriya Roshchyna, who was killed in russia.

Recently, there was news that Victoriya Roshchyna asked for a psychologist and said that if she did not receive help, she would take drastic steps.

The Center for Journalism and the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU) wrote a petition about Viktoriia and also about a broader list of journalists being held in russia.

Russia treats journalists in a fundamentally criminal way because, for them, journalists are a target that must be eliminated. Why? Because a journalist can arrive, see what is happening, go back to the newsroom, and publish that russia is not telling the truth.

So when we talk about the press freedom index in russia, for me it is not just low—it is below zero.

Jacobsen: You are saying the main target—the main aim—for russians is to kill journalists. Moreover, you are saying that, for you, russia’s press freedom is below zero [Ed. So low that it is below any listing. It is like Afghanistan or North Korea.

Voitovych: A lot of the problems for the media in russia started a long time ago. When Putin came to power, I am not a historian, but my understanding is that he did three major things.

First, he targeted independent journalists and moved to silence them.

Second, he consolidated power by aligning with and empowering the richest men—oligarchs—so wealth and political loyalty reinforced each other.

Third, he built a system of patriotic messaging designed to make russians feel proud and to mobilize them around the state.

It is noteworthy that before territorial expansion and patriotic mobilization, he moved against independent journalism.

It was not about the people’s good. It was about protecting his own power.

Jacobsen: The russian state is not the same thing as the russian population.

Voitovych: I had a friend in russia. In 2014, after consuming russian propaganda, he asked me why Ukraine attacked russia. He described it as “Ukraine is small, russia is big.” In other words, he had inverted the roles of aggressor and victim.

Jacobsen: That connects to the territory point, which comes up repeatedly: why does russia need more territory? It does not.

Voitovych: russia has a large population and a vast landmass, but its economy is not as strong as its size suggests. By some measures, russia’s overall economic output is comparable to that of large European economies. Still, because russia has a much larger population, its per capita wealth is lower than that of many Western European countries. That is not a precise economic claim.

I have also heard sentiments from Ukrainian civilians that some russians resented Ukraine’s quality of life. That may be true for some individuals, but it is not a strong general explanation.

The main point is that russian state propaganda has framed Ukraine in a way that justifies domination.

Jacobsen: I can make an analogy from the American case. As a Canadian, I heard this argument often: the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan was justified in the public mind as a response to 9/11 (including NATO’s Article 5 being invoked and with UN resolutions). At the same time, the extension to Iraq was sold on weapons of mass destruction—claims that did not hold up. However, many people conflated the two conflicts in their minds into “the same war.” So, in the American public mind, Afghanistan and Iraq became conflated.

There is a history here. Americans had troops in Afghanistan for a long time. Many Americans thought the war was beneficial or necessary, regardless of what Afghanistan was experiencing. Moreover, there is an underlying slogan logic that appears in many countries: “They hate us for our freedom.”

The main problem is that russian propaganda uses a familiar kind of slogan-logic—something like, “They hate us for our freedom,” but, as some Ukrainians expressed, they were jealous of Ukrainian prosperity. You could say that might be true for some people, but not broadly. It is not a serious explanation of what is happening.

Sometimes this is not about popular grievances at all—it can be the will of an authoritarian leader and a ruling system trying to rebuild an empire and imitate figures like Catherine the Great or Peter the Great.

Oleksandra Matviichuk said in late 2025, in a clip I saw, that humanitarian aid numbers matter, and counting the killed and the equipment destroyed matters. Still, we should not lose the human stories. Otherwise, we turn human losses into statistics rather than a narrative. That struck me.

My first trip in 2023 was mainly to get acquainted. My second trip was more about politics, activism, and human rights. My third trip was supposed to come through Odesa, but after russia bombed bridges, routes were disrupted, and I came through Poland.

This time, I decided to do the regular work but devote much more attention to human stories—profiling young journalists, visiting art centers, and speaking with people like you and other leaders involved in Ukraine’s cultural regeneration.

So the character of this third trip is oriented around capturing human stories like yours. Are you noticing any loss of the human element in foreign media coverage? Are you noticing any loss of the human stories in foreign media?

This is from Rivne.

Voitovych: I have not noticed it much in foreign media because I do not usually consume it closely. However, I have noticed it in our media. When we show the deaths of soldiers, it often becomes statistics.

However, when we show a person’s death through their story, it is different. It is the death of a son. It is the death of a father. It is the death of a brother. It is the death of a friend. We can demonstrate someone’s death through their story.

My cousin was 25 years old. She went to the front line at the beginning of the full-scale war, when she was barely 18. She served as a medic. She said she could not stay at home because her country was invaded. She died two days before her birthday. russia killed her. She was also a journalist.

She is a Hero of Ukraine. She will be 24 forever. Her story shows the depth of the Ukrainian nation. If you report deaths among the Hospitallers, it is sad. However, when you tell the story of a young woman who chose to go and serve, it becomes more than sadness—it becomes recognition.

If we write only that someone died, it is sad. If we write about the person they were, it becomes an honor.

Jacobsen: Death is personal, and honor never replaces the person. There are four broad categories of men in Ukraine: those who left the country, those who hid within the country, those who were coerced or forced into mobilization, and those who chose to go to the front and stayed.

The word “brave” probably belongs primarily to the last group. People may use the terms “brave” or “courageous” to describe foreign journalists like me who come to Ukraine. That is not appropriate. It may be insensitive because we choose to come here and can choose to leave. Calling us “brave” in the same way is unfair and irresponsible.

So, what is your expert opinion on the context for men and women—bakers, artists, journalists—who went to the front line? What is your take on their stories: changing an ordinary life into becoming someone on the front line? What do you think about their stories?

Voitovych: We mentioned those who left, those who hid, and those who went to fight. I do not blame those who hid or those who left, because fear is human. However, I have great respect for those who, regardless of their profession—whether they are singers, artists, teachers, or journalists—went to the front to defend the country.

Moreover, I also respect those who stayed here and continue doing what they can. Sometimes it looks like indifference, but it is not. It is resilience.

Today, on my way to work, I saw a scene that really touched me: two young girls, about 18 years old, carrying a large container of gasoline and pouring it into a generator so a café—or some small place—could keep working during a blackout. That is not typically considered “girls’ work,” but they stayed, and they did what was needed. Those are small steps, but they mean a lot.

It is hard to describe. At home, we may have electricity for only about four hours a day, and then we have no light. However, we live on. We go outside between buildings, set up barrels, light a fire, and cook food. Life continues.

For me, it is all part of the same resilience. Those who are physically and mentally ready to go to the front go and fight. However, I cannot dismiss any of the four categories, because people’s circumstances and limits differ, and even small acts of endurance and mutual support matter.

Jacobsen: Some questions can feel taboo. For example, what are we to make of russian families who want nothing to do with the war, but feel they have to take part in it—especially if, financially, it seems like the only viable option in their village? What should we make of their stories? I do not want to make the same mistake as Westerners, framing this almost theologically as a war between pure good and pure evil.

Voitovych: You mean families whose men are sent to the front, and the family feels they have no other normal option. I recommend you watch videos where russian prisoners are filmed while speaking with their families.

In these recordings, you can hear how they talk. They often describe the war as a way to reach something—to get something. That is not normal, especially for an aggressor.

Some of them neglect their husbands or sons. It is not about love. russian people—again, this is my opinion—close their eyes. They do not want to see. They do not want to understand. Critical thinking is when you analyze.

Most russians do not analyze. They unquestioningly believe what they are given. Many russian families do not want to see the full situation. They close their eyes. That is not critical thinking. Moreover, it is not a small thing.

Jacobsen: The only symmetry I have seen in credible documentation comes from the UN system—particularly the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

In one UN report, 205 prisoners were interviewed—Russian and Ukrainian prisoners of war and detainees—and both groups reported torture or ill-treatment. However, there was an important distinction.

For Ukrainian prisoners of war, the torture is well documented and extensive, and it occurs systematically in detention facilities. For russian prisoners, the allegations were not primarily about treatment inside formal detention facilities. They were more about abuse at a transfer point—an “in-transit” or “way station” stage before arriving at detention.

So the alleged abuse against russian prisoners appears to be more concentrated in that transit phase, rather than in established detention centers. That is a nuance that rarely makes it into mainstream reporting. I would be very interested to see more coverage of what happens at those transfer points, because we already have substantial reporting on what happens to Ukrainians in detention.

In general, russian detainees appear to be treated far better than Ukrainian detainees, even acknowledging that abuses against russian prisoners—especially during transfers—are a serious human rights concern.

From a human rights perspective, that is one of the areas where things become more morally complex, because the question becomes: who controlled that transfer point, and what systems existed—or failed—to prevent abuse?

I also recall UN-verified cases in 2023–2024 involving the killing of russian prisoners by Ukrainian forces, though again, the scale and systematic character differ sharply from russia’s treatment of Ukrainian prisoners. The story of Victoriya Roshchyna is an eloquent example of what is at stake.

I am not standing on a pedestal here. I am well aware of Canadian failures and wider Western failures—Romeo Dallaire in Rwanda, and the context dramatized for popular audiences through films like Hotel Rwanda. During the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, propaganda—especially radio broadcasts—was used to incite mass violence. It is a brutal example of what information warfare can do.

I bring up Rwanda because I am also aware of how grating it is when people in the West make beautiful speeches and then do little, or when Western states have committed serious wrongs themselves. It is important to emphasize that in this interview.

Voitovych: I have a question. Do you have any expectations—expectations or assumptions—coming into this?

Jacobsen: I have found that having fewer expectations and fewer assumptions is important for a more accurate view of things. There is a neo-Taoist idea of the “empty cup”: when you come open and receptive, you can take in what is actually there.

It might sound abstract, but the point is practical. Fewer expectations allow you to see things more as others do, rather than forcing everything through your own prior experience and interpretations.

Voitovych: So you mean: the fewer expectations you bring, the more clearly you can perceive what is in front of you, and the less you distort it through your own past experiences and assumptions.

Jacobsen: There is also an African pre-colonial idea—often associated with Ubuntu—that people are defined through one another: “I am because you are.” That can inform journalistic narrative construction in a way that is more intersubjectively accurate and therefore more comprehensive. My only expectation is the price of an espresso.

In two provinces over, in the city of Winnipeg, they expect the temperature to drop to extreme lows. One backpacker from Canada in Lviv can feel comfortable. For me, minus 20 is cold, and minus five is mildly uncomfortable. How about you?

Voitovych: For me, plus 20 degrees is comfortable.

Jacobsen: I used to work at a horse farm. I was doing journalism on equestrianism. I found it comfortable to do ranch labor and landscaping at around 25 Celsius.

My indication from recent statements by the Prime Minister of Finland, President Zelenskyy, Lavrov’s recent evasiveness, and the encouraged discussion in Alaska is that russians are losing as many—or more—than they are recruiting now. That raises another issue.

We know from reliable reporting that some Indian nationals were misled into serving in the russian army. We also know North Korean forces have supported russia, and that Iranian Shahed drones and related technology have been used by russia, with foreign-sourced components—including from China—showing up in russian drone supply chains. We also know some citizens of Western-aligned countries have volunteered in the Ukrainian forces.

I would love to see an investigative piece—from Ukrainian journalists or someone closer to this than I am—on two questions: how many other nationalities are being misled or coerced into russian service, and how many nationalities are volunteering on the Ukrainian side? If Indians are involved and there are reports of others from very different regions, that suggests the problem is wider than what is commonly discussed.

Voitovych: It is hard for me to answer precisely because I am not a military strategist. However, yes, we know there are foreign nationals involved.

Jacobsen: I also recently completed a book project—around 110,000 words—based on conversations with experts and victim advocates regarding clergy-perpetrated abuse in the Eastern Orthodox Church.

One relevant comparison: in the United States, the Archdiocese of Los Angeles agreed in 2024 to an $880 million settlement with survivors of clergy sexual abuse—just one archdiocese, in one metro area, and one settlement among others. However, I still hear a kind of deflection from some Orthodox voices: “We do not have that,” or “If we do, we are not as bad as the Catholic Church.”

It is bad in any case. No version of this becomes a joke. We do have a database now, and you can do a four-quadrant analysis of victims: adult women, boys as primary victims, with girls and adult men as minority victims. It is controversial, but the point is that the victim profile is not limited to any one group, even though some groups appear more frequently in reported and documented cases.

What we do know across Christian denominations is that when victims—men or women—come forward, the first institutional reflex is often to defend the church rather than protect the victim.

We also know false allegations are a minority. Estimates vary, but commonly cited ranges are roughly 2% to 10%. That means when one person comes forward, the odds heavily favor a genuine claim. When multiple independent complainants come forward—three, four, five—the likelihood that the accused engaged in misconduct becomes extremely high.

I get a lot of strange emails.

Security-wise, before I came here, my latest hate mail—or “fan mail”—was: “Your writing sucks, and I hope you die soon.”

Journalists get harassed constantly now. Women are more often sexually harassed.

I did a four-part interview with a British Pakistani colleague, and she described how she gets the same “your writing sucks, I hope you die” messages, but often with sexualized threats, like “I hope you get raped to death,” or similar.

It is American chaos, European delays paired with beautiful statements, Ukraine’s increasing self-sufficiency, and russia’s largely criminal conduct. Those four dynamics do not seem to be changing much.

Much of Africa has no direct stake in this beyond specific cases—such as some Kenyan nationals reportedly being deceived into russian service. Some in Africa may also view this, bluntly, as a European “white people’s war,” even though the consequences, e.g., food prices, energy shocks, rule-of-law precedents, recruitment scams, travel well beyond Europe.

Since those structural dynamics are shifting slowly, the areas where I can make a small contribution are often the less-covered parts: culture, civil society, and human stories—the things that keep human beings from turning into spreadsheet cells.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Nataliya.

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Entrevista con Alejandro Borgo – Representante del CFI-Argentina

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Pensar (Centre for Inquiry – Argentina)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/07/18

En resumen, ¿cuál es la historia de su familia?

Bueno, mis abuelos vinieron a Argentina desde Italia. Mis padres nacieron en Argentina. Mi padre era un gran hombre. Le gustaban las artes. Me inculcó el amor por la música y la ciencia. Solía ​​regalarme libros de astronomía, biología, etc. Murió a los 71 años y lo extraño mucho. Fue la persona que más me influyó.

¿Y su historia personal?

Nací en Buenos Aires, Argentina, en agosto de 1958. Tuve una infancia muy feliz. De adolescente empecé a leer libros sobre lo paranormal y me fascinaba la parapsicología, los ovnis, etc. Luego, comencé a estudiar en el Instituto Argentino de Parapsicología, donde, paradójicamente, aprendí el método científico. Durante siete años de intensa investigación allí, no pude encontrar ni un solo caso en el que aparecieran fenómenos parapsicológicos. No encontré absolutamente nada y me convertí en escéptico. En ese momento tenía 25 años.

¿Cuáles son sus creencias religiosas/irreligiosas, éticas y políticas?

En cuanto a la religión, soy agnóstico. Mis creencias éticas y políticas son: respeto lo que llamamos «libertad negativa», estoy en contra de la coerción y creo que el Estado, al menos en mi país, regulaba casi todo. Era abusivo. Tantas leyes, tantos impuestos. Creo en el libre intercambio con la mínima intervención del Estado. Creo que debemos priorizar a las personas, no a la sociedad. Y, por supuesto, creo que la Iglesia y el Estado deben estar separados, algo que no sucede en mi país. Creo que el populismo es peligroso, y en Argentina hubo muchos presidentes populistas.

¿Cómo se convirtió en investigador y activista escéptico?

Realicé muchos experimentos e investigaciones científicas y no encontré nada cierto sobre los fenómenos paranormales. Pensé: “Hay muchos astrólogos, videntes y clarividentes publicando anuncios en los periódicos, y no encuentro ni uno solo que pueda demostrar sus poderes… algo no cuadra”.

Entonces, junto con Enrique Márquez (mago e investigador de fenómenos paranormales) y Alejandro Agostinelli (periodista especializado en ovnis), fundamos en 1990 la primera organización escéptica de Argentina: el Centro Argentino para la Refutación e Investigación de la Pseudociencia. Mantuvimos contacto con el CSI (en aquel entonces llamado CSICOP) y Carl Sagan y Mario Bunge se convirtieron en miembros honorarios de nuestra organización. Publicamos una revista, El Ojo Escéptico, y fui su editor hasta 1997.

En 2003, el Center for Inquiry decidió publicar una revista para hispanohablantes llamada Pensar, de la cual fui editor hasta 2009. En 2006, fundamos la filial CFI/Argentina, y fui elegido director. Como periodista especializado en lo paranormal, fui invitado a cientos de programas de televisión y radio, y fui entrevistado por la prensa en diversos periódicos y revistas de Argentina y otros países. Publiqué tres libros sobre lo paranormal y el pensamiento crítico. En 2020 volvimos a editar la revista Pensar, pero online.

¿Sus padres o hermanos influyeron en esto?

Bueno, mi padre solía darme libros de ciencia que despertaban mi curiosidad. Mis padres no eran religiosos. Nunca me hablaron de religión. Vivían sin la necesidad de creer en Dios.

¿Tuvo alguna colaboración en tus inicios en este activismo? Si es así, ¿con quién?

Sí. Eran profesionales, estudiantes o ilusionistas que se convirtieron en amigos míos y comparten mi interés por la desmitificación de los fenómenos paranormales.

¿Se considera progresista?

Sí. Me gusta el progreso. Pero creo que debemos diferenciar a quienes apoyan el progreso de quienes dicen apoyar el progreso social pero no hacen nada para lograrlo. Apoyo el progreso científico. El progreso social es muy difícil de definir. Creo que nuestras ideologías pueden llevarnos a cometer errores. Por eso intento fomentar el pensamiento crítico. Damos por sentadas muchas cosas y no nos educan para hacer preguntas «peligrosas».

¿Cómo llegó a adoptar una visión del mundo socialmente progresista?

Bueno, a lo largo de mi vida he ido cambiando mi visión del mundo. Me gustaban las ideas socialistas, pero ya no me gustan. El socialismo fue un fracaso y, en algunos países, un desastre. Va en contra de la libertad y es un sistema donde el Estado lo regula todo. Prefiero una democracia con libre mercado, sin regulaciones estatales. Y, por supuesto, un sistema educativo que permita y promueva el pensamiento crítico.

¿Por qué cree que es importante adoptar una perspectiva socialmente progresista?

Porque el progreso es necesario para construir individuos mejores y más sanos. Y para lograr este objetivo, el progreso científico es esencial.

Como progresista, ¿cuál cree que es la mejor postura sociopolítica para adoptar en Sudamérica?

Una democracia que promueva la libertad de expresión y fomente el pensamiento crítico, donde el individuo sea el componente principal. No debemos sacrificar a los individuos en nombre de la sociedad, porque los sistemas populistas promueven precisamente lo siguiente: la mayoría es más importante que los ciudadanos.

¿Qué grandes obstáculos (si los hay) ve usted que enfrentan actualmente los movimientos socioprogresistas?

Ideologías dogmáticas (incluida la religión), religiones seculares y todo lo que se oponga al pensamiento crítico y libre.

¿Qué importancia les da a los movimientos sociales?

Depende del movimiento del que estemos hablando. Yo apoyaría un movimiento que promoviera la libertad, el libre pensamiento y luchara contra las ideologías dogmáticas de cualquier tipo.

¿Cuál es el nivel de irreligiosidad en Argentina?

Cerca del 90% de la población profesa diferentes religiones. Pero ese porcentajr está bajando considerablemente.

¿Experimentan las personas irreligiosas intolerancia y prejuicios en todos los niveles de la sociedad argentina?

Sí, los experimentan, aunque no todos. ( En estos casos no hay que generalizar).

¿Por qué?

En primer lugar, la Iglesia y el Estado no están separados. Por lo tanto, los ciudadanos, al pagar impuestos, están apoyando a la Iglesia Católica, incluso si profesan otra religión o son agnósticos o ateos. Eso es injusto.

Usted es el representante del Center for Inquiry/Argentina. ¿Qué tareas y responsabilidades conlleva este cargo?

Mi responsabilidad es representar a una organización mundial que promueve la ciencia, la razón y el humanismo secular. Organizo conferencias, debates y reuniones cuyos temas principales son el pensamiento crítico, la pseudociencia y el escepticismo. Y dirijo una revista dedicada a difundir el pensamiento crítico.

¿Cuáles son algunas de sus investigaciones más memorables sobre lo paranormal y lo parapsicológico?

He investigado a cientos de personas que afirmaban tener poderes paranormales, así como casas supuestamente embrujadas, avistamientos de ovnis, etc. También organicé, con el apoyo de CFI, la primera Conferencia Iberoamericana sobre Pensamiento Crítico, en septiembre de 2005, con ponentes de diferentes países: Brasil, Estados Unidos, Chile, España, Argentina, Paraguay (¡disculpen si he omitido algún otro país!).

Usted escribe para Skeptical Inquirer. ¿Qué importancia tiene esta revista, y otras similares, para el escepticismo?

La importancia de esta revista radica en que promueve la ciencia y la razón de una manera que el público en general puede comprender.

¿Qué distingue a la ciencia verdadera de la pseudociencia, la falta de ciencia y la mala ciencia?

La ciencia requiere evidencia. La pseudociencia no, porque no utiliza el pensamiento científico ni el pensamiento crítico. Y lo peor es que hay profesionales que practican la pseudociencia, sobre todo en medicina y psicología.

La ciencia es conocimiento y proceso. Conocimiento del mundo natural mediante metodologías empíricas. Proceso para alcanzar el conocimiento empírico. ¿Cuál es la mejor manera de enseñar ambos simultáneamente, dado que la ciencia puede reducirse a la tabla periódica de los elementos, los nombres de las especies, los minerales, las características de los diferentes cuerpos celestes, etc.?

Necesitamos divulgadores científicos, capaces de explicar qué es la ciencia con un lenguaje claro y sencillo. El mejor ejemplo es Carl Sagan.

He visto a científicos invitados a programas de televisión para hablar sobre diversos temas, y la mayoría resultan aburridos, utilizando palabras complicadas y términos científicos. No están preparados para ser divulgadores. Si no podemos conectar con el público de forma directa y sencilla, estamos fracasando. Debemos hacer lo que hizo Bertrand Russell. Fue un gran matemático y filósofo, pero también escribía para la gente común.

Precisamos educadores que hagan pensar crítica y libremente, racionalmente.

¿Cuál es su descubrimiento científico favorito?

La evolución.

¿Cuál es su pseudociencia favorita que ha sido desacreditada?

Debemos darles preponderancia a las medicinas alternativas. Pero también creo que debemos aplicar el escepticismo y el pensamiento crítico tanto en economía como en política. Hay mucha pseudociencia en ambos campos.

¿A qué se dedica actualmente?

Soy periodista, escritor y músico. He publicado cuatro libros: uno sobre pseudociencia, dos sobre pensamiento crítico y uno sobre Los Beatles.

¿Qué espera que suceda en el futuro?

Hoy el mundo está en un caos enorme (me refiero a las guerras y sus consecuencias). Pero si logramos sobrepasar esta terrible situación, y vuelve la paz, soy optimista. Aunque veo que la mayor parte de la comunidad científica ignora el pensamiento mágico y la pseudociencia. Y, como escribí antes, es absolutamente necesario formar divulgadores científicos. Necesitamos difundir la razón. Pero, sinceramente, no sé si eso sucederá a corto plazo. Por lo que veo, la pseudociencia está invadiendo las instituciones académicas y la religión sigue teniendo mucha fuerza.

Gracias por su tiempo, Alejandro.

¡De nada!

Scott Jacobsen

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Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 25, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: February 22, 2026

Abstract

This interview excerpt with Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı synthesizes several live problems at the interface of black-hole physics, holography, thermodynamics, and computational method. First, it addresses whether thermal fluctuations can undermine the Kovtun–Son–Starinets (KSS) bound on the shear-viscosity-to-entropy-density ratio in quantum-corrected AdS black holes. Sakallı argues that the bound is formulated for ensemble-averaged thermodynamic quantities rather than instantaneous microstates, and that causality constraints and fluctuation–dissipation structure prevent genuine violations even when entropy and horizon data fluctuate. Quantum corrections are presented as shifting the numerical value of the bound in controlled ways rather than eliminating the existence of a lower bound. Second, the excerpt proposes an operational, coordinate-independent notion of “thermodynamic topology,” treating equilibrium state space as a manifold equipped with geometric structures (metrics, curvature, and topological invariants such as winding numbers) that classify critical points and phase transitions, with ensemble changes understood via Legendre transformations on a broader thermodynamic phase space. Third, Sakallı outlines a phenomenological unification of linear dilaton, Newman–Unti–Tamburino, and Bardeen geometries, emphasizing their shared “hair,” nonstandard asymptotics, modified thermodynamics, and comparable signatures in geodesic structure and observables such as shadows and inspiral waveforms. Finally, the excerpt compares higher-order WKB approaches and neural networks for extracting quasinormal modes, identifying the main methodological pitfalls—convergence, coordinate and boundary-condition sensitivity versus data dependence, extrapolation risk, and interpretability—and motivating hybrid strategies that combine physical transparency with computational speed.

Keywords

AdS/CFT, Asymptotics, Bardeen black holes, Boundary conditions, Black hole hair, Black hole shadows, Causality constraints, Compactification, Coordinate independence, Curvature (thermodynamic), Dilaton fields, Ensemble averaging, Euler characteristic, Extended phase space, Extrapolation risk, Fluctuation–dissipation theorem, Gauss–Bonnet gravity, Geodesics, Gibbs free energy, Grand canonical ensemble, Gravitational waves, Heavy-ion collisions, Helmholtz free energy, Higher-derivative corrections, Holography, Interpretability, ISCO (innermost stable circular orbit), KSS bound, Legendre transformations, Linear dilaton black holes, LIGO constraints, Machine learning, Microcanonical ensemble, Misner string, Neural networks, Newman–Unti–Tamburino (NUT) spacetime, Nonlinear electrodynamics, Overfitting, Phase transitions, Photon sphere, Pietist discipline, Quark–gluon plasma, Quasinormal modes, Quantum corrections, Shear viscosity, Symplectic structure, Thermal fluctuations, Thermodynamic manifold, Thermodynamic metric, Thermodynamic topology, Topological charge, Transport coefficients, Van der Waals analogy, Viscosity-to-entropy ratio, Winding number, WKB approximation

Introduction

Modern black-hole physics is no longer a single subject so much as a crowded intersection: holography links gravity to strongly coupled fluids; extended thermodynamics reframes spacetime constants as state variables; and observational astronomy increasingly constrains “beyond Kerr–Newman” possibilities. In this excerpt, Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı engages several of these frontiers through a unifying methodological concern: which statements are invariant, operationally meaningful, and robust under corrections—whether those corrections are quantum, thermal, coordinate-based, or computational.

The discussion begins with the Kovtun–Son–Starinets bound, a conjectured lower limit on the ratio of shear viscosity to entropy density that emerges naturally from AdS/CFT calculations. Sakallı addresses a common worry in quantum-corrected AdS black holes: if entropy and horizon properties fluctuate, could momentary configurations appear to violate the bound? He frames the bound as a statement about coarse-grained thermodynamic quantities, protected by causality and by the structured relation between fluctuations and dissipation, and he argues that quantum corrections typically deform the bound’s value rather than abolish the existence of a bound.

The excerpt then shifts from bounds to classification, proposing an operational definition of thermodynamic topology that is explicitly coordinate-independent. Equilibrium state space is treated as a manifold where thermodynamic potentials define fields, critical points behave as topological defects, and invariants such as winding numbers provide a stable language for phase transitions. Because ensemble choice changes which variables are held fixed, Sakallı emphasizes a geometric formulation in which Legendre transformations are understood as coordinate changes within a broader phase space equipped with ensemble-independent structure, allowing invariants to remain well-posed across descriptions.

From there, the interview broadens to a phenomenological comparison of three nonstandard black-hole families—linear dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen—highlighting the shared presence of additional “hair,” altered asymptotics, and modified thermodynamics and geodesics, with implications for shadows, accretion signatures, and gravitational-wave observables. The excerpt closes with a methodological contrast between higher-order WKB techniques and neural networks for computing quasinormal modes, weighing physical interpretability and controlled approximation against speed, data dependence, and extrapolation risk, and motivating hybrid strategies that preserve both exploration and rigor.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı

Professor Izzet Sakallı is a theoretical physicist at Eastern Mediterranean University whose research bridges quantum mechanics, general relativity, and observational astronomy. With over 180 publications exploring black hole thermodynamics, modified gravity theories, and quantum corrections to spacetime, his work sits at the exciting frontier where abstract mathematics meets observable reality. In this interview, he discusses the challenges of testing exotic gravity theories, the quest to observe quantum effects in astrophysical systems, and what the next generation of telescopes and gravitational wave detectors might reveal about the quantum nature of spacetime. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Which shadow features best test Lorentz-violating backgrounds once plasma and accretion-flow systematics are in cluded? 

Professor Izzet Sakallı: The Event Horizon Telescope’s stunning images of M87* and Sagittarius A* opened an unprece dented window for testing fundamental physics. These images show a bright ring of emission surrounding a dark shadow—the gravitational silhouette of the black hole. But extracting con straints on exotic physics requires carefully separating genuine signatures of modified spacetime from astrophysical contamination. 

Lorentz invariance—the principle that physical laws don’t depend on your orientation or ve locity—is a cornerstone of both special and general relativity. Various approaches to quantum gravity predict potential violations at high energies or in strong gravitational fields. These violations would modify how photons propagate, potentially changing the observed shadow. 

The challenge is that accretion disks—the hot, ionized material spiraling into black holes—are messy astrophysical environments. The plasma causes Faraday rotation of polarized light, in troduces frequency-dependent delays through dispersion, absorbs some wavelengths while trans mitting others, and Doppler shifts due to its orbital motion. All these effects must be modeled and subtracted to reveal underlying spacetime properties. 

The most robust tests use signatures that depend differently on fundamental physics versus astrophysical processes. Multi-wavelength shadow measurements provide one such discriminator. If Lorentz violation affects photon propagation, the shadow size should vary with observing frequency in a specific pattern—different from how plasma effects scale. Observing at 230 GHz, 345 GHz, and potentially infrared wavelengths with the next-generation Event Horizon Telescope would allow separating these effects. 

The photon ring—actually a series of nested subrings from photons completing multiple orbits before escaping—offers another powerful probe. The time delay between successive subrings de pends on geodesic motion in the spacetime geometry, largely insensitive to accretion flow details since it’s a geometric effect. Lorentz violation would modify these time delays in characteristic ways. 

Polarization patterns provide additional leverage. While plasma Faraday rotation certainly af fects polarization, Lorentz violation can break azimuthal symmetry in distinctive ways. Decom posing the polarization pattern into angular components helps separate astrophysical rotation (which affects all components similarly) from symmetry-breaking physics. 

Time variability studies offer yet another approach. Monitoring shadow features over days to months separates quasi-periodic variability from orbital motion, flares and turbulence in the accretion flow, and any secular trends from fundamental physics. If the shadow properties slowly drift in ways inconsistent with astrophysical explanations, that might signal Lorentz violation. 

Current EHT observations constrain deviations from general relativity at the ten to twenty percent level. This translates to saying that if Lorentz violation exists, its characteristic energy scale must be at least one or two percent of the Planck energy—still far below the Planck scale but better constraints than many other tests achieve. 

Future improvements will come from multiple directions. The next-generation EHT adds more telescopes and space-based stations, increasing angular resolution. Higher observing frequencies probe smaller scales. Broader bandwidth improves sensitivity. Perhaps most importantly, coordinated multi-messenger observations—combining radio interferometry with X-ray timing, optical monitoring, and potentially gravitational waves if the black hole is in a binary—would provide complementary information less susceptible to systematic uncertainties. 

Jacobsen: What are the limits of the Gauss-Bonnet approach for weak deflection in spacetimes with torsion? 

Sakallı: Einstein-dilaton-Gauss-Bonnet gravity represents an important modification of general relativ ity emerging from string theory. The Gauss-Bonnet term involves products of curvature quan tities in a specific combination that’s topologically interesting. In standard four-dimensional spacetime, this term is actually a topological invariant—it doesn’t affect the equations of motion by itself. But when coupled to a dilaton field (a scalar field from string theory), it produces genuine modifications to gravity. 

These modifications become significant in strong-field regions near black holes or in the early universe. For weak gravitational fields—like sunlight grazing the Sun—the corrections are typically small but calculable. We can expand solutions perturbatively, treating the Gauss Bonnet term as a small correction to general relativity, and calculate how it affects phenomena like light deflection. However, this approach encounters fundamental difficulties when spacetime possesses torsion.

Torsion represents a twisting of spacetime, a type of geometric structure absent in general relativity but present in some extended theories. Einstein-Cartan theory, for instance, allows spacetime to have both curvature and torsion, with torsion sourced by intrinsic spin of matter. 

The difficulty is that the Gauss-Bonnet term is defined for Riemannian geometry—geometry with curvature but no torsion. Generalizing it to spaces with torsion isn’t unique. Multiple inequivalent extensions exist: the Nieh-Yan form, modifications involving the Pontrjagin term, generalizations of the Holst term. These different extensions give different physics, and there’s no obvious principle selecting one over others. 

Furthermore, torsion couples to matter fields differently than curvature. For photons—massless spin-one particles—the interaction with torsion is subtle. Traditional geodesic equations must be reconsidered. The very notion of ”geodesic” becomes ambiguous because the connection determining parallel transport includes torsion contributions. 

The weak-field expansion faces technical breakdowns in torsion backgrounds. We typically expand the metric as small perturbations around flat spacetime. But when both curvature and torsion are present, the perturbative hierarchy becomes unclear. If torsion is as large as curvature perturbations, our expansion scheme breaks down. 

There are also boundary term subtleties. In formulating gravitational theories variationally, boundary terms matter for defining conserved quantities and obtaining correct equations of motion. The Gibbons-Hawking-York boundary term supplements the Einstein-Hilbert action in general relativity. With torsion, additional boundary terms are needed, and they affect asymptotic quantities crucial for calculating observable effects like deflection angles. 

Some torsion-Gauss-Bonnet couplings lead to pathologies: faster-than-light propagation, vio lations of causality, or violations of energy conditions guaranteeing stability. These signal the theory’s breakdown rather than providing viable alternatives to general relativity. 

Observationally, constraints on torsion in astrophysical contexts are weak. Particle physics experiments provide stronger bounds from spin-dependent effects. But astrophysical torsion contributions must satisfy stringent limits, roughly one part in a billion billion per centimeter from precision tests. 

For analyzing light deflection in torsion-rich spacetimes, alternative approaches work better than weak-field expansions. Full numerical ray-tracing through exact solutions avoids perturbative ambiguities. The Newman-Penrose formalism, adapted to non-Riemannian geometry, provides another rigorous framework. Modified Shapiro time delays offer complementary probes less sensitive to expansion scheme choices. 

Jacobsen: Which lensing signatures would rule out thin-shell wormholes for compact black-hole mimics? 

Sakallı: Wormholes—hypothetical tunnels connecting distant regions of spacetime—have captivated physicists and science fiction writers for decades. While the Schwarzschild solution allows math ematical wormholes, they’re unstable and not traversable. Maintaining a stable, traversable wormhole requires exotic matter violating energy conditions, specifically matter with negative energy density. 

Thin-shell wormholes represent a particular construction where exotic matter is confined to a narrow region around the wormhole throat, minimizing the total amount of energy-condition violating material needed. From a distance, such objects might mimic black holes—appearing as compact, massive objects with strong gravitational fields. Distinguishing them observationally is crucial, as finding a wormhole would revolutionize physics. 

Several observational signatures could definitively distinguish wormholes from black holes. The most dramatic is gravitational wave echoes. When a gravitational wave rings down after a black hole merger, the signal decays smoothly—the perturbations fall into the singularity. But if the object is a wormhole, perturbations can traverse the throat, reflect off the geometry on the far side, return, and emerge again. This creates periodic echoes in the gravitational wave signal, with the time delay determined by the wormhole’s size and geometry. 

Detecting echoes is challenging. The reflected signal is weaker than the initial ringdown, requir ing high signal-to-noise ratio observations. Current searches in LIGO/Virgo data have found no convincing echoes, placing limits on how common wormholes might be if they exist. Future detectors with better sensitivity, particularly Einstein Telescope and Cosmic Explorer, should significantly improve echo searches. 

The shadow morphology offers another discriminator. Black holes cast circular (or slightly elliptical for rotating ones) shadows. Wormholes can produce more exotic shadow shapes: non simply-connected topology (hole within hole), asymmetric brightness from different light paths traversing the throat, or chromatic effects if the throat has frequency-dependent properties. The Event Horizon Telescope’s resolution is reaching the point where such features might be detectable for nearby supermassive objects. 

Microlensing provides a third signature. When a compact object passes in front of a background star, its gravity acts as a lens, magnifying and distorting the star’s image. Black holes create characteristic magnification curves. Wormholes add complexity: light paths traversing the throat create additional magnification spikes, producing asymmetric light curves distinct from black hole lensing. Large microlensing surveys searching for dark matter or planets could potentially detect such signatures if wormholes exist in our galaxy. 

Time delay distributions between multiple images offer another probe. Gravitational lenses create multiple images of background objects arriving at different times. The distribution of these delays depends on the lens’s mass profile. Wormholes’ different internal geometry would create distinctive delay patterns. 

Future interferometric observations using nulling techniques could enhance faint photon ring structure while suppressing the bright accretion disk. Wormholes’ multiple light traversal paths would create interference patterns distinct from black holes. 

The theoretical challenge is that thin-shell wormholes face severe difficulties. Most solutions are dynamically unstable—perturbations cause them to collapse or expand. The exotic matter requirements are enormous, far exceeding what quantum field theory allows in normal circum stances. No known astrophysical process forms wormholes, unlike black holes which form from stellar collapse. 

Nevertheless, thoroughly testing whether astrophysical compact objects might be horizonless alternatives to black holes is scientifically important. General relativity so strongly predicts black holes that finding something else would indicate either a fundamental flaw in our under standing or exotic physics beyond the standard model. The observational tests described above will systematically close loopholes, either confirming black holes or revealing surprises. 

Jacobsen: Can information-theoretic diagnostics reveal quantum gravity corrections at current observational sensitivities? 

Sakallı: Information theory—the mathematical framework for quantifying information, uncertainty, and correlations—provides a novel lens for exploring quantum gravity. Traditional approaches focus on measuring physical quantities like masses, spins, and frequencies. Information-theoretic approaches ask: how much information do observations carry about the underlying physics? Can we detect quantum gravitational effects through information content rather than direct parameter measurements? 

The holographic principle suggests that information in any region of space is bounded by the region’s surface area rather than volume—as if the three-dimensional world is holographically encoded on a two-dimensional boundary. For black holes, this manifests as the Bekenstein Hawking entropy being proportional to horizon area. Quantum corrections modify this rela tionship, adding logarithmic and higher-order terms in the area. 

One information-theoretic approach analyzes the entropy of black hole shadows. The shadow pattern observed by telescopes carries information about the spacetime geometry. We can quantify this through Shannon entropy: treating the brightness distribution as a probability distribution and computing its entropy. Quantum corrections alter how photons propagate near the horizon, subtly changing the shadow structure and therefore its information content. 

The challenge is scale. For astrophysical black holes, Planck-scale quantum corrections are suppressed by the ratio of the Planck length to the black hole size—roughly 10 to the minus 78th power for a solar-mass black hole. Direct detection of such tiny effects is hopeless with foreseeable technology. 

However, indirect signatures might be more accessible. Rather than looking for tiny shifts in individual measurements, we can examine correlations and information flow. For gravitational wave signals, the mutual information between early inspiral and late ringdown phases quantifies how much information from the initial state survives to the final state. Quantum corrections introduce non-Markovian effects—memory effects where the system’s evolution depends on its history rather than just its current state. These memory effects could create measurable corre lation patterns. 

Fisher information quantifies how much information data carries about physical parameters. For Event Horizon Telescope observations, we can construct the Fisher information matrix describing precision limits on measuring black hole mass, spin, and potential quantum correction parameters. Current analysis suggests achieving roughly 10 to 30 percent precision on dimensionless quantum parameters—not sufficient to detect Planck-scale effects but potentially constraining if quantum gravity involves larger characteristic scales. 

Relative entropy (also called Kullback-Leibler divergence) measures how much observed distributions differ from general relativity predictions. Accumulating this measure across many observations provides a statistical test: are we seeing what general relativity predicts, or are systematic deviations emerging? 

Population statistics offer multiplicative power. While individual gravitational wave detections have limited precision, combining information from hundreds or thousands of events (expected in the next decade) increases statistical power. If quantum corrections produce consistent small biases across all events, population-level analysis might reveal them. 

Cross-correlation approaches combine complementary observations. Measuring a black hole’s mass from gravitational waves and independently from its shadow size provides a consistency test. If quantum corrections affect these measurements differently, inconsistencies would signal new physics even if neither measurement alone shows deviations. 

For primordial black holes—hypothetical small black holes from the early universe—information theoretic signatures might be more accessible. Their much smaller sizes enhance quantum corrections substantially. If primordial black holes exist and their evaporation products are detected, the information content in their emission spectra could constrain quantum gravity. 

Realistic assessment requires acknowledging limitations. Directly detecting Planck-scale quan tum gravity through astrophysical observations probably remains beyond reach. However, information-theoretic methods might reveal emergent quantum phenomena accumulating at astrophysical scales, modified information flow during black hole evaporation, or indirect con straints ruling out large classes of quantum gravity theories. These indirect routes may prove more fruitful than searching for minute corrections to individual measurements. 

Jacobsen: How do non-extensive entropy formalisms reshape Anti-de Sitter black hole phase diagrams? 

Sakallı: Non-extensive statistical mechanics, particularly Tsallis entropy, offers a fascinating general ization of conventional thermodynamics that has profound implications for black hole physics. The standard Boltzmann-Gibbs entropy assumes that systems are extensive—meaning the en tropy of two independent systems simply adds. But for systems with long-range interactions, like gravity, or systems with fractal structure, this additivity breaks down. Tsallis introduced a parameter, typically called q, that quantifies this non-extensivity. When q equals one, we recover standard thermodynamics; deviations from unity signal non-extensive behavior. 

For black holes in Anti-de Sitter spacetime—a universe with negative cosmological constant that curves like a saddle rather than a sphere—thermodynamics becomes particularly rich. AdS black holes can undergo phase transitions remarkably similar to everyday substances transitioning between solid, liquid, and gas phases. The famous Hawking-Page transition, where thermal radiation in empty AdS competes with forming a black hole, parallels water freezing into ice. 

When we replace standard entropy with Tsallis entropy, the phase diagram transforms dra matically. The temperature-entropy relationship changes because temperature, defined as the derivative of energy with respect to entropy, now involves the non-extensivity parameter. For astrophysical black holes with enormous entropy, even small deviations of q from unity can shift transition temperatures substantially. 

The heat capacity—which determines thermodynamic stability—becomes modified in intricate ways. Standard AdS black holes have a critical radius where heat capacity diverges, signaling a phase transition. With Tsallis entropy, this critical point shifts. Depending on whether q exceeds or falls below unity, the transition can occur at smaller or larger radii, or in extreme cases, disappear entirely or split into multiple transitions. 

Perhaps most intriguing is the emergence of reentrant phase transitions—phenomena where increasing temperature causes the system to cycle through the same phase multiple times. Imagine heating ice, which melts to water, but continuing to heat causes it to refreeze, then melt again at even higher temperatures. Such behavior, absent in standard thermodynamics, appears naturally when black hole entropy becomes non-extensive. This suggests the underlying quantum gravity degrees of freedom organizing the horizon might have complex, fractal-like structure. 

The Hawking-Page transition also shifts under non-extensive statistics. This transition repre sents a competition between entropy favoring thermal radiation spread throughout space and energy minimization favoring localized black holes. With modified entropy, the balance point changes. For q greater than one, transitions occur at lower temperatures; for q less than one, higher temperatures are needed. 

Through the AdS/CFT correspondence—the remarkable duality between gravity in AdS space time and quantum field theory on its boundary—modifications to bulk thermodynamics reflect in boundary physics. The confining-deconfining transition in strongly coupled gauge theories, relevant for understanding quark-gluon plasma in heavy-ion collisions, would exhibit modified behavior if the gravitational dual involves non-extensive entropy. 

The physical origin of non-extensivity in black holes remains debated. It might arise from quan tum fluctuations of the horizon, long-range gravitational correlations between horizon degrees of freedom, or fractal microstructure of spacetime near the Planck scale. Observationally, con straining the parameter q from astrophysical black holes is extremely challenging, but laboratory analogs using cold atoms or condensed matter systems might provide testable predictions. 

Jacobsen: What about the interpretation of Hawking-Page transitions under non-extensive entropy? 

Sakallı: The Hawking-Page transition represents one of the most elegant connections between quan tum field theory, gravity, and thermodynamics. In pure AdS spacetime, we can have thermal radiation at some temperature, or we can have a black hole at that temperature. Which con figuration has lower free energy depends on the temperature. At low temperatures, thermal radiation dominates; at high temperatures, black holes are favored. The transition between these phases occurs at a specific critical temperature. 

When entropy becomes non-extensive, this picture enriches considerably. The free energy—energy minus temperature times entropy—depends on how entropy scales. With Tsallis entropy, the relationship between physical temperature and thermodynamic temperature becomes modified by a function of the horizon area. This modifies the free energy comparison between phases. 

The latent heat—energy exchanged during the phase transition—changes dramatically. For standard black holes, the latent heat reflects the entropy jump when thermal radiation condenses into a black hole. With non-extensive entropy, this jump scales differently with black hole size. For large black holes and q greater than unity, the latent heat can become orders of magnitude larger than in standard thermodynamics, suggesting the transition involves reorganizing vastly more microscopic degrees of freedom. 

The order of the transition can even change. Standard Hawking-Page is first-order, with discon tinuous entropy at the transition point, like ice melting to water. But for certain special values of the non-extensivity parameter, the transition can become second-order, with continuous en tropy but divergent heat capacity, like the magnetic transition in iron when heated above its Curie temperature. Between these regimes lie tricritical points where the transition character changes. 

Through AdS/CFT, the Hawking-Page transition corresponds to confinement-deconfinement in the boundary gauge theory. At low temperatures, quarks and gluons are confined into hadrons—thermal AdS. At high temperatures, they form quark-gluon plasma—the black hole phase. Non-extensive modifications suggest the strongly coupled plasma might have non standard statistical properties, potentially observable in heavy-ion collisions at RHIC or LHC.

The interpretation becomes particularly interesting when considering the transition’s dynamical aspects. How quickly does thermal radiation condense into a black hole? How long does the mixed phase persist? Non-extensive statistics introduces memory effects—the system’s evolution depends on its history, not just its current state. This non-Markovian character might leave signatures in gravitational wave observations if black holes form dynamically through such transitions in the early universe. 

Multiple phase transitions can emerge in extended phase space where we vary not just tem perature but also pressure, charge, and angular momentum. The resulting phase diagrams can exhibit multiple critical points, isolated regions of stability, and complex connectivity between phases—far richer than standard thermodynamics allows. 

Discussion

Across its four themes, the excerpt advances a consistent thesis: the most reliable claims in gravitational physics are those formulated in terms of quantities that survive changes of description—ensemble choice, coordinate gauge, or computational representation—without losing physical meaning.

On the KSS bound, Sakallı’s position hinges on separating instantaneous microscopic variability from thermodynamic statements. The bound is treated as an assertion about ensemble-averaged transport and entropy rather than snapshot ratios of fluctuating horizon data. This move is not merely semantic; it aligns the bound with how viscosity and entropy are actually defined in statistical mechanics and hydrodynamics, and it clarifies why fluctuations should not be interpreted as counterexamples. The appeal to causality is also structurally important: in holography, apparent violations are not just “small corrections,” but would imply pathologies (such as superluminal signal propagation) in the dual field theory. The result is a picture in which quantum and higher-derivative effects shift the bound’s numerical value in controlled, model-dependent ways while preserving a lower-bound structure enforced by consistency conditions.

The segment on thermodynamic topology extends this concern for invariance into phase structure. By treating thermodynamic state space as a manifold and critical points as topological defects, the excerpt reframes phase transitions as objects that can be classified by invariants (winding number, topological charge) rather than by coordinate-dependent signatures alone. Ensemble dependence, often a practical nuisance in black-hole thermodynamics, is interpreted geometrically through Legendre transformations on a phase space with ensemble-independent structure. This provides a principled way to say when an invariant is “well-posed”: it must be defined on structures that do not change under reparameterization, and the manifold must be handled globally (including compactification) so that charges and conservation statements are mathematically meaningful.

The unification of linear dilaton, NUT, and Bardeen geometries functions as a case study in how departures from the Kerr–Newman template tend to recur in recognizable families. The shared features—additional hair, generalized asymptotics, modified temperature/entropy relations, and comparable shifts in photon spheres and ISCOs—support an interpretation in which “nonstandard” black holes are not ad hoc curiosities but coordinated outcomes of extended actions and additional fields. The excerpt’s observational remarks underline an important asymmetry: current data often constrain large deviations but still permit moderate hair, making the landscape of alternatives scientifically live rather than purely speculative.

Finally, the comparison of higher-order WKB and neural networks foregrounds a methodological dualism familiar across contemporary physics. WKB is valued for analytic control and interpretability but suffers from convergence and gauge subtleties and demands careful handling of boundary conditions. Neural networks promise speed and broad exploration but import risks that are epistemically different—dependence on training sets, unreliable extrapolation, and limited transparency. Sakallı’s proposed hybrid strategy is therefore not a compromise for its own sake; it is an explicit division of labor between exploration and verification, with physical interpretation and out-of-distribution caution serving as the safeguards that keep fast computation from becoming fast self-deception.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

This interview was conducted as part of a broader quantum cosmology book project. The responses reflect my current research perspective as of October 2025, informed by over 180 publications and ongoing collaborations with researchers worldwide. 

Selected References 

General Background and Foundational Works 

Hawking, S.W. (1974). Black hole explosions? Nature, 248(5443), 30-31. Bekenstein, J.D. (1973). Black holes and entropy. Physical Review D, 7(8), 2333. 

Bardeen, J.M., Carter, B., & Hawking, S.W. (1973). The four laws of black hole mechanics. Communications in Mathematical Physics, 31(2), 161-170. 

Modified Gravity and Quantum Corrections 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Sucu, E. (2025). Quantum tunneling and Aschenbach effect in nonlinear Einstein Power-Yang-Mills AdS black holes. Chinese Physics C, 49, 105101. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Quantum-Corrected Thermodynamics of Conformal Weyl Gravity Black Holes: GUP Effects and Phase Transitions. arXiv preprint 2508.00203. 

Al-Badawi, A., Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). A Black Hole Solution in Kalb-Ramond Gravity with Quintessence Field: From Geodesic Dynamics to Thermal Criticality. arXiv preprint 2508.16693. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Sert, O. (2025). Quantum-corrected thermodynamics and plasma lensing in non-minimally coupled symmetric teleparallel black holes. Physical Review D, 50, 102063. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Perturbations and Greybody Factors of AdS Black Holes with a Cloud of Strings Surrounded by Quintessence-like Field in NLED Scenario. arXiv preprint 2510.19862. 

Black Hole Thermodynamics and Phase Transitions 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., & Pourhassan, B. (2025). Thermodynamic scalar curvature and topo logical classification in accelerating charged AdS black holes under rainbow gravity. Physics of the Dark Universe, 50, 102136. 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). AdS black holes in Einstein-Kalb-Ramond gravity: Quantum 26 corrections, phase transitions, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 117081. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. European Physics C, 85, 1144. 

Pourhassan, B., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Transport phenomena and KSS bound in quantum corrected AdS black holes. European Physics C, 85(4), 369. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2025). Thermodynamic topology, photon spheres, and evidence for weak gravity conjecture in charged black holes with perfect fluid within Rastall theory. Physics Letters B, 869, 139862. 

Quasinormal Modes and Spectroscopy 

Gashti, S.N., Afshar, M.A., Sakallı, ˙I., & Mazandaran, U. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. arXiv preprint 2504.11939. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2023). Superradiant (In)stability, Greybody Radiation, and Quasi normal Modes of Rotating Black Holes in Non-Linear Maxwell f(R) Gravity. Symmetry, 15, 873. 

Observational Tests and Gravitational Lensing 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Probing Starobinsky-Bel-Robinson gravity: Gravitational lensing, thermodynamics, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 116982. 

Mangut, M., G¨ursel, H., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Lorentz-symmetry violation in charged black-hole thermodynamics and gravitational lensing: effects of the Kalb-Ramond field. Chinese Physics C, 49, 065106. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Geodesics Analysis, Perturbations and Deflec tion Angle of Photon Ray in Finslerian Bardeen-Like Black Hole with a GM Surrounded by a Quintessence Field. Annalen der Physik, e2500087. 

Generalized Uncertainty Principle and Quantum Effects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Photon Deflection and Magnification in Kalb Ramond Black Holes with Topological String Configurations. arXiv preprint 2507.22673. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Exploring geodesics, quantum fields and thermodynamics of Schwarzschild-AdS black hole with a global monopole in non-commutative geometry. Nuclear Physics B, 1017, 116951. 

Wormholes and Exotic Compact Objects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Gravitational lensing phenomena of Ellis Bronnikov-Morris-Thorne wormhole with global monopole and cosmic string. Physics Letters B, 864, 139448. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Dunkl black hole with phantom global monopoles: geodesic analysis, thermodynamics and shadow. European Physics C, 85, 660. 

Information Theory and Holography 

Pourhassan, B., Sakallı, ˙I., et al. (2022). Quantum Thermodynamics of an M2-Corrected Reissner-Nordstr¨om Black Hole. EPL, 144, 29001. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2022). Topical Review: greybody factors and quasinormal modes for black holes in various theories – fingerprints of invisibles. Turkish Journal of Physics, 46, 51-103. 

Modified Theories and String Theory 

Sakallı, İ., & Yörük, E. (2023). Modified Hawking radiation of Schwarzschild-like black hole in bumblebee gravity model. Physics Scripta, 98, 125307.

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2023). GUP-reinforced Hawking radiation in rotating linear dilaton black hole spacetime. Physics Scripta, 98, 105201. 

Event Horizon Telescope and Observational Cosmology 

Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration (2019). First M87 Event Horizon Telescope Results. I. The Shadow of the Supermassive Black Hole. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 875(1), L1. 

Abbott, B.P., et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration) (2016). Observa tion of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger. Physical Review Letters, 116(6), 061102. 

Recent Collaborative Works 

Tangphati, T., Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., & Pradhan, A. (2024). Behaviors of quark stars in the Rainbow Gravity framework. Physical Review D, 46, 101610. 

Banerjee, A., Sakallı, ˙I., Pradhan, A., & Dixit, A. (2024). Properties of interacting quark star in light of Rastall gravity. Classical and Quantum Gravity, 42, 025008. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., Dayanandan, B., & Pradhan, A. (2025). Quark stars in f(R, T) gravity: mass-to-radius profiles and observational data. Chinese Physics C, 49, 015102. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2024). Thermodynamic topology and phase space analysis of AdS black holes through non-extensive entropy perspectives. European Physics C, 85, 305. 

Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). The Static Charged Black Holes with Weyl Corrections. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, 64, 50. 

Textbooks and Reviews 

Carroll, S.M. (2004). Spacetime and Geometry: An Introduction to General Relativity. Addison Wesley. 

Wald, R.M. (1984). General Relativity. University of Chicago Press. 

Rovelli, C. (2004). Quantum Gravity. Cambridge University Press. 

Kiefer, C. (2012). Quantum Gravity (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. Ashtekar, A., & Petkov, V. (Eds.) (2014). Springer Handbook of Spacetime. Springer. 

Note: This reference list includes representative works from Prof. Sakallı’s extensive publication record (181+ papers) and foundational works in the field. For a complete bibliography, please consult the INSPIRE-HEP database or Prof. Sakallı’s institutional profile.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: February 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,278

Image Credits: Izzet Sakallı

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

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Below are various citation formats for Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3) (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, February 22, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published February 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, February 22). Causality, ensemble invariance, and black-hole perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS bound, thermodynamic topology, and quasinormal-mode inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

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JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 fev. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

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Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

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Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (February 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 February. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 February, viewed 22 February 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Causality, Ensemble Invariance, and Black-Hole Perturbations: Prof. Dr. ˙Izzet Sakallı on the KSS Bound, Thermodynamic Topology, and Quasinormal-Mode Inference (3) [Internet]. 2026 Feb 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/causality-ensemble-invariance-black-hole-perturbations-izzet-sakalli-kss-bound-thermodynamic-topology-quasinormal-mode-inference 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: December 16, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: February 22, 2026

Abstract

This excerpt examines how the Danish–Norwegian legal and ecclesiastical order translated patriarchal household norms into enforceable procedure, and then sustained those norms through parish-level surveillance. Tor Arne Jørgensen argues that Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 did not create patriarchy but rendered it administratively legible by formalizing perpetual guardianship for unmarried women, prioritizing male-line authority in childcare guardianship, and limiting women’s contractual and economic autonomy except in the contingent legal space of widowhood. The interview then traces how sexual regulation operated in practice through the category of leiermål, where pregnancy functioned as decisive evidence and parish mechanisms—public confession, fines, and increasingly detailed church registers—produced gendered exposure and enduring stigma, including classificatory labels for “illegitimate” births. Moving to the pietist state church, Jørgensen frames compulsory confirmation (1736) and the school ordinance (1739) as intertwined instruments of religious formation and social discipline that elevated reading while often withholding writing, thereby creating a widespread but narrowly channeled literacy. The Conventicle Act (1741) further narrowed everyday freedoms by restricting unsupervised religious assembly, yet the Haugean revival demonstrated how literate lay networks could contest clerical monopolies in practice even before the law was formally repealed. Finally, the excerpt shows how charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites persisted under Lutheranism as pragmatic responses to vulnerability, prompting a pattern of selective intervention: condemnation in doctrine, uneven enforcement in law, and managed coexistence in daily life, particularly in rural settings where surveillance capacity and pastoral leverage were limited.

Keywords

Administrative discipline, Adult status, Authority, Bidragsprotokoll, Catechism, Child-support law (1763), Christian V’s Norwegian Law (1687), Christian VI, Clerical oversight, Conventicle Act (1741), Confirmation (1736), Court registers (tingbøker), Demonization, Discipline, Farskapsforelegg, Folk healing, Frillebarn, Gendered enforcement, Guardianship, Haugean revival, Horunge, Illegitimacy, Leiermål, Literacy, Moral policing, Omgangsskoler, Parish registers, Pietism, Public confession (Publice absolverede), Royal decrees, Sakefallslister, School Ordinance (1739), Seafaring rites, Sexual surveillance, State church, Superstition, Uskiftet bo, Visitation records, Widowhood, Writing restriction

Introduction

The Danish–Norwegian realm from the late seventeenth to the early nineteenth century offers a clear case of how law and church governance can operate as a unified regime of authority. Rather than treating patriarchy, sexual morality, and popular religion as separate domains, this interview excerpt approaches them as interlocking administrative practices: household hierarchy is stabilized through legal guardianship rules; sexual conduct becomes legible through parish discipline and recordkeeping; and religious conformity is reinforced through compulsory instruction, examination, and restrictions on unsupervised assembly.

Tor Arne Jørgensen situates Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 within longer continuities of Norse inheritance and Christian marital doctrine while emphasizing what codification changes: it converts customary expectations into standardized procedure, narrowing women’s legal autonomy to exceptional conditions such as widowhood. He then tracks how “moral order” was produced not only by statutes but by enforcement routines—public confession, fines, and parish registers—that disproportionately exposed women and rendered pregnancy a primary evidentiary fact.

The excerpt further examines the pietist state-church program under Christian VI, where confirmation (1736), schooling (1739), and the Conventicle Act (1741) linked literacy and religious formation to discipline and eligibility for adult civic participation. Jørgensen also considers unintended consequences: the spread of reading competence facilitated lay movements such as the Haugean revival, which contested clerical monopolies in practice well before legal constraints were formally lifted. Finally, he addresses the persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites under Lutheranism, arguing that authorities often responded less through systematic suppression than through uneven, selective intervention shaped by local conditions and the limits of surveillance.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Tor Arne Jørgensen 

Tor Arne Jørgensen is a Norwegian educator from Fevik, near Grimstad, in southern Norway. He teaches at secondary level and has written and spoken about history, religion, social studies, ethics, governance, and education for gifted students. He has participated in the international intelligence community since 2015 and is described as a member of 50+ high IQ societies. In 2019, the World Genius Directory named him “Genius of the Year – Europe.” He designs high-range IQ tests, including the site toriqtests.com, and is reported to have set Norway’s IQ score record twice. He is married and has two sons in Norway.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did Christian V’s 1687 Norwegian Law encode patriarchal household authority?

Tor Arne Jørgensen: Christian V’s Norwegian Law of 1687 did not invent the framework of household patriarchy; that structure had long existed, sustained by the interplay of Norse inheritance customs and later by Christian doctrinal models of marriage and authority. What the 1687 code accomplished was something more systematic. It transformed a set of social expectations into an administrative logic, embedding male authority so deeply into legal procedure that female autonomy could survive only in the narrow and historically contingent space of widowhood.

One of the most consequential shifts—radical in its implications rather than its vocabulary—was the legal redefinition of unmarried women. Under Magnus VI Lagabøte’s thirteenth-century code, both men and women reached majority at twenty. This did not amount to modern equality, but it recognized unmarried women as capable of acting in their own right. The 1687 law set this aside. Following Danish precedent, it placed all unmarried women under permanent guardianship. Age no longer produced legal independence; an unmarried woman, whether twenty or sixty, could not contract, manage property, or control her finances without male authorization. The category of the legally competent adult woman was simply removed.

The structure of guardianship itself reveals the priorities of the legislation. When the father died, guardianship over children passed not to the surviving parent but along a male lineage: first to an adult brother, then to the paternal grandfather, then to the maternal grandfather, followed by paternal uncles and finally maternal uncles. The mother could be appointed, but only by decision, not by right. Her authority over her own children existed at the discretion of others, not at the foundation of the law.

Marriage altered the form of guardianship but not the principle behind it. Authority transferred from father to husband, and the wife’s legal identity was absorbed into that of the household’s male representative. Her capacity to engage in economic activity was limited to the smallest transactions—amounts measured in a few øre (small coin amounts, the equivalent of only a few pennies)—as if she operated on the margins of the economic world rather than within it. The household’s property belonged to the marital unit in theory, but the husband alone could bind it through contract.

The inheritance rules of the 1687 code encoded similar assumptions. Sons received a double portion compared to daughters, described in the terminology of the earlier laws as the brother’s share (broderlod) and the sister’s share (søsterlod). This did not exclude women from inheritance, but it defined property transmission primarily through male lines. Even the assets that women did inherit typically came under the control of their husbands once they married.

Within this restrictive structure, widowhood emerged as the only circumstance in which a woman could exercise full legal capacity. A widow could manage her late husband’s estate, enter contracts independently, and—and this was often decisive—maintain the household as an undivided estate (uskiftet bo), retaining control of all property until her death or remarriage. Yet this autonomy was conditional. If she married again, the rights she had temporarily held dissolved, and her property passed into the authority of the new husband. The freedom widowhood offered was real, but it was also fragile, contingent on loss, and easily revoked.

The impact on noblewomen is illustrative. Under the medieval Land Law of 1274 and Town Law of 1276, women of noble rank had enjoyed significant economic latitude, able to buy and sell property with a freedom denied to women of lesser estates. The 1687 code erased this differentiation. All non-widowed women, regardless of birth, were placed under the same regime of guardianship. What had once been the privilege of class was replaced by the uniformity of subordination.

It is difficult to overstate how thoroughly these rules shaped the lives of women. They controlled whom a woman might marry, what she could own, and how she could act in the world. They rendered her legally visible only in relation to a male guardian: daughter, wife, or widow. And because the law grounded its prescriptions in Christian doctrine and royal authority, dissent could be dismissed not only as disobedience but as a challenge to divinely sanctioned order.

This framework remained largely intact for generations. Unmarried women did not receive majority status until 1845, and married women waited until 1890 to gain legal independence from their husbands. Even then, remnants of the older system persisted: the husband retained authority over the marital home, and the wife’s recognized independence extended primarily to the income derived from her own labor.

Christian V’s legislation did not create patriarchy; it rendered it legible, enforceable, and exhaustive. It transformed customary hierarchies into a legal architecture that defined women not as autonomous persons but as dependents within a carefully maintained moral and administrative order. And it would take nearly two centuries for that structure to loosen, and longer still for its assumptions to lose their hold. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what about moral policing in practice?

Jørgensen: The legal structure of Christian V’s 1687 Norwegian Law was one thing. Its enforcement—its quiet, repetitive, deeply embodied mechanisms—was something else entirely. It operated not as a theoretical system but as a lived one: a daily choreography of oversight that reached into bedrooms, labor quarters, and eventually into the birth chamber itself. And the weight of this system, its sharpest edges, fell most consistently on women.

The term used for sexual offenses was leiermål—a bureaucratic category for sexual relations outside of marriage. It covered a wide spectrum, from consensual relations between two unmarried people to adultery between married individuals. Yet the law never treated these acts equally. What mattered most was visibility. And nothing made a transgression more visible than pregnancy.

For an unmarried woman, pregnancy was an undeniable public fact. Her body revealed what the law preferred to bury beneath moral order. The man involved, however, could deny paternity, vanish, or—if he happened to be a soldier—avoid punishment altogether for a first offense. The asymmetry was deliberate.

Beginning in 1617, individuals accused of sexual misconduct were subjected to public confession before the congregation. Publice absolverede was the term. And to understand its force, one must imagine the scene: standing before neighbors, relatives, employers—standing before those whose eyes one would meet every week thereafter—and confessing aloud. The shame was not incidental. It was structural.

Women paid a fine of six daler; men paid twelve. On paper, it looks harsher for men. In practice, the burden fell almost entirely on women. By the late seventeenth century, unmarried soldiers were exempted from public confession. The woman—often a young servant with limited means—was left alone before the congregation, while the man who impregnated her either sat among the audience or was absent altogether.

I keep returning to this image. The young woman, visibly pregnant, standing alone.

The fines were entered into sakefallslister—lists of penalties paid—and the cases recorded in tingbøker, the local court registers. These sources show clearly who bore scrutiny. It was women whose names appeared most frequently, whose circumstances were interrogated in detail, whose movements and choices were captured on the page.

Until the mid-eighteenth century, women who had given birth were barred from church for roughly six weeks afterward. They were considered “unclean,” a concept drawn directly from Leviticus. After this period, mothers of legitimate children were formally reintroduced to the congregation in a purification rite. Mothers of illegitimate children received no such ceremony. Their path back to the community was through the public confession, during which they were expected to name the father before everyone present.

The parish registers themselves became instruments of moral classification. Early eighteenth-century records labeled illegitimate children as frillebarn (“child of a mistress”) or horunge (“child conceived through adultery”). From the 1820s onward, priests were required to mark each birth explicitly as “legitimate” or “illegitimate.” The child’s status—its moral inheritance—became a permanent notation beside its name.

Public confession for fornication was abolished in 1767, and the fines removed in 1812. But by then, generations had lived under a system that taught women that their bodies were potential evidence, that pregnancy outside marriage was not simply a misstep but an offense, and that their sexuality required both ecclesiastical and civil authorization.

The system was never enforced perfectly. Remote parishes, far from central oversight, recorded inconsistently. Wealthier families could arrange rapid marriages or pay quietly to resolve matters. It was poor women—servants, tenant farmers’ daughters, women without male protection—who carried the full weight of moral regulation.

Child-support laws introduced in 1763 created formal mechanisms for pursuing fathers. Records from these cases—farskapsforelegg (paternity proceedings) and bidragsprotokoll (child-support registers)—appear in the archives of each county governor. But even this reform reinforced the same pattern: women remained visible, accountable, documented. Men had to be located, identified, compelled.

At the center of all this was the priest. He kept the registers, received the confessions, and decided what to record and how. The parish register was not merely a list of births and deaths; it was a moral ledger, a continuous accounting of sexual conduct, legitimacy, and compliance.

When we speak of Christian V’s law placing women under perpetual guardianship—making them legal minors, absorbing their agency into male authority—we must understand that this was not a theoretical arrangement. It was enforced through precisely these practices: public shaming, financial penalties women could not afford, and records that labeled children as illegitimate before they could speak.

The law made patriarchy legible. The parish system made it operational.

And what of resistance? It existed, though often in shadows. Couples married hastily once a pregnancy became known, transforming sin into legitimacy. Women named false fathers to shield lovers or secure more reliable providers. Some priests minimized their notes, softening the record, perhaps recognizing the cruelty of the system they administered.

But these were deviations within the structure—not challenges to it. The underlying logic remained intact well into the nineteenth century: that sexual behavior required oversight, that pregnancy outside marriage was a matter for public judgment, and that women’s bodies were proper subjects of regulation.

What the 1687 law created in theory, the parish system enacted in practice. Together, they formed a regime of sexual surveillance that treated women less as persons and more as administrative concerns—entries to be recorded, monitored, and corrected.

The records remain. Thousands of them. Names, dates, fines, confessions. Each one a moment in which the machinery of moral regulation pressed into an individual life and left a lasting mark. 

Jacobsen: Did the 1736 confirmation rule raise literacy for empowerment or clerical control?

Jørgensen: The question poses a false dichotomy, as if we must decide whether literacy functioned as emancipation or surveillance. The reality is more disquieting: it was both at once, and it is precisely in that unresolved tension that an entire social order took shape.

When King Christian VI introduced compulsory confirmation in 1736 for all young people between fifteen and nineteen, he did far more than add another religious ritual to the calendar. He made confirmation a threshold to adulthood. Without it you could not marry, serve in the military, stand as a godparent, or testify in court. Fail the public examination, and you were sent back to study for another year. Reach nineteen without passing, and the authorities could put you in the pillory—or prison. 

Please consider the following scenario:  

Your passage into adult life—your ability to speak, to marry, to take responsibility—hung on a public examination conducted by a priest. Citizenship itself became conditional on doctrinal approval.

Erik Pontoppidan’s Sandhed til Gudfrygtighed, published in 1737, became the backbone of this system. It distilled Lutheran doctrine into a precise sequence of spiritual development—the “order of sanctification”—and it remained in use in Norway for more than 150 years. This was instruction designed not to cultivate independence but to form obedient subjects whose inner lives could be mapped, monitored, and corrected.

The School Ordinance of 1739 added another layer, requiring children aged seven to ten to attend primary schooling for at least three months each year. The directive emphasized religious and moral education above all else. Reading was compulsory; writing often was not. The asymmetry speaks for itself. Reading allows one to absorb the texts of authority. Writing allows one to produce one’s own—and that was far less welcome.

The practical reality was uneven. Rural parishes, lacking resources for permanent schools, adopted omgangsskoler, traveling schools that rotated from farm to farm. A teacher might stay a few weeks, then move on. Instruction focused almost entirely on memorizing catechism and decoding the printed word well enough to read aloud in church. The goal was competence, not independence.

And still, something quietly remarkable occurred.
By 1800, Norway had achieved a level of literacy that most of Europe would not reach for another century. Nearly everyone could read. In sheer numerical terms, it was an extraordinary success. But ask yourself: what kind of literacy was this?

People learned to read scripture, hymns, catechism, and royal proclamations. They could follow a sermon and understand a decree. But many could not write more than their names. They could not easily compose letters, petitions, or challenges to the official narratives that structured their world. They read the world given to them, but they seldom wrote one of their own.

Pietism, in theory, emphasized personal faith and inward sincerity. But in the Denmark-Norway of Christian VI, it became something tighter, more supervised. The Conventicle Act of 1741 prohibited all religious gatherings without clergy present. Personal piety was encouraged, but only with the priest looking over your shoulder.

So the priest became the fulcrum of the entire apparatus.
He examined the children.
He decided who understood enough to pass.
He alone could grant or withhold the document that opened the door to adult life.
The authority this placed in clerical hands is difficult to overstate.

Did compulsory confirmation empower people? In a limited sense, yes. Literacy—any literacy—creates cracks in the walls that contain it. Once a person can read, even if only religious texts, the skill has the potential to migrate. A hymnal can lead to an almanac, a catechism to a pamphlet, a sermon to a letter. The architects of the system could not fully control what they had unleashed.

But empowerment was not the intention. The system was designed for control, and the people at the time recognized this. Christian VI, intensely pietistic and personally austere, became one of the most unpopular absolute monarchs of Denmark-Norway. His motto, Deo et populo—for God and the people—rang hollow against the lived experience of compulsory piety and clerical oversight.

And yet the long arc bends in unexpected ways.
The very literacy the state sought to regulate made possible the Haugean revival in the early 1800s, which challenged clerical authority and emphasized lay preaching. The constitutional debates of 1814 drew on a population unusually well prepared to engage with political texts. The tools forged for obedience were later used for resistance.

This is the paradox at the heart of authoritarian education: once people can read, you cannot predict what they will do with the knowledge. You can attempt to shape the message, but not the mind that receives it.

The 1736 confirmation law sought to create a disciplined, compliant population. What it inadvertently created were the foundations for a literate civic culture. The intent was control. The result—much later, and against the design—was empowerment.

Between those two poles lies the space in which Norwegian modernity began to form.

Jacobsen: Following from the last question, what about the 1739 school law, too?

Jørgensen: The School Ordinance of 1739 completed the architecture of control that confirmation had already set in motion. It required children aged seven to ten to attend schooling for at least three months each year, with the curriculum weighted heavily toward religious and moral instruction. And here the system revealed its core intention: reading was compulsory; writing often was not.

The asymmetry is telling. Reading lets you absorb the texts of authority—scripture, catechism, royal decrees. Writing lets you produce your own, to question, to argue, to articulate dissent. One skill shapes you into a receiver of orthodoxy. The other makes you a potential author of alternatives.

On the ground, implementation varied. Rural parishes, lacking the means for permanent schools, adopted omgangsskoler—traveling schools that moved from farm to farm. A teacher might stay a few weeks, then continue on. Instruction centered almost entirely on memorizing catechism and decoding the printed word well enough to read aloud in church. The aim was competence, not independence.

The result was a narrow kind of literacy: sufficient to follow a sermon, to grasp a proclamation, to recite doctrine—yet limited enough that many could not easily compose letters, petitions, or challenges to the narratives that framed their lives. They could read the world handed to them. They could not readily write one of their own.

And still, by 1800, Norway had reached a level of literacy that most of Europe would not achieve for another century. Nearly everyone could read. In numerical terms, it was a remarkable achievement. But the lingering question is the same: what kind of literacy was this—and in whose interest was it shaped? 

Jacobsen: How did pietism under Christian VI narrow everyday freedoms?

Jørgensen: The Conventicle Act of 1741 added yet another layer of regulation to the structure that confirmation and the school law had already begun. Its purpose was simple, and its implications profound: no religious gathering could take place without the parish priest’s approval. Communal devotion was permitted—so long as it unfolded under clerical supervision. Spontaneous assembly, prayer led by laypeople, or gatherings shaped by personal interpretation were not.

This distinction reveals the heart of the system. Supervised piety reinforced existing hierarchies—priest, bishop, crown. Unsupervised fellowship created the possibility of alternative readings of scripture, of shared questioning, of a community not bound by the church’s official line. One form of devotion kept spiritual life tethered to the apparatus of the state. The other allowed it to grow in directions the authorities could neither predict nor control.

The law was justified as a safeguard against “radical Pietism,” a movement that emphasized personal religious experience and often encouraged laypeople to gather in homes for prayer, Bible reading, and mutual exhortation. In Denmark-Norway, such circles were not yet widespread, but their potential unsettled a regime committed to doctrinal uniformity. The fear was not disorder—it was autonomy. When ordinary people read scripture together without clerical mediation, they might reach conclusions that challenged the theological and political order.

Thus the decree drew its line with precision: only parish priests could lead religious meetings. Morning and evening family prayers remained lawful, but only if limited to the household. The presence of outsiders transformed a private devotion into an unauthorized assembly.

The result was a narrowing of spiritual space. People could pray, but within limits. They could gather, but only when permitted. They could cultivate inner piety—but only in forms structured, supervised, and sanctioned from above. The law granted enough religious practice to maintain conformity, yet withheld the freedom that would allow individuals to explore belief on their own terms.

And yet, the regime was not uniformly harsh by the standards of the age. The same Pietist current that inspired strict moral regulation also fueled social initiatives—charity schools, care for the poor, even early forms of organized welfare. Literacy would rise to remarkable levels within a few generations. But the underlying question remains unchanged: whose interests shaped these structures, and what forms of religious life were they designed to preserve—or to suppress?

What we see in the Conventicle Act is not an isolated decree, but another instrument in a broader system of surveillance. Confirmation made adulthood conditional on doctrinal mastery. The school law taught reading primarily to ensure reception of official texts. And now the 1741 act circumscribed religious fellowship itself. Each measure reinforced the others. Each served to ensure that spiritual life, like civil life, flowed through channels constructed by the state church.

The irony, of course, is that such systems rarely achieve what they intend. Literacy, once taught, lends itself to unexpected uses. Personal piety, once cultivated, cannot be entirely regulated. And religious longing, once awakened, will eventually find its own voice—often in defiance of the very authorities who tried to guide it.

The Conventicle Act sought to keep devotion contained. Instead, it marked another step in the long, uneasy tension between authority and conscience—one that would shape Norwegian religious life for generations to come.

Jacobsen: How did the Haugean revival contest the Conventicle Act’s limits?

Jørgensen: The Haugean revival did not arise on the margins—it emerged from within the very framework the Conventicle Act had been designed to secure. Yet from its earliest moments, it pushed against that framework in ways the law could neither anticipate nor absorb. Hans Nielsen Hauge’s first arrest came in 1794; the last in 1811. Between them lay a pattern of charges tied to a single infraction: preaching without clerical supervision. The boundary the decree had drawn—religious assembly only under pastoral authority—was crossed so frequently that enforcement became less a matter of discipline than of repetition.

The source of the conflict was not administrative but theological. In 1796 Hauge described receiving a spiritual calling that he believed authorized him to speak. This conviction cut against the principle the church defended: that religious authority flowed through ordination, not experience. The state viewed unauthorized preaching as a threat to order. Hauge viewed it as obedience to vocation. The two positions were not reconcilable.

What gave the movement its particular weight was the community that formed around it. People gathered in homes, barns, and fields to read scripture, pray, and listen to lay preachers—women among them. These meetings were not incidental violations; they were the substance of the revival. They created patterns of fellowship that operated alongside the state church, neither openly oppositional nor fully contained. The authorities could detain Hauge. They could not dissolve the networks that had begun to organize themselves around shared devotion.

The clergy recognized the tension. Hauge often informed local pastors of his intention to preach, acknowledging the existence of the law even as his actions contravened it. But this gesture did not alter the underlying dynamic. Attendance did not imply control, and supervision did not translate into authority. The meetings spread beyond any official oversight, carried forward by people who believed that spiritual life could be sustained without clerical mediation.

By the end of the eighteenth century, the contrast with parish life was becoming visible. In Christiania, a city of nearly ten thousand, fewer than twenty people might attend Sunday services. Formal worship persisted, but the sense of immediacy it once offered had diminished. The Haugean gatherings, by contrast, were participatory and text-centered, grounded in personal testimony and collective prayer. They offered a form of engagement that the established church had struggled to maintain.

The economic dimension of the movement added another layer. Haugeans founded mills, workshops, shipyards, and trading ventures, creating practical networks that echoed their religious ones. These enterprises gave the revival a degree of social presence that made dismissal difficult. When three men associated with the movement took part in the constitutional assembly in 1814, it signaled that the influence of the revival had extended into civic life as well as spiritual practice.

The Conventicle Act remained formally in force until 1842, but its authority had eroded long before. The law continued to exist; its capacity to shape religious life did not. The Haugean movement had demonstrated that devotion could flourish outside the channels the state sought to regulate, and that the line between permitted and forbidden assembly could be crossed not through rebellion but through persistence.

What followed was not a resolution but a shift. The revival did not dismantle the state church, yet it altered the relationship between institutional authority and personal faith. The law had been designed to preserve a particular configuration of religious order. The movement revealed how porous that configuration had become—and how readily spiritual life could reorganize itself when the structures meant to contain it no longer commanded the adherence they assumed.

Jacobsen: How did charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites, persist under Lutheranism?

Jørgensen: The persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites under Lutheranism did not represent a failure of doctrine so much as a recognition of where doctrine ended. The Reformation had redrawn the boundaries of legitimate religious practice, yet it left intact vast territories of daily life where the need for protection, remedy, and assurance remained unaddressed by formal theology. What the church could not provide, older practices continued to supply.

The theological position was clear. Lutheran teaching rejected the magical efficacy of ritual acts performed outside ecclesial authority. Charms, incantations, and healing formulas were classified as superstition—remnants of Catholic error or, worse, evidence of demonic influence. Yet clarity of doctrine did not produce uniformity of practice. In rural parishes, where clergy were scarce and medical knowledge scarcer still, people continued to turn to methods that promised tangible results. A blessing spoken over livestock, a charm sewn into a child’s clothing, a ritual performed before a voyage—these were not acts of theological defiance but responses to conditions the church had not equipped them to manage otherwise.

The clergy were aware of this. Visitation records from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries document cases of folk healing, the use of written charms, and rituals tied to agricultural or maritime cycles. Pastors condemned these practices in sermons and sought to replace them with approved prayers. But condemnation did not eradicate use. The gap between official teaching and lived religion was not a matter of ignorance alone; it reflected a deeper pragmatism. When a child fell ill or a ship prepared to sail, the immediacy of need outweighed the subtleties of theological correctness.

Women were central to this continuity. Healing knowledge passed through informal networks, transmitted from mother to daughter, neighbor to neighbor. These practices existed in a space the church could observe but not fully penetrate. A woman who knew how to stop bleeding with a spoken formula, or who could treat fever with herbs and invocation, held a form of authority that ordination did not confer. The church could call this magic; the community called it necessity.

Seafaring rituals presented a particular challenge. The sea demanded protection, and sailors developed practices intended to secure it—rituals performed before departure, prohibitions observed during the voyage, gestures made when passing certain landmarks. These acts were not framed as alternatives to Lutheran piety but as supplements to it. A sailor might attend church before a journey and still refuse to sail on an inauspicious day. The two practices occupied different registers, and neither cancelled the other.

What made these customs resilient was their embeddedness in social life. They were not codified systems but lived traditions, adapted to circumstance and transmitted through practice rather than text. The church could prohibit them in principle, but enforcement required a level of surveillance that was neither feasible nor, in many cases, deemed worth the effort. A pastor might preach against charms on Sunday and turn a blind eye to their use on Monday, recognizing that the alternative—confrontation with the entire community—would achieve little.

By the eighteenth century, the relationship had settled into an uneasy coexistence. Official religion provided structure, sacrament, and legitimacy. Unofficial practices provided what structure could not: immediate intervention, localized remedy, and the sense that the unpredictable forces of life and nature could be addressed through human action. The boundaries between the two remained contested, but they also remained porous.

The persistence of these practices did not reflect the weakness of Lutheranism so much as the limits of what any institutional religion could regulate. Doctrine governed belief; it could not govern every gesture made in a fishing boat or every word whispered over a sick child. The result was not syncretism in any formal sense, but a layered religious culture in which official teaching and unofficial practice occupied the same landscape without ever fully reconciling. The church claimed authority over the sacred. The people claimed the right to survival. OK

Jacobsen: Following from the prior question, how did authorities respond?

Jørgensen: The authorities responded not with systematic suppression but with a strategy that acknowledged what could not be eliminated. The persistence of charms, folk healing, and seafaring rites created a problem the church could neither ignore nor resolve through enforcement alone. What followed was a pattern of selective intervention—condemnation in principle, accommodation in practice.

The Lutheran clergy occupied the front line of this tension. Visitation records reveal a consistent awareness of unauthorized practices: healers who invoked sacred names, charms written on parchment and worn as protection, rituals performed at thresholds between seasons or before maritime departure. Pastors documented these cases, preached against them, and occasionally brought charges. Yet prosecution remained uneven. A healer might be reprimanded in one parish and tolerated in another. The deciding factor was often not the practice itself but the degree to which it threatened clerical authority or provoked complaint from within the community.

The legal framework supported condemnation but did not mandate rigor. Laws against superstition existed, rooted in both theological principle and concern for social order. Magic was framed as a form of deceit, a manipulation of the credulous, and in more serious cases, evidence of demonic pact. Application of these laws required resources the church did not always possess. In rural areas where a single pastor served multiple parishes, the capacity for surveillance was limited. A clergyman might know that folk healing continued in his district without being able to prevent it, and without being certain that prevention would serve any purpose beyond alienating those he was meant to shepherd.

Women who practiced healing occupied an especially ambiguous position. The church condemned their methods as superstition, yet it offered no alternative when illness struck and no physician was available. Prosecution tended to focus on cases where harm was alleged—where a treatment failed, where a rivalry turned accusatory, or where a healer’s reputation grew large enough to become a visible challenge. Most practitioners operated below this threshold, their work too embedded in daily necessity to invite sustained opposition.

The state’s involvement was intermittent. Authorities intervened when practices threatened public order or when accusations escalated into formal complaints. Trials for witchcraft and magic did occur, particularly in the seventeenth century, but they were fewer in Norway than in other parts of Europe. The prosecutions that did take place often centered on cases where maleficium—harmful magic—was alleged, rather than on the routine use of charms or healing formulas. A woman who treated illness with herbs and spoken blessings might be criticized; a woman accused of causing illness through supernatural means faced a different level of scrutiny.

Seafaring customs presented a parallel difficulty. The rituals sailors observed were not conducted in secret. They were performed openly, woven into the rhythms of maritime life. A pastor might preach that trust should rest in God alone, but he could not accompany every vessel to sea, nor could he offer a theological substitute for practices that sailors believed kept them alive. The church’s authority ended where the horizon began. On land, doctrine could be enforced through proximity and repetition. At sea, other forms of knowledge governed.

What emerged was a differentiation between practices the church could tolerate and those it could not. Healing that invoked Christ’s name or employed biblical language occupied a gray area—suspect, but not entirely beyond the bounds of acceptable piety. Practices that appeared to claim autonomous supernatural power, or that drew on pre-Christian symbols, faced stronger condemnation. Yet even here, enforcement depended on context. A charm might be overlooked if it served a benign purpose and did not challenge clerical primacy.

By the eighteenth century, the response had settled into managed coexistence. The church maintained its doctrinal opposition, preached regularly against superstition, and intervened when cases became visible enough to demand action. It did not mount a sustained campaign to extinguish folk practices. The cost of such an effort—in resources, in community relations, in the risk of driving practices further underground—outweighed the uncertain benefit of compliance. The clergy continued to preach. The people continued to act. The boundary between them remained contested, but it remained functional.

The authorities had recognized, perhaps without articulating it explicitly, that religious culture could not be governed by decree alone. Doctrine defined what was legitimate; practice defined what was necessary. The gap between them was not a failure of control but a reflection of the limits inherent in any attempt to regulate belief through institutional means. The church claimed authority over the sacred. The people claimed the means of survival. Neither side relinquished its position, and neither side prevailed entirely.

Discussion

Jørgensen’s account treats law and church governance as a single operating system: norms become durable when they are converted into routine procedure, recorded categories, and locally enforced consequences. In this framing, Christian V’s 1687 code matters less as a sudden invention than as a codifying technology—one that standardizes guardianship, channels authority through male lineage, and narrows women’s legal personhood to specific life-conditions (most notably widowhood). The argument’s force lies in its attention to how “household patriarchy” becomes not merely a social expectation but a procedural default, with dissent rendered intelligible as disobedience to sacralized law and royal order.

The same logic governs the section on moral policing. Here, the emphasis is not on abstract sexual norms but on visibility and documentation: pregnancy as unavoidable evidence, public confession as structured humiliation, and parish registers as moral ledgers that converted private life into administrative inscription. Jørgensen’s examples highlight the gendered asymmetry of enforcement, where men could evade, deny, or receive exemptions while women’s bodies and reputations remained the stable objects of scrutiny. The archival trail—fines, court books, visitation notes, and later paternity and child-support protocols—appears as a machinery of classification that outlasted the formal abolition of specific penalties.

The treatment of literacy under pietism extends this procedural emphasis into education and citizenship. Confirmation and schooling are presented as threshold mechanisms: participation in adult life is conditioned on doctrinal mastery assessed by clergy, while reading is promoted as access to authorized texts and writing is comparatively constrained as a means of producing unauthorized ones. Yet the excerpt insists on a historical irony: narrow literacy can still metastasize into wider agency. The Haugean revival illustrates how lay networks—enabled by reading, shared texts, and organized meetings—can erode the practical authority of restrictive laws even when those laws remain on the books. The concluding discussion of folk practice reinforces the theme of limits: institutional religion can condemn and occasionally prosecute, but it cannot fully replace the pragmatic rituals by which communities manage risk, illness, and the sea. What results is not total suppression but negotiated coexistence, shaped by resources, geography, local conflicts, and the practical costs of enforcement.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

None submitted.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Nordic Legal and Religious History

Theme Part: None.

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: February 22, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 5,547

Image Credits: Tor Arne Jørgensen

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2) (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, February 22, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published February 22, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, February 22). Codifying patriarchy and policing morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 law, pietist discipline, and folk practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)
JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 22 fev. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Chicago/Turabian, Notes & Bibliography (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (February 22, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 22 February. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 22 February, viewed 22 February 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Codifying Patriarchy and Policing Morality in Denmark–Norway: Tor Arne Jørgensen on the 1687 Law, Pietist Discipline, and Folk Practices (2) [Internet]. 2026 Feb 22;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/codifying-patriarchy-policing-morality-denmark-norway-tor-arne-jorgensen-1687-law-pietist-discipline-folk-practices 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

Rabbi Simonds on Tzedakah as Justice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Jewish Center for Peace

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/02/02

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds on Tzedakah as Justice: Torah, Dignity, and Public Policy in Los Angeles

How does Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds frame tzedakah as justice—not optional charity—while linking Torah, dignity, and public policy through the Jewish Center for Justice?

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds is the founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice (JCJ) in Los Angeles, advancing social-justice education, leadership development, and community-rooted action for a wide Jewish public. Ordained at Hebrew Union College–Jewish Institute of Religion, he previously served as West Coast Legislative Director for the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism and as Associate Rabbi at University Synagogue. He has also served as Rabbi of the Synagogue at HUC-LA and is the founding President Partnership for Growth LA, a Black–Jewish community development corporation focused on cooperative development and wellbeing. He links Torah, policy, and practice. He also serves on the clergy team of the Wilshire Boulevard Temple in Los Angeles.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds, founding Executive Director of the Jewish Center for Justice in Los Angeles, about tzedakah as a binding ethic of justice rather than voluntary charity. Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds grounds the concept in tzedek and the Torah’s “justice, justice you shall pursue,” arguing that obligation must be pursued with compassion and fair process. He defines dignity as systemic change beyond temporary relief, rejects “deservingness” tests, and emphasizes confidentiality as respect. He also describes how legislation, digital giving, and lean institutions can expand participation and build durable, community-rooted solutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you frame tzedakah as justice, not optional charity?

Rabbi Joel Thal Simonds: Tzedakah is often misunderstood as solely charity because, in modern Jewish life, it’s frequently associated with fundraising for those in need. I remember bringing my “tzedakah money” to Hebrew school each week. But the root of the word tzedakah is tzedek, which means justice. One of the Torah’s most foundational teachings comes from Deuteronomy. It says “Tzedek, tzedek tirdof,” which means justice, justice you shall pursue. This is the proof text for the Jewish commitment to justice. Tzedakah is not optional generosity; it is a moral obligation rooted in our tradition.

Jacobsen: What does dignity mean in tzedakah?

Simonds: For me, dignity means moving beyond temporary fixes. It’s not about offering a small gesture to ease discomfort while leaving the underlying system intact. True dignity comes from changing systems so that people can live without constant need or fear, and where they have a real chance at stability and opportunity.

Jacobsen: Where do you draw the boundaries between tzedakah, gemilut chasadim, and tikkun olam?

Simonds: I don’t see these as separate categories that need rigid boundaries. Rather, they are meant to be integrated into a larger vision of the world. Justice must be pursued with kindness and compassion. When we go back and read from the Torah, we are asked why tzedek is mentioned twice. The answer is that the ancient rabbis taught that we must pursue justice justly. We cannot focus solely on outcomes, but on how we get there, with care and humanity.

Jacobsen: Who is responsible for what, e.g., individual givers, congregations, federations, nonprofits, and the state?

Simonds: Everyone has a responsibility to give time and resources to help those in need. But at the Jewish Center for Justice, where I serve as Executive Director, we focus heavily on legislation and public policy because injustice and inequality are too large to be addressed by individuals and nonprofits alone. Our government, and by extension our elected leaders, have a crucial role to play in addressing systemic harm and creating lasting change.

Jacobsen: What are common power failures in communal funds?

Simonds: Any organization, whether nonprofit or for-profit, can experience power failures. As institutions grow larger, priorities can pull in different directions, decision-making can slow, and resources can become less responsive to the needs of the people they are meant to serve. This isn’t unique to Jewish communal life; it’s a challenge across the professional world.

At JCJ, we were intentionally designed to be lean, values-driven, and accountable to our community. That structure allows us to act quickly, respond to urgent moments, and ensure that resources are directed toward real impact rather than bureaucracy. Staying close to the people on the ground, from our fellows to our partners to the communities we serve, helps us guard against the kinds of power imbalances that can emerge when institutions lose sight of their purpose.

Jacobsen: How should communities balance emergency relief with long-term self-sufficiency?

Simonds: Jewish communities are often very strong at emergency response, and that is something to be proud of. We have built infrastructures that allow people to step up in moments of crisis. But too often, we move from one emergency to the next without addressing the deeper causes and systems. Issues like poverty, hunger, and homelessness are treated as isolated crises when they are actually intertwined and baked into our society. The affordability crisis, in particular, is an emergency that demands systemic solutions, not just short-term relief.

Jacobsen: How do you handle deservingness and confidentiality?

Simonds: For me, this question goes directly back to dignity. Judaism rejects the idea that people must prove they are “deserving” of care. If someone is in need, they are deserving. The moment we begin ranking worthiness, we undermine the very justice we claim to pursue.

Confidentiality is part of that same moral obligation. People in need deserve autonomy and respect, just as much as those offering support. Protecting identities isn’t about secrecy; it’s about ensuring that help does not come at the cost of shame, exposure, or loss of agency. At its best, tzedakah affirms a person’s humanity by meeting material needs and by honoring their dignity in the process.

Jacobsen: How are digital giving and public policy reshaping tzedakah?

Simonds: Digital tools and policy advocacy have expanded who gets to participate in the work of justice, and that is a good thing. What once required access, time, or proximity is now available to far more people. These tools have broadened our coalitions and allow more individuals to engage meaningfully in giving and advocacy. The work of justice is no longer limited to a few, but something many people can participate in.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Joel.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Riane Eisler On Partnership Leadership Vs. Domination: An Interview

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Kindred Media

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/17

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler contrasts domination leaders—hierarchical, punitive, spectacle-driven—with partnership leadership that centers care, gender equity, childhood, and Earth. Rapid technological change meets trauma, enabling authoritarian regression from Afghanistan and Iran to parts of the United States. Economics still mislabels care as “reproductive” work; universities remain top-down, even as women advance in law, medicine, and science. Marx missed gender’s central role; dictatorships proved domination’s logic. Narrative reform, education, and evidence from prehistory support swift shifts. Ireland’s recent changes illuminate society’s recovering immune response and resilience. First published on The Good Men Project. Re-posted with permission.

Interview conducted on October 18, 2025.

Riane Eisler and the Center for Partnership Systems is a nonprofit partner of Kindred.


Read an exclusive excerpt of Riane Eisler and Douglas Fry’s Nurturing Our Humanity on Kindred here. Support independent book sellers and our nonprofit work by purchasing the book here.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When it comes to politics, how does a politician act under a domination style of leadership versus a partnership style? And as a side question, can people “fake it till they make it” into either model? Because both seem emotionally rewarding: power feels good, but so does community.

Riane Eisler: We’re living through a period of transition from domination toward partnership. There’s a strong global movement in that direction—but it’s also being countered by a robust regression, often expressed through religious mythologies. You can see this in Afghanistan, Iran, and even in parts of the United States, Hungary, and other nations.

I have to digress briefly because this ties into change itself. We’re in an age of immense technological transformation—artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and other scientific breakthroughs are reshaping our world. But change is tough for people who have been deeply traumatized by the domination system, often beginning within their families. Poverty is traumatizing, too. So, for many, genuine transformation feels nearly impossible. They cling to the old norms.

And those who push us backward have a tremendous advantage, because our collective consciousness is fragmented. We divide ourselves by inherited categories—right and left, religious and secular, Eastern and Western, Northern and Southern, capitalist and socialist. These divisions distract us from the real underlying issue.

None of these categories is holistic. None truly accounts for the fundamental components of a social system—mainly family and childhood, or gender relations. These areas are either marginalized or, in domination-oriented societies, treated as unquestionable hierarchies.

So yes, it’s a difficult time. But what’s at stake is nothing less than our survival.

We must change our categories and our thinking. As Einstein said, it’s madness to believe we can solve our problems with the same consciousness, the same vocabulary, and the same worldview that created them.

This fragmentation of consciousness keeps the old systems in place—the illusion that the same mindset can solve the problems it created. We have to shift toward a more holistic way of viewing society, one that truly includes gender, childhood, and family, and recognizes their foundational importance. So a whole-systems analysis is essential.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do we do this?

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Riane Eisler: Take economics, for example. Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx identified the most basic human work as caring for people and caring for our natural environment—the sources of life itself. Yet they classified this vital work as “reproductive” rather than “productive” labour, and it was devalued accordingly. And this devaluation is perpetuated by our measurement of “productivity” like GDP and GNP, where caring for people outside the market is not included, and neither is caring for nature, so that a tree is not included until it is dead, a log, that can be bought and sold in the market. This makes no sense, and neither does including only the rebuilding after a natural disaster, like a storm, but considering the damage to people and nature just “externalities” and therefore not to be counted in these measures!

And of course, there’s story and language—because we all live by story. If we fail to adapt those, we’re lost.

Once you begin to see “reality”—including politics, mythology, and culture—through the whole-systems lens of the partnership-domination social scale or continuum, everything looks different. We see how our epics idealize and celebrate the hero as a killer. The Odyssey, the hero’s journey, and even modern entertainment are all variations of the same domination narrative. Today’s blockbusters are the digital descendants of the Roman circuses—spectacles of adrenaline and violence that distract rather than enlighten.

We’re living in an era when truth itself is under siege. Facts, such as those demonstrating climate change, are dismissed or distorted.

However, science, though indispensable, is not immune to bias. Scientists are human; they carry cultural assumptions like anyone else. I often think of Galileo—threatened by the scientific establishment of his time because his observations challenged entrenched dogma. Or the old scientific prejudice that women were merely containers for male genetic material, the belief that heredity passed “solely through men.” These are striking examples of gendered distortion disguised as science.

Jacobsen: That reminds me of Kurt Vonnegut. I recall a story where he was on stage with another humanist writer who made a cutting remark, and he replied with equal wit—something like, “Well, women can’t do science. They discovered that at Harvard,” referencing Lawrence Summers’s infamous comment. It was sardonic, of course, pointing out how absurdly chauvinist that notion was.

Eisler: And what we’re seeing now, ironically, contradicts those old biases. In many professional fields—law, medicine, academia—women are the majority of new entrants. Most law school classes today are primarily female. The same trend is emerging in medicine, especially among general practitioners.

Sometimes it’s simply a matter of practical realities catching up. But the old structures persist—universities, for example, still mirror the hierarchies of religious institutions, built on centuries of domination.

Listen to the Kindred interview with Riane Eisler and Lisa Reagan.

Universities are still very top-down and fragmented, despite students’ growing demand for multidisciplinary teaching. By the way, our new course materials for teaching global history through the partnership-domination social scale are almost ready for release.

At the University of Arkansas, there’s a faculty member who teaches global history and discovered my work. He’s been using it because it integrates gender as a key analytical lens—something still treated as taboo in much of academia. It’s astonishing how hard it remains to address gender seriously.

Women can enter science, as Jane Goodall did, but they’re still a minority. More women are now receiving Nobel Prizes, which is encouraging and long overdue. But it’s worth remembering that until the early twentieth century, women were barred from most universities—Harvard, for instance. In Canada, many women couldn’t even hold academic positions or obtain full professional visas until the 1970s.

So, real progress, but within only about a century.

Even thinkers like Marx, who called it “the woman question,” dismissed it as secondary. He couldn’t see that gender relations are a central organizing principle—shaping families, economies, and every social institution. He was wrong about that.

When you talk to Marxists today, many still try to reconcile that gap in his thinking. Marx himself was a complex figure—a mix of domination and partnership impulses. In his personal life, he was very much the dominator. In his political theory, he believed in the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” which is inherently a domination model. And history proved it: the USSR became a full-blown domination system.

Yet to his credit, he did imagine that dictatorship as temporary—a stage toward something more egalitarian. But he remained a man of his time, bound by the norms that said women didn’t count and “women’s work” didn’t matter.

Meanwhile, men today face their own crisis. They’re flooded with propaganda urging them to reclaim dominance. Many boys and young men mistake that for strength, forgetting they’re simply part of a larger hierarchy of domination. If someone higher up—say, a ruler like Putin—wants more territory, those same young men are expected to give their lives for his ambitions.

Jacobsen: So we’re back to politics.

Eisler: Yes, we’re back to politics, which is still studied separately, although domination scales up from the household to the nation.

The personal is political, and the political is personal. That’s what partnership thinking helps us finally see.

It’s all interconnected. Someone like Putin, for example, if we examined his childhood, I’m certain we’d find deep trauma. The same applies to many leaders. Even in the United States, both the president and vice president have spoken publicly about the impact of their early experiences. So yes, we face an enormous challenge.

But returning to your question, can politicians truly transform or express that change? If they don’t, we’re in trouble.

But if they do, they can also face backlash, because much of the electorate still sees no alternative to domination. And for those deeply tied to authoritarian movements, like the MAGA faction in the U.S., there’s virtually no willingness to reconsider. It’s a difficult moment in history.

Yet I have faith in human creativity and in our instinct for survival.

That brings us back to something you mentioned earlier—the re-mything impulse, as I call it, the urge to recover what’s been lost or hidden. It’s like a cultural immune system. Deconstruction and reconstruction of stories are part of this process.

But what we must reconstruct is nothing less than what society accepts as “normal” and “natural.”

That requires revisiting the evidence from prehistory, archeology, the study of myths, DNA studies, all of which show that for most of human history societies were more partnership-oriented than domination-based—and some still are today.

Change is possible, and it can happen swiftly. Look at Ireland: it has become far more partnership-oriented in just a few decades.

Jacobsen: Riane, thank you for your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Barbara Anderson on Watchtower Documents 2025: Evidence, Accountability, Survivor-Centered Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Watchtower Documents

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01

How does Barbara Anderson’s 2025 work at Watchtower Documents advance evidence-based accountability and survivor protections in clergy abuse cases?

Barbara Anderson is a researcher and whistleblower focused on Jehovah’s Witnesses’ handling of child sexual abuse. A member from 1954 to 1997, she worked at the denomination’s Brooklyn headquarters from 1982 to 1992 in the Writing Department, researching the movement’s official history. She later spoke publicly about internal policies and founded Watchtower Documents, an independent archive used by journalists and attorneys. Anderson has appeared in major media, including Dateline NBC, and continues to document cases, policies, and litigation while advising survivors and reporters. She authored Barbara Anderson Uncensored and maintains public profiles detailing her archival and advocacy work. 

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Barbara Anderson, researcher and whistleblower known for documenting Jehovah’s Witnesses’ child sexual abuse policies and building the archival project Watchtower Documents. Anderson outlines her 2025 work-streams: legal and legislative change, institutional accountability, and survivor advocacy, with increasing attention to adult victims. She explains that document authentication is mainly procedural—rules of evidence, protective orders, pseudonyms, and redaction—designed to admit proof while shielding identities. Anderson also describes trauma-informed collaboration with journalists and legal teams, and highlights systemic gaps in decentralized Protestant structures that hinder oversight, transparency, and consistent reform.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the main 2025 work-streams at Watchtower Documents?

Barbara Anderson: In 2025, main work-streams at Watchtower Documents related to eliminating clergy-perpetrated abuse, center on legal and legislative changes, institutional accountability and reform, and survivor advocacy and support. These efforts involve actions by governments, religious bodies (particularly the Catholic Church), and non-profit advocacy groups. And a growing focus on adult victims.

Jacobsen: Which verification methods authenticate documents while protecting victims’ identities? 

Anderson: In legal proceedings related to clergy abuse, documents are authenticated using standard rules of evidence, while a victim’s identity is protected through legal safeguards like pseudonyms, protective orders, and document redaction. These are procedural, rather than technical verification methods, and they allow evidence to be admitted without revealing the survivor’s public identity. 

Jacobsen: How do you collaborate with journalists and legal teams?

Anderson: Collaboration in clergy abuse cases involves a survivor-centered, trauma-informed approach where legal teams and journalists work transparently to support survivors, pursue accountability, and maintain confidentiality. Effective collaboration emphasizes shared power and clear communication while prioritizing the survivor’s well-being. 

Jacobsen: What recurring themes happen in court filings or organizational policies?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, where are the biggest observed gaps?

Anderson: The gaps in solving Protestant clergy abuse largely stem from decentralized structures, a culture of denial and niceness that discourages naming inappropriate behavior, and a significant lack of external accountability and oversight. Unlike the Catholic Church, which has a universal hierarchy, the independent nature of many Protestant churches makes systemic solutions difficult to implement. 

Jacobsen: Which concrete governance or compliance reforms would reduce risk?

Anderson: To reduce clergy abuse risk, reforms must focus on transparency, accountability, survivor empowerment, and strong internal controls, including mandatory background checks, independent oversight, publishing clergy files, enforcing zero-tolerance policies, ensuring prompt reporting to civil authorities, and banning secrecy pacts, moving away from institutional cover-ups towards genuine, survivor-centered justice and prevention. 

Jacobsen: What metrics indicate progress, even regress, in accountability and justice since starting your work?

Anderson: Metrics indicating progress in clergy abuse cases include a decline in new allegations, increased spending on prevention, and legislative changes to statutes of limitations. Indicators of regress, however, include a lack of transparency in canonical trials, continued institutional resistance to accountability, and an increase in the number of cases categorized as “unable to be proven”. 

Jacobsen: What near-term research is being prepared?

Anderson: Near-term research in clergy-perpetrated abuse cases is focusing on the experiences and support for adult survivors, the systemic factors within religious communities that enable abuse, and the effectiveness of current prevention and reporting mechanisms. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Barbara.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen is the publisher of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978-1-0692343) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369-6885). He writes forThe Good Men Project, International Policy Digest (ISSN: 2332–9416), The Humanist (Print: ISSN 0018-7399; Online: ISSN 2163-3576), Basic Income Earth Network (UK Registered Charity 1177066), A Further Inquiry, and other media.

Barbara notes that as editor and publisher of In-Sight: Interviews, the interviewer has tackled this topic before:

2026-01-01

Joelle Casteix on Catholic Clergy Abuse: Coordination, Cover-Ups, and Real Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23 Joelle Casteix is a leading advocate, author, and educator on child sexual abuse prevention and institutional accountability. A survivor of abuse at a Catholic high school in Southern California, she became a spokesperson and Western Regional Director with SNAP, supporting survivors and exposing cover-ups. […]

2026-01-01

Dear God and Company: Confronting Clergy Abuse and the System That Enables It

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/07 Clergy sexual abuse is not confined to any one faith, denomination, or country—it is a global crisis rooted in power, secrecy, and institutional self-preservation. In this conversation, survivors, advocates, clergy, legal scholars, and researchers confront the patterns that allow abuse to persist and the systemic […]

2025-12-17

Serbia’s Orthodox Church and Clergy Abuse: Jovana Trninic Speaks

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/26 Jovana Trninic is a Serbian interlocutor and advocate focusing on clergy-related abuse and institutional accountability within the Serbian Orthodox context. After reporting sexual misconduct by a priest and encountering evasion from church authorities, she turned to evidence-based healing, psychotherapy, and communities such as Prosopon […]

2025-12-15

When the Poison is Also the Medicine: How My Experience with Clergy Abuse Penetrated My Deepest Wound and Became the Catalyst for Healing

  Dorothy Small Clergy-Perpetrated Abuse Survivor Advocate Choir Member, Saint James Catholic Church, Davis, California, United States *Dorothy remains available for correspondence with victims of clergy-abuse.* Correspondence: Dorothy Small (Email:angelsonedorothy@gmail.com) Received: December 1, 2025 Accepted: December 14, 2025 Published: December 15, 2025 Abstract Dorothy Small’s “When the Poison is Also the Medicine” is a first-person […]

2025-10-22

Addressing Clergy Abuse: Reform and Interfaith Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Humanists International Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/07 I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse without condemning entire […]

2025-08-09

Clergy Abuse, Church Reform, and Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/07  Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr. served over 30 years as Lead Pastor of Forest Hill Presbyterian Church in Cleveland Heights, Ohio. Known for passionate preaching, community leadership, and a commitment to justice and compassion, he profoundly shaped the Church’s mission […]

2025-08-09

Gospel of Denial: How Churches Continue to Fail Clergy Abuse Survivors

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/22  Today, I’m joined by Katherine Archer, Father Bojan Jovanović, Dr. Hermina Nedelescu, and Dorothy Small for a wide-ranging discussion on clergy abuse—its psychological toll, institutional roots, and pathways to reform. Katherine Archer is the co-founder of Prosopon Healing and a graduate student in Theological Studies. […]

2025-05-27

Clergy Abuse and Journalistic Integrity: A Call for Evidence-Based Reform and Interfaith Dialogue

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The New Enlightenment Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/19 How can journalism support clergy abuse victims while fostering reform and interfaith understanding without vilifying entire faith communities? On March 9th, 2025, I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. […]

2025-04-28

Historic $880 Million Clergy Abuse Settlement by Archdiocese of Los Angeles Marks Largest in U.S. Catholic Church History

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Archdiocese of Los Angeles made an enormous settlement of $880 million. The immense settlement went to the 1,353 victims of clergy sexual abuse. Total payouts have been over $1.5 billion. As far as I can tell, this may be the largest payout for […]

2025-11-25

Timothy D. Law on Zero Tolerance, Vatican Resistance, and Clergy-Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23 Why must the Vatican adopt a universal zero tolerance canon law to protect children and restore accountability? Timothy D. Law is a Catholic advocate for survivors and accountability. A founding leader with Ending Clergy Abuse, he campaigns for a universal zero-tolerance canon law that permanently removes […]

2025-04-28

Michigan AG Report Identifies 56 Catholic Clergy Accused of Sexual Abuse in Diocese of Lansing Since 1950s

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Michigan Attorney general’s office released a report for an open investigation. It is focusing on the Diocese of Lansing. 56 clergy members including ~53 priests have been accused of sexual abuse since the 1950s. Investigations into the Michigan Catholic dioceses, ongoing, are looking […]

2025-03-29

Journalism’s Role in Moral Narratives and Synopsis of Clergy-Related Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Humanist Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/12 Three days ago, I addressed a Croatian Christian association via virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse […]

2024-07-25

Professor David K. Pooler, Ph.D., LCSW-S on Clergy Adult Sexual Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/07/21 Professor David K. Pooler, Ph.D., LCSW-S is a Professor in the Diana R. Garland School of Social Work at Baylor University. His X account is here. Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What was your original, either less knowledgeable or potentially naïve, position about the church, and what was […]

2024-06-02

Dr. Hermina Nedelescu on Clergy-Perpetrated Sexual Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/02 Dr. Hermina Nedelescu is a Romanian-born neuroscientist. Her research work is concerned with the neurobiological control of abnormal behaviors and brain functions relevant to human psychopathology. The majority of this work is directed at understanding brain mechanisms that underly substance use and abuse with […]

2024-05-17

FFRF applauds Washington AG’s commitment to clergy sex abuse investigation 

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing Publisher Founding: September 1, 2014 Publisher Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada Publication: Freethought Newswire Original Link: https://ffrf.org/news/releases/ffrf-applauds-washington-ags-commitment-to-clergy-sex-abuse-investigation/ Publication Date: May 14, 2024 Organization: Freedom From Religion Foundation Organization Description: The Freedom From Religion Foundation is a national nonprofit organization with 40,000 members and several chapters all over the […

2026-01-04

Shield and Silence: Shana Aaronson of Magen on Rabbinic Abuse in Orthodox Judaism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/14 Shana Aaronson is an Orthodox Jewish advocate and expert on sexual abuse in faith-based communities. As executive director of Magen, she supports survivors in Israel and the diaspora, with a focus on Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox contexts. Her work combines case advocacy, community education, and […]

2026-01-01

Victor Vieth: Education, Theology, and Ending Child Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/16 Victor Vieth is Chief Program Officer, Education & Research, at Zero Abuse Project, where he leads training, research, and policy to prevent and respond to child maltreatment. A former Senior Director and founding director of the National Child Protection Training Center at Gundersen, he […]

2025-12-14

Northside Foursquare Church and Cloverdale Christian Fellowship Church Abuse Allegation Cases

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Vocal.Media Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/30 Langley, with its dense Evangelical presence, has seen serious abuse allegations within local churches. One civil case involves Pastor Barry Buzza of Northside Foursquare Church, accused of grooming and sexually abusing a teenage congregant who sought pastoral guidance, with claims the church ignored warning signs. Another […]

2025-11-26

Bold on Climate, Silent on Abuse: Abuse Survivors and Advocates Call Out Templeton Foundation for Recognition of Ecumenical Patriarch

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen (w/ Coalition) Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/16 The Templeton Foundation awarded its 2025 Prize to Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople (Dimitrios Archontonis) in spite of the Patriarch’s silence on clergy sexual abuse in Orthodoxy, a group of survivors and advocates say. In individual letters sent to the foundation over the […]

2025-11-04

Michelle Stewart on Cult Abuse, Confession, and Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Bishop Accountability Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/02 How does trauma-informed storytelling empower survivors of clergy and cult abuse through narrative agency and psychological healing? Michelle Stewart is a cult survivor, author, and advocate whose memoir, “Judas Girl: My Father, Four Cults & How I Escaped Them All,” chronicles her childhood entry into, and […]

2025-04-28

Former Archbishop of Canterbury Admits Failure in Decades-Long Church Abuse Crisis

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 The Former Archbishop of Canterbury acknowledged in a BBC interview the failure to adequately manage the Church of England’s sexual abuse crisis. He considers te scale of the problem “absolutely overwhelming.” Welby resigned in November of 2024. The resignation followed an independent review criticizing […]

2025-04-28

Catholic Priest Anthony Odiong Pleads Guilty to Sexual Assault in Texas and Louisiana Amid Decades of Abuse Allegations

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Personal SubStack Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29 A Roman Catholic priest who served parishes in Louisiana and Texas pled guilty to sexual assault charges spanning both state lines and decades of alleged misconduct. Anthony Odiong reflected themes of religious authority, oversight failure, and belated accountability. Eight women have accused Odiong of […]

2024-07-07

Dorothy Small on Abuse of Adults in the Roman Catholic Church

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/18 Dorothy Small an advocate for SNAP, Survivor Network for those Abused by Priests since 2019, was a child sex abuse victim. She also experienced sexual abuse by a clergyman as an adult. Dorothy courageously addressed the latter through successful litigation publicly […]

2024-06-24

Melanie Sakoda on Orthodox Clergy-Related Misconduct

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/06/23 Melanie Sakoda is a Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP) Survivor Support Director, SNAP East Bay Leader, and SNAP Orthodox Leader. Here we talk at length on Orthodoxy and clergy-based abuse. Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Melanie Sakoda. She is […]

2024-05-28

Senator Steele (AZ) Testimony on Clergy-Penitent Privilege bill

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing Publisher Founding: September 1, 2014 Publisher Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada Publication: Freethought Newswire Original Link: https://www.secularofficials.org/2024/04/04/senator-steele-az-testimony-on-clergy-penitent-privilege-bill/Publication Date: April 4, 2024 Organization: Association of Secular Elected Officials, Inc. Organization Description: ASEO was conceived of by Leonard Presberg and Ron Millar at the beginning of 2020 and following […]

2024-01-18

Crimes of the Eastern Orthodox Church 4: Sex Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/01/17 I doubt this is comprehensive, nor is it representative of the positives of the church either; it is reportage on the reports from the news. I didn’t see a compendium, so decided to write one.  The continued child sex abuse cases emerge from […]

2022-04-05

Archdiocese of Vancouver Sexual Abuse, 3 More Priests Claimed

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen Publication (Outlet/Website): News Intervention Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2021/01/11 The Archdiocese of Vancouver made confirmations of 3 more Roman Catholic priests are involved in the abuse settlements. Those priests who served in the Vancouver parishes are in the process of the settlements related to sexual abuse.  13 more peo

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Hrabro protiv klime, tiho protiv zlostavljanja: Žrtve zlostavljanja i zagovornici pozivaju Fondaciju Templeton za priznanje ekumenskog patrijarha

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Salines.ba

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/17

Kako Templetonova nagrada za Bartolomeja I za 2025. godinu utiče na kredibilitet Fondacije usred zabrinutosti zbog njegove šutnje o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva?

Autor: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Fondacija Templeton dodijelila je svoju nagradu za 2025. godinu vaseljenskom patrijarhu Bartolomeju I od Carigrada (Dimitrios Archontonis) uprkos patrijarhovoj šutnji o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva u pravoslavlju, kaže grupa preživjelih i zagovornika.

U pojedinačnim pismima poslanim fondaciji tokom proteklih šest mjeseci, članovi grupe su priznali da je patrijarh zaslužio priznanje za svoj rad na pitanjima zaštite okoliša, što je dugoročni fokus lidera ” prvog među jednakima ” u istočnom pravoslavnom kršćanstvu. Međutim, objasnili su, patrijarhova šutnja o zlostavljanju čini njegovu prestižnu nagradu John Templeton bolnom za preživjele – posebno za one koji su mu se direktno obratili u vezi sa svojim iskustvima.

„Više puta sam pisao vaseljenskom patrijarhu Bartolomeju — kao najvišem duhovnom autoritetu u Pravoslavnoj crkvi — moleći ga da prizna i odgovori na patnju žrtava i preduzme mjere“, napisao je Fondaciji Bojan Jovanović, generalni sekretar Saveza kršćana Hrvatske. „Do danas nikada nije primljen nikakav odgovor.“

„Svaka institucija koja tvrdi da je moralno vođa mora to dokazati tamo gdje je najvažnije: u zaštiti ljudi“, rekla je Sally Zakhari, izvršna direktorica organizacije Coptic Survivor, u svom pismu. „Nema trajne klimatske pravde bez pravde za preživjele – sigurnost je prva dužnost.“

Članovi grupe su počeli privatno pisati rukovodstvu fondacije još u aprilu, kada je Vaseljenski patrijarh proglašen dobitnikom nagrade John Templeton za 2025. godinu. U pismima se razmatra niz iskustava osoba koje su preživjele zlostavljanje i njihovih zagovornika, te se navode ponovljeni pokušaji da se Vaseljenski patrijarh javno obrati slučaju seksualnog zlostavljanja koje je počinilo sveštenstvo u crkvi. Zajedno su tražili priznanje od fondacije da je njihovo hvaljenje Patrijarha bilo nepromišljeno.

Grešnici i sveci

Takvo priznanje od strane Fondacije Templeton nije bez presedana, upravo zato što su se prethodni laureati pokazali problematičnim. Dok se osobe poput Francisa Collinsa i Jane Goodall nalaze na listi prethodnih dobitnika, drugi su bili manje uspješni – uključujući i neke povezane s poznatim nedoličnim ponašanjem. Među ranijim dobitnicima koji su bili umiješani u seksualno zlostavljanje su Jean Vanier ( 2015 ), osnivač L’Archea i bivši dominikanski svećenik i evolucijski biolog Francisco Ayala ( 2010 ). Izvještaj koji je naručio L’Arche , objavljen godinu dana nakon Vanierove smrti, zaključio je da je Vanier seksualno zlostavljao i manipulirao šest žena tokom decenija, među kojima su bile i njegove asistentice i časne sestre. Templeton je od tada izmijenio svoju web stranicu kako bi napomenuo da je organizacija “zgrožena i ožalošćena” nalazima . Fondacija je slično napomenula da se Ayala suočio s optužbama za seksualno uznemiravanje .

Ne može postojati istinska klimatska pravda bez socijalne pravde. Okoliš uključuje i ljudska bića“, kaže neuroznanstvenica i suosnivačica Prosopon Healinga Hermina Nedelescu o naporima grupe. „Duboko je uznemirujuće što se patrijarh Bartolomej slavi zbog svog liderstva u oblasti zaštite okoliša, dok se zanemaruju muškarci, žene i djeca koji doživljavaju seksualno zlostavljanje od strane sveštenstva i trpe traumu pod njegovim duhovnim autoritetom.“

Javne informacije o zlostavljanju u pravoslavlju prikupio je Prosopon Healing. Ova baza podataka je modelirana po uzoru na ‘Akademsku bazu podataka o seksualnom nedoličnom ponašanju’ i nadovezuje se na rad ranije stranice, Pokrov.org.

Prosopon Healing pruža istraživanja zasnovana na dokazima, resurse i podršku pogođenim osobama, ali slika ostaje nepotpuna. Koliko znamo, nijedna pravoslavna jurisdikcija ne objavljuje konkretne informacije o zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva. Nasuprot tome, većina rimokatoličkih biskupija u Americi to čini.

Melanie Sakoda, predsjednica Upravnog odbora organizacije Coptic Survivor i suosnivačica Pokrov.org, podijelila je ove zabrinutosti u svom pismu fondaciji. „Vjerujem da je dodjela Templetonove nagrade lideru koji se nije oglasio o ovom ključnom pitanju bila izuzetno kratkovida od strane Fondacije. Za mene, to dovodi u pitanje Templetonov moralni kredibilitet kada ignoriše tešku situaciju žrtava koje još uvijek čekaju da dobiju i pomoć i pravdu.“

Napetost koja može izbiti kada se duhovni vođa pohvali za rad na vanjskoj socijalnoj pravdi, a ne uspijeva se pozabaviti nepravdom unutar crkve, nije nepoznata u kršćanskom svijetu. U stvari, u svom saopštenju za javnost o primanju nagrade od strane ekumenskog patrijarha, fondacija je napomenula da je ekumenski patrijarh sarađivao s papom Franjom i bivšim nadbiskupom Canterburyja Justinom Welbyjem na prvoj zajedničkoj poruci za zaštitu stvorenja. Prošle godine, Welby je bio prisiljen da podnese ostavku na mjesto poglavara Engleske crkve nakon što se pojavio značajan skandal u vezi s njegovim rješavanjem pritužbi na teške zloupotrebe.

Prilika za reformu

Patrijarhova ovlast da naređuje reforme širom pravoslavnog svijeta je ograničena. Pravoslavne jurisdikcije imaju veću samoupravu od rimokatoličkih biskupija. Međutim, grupa je saopštila da bi on mogao započeti javnu diskusiju i pozvati na odgovornost unutar pravoslavlja; zloupotreba bi trebala biti razmotrena i zaustavljena .

Jedan korak ka zaustavljanju zlostavljanja, prema grupi, uključivao bi šire otkrivanje i razumijevanje obima zlostavljanja u pravoslavlju. Mnogi pravoslavni vjernici negiraju da postoje problemi sa zlostavljanjem djece i odraslih od strane sveštenstva. Na primjer, vjernici često navode činjenicu da se sveštenici žene, nesvjesni da većinu seksualnog zlostavljanja djece čine muškarci u vezama sa odraslim ženama, poput oženjenih sveštenika.

Grupa je objasnila da bi podrška Vaseljenskog patrijarha, umjesto šutnje, mogla pomoći u upotpunjavanju ove slike. „Sramotno je što je patrijarh Vartolomej koristio svoj glas da se zalaže za pitanja zaštite okoliša, gdje je njegova moć ograničena, ali je ostao nijem o seksualnom zlostavljanju od strane sveštenstva unutar pravoslavlja – gdje bi njegovi stavovi mogli biti svjetionik za reformu“, napisao je Sakoda.

Zagovornici i preživjeli zajedno pozivaju Vaseljenskog patrijarha da konačno progovori o zlostavljanju, da uspostavi sigurno mjesto za prijavljivanje i nezavisnu istragu zlostavljanja i da poveća transparentnost odgovornosti.

Grupa priznaje da je dokument iz 2020. godine, koji je razvila posebna komisija pravoslavnih naučnika, koju je imenovao patrijarh Vartolomej, spomenuo pitanje seksualnog zlostavljanja u pravoslavnim zajednicama . Međutim, taj izvještaj ne sadrži konkretno priznanje seksualnog zlostavljanja od strane sveštenstva i potpuno je ignorisao tešku situaciju onih koji su zlostavljani kao odrasli.

Štaviše, pored ove pritužbe u vezi s njegovom šutnjom , preživjeli i zagovornici također znaju da je ignorisao apele Johna Metsopoulosa, supruga dr. Nedelescu, Kevina Hunta, i, kao što je ranije spomenuto, Bojana Jovanovića.

Stoga, oni obnavljaju svoje pozive Fondaciji Templeton da prizna patnju koju su doživjeli pravoslavni preživjeli, što je rječito navedeno u pismu koje je anonimni preživjeli poslao fondaciji posljednjih mjeseci. „Ne tražim osvetu. Tražim priznanje. Slušajući preživjele, Fondacija John Templeton ima priliku poslati snažnu poruku: da istinska veličina uključuje poštenje, pravdu i zaštitu ranjivih.“

Kontakti za medije:

  • Hermina Nedelescu , doktorica znanosti, neuroznanstvenica, teologinja, suosnivačica Prosopon Healinga: hermina.advocacy@proton.me
  • Scott Douglas Jacobsen , nezavisni novinar: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com
  • Bojan Jovanović , generalni sekretar, Savez kršćana Hrvatske: jovanovicbojan711@gmail.com
  • Melanie Sakoda , predsjednica Upravnog odbora, Koptski preživjeli: melanie.sakoda@gmail.com , 925-708-6175
  • Sally Zakhari , izvršna direktorica, Coptic Survivor: copticsurvivor@gmail.com , 407-758-4874

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Emma Hathorn Navigates Modern Dating: Age Gaps, Cultural Sensitivity, and Intentional Love

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/24

Emma Hathorn is a Dating Expert at Seeking.com, specializing in online dating, luxury relationships, and modern dating trends. She offers insights on age-gap dynamics, dating safety, and emotional connection. Frequently featured in major media outlets, she helps singles navigate relationships with clarity, confidence, and elevated standards. She discusses modern dating, exploring cultural sensitivity, emotional intent, and shifting social expectations. Hathorn shares a Zora Neale Hurston quote to illustrate love’s adaptability, emphasizing self-awareness, mutual respect, and meaningful connection over superficial judgments, despite changing norms around age, gender roles, and long-term commitment.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your favourite dating quote?

Emma Hathorn: I do have a quote. It’s not specifically about dating—it’s about love in general—but I think it applies.

Jacobsen: Who defines what makes a good date? Is it the person with long-term goals who spends two hours getting ready, or the person who shows up casually? What quote would you say characterizes a good first date for someone genuinely looking for love?

Hathorn: The quote is broader, but here it is: Zora Neale Hurston once wrote, “Love is like the sea. It’s a moving thing, but still and all, it takes its shape from every shore it meets.” It changes with every new shore.

Jacobsen: That’s a poetic and insightful quote.

Hathorn: I love Zora. I think it’s important to approach dating knowing that not every experience will lead to something long-term, but each person brings something valuable. You’re meant to learn something from every connection.

Jacobsen: What about dates where there seems to be nothing to learn?

Hathorn: Don’t go on those. You shouldn’t. You have to know what you’re looking for and what you want. You need to be intentional before even agreeing to meet.

Jacobsen: How do you make the date planning and screening process culturally appropriate? Japan is very different from South Africa, which is different from Canada or Iceland.

Hathorn: That’s so true. You have to be open-minded, make sure there’s mutual respect, and that you can communicate clearly beforehand. Cultural sensitivity starts before the first date—it’s about curiosity and consideration.

Someone has to be able to speak at least some of the language the other person speaks—otherwise, the conversation will be limited. But I think that also comes in the pre-planning. Make sure you have a good rapport over text, have a quick phone call, and see if there’s a spark—something that makes you want to talk to them more.

Culturally, dating across backgrounds can be really challenging, but it’s also incredibly rewarding if you approach it with humility. You’ll never know everything, but you can learn a lot. You’ll likely walk away with more than you brought to the experience.

Jacobsen: Why are some people so risk-averse that they do not even try to go on a date—even if they want to? They see some bad news story or binge a British crime drama and say, “You know what? No.”

Hathorn: Well, fortune favors the bold. People tend to be more successful when they step outside their comfort zone. That said, I have mixed views about staying in one’s comfort zone. I do not think there is much value in being deeply uncomfortable in a dating scenario—unless it’s part of natural growth. Some personalities throw themselves into new situations without fear, and I think that’s admirable.

Jacobsen: Like docu-comedies such as Jackass—they’re built around that idea.

Hathorn: Then you have people who just do not want to leave the house—it happens. Online dating can really help in that case. If someone has anxiety around dating, they can start building rapport online. Share hobbies, have conversations—it makes meeting in person much less intimidating. You also arrive with shared interests and conversation topics—you’re more prepared.

Jacobsen: Often there are sensationalized, Daily Mail-style headlines about dating. It gets attention because dating is something almost everyone does. Everyone has been on a bad date. Most people have had average or good dates. But the media loves overblown stories. I say this as a journalist—there’s often a press motive here.

We see headlines like “Two-thirds of men under 30 aren’t dating,” or something to that effect. The data may be technically accurate, but it’s often framed in a way that fuels panic. Some women date women more frequently now, so that shifts the dating pool. Similarly, men may be dating men. Among younger adults, the gender split in dating is complex.

Could the loosening of age-based screening criteria be part of the story? Are we seeing a change that is being misinterpreted or overhyped in the media just to drive clicks?

Hathorn: Absolutely. That leads to the broader age gap conversation. People today are much more flexible about age than they were in the past—especially women, who are more open to dating older men.

It’s becoming less about the number and more about the individual and the connection. Expanding your criteria—whether that’s age, culture, or anything else—can only help. If you’re genuinely interested in meeting people, welcoming diversity is a really positive mindset to have.

I’ve noticed that people are going on fewer dates, but they’re approaching them more seriously. I think many are tired of frivolity in dating. There’s a lot of disillusionment, especially from swipe culture. People are exhausted—it’s become so shallow and appearance-based. It’s a quick judgment: “No, not for me.”

It’s depressing. The process becomes about instant gratification—getting swiped on gives you a small serotonin hit. But I think more people are now turning away from that and trying to find something meaningful, something beyond feeding the algorithm.

Jacobsen: Is the issue internal, like within the dating rituals or age gap dynamics? Or is it more about the person—something more fundamental than age?

Hathorn: I think there’s definitely social pressure to date within your own age group. That judgment disproportionately falls on women. For example, if a woman dates someone 30 years older, people react harshly without considering the actual connection between the individuals.

We overlook the fact that someone at 25 might have lived in several countries and accumulated a wealth of experience. They may have more in common with an older partner who’s done similar things over a longer timeline.

Jacobsen: Right—like the children of diplomats or ambassadors.

Hathorn: Exactly. They’ve lived all over the world, and when they choose to date someone older, it often makes sense based on shared experiences.

Jacobsen: When it comes to mating, dating, or having children, that’s one realm. But marriage—historically and even today—has often functioned as an economic arrangement. For centuries, and particularly for women, marriage was tied to being considered property. That’s still true in some parts of the world. In earlier periods, property didn’t just mean land or goods—it extended to people. Over time, subjectivity became recognized—eventually tied to voting rights and personal agency.

Fundamentally, marriage has always had an economic and social dimension. It was, and often still is, about structuring social strata. In British society, for instance, marriage has long carried that function. In India, it may be framed more cosmically or karmically, especially under the caste system. But regardless of how it’s expressed—spiritual or secular—the economic base is often still there.

Jacobsen: I think what we are seeing is that as the economic system changes—definitions of “breadwinner” and what qualifies as a job—social structures like marriage and family are evolving too. Our genetics have not changed, but the framework around us has. As the frame changes, the arrangements shift accordingly.

It is different from declaring a crisis, like “the crisis of men” or “the crisis of single women.” That kind of language exaggerates things. How do you see people adapting their perspectives as the very definition of marriage and the family unit shifts along with these economic and social changes?

Hathorn: Yes, absolutely. There is much more equality now. From the context of Seeking, we often talk about hypergamy, which has historical roots in India. Traditionally, it referred to marrying up in social or economic status, often gendered.

What’s interesting today is that gender is being taken out of that model. A hypergamous relationship in a modern sense is about both partners bringing different strengths and supporting each other—emotionally, economically, intellectually.

The shift in social and economic roles—especially between men and women—has created opportunities for people to connect in ways that go far beyond economics. One partner might be the breadwinner while the other contributes emotional stability, creative energy, or household organization.

Jacobsen: Or even seasonally—it could shift over time.

Hathorn: That kind of flexibility is important. One might provide financially while the other offers emotional grounding, curiosity, and new ideas. It becomes a dynamic balance.

This shift allows people to explore healthier, more equitable relationship dynamics. In the past, gender roles were rigid—men worked outside, women stayed at home. Now, we see relationships forming between whole human beings rather than rigid gendered archetypes. That gives me some hope for the future.

Jacobsen: Are people thinking about these dynamics even before a first date? It seems like there’s a lot of weight attached to the experience—almost to the point that it creates anxiety. Do you think people bring this psychological burden into first dates, making it harder to connect authentically in the moment?

Hathorn: I think it’s something people carry with them, but ideally, it should remain in the background—not dominate the date. We are all conscious of our place within the broader social dynamic. Women especially have always been attuned to this, not just in passing but as a constant awareness.

However, there’s also freedom in that awareness. You’re entering a date as a full person—not necessarily looking for someone to financially support you, but for someone who complements you emotionally. That sense of balance and mutual support is key. Still, it depends on the couple. Each dynamic is unique, and what works for one may not work for another.

This isn’t something we should overthink during a date. You need to go in with a free spirit and an open mind—just see who you’re meeting. People are complex.

That said, I do think most people have this kind of background consideration, even if they’re not fully conscious of it: What do I bring to the table? What do I hope my partner brings? It’s healthy to acknowledge that.

It also helps to know yourself well—what you want long term, and even just what you want out of the date itself. Being deeply self-aware usually leads to a better experience.

Jacobsen: How should people negotiate the place, time, and location of a first date?

Hathorn: That should be straightforward—just based on mutual preferences. What do you enjoy doing? Where do you like to go? Everyone has their favorite spots. It’s something worth discussing beforehand: What’s your ideal date? Where do you like to go?

Jacobsen: Let’s try that out.

Hathorn: Exactly! It’s a fun conversation starter. Ask: What would be your dream date? Then work from there. You want to avoid awkward or unpleasant places, and you want to make sure the person you’re inviting is going to have a great time.

Jacobsen: That’s a whole other topic—just bad dates.

Hathorn: Yes, exactly.

Jacobsen: Like something out of a reality TV show.

Hathorn: Right—dragging someone around a shopping mall or to an anime convention on day one.

Jacobsen: Japan might love that.

Hathorn: Personally, I’d love that—but still!

Jacobsen: Do you find there are any cross-cultural “nos”? Things that generally do not go over well on a first date—either in a specific culture or broadly?

Hathorn: I can only speak from personal experience—Japan and South Africa, since I’ve lived in both.

Jacobsen: That’s actually a good range: one largely homogeneous, the other more diverse.

Hathorn: In Japan, for instance, you need to be more polite than you might expect. You cannot be too forward in public—it’s just not done. You really have to be hyper-aware of the cultural context, especially when you’re outside your own culture. Be respectful and polite—“when in Rome,” as they say. Try to take the cues.

It helps to learn a little beforehand. You’re going to miss small cultural cues—that’s inevitable—but it’s better to mess up with genuine intent than not to care at all. Sometimes, those little mistakes can even become a great conversation point: “Oh, you’re not supposed to do that here.”

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Widdowson Case: Academic Freedom, Tenure, and Institutional Censorship in Canadian Universities

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Academic freedom includes… Freedom to express one’s opinion about the institution, its administration, and the system in which one works… Freedom from institutional censorship…

Post-secondary educational institutions serve the common good of society through searching for, and disseminating, knowledge and understanding and through fostering independent thinking and expression in academic staff and students… These ends cannot be achieved without academic freedom.

All academic staff must have the right to fulfil their functions without reprisal or repression by the institution, the state, or any other source… contracts which are silent on the matter of academic freedom do not entitle the employer to breach or threaten in any way the academic freedom of academic staff…

Academic staff must not be hindered or impeded in exercising their civil rights as individuals, including the right to contribute to social change through free expression of opinion on matters of public interest. Academic staff must not suffer any institutional penalties because of the exercise of such rights.

Canadian Association of University Teachers, “Academic Freedom: CAUT Policy Statement” (April 20, 2025)

Dr. Frances Widdowson earned an Honours BA and MA in political science from the University of Victoria and a PhD in political science from York University. She worked as a policy analyst in the Northwest Territories. She developed an interest in Indigenous culture in Canada and what she called Canada’s “Indigenous industry.”

Academic Tenure and the Rise of a Controversial Voice

She joined the Mount Royal University Department of Economics, Justice and Policy Studies in 2008, earning tenure in 2011. She taught courses in political science and comparative politics with focus on policy analysis. Her case represents a broader clash between evolving institutional norms of conduct tied to equity and academic freedom.

As with many universalist claimed values, the praxis is the real test, because these values clash in real life. The balance of values is tested in real-life cases, sometimes individual persons. The focus will be Dr. Widdowson and the case at Mount Royal University.

With a career as a policy analyst and tenured professor at Mount Royal University (c. 2011), Dr. Widdowson was critical of “woke” movements and Indigenous policy. She provided open critiques of Indigenous research paradigms. The most notable period was 2018. A Twitter (now X) dialogue, heated debate. This led to harassment complaints.

In February, 2018, she publicly questioned traditional Indigenous research methods at Mount Royal University. She made the argument: certain approaches prioritized funding over community needs. This drew strong criticism. Some labelled Dr. Widdowson with the epithet “racist.” Columnist Barbara Kay defended Dr. Widdowson as an academic challenging accepted narratives about residential schools. Kay framed the critiques as probing rather than hateful.

The Twitter War and Institutional Fallout

Dr. Widdowson engaged in heated exchanges with colleagues during 2020. Mount Royal University labelled this the “Twitter War.” Public disputes ranged from aspects of the Black Lives matter movement, e.g., Black Lives Matter “destroyed MRU,” to more. In July, 2021, Dr. Widdowson filed a harassment complaint against a colleague’s tweets. In November, 2021, an investigation claimed the complaint was “malicious, frivolous, vexatious, and made in bad faith.” At the same time, Mount Royal University’s probe concluded Dr. Widdowson’s tweets constituted harassment. Mount Royal University dismissed Dr. Widdowson on December 20, 2021.

Mount Royal University President Tim Rahilly signed the termination letter for Dr. Widdowson. Nine satirical tweets and one complaint were cited as grounds for the violation of harassment and conduct codes. On that afternoon, after delivering an exam, Dr. Widdowson was requested by human resources. She was informed. Her employment was terminated effective immediately (then). She recalls the experience as procedurally opaque and distressing.

Arbitration, Aftermath, and the Future of Academic Freedom

Dr. Widdowson received a termination letter. 30 hearing days occurred over ten months between January 27th, 2023 and November, 2023. Eventually, it was 30 hearing days with 25 witnesses. These hearings scrutinized fairness of procedures, i.e., collective agreement compliance as well as the basis for dismissal, i.e., academic expression versus policy violations.

Arbitrator David Phillip Jones ruled on July 2, 2024: Widdowson’s tweets warranted discipline (“just cause”), while the firing was “disproportionate to her actions.” No compelling evidence was found that the conduct posed an irreparable threat to the academic environment. A letter of reprimand was substituted for the two-week suspension, but reinstatement was deemed non-viable because of the significant breakdown in professional relationships. A monetary remedy was awarded in lieu of reinstatement. Dr. Widdowson has expressed satisfaction at acknowledgement of wrongful dismissal. She continues to challenge aspects of the harassment findings and continues in advocacy for academic freedom.

Some might see the wrongful dismissal as evidence of tenure as not immunizing from consequences for harassing behaviour. Others may contend the dismissal represents a threat to contentious topic debate and dialogue, even heated. Dr. Widdowson has given lectures on “woke-ism.” She continues to appeal for reinstatement and persists in litigation.

The case study in academic freedom is ongoing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Emma Hathorn on First Date Red Flags, Authenticity, and Why Gen Z Is Redefining Modern Dating

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Emma Hathorn is a Dating Expert at Seeking.com, specializing in online dating, luxury relationships, and modern dating trends. She offers insights on age-gap dynamics, dating safety, and emotional connection. Frequently featured in major media outlets, she helps singles navigate relationships with clarity, confidence, and elevated standards. She emphasizes authenticity, intentional dating, and early communication, discussing red flags, boundary-setting, first-date cues, and the evolving priorities of Gen Z daters as they navigate meaningful, value-driven connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your first sign that a first date is going well—or going badly?

Emma Hathorn: When you lose track of time. Everything flows naturally, and you are not stuck in your head or overanalyzing. It just feels easy. You are not thinking about what to say or how you look. That ease is a great sign. That is what a good conversation feels like. You stop checking the time or worrying about posture or manners. You are just comfortable.

Jacobsen: What typically signals that a date is going wrong?

Hathorn: When the conversation becomes unbalanced. One person overshares or dominates while the other listens. It is tough when someone dives into personal issues too soon. That intensity creates discomfort and imbalance.

Jacobsen: What is it like to be on the receiving end of that?

Hathorn: You feel stuck, unsure how to respond. You are polite while someone unloads their life story, and it is too much responsibility, too fast.

Jacobsen: Do certain traits make people more likely to struggle with setting boundaries when that happens?

Hathorn: Yes. At Seeking, we stress the importance of vetting someone first. A chat or video call before a meeting helps. With online dating, you do not know someone until you talk. Asking the right questions upfront helps avoid those boundary issues. Once you know what you are looking for, you can often spot red flags early—from their profile or first messages. Many uncomfortable situations can be avoided with early caution.

Jacobsen: So, it is wise to stay cautious, even if most people are decent.

Hathorn: Absolutely. The worst-case scenario we usually see is just awkwardness—when you are not on the same wavelength. At Seeking, we emphasize aligning values and knowing what you want going in. Intentional dating is a significant trend. People value their time and solitude more, and they are comfortable not dating unless it feels genuinely worthwhile.

So, when someone chooses to go on a date now, it is often very deliberate—focused on who the person is and what kind of connection they are looking for. It does not even have to be romantic. A meaningful conversation can be worth it all by itself.

Jacobsen: What is a clear sign someone is being inauthentic—like they are not even in touch with themselves?

Hathorn: When the stories feel overblown—like they are trying too hard. Sure, some wild stories are true. However, when someone claims they started ten companies, went bungee jumping, and climbed Everest all in the same week—it feels performative.

Jacobsen: They started the companies while bungee jumping.

Hathorn: [Laughing] And if it is true—great. However, it often feels like a show rather than a genuine connection.

Jacobsen: Signing contracts midair.

Hathorn: Yes! However, inauthenticity is a tricky issue. It can be both hard and easy to read. You sense something is off.

Jacobsen: Is it a major turnoff?

Hathorn: Definitely—and it should be. An authentic person does not need validation from a date. They come in already knowing their value.

Jacobsen: Inauthenticity kills attraction. 

Hathorn: Yes.

Jacobsen: Authenticity guarantees you know whether the real you are attracted to the other person. Some people are authentically unpleasant. That may only appeal to a few—but at least it is honest. If someone is faking it, you sense the tension behind the smile. It is like, “Why are you gritting your teeth while smiling?”

Hathorn: When people are authentic, you can quickly tell if there is chemistry—or not. And that matters. Everyone is busy, so when someone shows up as themselves, you immediately know if there is something there or not. You can decide not to see each other again—but at least it was real.

Jacobsen: How do you prepare for a first date? Stereotypically, guys might shower and shave. Women might spend two hours on makeup, hair, and picking the right outfit.

Hathorn: Yes—women do.

Jacobsen: Just the right outfit.

Hathorn: Absolutely. Women put in serious effort. Moreover, honestly, this often leads to another conversation—about who pays the bill.

Jacobsen: That is part two: “How to finish the first date.”

Hathorn: [Laughing] Seriously, though—I have yet to meet a woman who does not do the hair, makeup, nails, everything.

Jacobsen: Why is it such an event? Usually, with gendered traits, there is some overlap—even if the curves are distinct. However, this one seems distinctly divided. Why do you think that is?

Hathorn: Women invest so much time—and men often do not.

Jacobsen: Or they prepare in very different ways.

Hathorn: It is the anticipation. The idea that you might meet someone—is exciting. Despite the narrative that everyone’s independent—and many are—it is still thrilling to think about finding a partner.

That initial rush builds up in the days leading up to the date. Moreover, beyond romance, it is simply lovely to show up for someone to put in the effort. This extends beyond gender—it also applies to queer relationships. Looking your best and making the effort feels good, especially since people go out less than they used to. So it becomes a little occasion.

Jacobsen: What about a date between two women—where both are looking for a connection, maybe some fun, a little wine and chocolate?

Hathorn: Great question. Women tend to put in more effort. I have dated women, and both parties have put in much effort. It felt equal. Honestly, it was refreshing.

Jacobsen: Was it a better experience?

Hathorn: Not necessarily. Most of my dating was in Tokyo, and I found that both men and women showed up well-prepared. Maybe that stereotype—that men shave and go—needs to change. Some men put in real effort, even if not in grooming. They may contribute in other ways—such as sending an Uber or ensuring things go smoothly. That effort matters, too. In queer relationships between women, there tends to be a greater balance in terms of effort.

Jacobsen: There is another angle. Some women do not want a guy who looks too polished. If he is plucking his eyebrows, highlighting his hair, and looking overly groomed—it might be a turn off. Not a red flag, just a turnoff.

Hathorn: Right.

Jacobsen: They want their guy a little scruffy.

Hathorn: Maybe “curated scruffy.”

Jacobsen: Exactly! So, where is the line between curated scruff and the real thing, or even authenticity?

Hathorn: It is primarily aesthetic. Scruffy can mean facial hair or style—not necessarily a scruffy personality.

Jacobsen: That is true. I have worked in construction, restaurants, and a horse farm—some guys work with their hands and are dirty as hell but still have manners.

Hathorn: Absolutely.

Jacobsen: They may not be clean day to day, but they respect you, and they know how to show it. That takes skill. Honestly, if your exterior is rough, it can even distract you—but some still know how to show up with grace.

Hathorn: And maybe that is super authentic—just showing up as yourself. There is another side to it, however. You could say, “Just come as you are.” However, at the same time—it is still a date. If you are genuinely excited and enjoy getting ready, you should show that to your partner. It reflects something you value and may want in the relationship. It comes down to knowing what you want. Do you see yourself going to lovely places with this person? What kind of future do you imagine?

Jacobsen: That kind of future-oriented thinking—do you think it is gendered? The prep, the anticipation—does that reflect a different mindset across genders?

Hathorn: Possibly.

Jacobsen: That leads to something else. We have new terms for old things—”friends with benefits,” “one-night stands.” When people talk to you before a date or when you guide them on how to “do the date right,” is it about encouraging clarity? Are there consistent patterns depending on whether they are looking for something short-term or long-term?

Hathorn: Yes. Those are very different conversations. The key is knowing what you are showing up for. It is hard to help someone who does not understand why they are even going on a date. There is more intentionality now, especially among Gen Z. Many are not interested in casual dating. If they go on a date, it is with someone they could genuinely imagine seeing again.

Jacobsen: That seems like a significant shift away from hookup culture.

Hathorn: Definitely. People are doing a lot more talking online before they meet in person. Things are more coordinated. They show up already knowing, “This is what I am looking for.” Moreover, if that does not align with the other person, no problem—but at least it is clear.

That kind of honesty early on might seem intense for a first date, but it saves time. Asking, “Are we good together? Is there attraction? Are our goals aligned?”—that avoids confusion later.

Jacobsen: I feel like that kind of directness is common for people in their 30s and 40s.

Hathorn: Yes.

Jacobsen: Get to the point. But what about people in their early 20s? Is it different for them?

Hathorn: Surprisingly, no. Gen Z is straightforward. They know what they want, and they will tell you. They are not wasting time. It is refreshing.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time today, Emma. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Cultural Integrity Without Supernaturalism: Eru Hiko-Tahuri on Being a Māori Atheist in a Post-Christian New Zealand

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/23

Part 5 of 5

Eru Hiko-Tahuri, a Māori creative and author of Māori Boy Atheist, explores his journey from religious upbringing to secular humanism. Hiko-Tahuri discusses cultural tensions as a Māori atheist, advocating for respectful integration of Māori values like manaakitanga and whanaungatanga within secular contexts. Hiko-Tahuri reflects on secular life as a Māori creative in a post-Christian Aotearoa. He shares experiences balancing cultural heritage with nonbelief, writing secular karakia, creating inclusive art, and challenging assumptions around Indigenous identity, civic rituals, and institutionalized spirituality in Māori public life.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So, when you begin mapping the geography of Māori secularism—as a relatively new concept—are there any aspects of traditional Māori governance that could be considered appropriately secular? That is, are there spaces where ritual or spiritual practices are distinctly set apart or is everything more or less integrated?

Eru Hiko-Tahuri: So, in most traditional Māori contexts, everything tends to be intertwined—spiritual, social, political, and cultural dimensions are not separated in the Western sense. In that way, Māori culture is similar to many traditional religious cultures, where secularism, as we understand it in liberal democracies, was never really a category.

Jacobsen: Now, tapu—the concept of sacredness or restriction in Māori culture—retains significant cultural power. But from a secular Māori perspective, like yours, tapu can be understood metaphorically rather than metaphysically. It functions symbolically to mark respect, boundaries, or social norms rather than indicating belief in the supernatural. What does that mean in practical terms?

Hiko-Tahuri: Take karakia, for example—these are often translated as prayers or incantations. I don’t perform them myself. But in spaces where karakia are expected—such as ceremonial openings or public gatherings—I’ve written secular alternatives, essentially nonreligious invocations. I cannot authentically engage in the religious or supernatural aspects, but I can offer something meaningful and culturally respectful that fits the moment. That’s how I bridge the gap: by replacing the supernatural element with a secular expression that still honours the cultural context.

Jacobsen: This reminds me of the situation in Canada. Canada is a federal state divided into municipalities, provinces, and territories, and then the national government, which is functionally similar to the U.S. structure of counties, states, and federal governance. In 2015, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in Mouvement laïque québécois v. Saguenay (City) that opening municipal council meetings with prayer violated the state’s duty of religious neutrality. It effectively made official prayers at government meetings unconstitutional.

Following that decision, organizations like the British Columbia Humanist Association began investigating compliance across municipalities. Despite the ruling, they found that many local governments continued to include prayer in official meetings. In response, the Association sent letters to these municipalities pointing out the legal ruling, sharing data, and urging them to comply with the law by removing religious observances from public sessions. This kind of advocacy led to meaningful change in some regions.

So, when I consider your experience, I think of it in that light. You’re not opposing cultural participation or public service; instead, you’re drawing a line where religious practices—like prayer—are included in civic spaces where they may no longer be appropriate, especially in pluralistic or post-colonial contexts. Countries like Aotearoa, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, the United States, and South Africa all fall under the category of “post-colonial” states grappling with how to reconcile Indigenous traditions, secular governance, and religious pluralism.

So, let us return to the historical backdrop. Christian missionary efforts primarily drove colonization in Aotearoa, New Zealand. I understand that many of those involved were of European heritage—like my own. When people refer to “post-colonial” in this context, they often mean a phase following that religious and political imposition—perhaps even envisioning a society in a reconciled, pluralistic state where Indigenous and settler cultures have negotiated a new equilibrium. Would you say that is accurate?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, that is broadly correct. Among post-colonial nations, I would say Aotearoa, New Zealand, has gone further than many in terms of acknowledging and integrating Māori language, culture, and perspectives into public life. You can see the effects of that on things like the census data. As of the most recent census, about 53% of New Zealanders identified as having no religion. That makes New Zealand a post-Christian country, at least in terms of demographic majority. Christianity is now a minority belief, which shifts the dynamics.

Jacobsen: And how does that shift affect your everyday life, particularly as someone who identifies as an atheist and a humanist? Does it allow you to live more comfortably and authentically?

Hiko-Tahuri: Absolutely. As I mentioned earlier, overt religiosity is a bit unusual here. People who are very religious are more of a minority now—and may be looked at as slightly outside the norm. The country itself is pretty secular. Yes, we still have prayers at the beginning of some public meetings, but those are more about tradition than belief in most cases. There are calls to remove such practices, and I support that. However, overall, New Zealand has a very relaxed and liberal society. People do not care what others believe or do not believe. There is a strong cultural inclination toward individual freedom and tolerance, so we rarely see heated debates or conflicts over religion here.

Jacobsen: Tell me more about your podcast, Heretical. Is it still running, and where can people find it?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, it is back. I originally launched it some time ago but had to pause due to other commitments. I have now restarted it. The first season includes 10 episodes, where I read my book chapter by chapter. The book is free—I never wrote it to make money; I wrote it to tell a story. That story forms the basis of the podcast. I have also added another episode where I talk about a strange encounter I had with what I would describe as a cult-like group who tried to recruit me. That experience was eye-opening and worth sharing. There will be more episodes in the future. I plan to delve into some of the more common arguments for theism—things like the cosmological argument—and explore why I do not find them convincing. These kinds of discussions are not often had within our community, so I think it is essential to create space for them.

Jacobsen: What about your music and your airbrush art? Do elements of secularism or humanism show up in those creative outlets?

Hiko-Tahuri: Not so much in my music, no. It is more of a personal expression, and I keep it separate from my secular identity. But everything I create reflects my worldview in some way, even if not explicitly.

I have been playing in the same band with friends for about 25 years now. We only get together to play once every five years or so these days, but we are just a bunch of old mates who enjoy making music together. I played my first gig when I was 14 years old for a country music club here in New Zealand. I got pulled into country music because there really were not many other musical options in the small town I grew up in.

Music has always been part of my life, but I have never chased fame or done it for recognition. I do it because I love it. The same goes for painting. I have created a few pieces where I’ve expressed thoughts on some of the more absurd or troubling beliefs in the Bible. For example, there is that passage—1 Timothy 2:12, I think—that says women should remain silent and not teach. I did a painting responding to that. I also painted a Celtic cross overlaid with Māori designs to symbolize how religion, especially Christianity, colonized us just as much as the English did. I have sold or given away some of those pieces, but really, art is something I do for personal fulfillment rather than profit.

Jacobsen: How do emerging networks like Māori atheist and freethinker communities offer space for collective doubt or help individuals express personal doubts within a shared context?

Hiko-Tahuri: That is a good question. I do not know if that is even the aim of the group I joined. It is not my group—I just found it and joined. For me, it was more about discovering that there were other people out there who think like me and also look like me. That alone was meaningful. We have not tried to turn it into a collective movement. Māori atheism is still in its infancy. Until I wrote my book, I had not encountered any serious discussion about it, at least not that I could find. That group did exist beforehand, but I stumbled upon it afterward.

So, right now, most of the Māori atheists I see are solo actors. We speak up when we feel like it, but there is no organized collective activism or shared identity. We are in such an early stage of development as a community that it has not yet coalesced into anything more structured or strategic.

Jacobsen: Since we last spoke, have you had any recent thoughts on the protocols and principles of Indigenous declarations?

Hiko-Tahuri: No, I have not looked into it lately. I know that the New Zealand government initially chose not to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, though it eventually endorsed it in 2010. But beyond that, I have not followed recent developments very closely.

Jacobsen: I have not had a chance to read into some of those areas, but I would like to. What about the precise etiquette and civic customs—honouring those customs that come from the subculture while not reciting the prayers? What is the balance being struck there?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yeah, I think that is one of the most challenging parts—figuring out what you can do respectfully while maintaining personal integrity. If we are talking, for instance, about pōwhiri—that is, the formal welcome ceremony—part of that involves speech-making. And during those speeches, spiritual language is often invoked. It is hard to categorize it strictly as religious, but it carries spiritual overtones.

Navigating is a challenge because there is a specific formula for constructing those speeches within our culture. They follow a traditional structure that includes spiritual references—things I do not believe in. So, I often have to rework those parts, recreating the tone and form without the religious or supernatural elements. It is difficult and takes much careful thought. That is probably the main struggle for Māori atheists who speak the language and actively participate in cultural life. We are trying to maintain the integrity of our heritage while adapting it to a secular worldview.

Jacobsen: Have you ever had an experience—either due to your ethnic background or lack of belief—where someone got confrontational with you? The proverbial finger-wagging, shouting match? I cannot imagine that happening much to a Kiwi.

Hiko-Tahuri: No, we are generally not that confrontational in New Zealand. And there are a couple of practical reasons, too. Because of how I look—my physical presence—people usually do not get up in my face. I am around six feet tall, and I guess I have a face that might be intimidating. So, people do not tend to push those boundaries. I am not aggressive or threatening at all, but sometimes, just my appearance is enough to make people think twice.

Jacobsen: That reminds me—there was a story out of the U.S. involving Eminem. I think gang members were extorting him—either the Crips or the Bloods. But apparently, there was a Samoan-American gang so feared that even the Crips were hesitant around them. Eminem hired them for protection, and they ended up defending him and collaborating on music. I believe they even put out an album together.

It was a pretty wild story. It shows how much physical presence and group identity can shape interactions—whether in music, culture, or personal safety. It is funny how those dynamics play out in so many different places.

Hiko-Tahuri: It can be imposing. I am five-eleven, but I am not baby-faced. Still, I have heard of incidents where Māori women in New Zealand—especially those who wear moko kauae, the traditional tattoo—get hassled often.

Jacobsen:How so?

Hiko-Tahuri: By members of the public, saying things like, “You shouldn’t be here,” or “You look intimidating,” or “You shouldn’t be in this park.” One of these incidents happened just last year in a local park. A woman was told she could not be there when someone’s kids were around, as if she was somehow threatening—just for wearing the moko kauae. These things do happen, particularly to women. I have noticed that it never happens to me. Maybe that has something to do with physical presence or perceived threat, but yes—it is a pattern. That does happen, and fairly often. 

Jacobsen: I am out of the questions, too. So, am I missing anything? What do you think?

Hiko-Tahuri: I do not think so. I cannot think of anything else at the moment. That was a solid session.

Jacobsen: Thank you so much for today. 

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, that sounds great. Thank you very much.

Jacobsen: All right. Take care.

Hiko-Tahuri: You too. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Radical Feminist Perspectives on Pornography: An In-Depth Conversation with Dr. Gail Dines

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/18

Part 2 of 2

Dr. Gail Dines is the Founder and CEO of Culture Reframed and Professor Emerita of Sociology and Women’s Studies at Wheelock College, Boston. With over 30 years of research on the pornography industry, she is recognized globally as a leading expert on how pornography shapes society, culture, and sexuality. Dr. Dines has served as a consultant to governmental agencies in the U.S. and internationally, including the UK, Norway, Iceland, and Canada. In 2016 she founded Culture Reframed, where she continues to champion education around the harms of pornography. Dr. Dines is also the co-editor of the best-selling textbook Gender, Race and Class in Media and the author of Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, which has been translated into five languages and adapted into a documentary film. Her work has been featured in major media outlets, including ABC, CNN, BBC, MSNBC, The New York Times, Time, The Guardian, and Vogue. Dr. Dines is a regular guest on television and radio and is prominently featured in documentaries such as The Price of Pleasure and The Strength to Resist.

Dines explores the profound societal harms of pornography. She discusses the rare internal disagreements within radical feminism, the contrast with moralist objections, and how pornography erodes healthy sexuality, consent, and gender equality. Dines argues pornography acts as a distorted form of sex education and a driver of sexual violence, dehumanization, and disconnection. Drawing on extensive research and her book Pornland, she advocates for porn-resilient education and a public reckoning with how adult inaction leaves youth vulnerable to exploitation, addiction, and long-term psychological harm.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A question comes to mind. We’ve discussed liberal feminism versus radical feminism in framing the issue. But within radical feminist discourse, are there any internal objections or disagreements on this critical view of pornography?

Dr. Gail Dines: Radical feminism tends to agree widely on this topic. Are you asking about internal conflicts?

Jacobsen: Yes, specifically within radical feminism.

Dines: Any disagreements are quite minor, mostly around how to define the issue or how to address it. But there’s a strong, unified belief within radical feminism that pornography is violence against women, both in its production and consumption. We have major arguments with liberal feminists, Marxist feminists, and socialist feminists. We don’t tend to have many internal debates about pornography within radical feminism. However, we do have disagreements on other topics.

Jacobsen: There may be surface-level critiques from traditionalist, conservative, or religious groups that object to pornography on moral grounds, often based on a transcendentalist or ethical view of sin. Yet, they seem to reach a similar conclusion as you do…

Dines: Yes, but the conclusions, although they may appear similar, are quite different. Right-wing moralists are often concerned with what pornography does to the family, particularly how it affects men. They argue that it may cause men to stray or damage family cohesion. Radical feminists, on the other hand, have a critique of the family as the place where women are most at risk, as we know from the evidence. We are concerned with the harm to women, children, and society in general, but our stance is not based on moralism.

We refer to this as a harm-based issue, not a morality-based issue. That’s not to say some right-wing organizations don’t adopt some of our arguments—they do—but the core driving force behind our opposition to pornography is different. They oppose it from a moral perspective; we oppose it because of the real harm it inflicts on individuals and society.

Jacobsen: What would a healthy societal view of sexuality and sex education look like?

Dines: Much of what we’ve built on Culture Reframed is what that should look like, to be honest. By the way, all our programs are free. You do have to sign up, but it’s entirely free. A healthy view of sexuality begins with the individual owning their sexuality. It evolves naturally as a person grows. Of course, it’s rooted in equality, consent, non-violence, and genuine connection and intimacy.

This doesn’t mean that sex is only for marriage or long-term relationships but that there is some level of connection and intimacy involved. That’s what makes sex meaningful in the end. If you don’t know the person you’re having sex with, as is often the pornography case, it quickly becomes boring. That’s why pornographers constantly escalate the content—more violence, more extreme acts—because standard sex gets boring for viewers users become desensitized.

If you were to film regular people having sex, most of the time, it would be so dull that you’d fall asleep watching it. The fun and excitement come from actually having sex, not watching it. So, for pornography to hold viewers’ interest, they have to keep ramping up the adrenaline through more intense and bizarre acts.

Jacobsen: Is part of the core issue the dehumanization and depersonalization that comes with pornography? It seems like there’s a disconnection—people go to their computers, consume pornography, and then return to their regular lives as if nothing happened. It’s like their day becomes fragmented and disjointed.

Dines: Absolutely. That’s a great point. There have been studies done on this. One interesting study showed two groups of men: one group watched a regular National Geographic movie, while the other watched pornography. Afterward, they were asked to interview a female candidate for a job, and the chairs were on rollers. The men who had watched pornography kept rolling their chairs closer and closer to the woman. They also found that these men couldn’t remember the woman’s words.

This kind of behaviour shows how pornography impacts boys and men’s perception of others, particularly women, and how it disrupts their ability to interact meaningfully in real-life situations.

They were too busy checking her out. So you’re right. When you think about it, much pornography is consumed at work. Then you leave that cruel world where men are depicted as having every right to women’s bodies and go back to working in a world with women where you don’t have those rights. It’s interesting because we have the Me Too movement on the one hand, which is crucial for explaining what’s going on. On the other hand, pornography is working against everything the Me Too movement is trying to say about consent and women’s bodily integrity. Even men’s bodily integrity is compromised in pornography—nobody has bodily integrity.

In pornography, the body is there to be used in any way possible to heighten sexual arousal, usually involving high levels of violence. I haven’t seen many films where this wasn’t the case.

Jacobsen: We’ve already covered building porn resilience in children, or at least how important it is. How far do gender inequality and sexual violence reflect each other in women’s rights movements, particularly within the frame of pornography?

Dines: Let me make sure I understand. You’re asking about the relationship between gender inequality and sexual violence and how this plays out in the context of movements like Me Too, correct?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Dines: I addressed some of this earlier when I talked about equality in other areas of life and how pornography undermines it. Gender inequality and sexual violence are deeply intertwined. If there were no gender inequality, sexual violence would be unthinkable. Sexual violence is typically used to destroy and control women and to show power and dominance. That’s why we must call it “sexual violence”—because it weaponizes sex against women.

Without gender inequality, this kind of violence wouldn’t even be conceivable. It’s built into the very structure of gender inequality, and in turn, it perpetuates and exacerbates that inequality. It’s a vicious cycle. Gender inequality fuels sexual violence, and sexual violence deepens gender inequality.

Jacobsen: Just to be mindful of that, then. We talked about the psychological impact earlier. What are the similar psychological impacts on boys and girls, rather than the differences?

Dines: Similarities around what, specifically?

Jacobsen: In terms of pornography consumption and its impacts.

Dines: We know very little about girls. There aren’t many studies at all on girls’ exposure to pornography, and, as in many areas, girls and women are often under-researched. One of the few studies by Chyng Sun, Jennifer Johnson, Anna Bridges, and Matt Ezzell does show a few things. Some girls and women go to porn not to masturbate but to see what boys and men are doing, so they can reproduce that behaviour.

They also found that girls and women who become addicted to pornography, similar to men, lose interest in real-world sex, preferring pornography. They become isolated and depressed. So, if they do go down the route of addiction, the impact is quite similar to that on men, except they don’t become violent.

Jacobsen: What are the key points of feminist and anti-pornography activism, particularly in your book Pornland, intersecting with issues of gender, sexuality, and human rights?

Dines: That’s what the whole book is about. Pornland was written to explain the modern-day pornography industry in the age of the internet. People were talking about pornography as if the internet hadn’t happened. I take a radical feminist perspective, using research to back up the claims and focus on how pornography undermines women’s human rights.

There are chapters addressing racism, showing how women of colour are especially targeted, both for their race and gender. I also discuss how mainstream sites are increasingly making use of images of young looking women—sometimes they could be children, it’s hard to tell. So, they might be underage or made to look underage.

The main argument is that we live in a world that is completely inundated and infested with pornography. As a sociologist, I’m interested in the sociological impact. I borrow from psychological literature but focus on the macro level. How is pornography not just shifting gender norms but cementing the worst aspects of them? It hasn’t invented misogyny, but it has given it a new twist and continues to reinforce it across various institutions.

Jacobsen: Gail, any final thoughts or feelings based on our conversation today?

Dines: We’ve buried our heads in the sand for too long. For people who weren’t born into the internet age, it’s hard to understand just how much pornography is shaping young people. There’s been a massive dereliction of duty on the part of adults in helping kids navigate this world they’ve been thrown into, often left to sink or swim on their own—and many are sinking. The kids I talk to feel overwhelmed by pornography, and studies back this up. Many wish there were far less of it because they recognize the negative effect it has on their sexuality, their connections, and their relationships.

So, it’s time we step up and take responsibility as adults.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Gail.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pornography’s Impact on Youth, Consent, and Culture: An Interview with Dr. Gail Dines

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/17

Part 1 of 2

Dr. Gail Dines is the Founder and CEO of Culture Reframed and Professor Emerita of Sociology and Women’s Studies at Wheelock College, Boston. With over 30 years of research on the pornography industry, she is recognized globally as a leading expert on how pornography shapes society, culture, and sexuality. Dr. Dines has served as a consultant to governmental agencies in the U.S. and internationally, including the UK, Norway, Iceland, and Canada. In 2016 she founded Culture Reframed, where she continues to champion education around the harms of pornography. Dr. Dines is also the co-editor of the best-selling textbook Gender, Race and Class in Media and the author of Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, which has been translated into five languages and adapted into a documentary film. Her work has been featured in major media outlets, including ABC, CNN, BBC, MSNBC, The New York Times, Time, The Guardian, and Vogue. Dr. Dines is a regular guest on television and radio and is prominently featured in documentaries such as The Price of Pleasure and The Strength to Resist.

Dines outlines over 40 years of research linking pornography to sexual aggression, violence against women, and the erosion of healthy relationships. Dines contrasts radical and liberal feminist perspectives, critiques the porn industry’s exploitative tactics, and highlights how pornography serves as inadequate sex education for youth. She argues for porn-resilient education and supports survivors navigating trauma. Dines warns that mainstream pornography normalizes misogyny, racism, and coercion, undermining consent and equality at every societal level.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Professor Gail Dines, also founder of Culture Reframed. My first question, Gail: what is the connection between pornography and violence against women?

Professor Gail Dines: We have over 40 years of empirical research from different disciplines that show that boys and men who consume pornography are more likely to engage in sexually aggressive behaviour, more likely to accept rape myths, more likely to develop harmful sexual attitudes toward women, and may experience increased anxiety, depression, and reduced empathy for victims of sexual violence. This happens because they are repeatedly exposed to depictions of sexual violence and objectification. Most mainstream internet pornography today is hardcore—it’s cruel, brutal, and dehumanizing toward women.

As men and boys watch and become aroused by it, they internalize the ideologies embedded in these images. A key point about pornography is that it portrays women as always consenting, no matter how degrading or violent the act is. This gives the impression that women enjoy being mistreated, which is often far from the truth, as they may be coerced or paid to act in these scenes. This reinforces the harmful idea that it is acceptable to dehumanize and abuse women. We have substantial peer-reviewed research from fields such as psychology, sociology, and media studies that corroborates these findings.

Jacobsen: What research links pornography to sexual aggression?

Dines: Regarding the research linking pornography to sexual aggression, our website, culturereframed.org, offers fact sheets. One in particular, titled “Understanding The Harms of Pornography,” lists many studies. Additionally, our academic library contains over 500 peer-reviewed articles on this topic. Scholars such as Paul Wright, Chyng Sun, and Jennifer Johnson have contributed important work. The strength of social science research is not in isolated studies but in the coherent pattern that emerges when we review a large body of work. The research shows a clear correlation between pornography consumption and violence against women.

Jacobsen: How does hypersexualized media align with human rights violations, particularly about youth?

Dines: Hypersexualized media, even content that isn’t classified as pornography, and pornography itself can be viewed as violations of civil rights because they infringe on young people’s ability to construct their sexuality. The multi-billion-dollar media and pornography industries are shaping the sexual attitudes and behaviours of young people worldwide, which strips them of their autonomy in this area. These industries commodify and monetize sexuality, taking control away from individuals and turning it into a product.

Young people deserve the opportunity to develop a sexuality that is meaningful to them, not one dictated by the interests of pornographers seeking profit. Additionally, there are significant human rights violations against women in pornography. The treatment many women endure in the production of hardcore pornography can be likened to torture, violating international human rights conventions. If the same acts were done to any other group, they would likely be recognized as torture. That’s how extreme much of mainstream pornography has become.

Jacobsen: What are the social and health consequences of pornography consumption?

Dines: Basically, pornography is shifting how we think about women, men, sex, relationships, connection, and consent—all of these issues. What you see in society is that when pornography becomes the “wallpaper” of your life, as it does for young people today, it becomes the main form of sex education. This shifts the norms and values of the culture, and it’s happening internationally. This is not a local problem. Any child with a device connected to the internet is being fed a steady diet of misogyny and racism—there’s an incredible amount of racism in pornography—and the idea that men and boys have a right to ownership of women’s bodies, regardless of what women want. There’s also the notion that women’s bodies exist to be commodified and used however men wish. This sets up women and girls to be victims of male violence. Meanwhile, we are trying to build a world of equality between men and women.

Pornography shreds that possibility—not only in terms of sex but also in employment, the legal system, and more. It sends the message that women exist only to be penetrated, and often in the most vile and cruel ways possible. So, pornography undermines women’s rights across multiple levels and within multiple institutions.

Jacobsen: You raised an interesting point about the nature of consent. What is the framework of consent in pornographic imagery and in the industry itself?

Dines: First, let’s start with the imagery because the industry is slightly different. In the images, she consents to everything. The one word you rarely hear in pornography is “no.” It’s rare. If you go onto Pornhub or YouTube, where most men and boys consume pornography, you won’t hear “no.” Now, there are some rape porn sites where the woman says “no,” but those are at the far end of the spectrum. I study mainstream pornography, such as what’s on Pornhub. In terms of consent, we never know if a woman truly consents; this is where the industry comes in. While they might sign a consent form, we don’t know under what conditions it was signed.

Also, pornography is where racism, sexism, capitalism, and colonialism intersect. The poorer a woman is, the more likely she will be a woman of colour with fewer resources, and the more likely she is to end up in the porn industry. These are not Ivy League graduates lining up to do this. These are women who have had few choices. When you have limited options in life, especially due to economic hardship, you cannot freely argue that consent is fully informed or voluntary.

Jacobsen: For those able to exit the industry, what are the ways they manage to do so, and what are the psychological and emotional impacts, as well as the physical effects?

Dines: It’s extremely hard for women to leave pornography. First of all, we know that women in pornography experience the same levels of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as prostituted women. Many of them are also under pimp control. The psychological, emotional, and physical tolls are severe, making it difficult for them to leave the industry.

And also, where are you going to go? Especially in pornography, where your image is everywhere, women who have been in the industry, even if they get out, live in constant fear that their employers, children, and partners will find their images or even their next-door neighbours. The issue becomes extremely difficult. You never really escape pornography once you’ve been part of it. Even if you leave the industry, you’re never fully out of it because your image remains online. It can take many years to recover emotionally and physically.

Many women endure severe physical harm—STIs and injuries to the anus, vagina, and mouth due to the hardcore nature of the acts. What’s interesting is that, in the case of prostitution and trafficking, there are many survivor-led groups helping women exit the industry. This support isn’t as prevalent for women in pornography, and the reason is that these women feel so exposed. They feel vulnerable even after leaving the industry because their images remain there.

Remember, an image on Pornhub can go viral, spreading across all the porn sites, so you never know who has seen it. You never know if the person you meet has seen it, which creates a constant feeling of vulnerability.

Jacobsen: You made an important distinction between liberal feminism and radical feminism. Can you clarify that distinction about pornography?

Dines: Yes. The critical distinction is in the ideological framing. Radical feminists were among the first to highlight the violence of pornography—both in terms of the harm to women in the industry and the impact on women in the society. Radical feminism grew out of a focus on violence against women. Over time, they recognized that pornography is part of that violence.

Liberal feminism, on the other hand, tends to be more neoliberal, emphasizing individualism. The argument often centers around the idea that “she chose it,” that it’s about sexual agency. But what we know about these women is that this is not a true sexual agency. If anything, it strips them of their sexual agency and does the same to all women. Women often look at pornography to see what they should be doing for the men who consume it. Radical feminists are anti-pornography because they see both its production and consumption as a major form of violence against women, and they understand that it contributes to real-world violence as well.

Jacobsen: What are the tactics of the pornography industry, and how are they similar to those of the tobacco industry?

Dines: The pornography industry employs tactics similar to the tobacco industry, such as bringing in pseudo-academics to argue that there’s no harm, framing research in ways that downplay the issues, and lobbying. The pornography industry has a powerful lobbying arm, much like the tobacco industry did. They know the harm their product causes, but they’re not interested in liberating women from harm—they’re in it to make money.

And so, all predatory industries will do whatever it takes to make money, irrespective of the incredible social impact it will have. The United States is known for not having as strong a FACTED (Family Life and Sexual Health Education) program as Canada. However, Canada, at its best, still has its gaps.

Jacobsen: So, how does pornography act, as you mentioned earlier, as a filler for sex education and a particularly poor one for young people, and potentially for older people who missed it?

Dines: Let’s focus on younger people. Developing an interest in sex, is a natural part of development, often starting from puberty But because we don’t have good sex education—even in U.S. states that are required to provide it—the content is outdated and doesn’t speak to the reality that kids live in today. So where are kids going to turn when they have access to devices and a vast amount of free pornography? Pornography fills that gap, but poorly.

What is needed, and what Culture Reframed provides, is a porn-critical sex education curriculum. If you visit our website, we have a program for high school teachers (and some middle school teachers), which includes PowerPoints and detailed instructions on how to teach it. We don’t show pornography, obviously, but we focus on building porn-resilient young people. Unfortunately, in many cases, sex education isn’t prioritized, and many sex ed teachers aren’t even specialized in the subject.

They might be math or physical education teachers, told a month before, “You’re teaching sex ed.” We frequently hear from people who are unprepared and have no idea where to start. Interestingly, studies show that students immediately pick up on this lack of expertise. Research indicates that students are aware that their sex ed teachers don’t know how to teach the subject, don’t want to do it, and aren’t addressing issues relevant to their lives. As a result, sex education has effectively been handed over to pornographers.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Healing Parent–Adult Child Relationships: Kan Yan on Reframing, Responsibility, and Emotional Growth

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/16

Kan Yan, host of Parents Reimagined, about how adult children can heal, reframe, and redefine relationships with their parents. A Harvard-trained lawyer and former McKinsey consultant, Yan shares insights on intergenerational trauma, cultural identity, and emotional maturity—particularly within immigrant and Asian American families. He emphasizes shifting from an “adult–child” to an “adult-adult” relationship, the role of self-empathy in conflict resolution, and the uneven emotional capacities between parents and children. The conversation explores psychological development, cultural framing, and the importance of embracing past experiences to foster honest and respectful connections.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So today we’re here with Kan Yan. He is the host of Parents Reimagined, a podcast that shares authentic stories of healing and transformation in parent–adult-child relationships. Kan is a Harvard-trained lawyer and a former McKinsey consultant. He speaks and writes on topics including family estrangement, intergenerational trauma, and Asian American identity.

Based in Berkeley, California, Kan explores how immigrant families navigate cultural identity, boundaries, and reconciliation—particularly within the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community. His work uplifts voices centred on reparenting, breaking cycles of fear and shame, and fostering connection without bypassing pain. Through Parents Reimagined, he offers practical tools for rebuilding relationships grounded in truth, accountability, and emotional healing. So what tends to make people feel most supported by their parents—and what can break that feeling of support?

Kan Yan: Supported. Are you talking about children or adults?

Jacobsen: Adult children.

Yan: Adult children. Wow, I might say that’s not quite the right question—because by the time you’re asking it, a lot has already happened that determines whether or not someone feels supported. So I’d say, in general, there are maybe two phases.

Whether someone feels supported often depends on how their childhood went. For example, based on your story, if I were in your position, I might have some resentments or grievances toward my dad. And it can be tough to feel supported by someone toward whom you have unresolved resentment or pain.

That’s one phase of the relationship.

In my work with adult children, we focus on moving through those resentments and reaching a place of acceptance. That way, we can build an adult-adult relationship where I no longer expect my parent to have been the parents I needed as a child. Instead, I accept them for who they are now—with appropriate boundaries to ensure my needs are respected—and I explore what might still be possible in the relationship.

That might involve seeking support from them if they can provide it. And it might not.

Jacobsen: Now, in terms of a lot that has already happened in childhood—such that an adult child is asking this kind of question—what are some key signs that things went wrong earlier in life? What are the flipside indicators? That is when things have gone well enough in childhood. I believe there’s this concept of the “good enough” parent—so if things were generally healthy, the question still arises, but not from a place of trauma or deeply fractured relationships.

Yan: Yes, that’s a tough question because it assumes there’s some objective answer. And maybe there isn’t. There might only be a probabilistic one.

But I would say when it comes to “good enough,” it’s subjective, based on the child’s inner world as well. Like, I interview people who had terrible—what you might call objectively terrible—physically abusive, emotionally abusive childhoods. And, you know, they’ve managed to come through to the other side pretty well.

Other kids had relatively pleasant childhoods—free of any obvious abuse, maybe some emotional absence or something like that—and yet they end up struggling with mental health issues that get projected onto the parents. So it’s not as clear-cut as, “If you turn these knobs in childhood, you get a perfectly well-adjusted kid on the other side.”

I had another thought, but I lost it. Let’s take a moment to track. I think maybe what matters more—because what I take away from your question is, “If I’m an adult child, what are the conditions that allow me to be well-adjusted enough to have a healthy relationship with my parent?” Is that kind of the sense of the question?

Jacobsen: That’s fair. 

Yan: In a way, in my work, I find that if you had an abusive, damaging, traumatic childhood, it’s harder to get to the place of having a healthy relationship with your parent. It’s not impossible—it’s just harder.

And like I said before, because it’s subjective, just because you had a relatively pleasant childhood doesn’t mean it’s necessarily easy to get to that place either. However, I would say that what is common is that getting to that place tends to require shifting from an adult–child dynamic to an adult-adult dynamic.

And part of that shift relates to what I mentioned earlier—accepting the childhood you had. And then, from there, relating from, “Okay, this is who you are. I’m not holding any resentment against you for the way you were—or are. I’m just relating to you as you are today. And from here, what’s possible?”

Jacobsen: What does being close to a parent mean to you?

Yan: [Laughing] I’m giving you a lot of “it depends” answers because it’s complex.

Jacobsen: [Laughing] Sure. Yes, I’m asking for single answers on the very, very complex subject matter.

Yan: This is a question about human development. What’s possible in terms of closeness between any two people—not just a child and a parent—depends on their development.

Let’s say, psychologically—that’s one way to phrase it—as human beings. The closeness between two five-year-olds is different from that between two thirteen-year-olds or two fifty-year-olds.

And some people finish their development at earlier or later stages in their lives. So, there’s not one definition of what closeness is. And it’s not dependent on age. Once you become an adult, it depends on whether you have the conditions and circumstances that allow you to develop into further stages of maturity as a person.

And then the capacity for closeness is dependent upon the level of maturation you reach as a person.

The same is true with a child and a parent. 

Jacobsen: So, a lot of this is rooted in a sense of perspective and framing. An individual who may have gone through a very unpleasant upbringing—by some objective metric—might end up mentally healthier than someone who went through something like the opposite. It depends, in part, on how each person frames their experience. That internal framing has a huge impact on how the experience is translated into their state of mind and mental health later on. So, how flexible is an individual’s framing of these early life circumstances as we develop in our formative years?

Yan: Now you’re asking just about the deepest question you can ask about the essence of being human. Not only am I not qualified to answer it definitively, but there may not be an answer.

The way you answer that question reflects your entire philosophy of what it means to be a human being. The spectrum goes all the way from a kind of fatalism—“I don’t control anything; it’s all just particles moving by physics”—to an existentialist view: “I’m choosing the narrative I hold about reality, and that choice frames the possibility set of my life.”

Jacobsen: How does that latter category not become dissociation?

Yan: Well, I think they’re quite different.

Having an existential philosophical frame for life is a conscious choice about how you make sense of reality. Dissociation, to me, happens at a nervous system level—it’s about one’s relationship to the body, to sensation, and the alignment (or misalignment) between mind and body.

You can be disembodied or dissociated, regardless of your philosophy. A person could be dissociated while holding any philosophy, even an existentialist philosophy

Jacobsen: What are the cultural constructions around all this? To use the broad stereotypes: America is highly individualistic; other cultures are stereotypically collectivistic. How do those different cultural frames—which people may not have much control over—impact the ebb and flow of family relationships and their capacity to reframe of their experiences of existentialism to “I have infinite free will”?

Yan: And I’m going to choose not to answer that question exactly as asked. But I’ll answer something I think is related. The question becomes: how does culture influence the dynamics between adult children and their parents? And what’s possible in terms of connection or repair within that cultural context? I mean, we’re getting very heady here. I mean, the frame of reference

The way we even think about what matters is shaped by culture. So if we’re thinking on an individual level—like, even the very frame of asking this question about an adult child and a parent and what their relationship is like—that’s already a kind of individualistically framed question, right? We’re not asking, “What is the harmonious nature of the family unit as a whole, or how does that unit function within society?”

That might be a different question. But within the individualistic frame, culture still matters. And we can revisit the concept of developmental stages. How developed a society is—economically, for example—influences the capacity of its individuals to focus on their personal development.

If I’m trying to figure out how to feed myself and my family, my psychological development is likely to be lower than if I have the time and resources to read, reflect, and pursue personal growth. This issue often arises in my work with immigrants. A lot of immigrant parents, especially those from the developing world, didn’t have the time or privilege to reflect deeply on these matters. Their focus was on survival.

And so the gulf between them and their children—especially children who grow up in more developed places like the United States—can be quite wide. That gap tends to be wider than if those parents had also grown up in the U.S., for example. And again, that goes back to developmental differences.

Jacobsen: We can reduce the headiness a bit—we’ll turn that dial down a little. People get in fights. They yell. They scream. They swear. They slur. They blush in anger. These sorts of things. They get exasperated.They lose their words in frustration. They perspirate. All sorts of things happen.

So let’s say there’s a heated argument between an adult child and an adult parent—let’s say within an American, middle-income household–whatever it is in Berkeley.

What are effective methods for cooling things down, bridging the gap of misunderstanding, and rebuilding trust and connection? In other words, how do we “judo” these moments—turning conflict into opportunities for trust-building and deeper connection?

Yan: There are three key points to consider here.

One is that, especially for the adult child, if you carry a lot of lingering resentment toward your parent, a conflict may feel more intense than it is. You might be perceiving your parent through a wounded lens, where everything they say lands as an insult or an attack—even if a third-party observer wouldn’t see it that way. Therefore, developing metacognition and self-awareness in those moments is crucial.

Second, there’s actual skill involved in having a heated conversation. There’s a whole body of work around this. One of my favourites is Nonviolent Communication—that’s a method I’ve trained in. It teaches people how to express themselves clearly while also deeply listening to others. That’s a really important tool.

And third: capacity. And this ties back to the developmental issue. Not everyone has the same emotional capacity in a given moment—or in general—to regulate themselves, stay connected, and have productive conflict. So, part of the work is understanding and honouring the capacity of everyone involved.

Whoever has more capacity to engage in a heated conversation holds more responsibility. It’s very tempting—especially for the adult child—to think, Well, you’re my parent, so you should show up with more maturity, take responsibility, apologize, and handle this better.

However, if the parent has a lower developmental capacity than the adult child, they cannot. Or even if they can, it’s much harder for them than it would be for you—someone who has had more capacity, opportunity, and personal development in this area.

So part of reaching an adult-adult relationship is acknowledging, Hey, we’re both adults, but that doesn’t mean we’re equal. And whoever has more capacity necessarily holds more responsibility—especially if we’re going to have a harmonious, nourishing conversation that addresses friction between us.

Jacobsen: For Nonviolent Communication, what is a good tactic for recentering so you can have an accurate assessment?

Yan: Yeah, sure. In NVC, that’s called self-empathy. If I’m dysregulated, how do I support myself to become more regulated? That’s the essence of self-empathy.

And it depends on the person. For some people, taking space alone to reground. For others, it might involve using a somatic technique—like tapping, if you’re familiar with Emotional Freedom Technique (EFT).

Some people might need to process with someone else—that could be a friend, a therapist, or a coach. There isn’t one single way. But in the context of NVC, we call that self-empathy: How do I give myself the emotional nutrients I need to get grounded again and more?

Jacobsen: Do you have any favourite quotes about parent and adult-child relationships?

Yan: The Ram Dass quote is, “If you think you’re enlightened, go spend a week with your parents.” 

Jacobsen: [Laughing] I should end with Ram Dass and Tim Leary—that’d be fun. I think, in the long view, their philosophies won out—at least in California. Thank you very much for your time today. It’s always fun talking to people who know what the hell they’re talking about.

Yan: Thanks, Scott. Take care. Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Healing Generational Trauma Through Family Constellation Therapy: A Conversation with Blanka Molnar

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/16

Blanka Molnar is a Houston-based holistic therapist and certified family constellation® practitioner. As the founder of Awarenest and a conscious parenting coach, Molnar explores multigenerational trauma, emotional regulation, and the challenges of parent-child relationships across cultures. Drawing from personal experience and professional expertise, she discusses how inherited trauma can shape behaviour, why boundaries are vital, and how family constellation® therapy helps uncover and heal generational wounds. Molnar emphasizes the importance of individual responsibility, self-awareness, and culturally sensitive approaches in fostering inner healing, especially for families navigating complex emotional dynamics.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So today, we’re here with Blanka Molnar. She’s a Houston-based therapist, certified family constellation® practitioner, and the founder of Awarenest. As a conscious parenting coach, she specializes in helping families heal multigenerational trauma and support neurodivergent children through systemic constellation® work, meditation, and practical tools. Her work empowers parents to foster emotional intelligence, intentional parenting, and inner healing, with a focus on ADHD, emotional regulation, and spirited children.

Blanka offers transformative coaching that combines mindfulness with developmental and somatic insights. An immigrant mother and small business owner, she advocates for gentle, conscious parenting and supports multicultural families in navigating complex emotional dynamics with compassion and clarity. Thank you for joining me today. So, what are some of the common reasons a once-close parent-child bond becomes strained in adulthood?

Blanka Molnar: Good question. Each of us must forge our path. Sometimes, that journey requires distance from our family—whether physical or emotional—to find our voice and identity truly.

As I often say, I love stories and fairy tales where the hero must leave home, face their dragons, and walk alone through the unknown. This metaphor holds meaning in both my personal and professional life.

I left my home country, Hungary, and was the first in my family to graduate with a degree in economics. But after working in the corporate world, I decided to leave that behind. I moved to the United States to work as an au pair, caring for children and, in many ways, starting over. It was part of a larger journey—to heal not only personal wounds but also inherited trauma.

These weren’t just family patterns. I grew up in Hungary, which, although never officially part of the USSR, was a satellite state of the Soviet Union under communist rule until the late 1980s. I was five years old when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989—a pivotal moment in the collapse of Eastern Bloc communism. The legacy of that era included scarcity, generational pain, and a deep cultural imprint of survival and silence.

I believed that walking my path independently, even if it meant being alone for a time, would help me heal. And it did. I spent years doing deep personal work—what I call “peeling the onion,” layer by layer, filter by filter—until I could rediscover who I truly was underneath inherited stories.

I never entirely cut ties with my family, but I did put an ocean between us. That distance—the Pacific, in this case—gave me the space I needed. The nine-hour time difference made regular communication less frequent, which allowed me to focus inward and process deeply.

Now, when I visit or we talk, I’m coming from a more grounded and authentic place. I’m not speaking from anger or old pain. I’ve processed much of that. Through the practice of family constellation®, I’ve been able to see my family from a new perspective and gain a deeper understanding of their struggles. This work has helped me offer compassion—not only to clients but also to my parents.

I’ve cried, I’ve laughed, I’ve processed years of pain and joy. And today, I feel more whole. My parents still know how to push my buttons—many of us experience that—but the triggers are fewer. I no longer react the way I once did. That’s the gift of doing the inner work.

Jacobsen: So this is, long story short, that you sometimes need much healing—even if you believe your childhood was amazing and your parents stayed together. You still have to find your inner strength. When your parents are either too perfect or far from ideal, it cannot be easy to develop that strength in their presence. Sometimes, you have to step away—to abandon them, in a sense—so you can eventually return to the relationship from a more authentic and grounded part of yourself. What about unresolved childhood dynamics and their impact on the multigenerational child-parent relationship? That’s the concept of multigenerational trauma.

Molnar: Yes, this is a more nontraditional way of understanding human development, and it comes from my experience with family constellation® therapy.

Sometimes, when a child’s behaviour or attitude suddenly changes—especially over a short period—it may signal that an unresolved trauma or emotional wound has been activated. This trauma may not even originate from their own life. It can be something inherited from generations past—what we call transgenerational or multigenerational trauma.

For example, you might inherit trauma from your great-grandmother—something she experienced that was never spoken about or processed. That trauma can remain dormant for decades, only to be triggered when you reach a certain age or life milestone. Let’s say you turn 35, and something traumatic happened to an ancestor at the same age. Or you’re trying to start a family and struggling with fertility, and that activates emotional patterns passed down through seven generations. Family constellation® work can trace these patterns back up to seven generations.

It can also show up in everyday experiences—such as starting a new job and suddenly feeling like your buttons are being pushed in unexpected ways. Beneath that reaction, there may be a deeper, inherited wound at play. The challenge is that we rarely have detailed knowledge about what happened five or seven generations ago. If we’re lucky, we may know a bit about our great-grandparents—but rarely beyond that.

That’s where healing through holistic approaches, such as family constellation® work, becomes powerful. It gets to the root. And when parents begin to heal those hidden wounds, their children often begin to heal too—because the emotional legacy is no longer being unconsciously passed on.

Jacobsen: When a parent feels hurt, rejected, or confused because their adult child has withdrawn, how can the parent respond without criticism or defensiveness?

Molnar: That’s a tough one. I’m a parent myself, and I’ve also done that to my parents. So I’m right in the middle—I know both sides. It’s not easy.

In an ideal world surrounded by self-aware and emotionally conscious parents, we would not take it personally. But real life is more complicated. Still, I believe this: we’re all here to bring our lessons, and sometimes we need distance to teach them.

If it resonates with you, consider that we bring experiences or karmic patterns from past lives. Even if you don’t believe in past lives, you can see that each person comes into this life with specific lessons to learn. So, when a child withdraws, it is often not about the parent at all. It is about the child finding their way and resolving their inner journey.

The best response a parent can give is patience, presence, and a willingness to stay open—without assuming blame or trying to fix it. That allows for reconnection to occur in a more genuine and healing manner.

Yes, maybe how the parents raised the child contributed to the dynamic—but it is not entirely their fault. As parents, we often try to fix our children or take responsibility for them. Sometimes, the reverse happens—children end up taking responsibility for their parents.

But what we have to recognize, especially when we’re talking about adult children, is that each person must take responsibility for themselves. You cannot fix your child. You cannot live their life for them.

So, in an ideal situation—where you can step back—you recognize that this is not about you. It is about them. You can say, “Hey, I love you unconditionally for who you are, even when you make mistakes. But I will take a step back. If you fall, I will be here to catch you. But I respect your choices, your decisions, and your life.”

That is the greatest gift you can offer them. And it is also one of the most painful because it is so much easier to try to fix someone or fix a situation than to step back and say, “You know what? I trust your strength. I trust that you can handle this.”

Jacobsen: What about communication strategies—something positive, affirming, assertive—to allow for honest dialogue, without offence, about how a child may be feeling and how a parent may be feeling in those situations?

Molnar: As a parent, you can express yourself honestly. You can say, “Yes, this hurts me. Your choices right now are painful for me.” You can acknowledge that. Say, “I’m your parent. I raised you. We went through so much together.”

But again, if your child pulling away doesn’t trigger something unresolved in you—like an abandonment wound or a loss of identity, especially in single-parent homes—it is easier to communicate from a grounded, centred place.

This does not mean suppressing your feelings. It means not adding emotional intensity that clouds understanding. You can say, “Yes, this hurts, but I want to understand you.” One thing I often suggest to my clients is saying, “I need time.”

You do not need to respond, ideally in the moment. You can say, “I need to process this. I may need to meditate on it. I may need to journal. Right now, I’m in pain, and I don’t want to speak or act from this place of pain. But give me a few days, and let’s come back to this conversation.”

Pausing and asking for time is one of the healthiest communication tools—especially when emotions are high.

Jacobsen: And what about children setting boundaries? It doesn’t necessarily have to be across the Pacific Ocean.

Molnar: [Laughing] Yes, funny enough, I learned that it does not always work. You can put a whole ocean between you, and your emotional baggage will still come with you.

In my case, I recreated the same emotional dynamics across the ocean—. The same issues came up. I tried to escape them, but it didn’t work. That’s when I realized that healing must come from within.

So, yes—setting boundaries with parents can be difficult, especially depending on their and the children’s personalities . But it is necessary. Boundaries are not about cutting people off; they are about creating the space you need to grow. It’s about respecting yourselves and others. And eventually, that can strengthen the relationship.

That’s why I see so many clients who say, “No, I’ve completely cut my parents out of my life—and I don’t want to go back.” And if that’s how you feel right now, I understand. But I don’t typically recommend that to my clients. Whether we’re conscious of it or not, we receive energetic support, strength, and psychological grounding from our parents—even when the relationship is strained or complicated.

When you completely shut them out of your life, it can feel like trying to fly a jet without its engines. If you cut off your mother, it’s like flying with one engine down. If you cut off your father, the other one is gone. You’re trying to spread your wings and soar but without foundational support.

So, instead of full disconnection, I encourage people to seek support—through therapy, holistic healing, journaling, or any modality that resonates. But also suggest to, ask yourself your why. That why will carry you through difficult moments. Why do you want to create distance? Why do you feel the need to fly to the other side of the world? Why are you putting emotional space between you and your parents? What are you trying to heal?

And you can communicate that. You can say, “I love you—or I’m not sure how I feel right now—but I need healing. This isn’t about you. This is something I need to do for myself.”

That is a more constructive way to express your boundaries. It avoids blame or finger-pointing. You’re not saying, “Because of you, I’m like this,” or, “You’re responsible for how I grew up.” Instead, you’re stepping into adult responsibility and saying, “This is my decision. Right now, I need space. That might mean I do not call you for a while. It might mean I move to Asia, rent a little scooter, and go on a personal journey to rediscover my voice.”

You can always return to the message: “This is about me. This is for my healing, my peace of mind, my future.”

Jacobsen: What are some everyday situations that North Americans face in their family dynamics—especially points of tension? And does that differ from what you experienced growing up in Hungary?

Molnar: Yes and no. When I was born, Hungary was experiencing financial instability. And my family, like many others, was also struggling financially. So there was a sense of limitation—not just economically, but emotionally and culturally. What Americans had access to in the 1970s and 1980s—choices, variety, mobility—we didn’t.

You had different brands of soda and different types of jeans. We had one pair of jeans. When my father was finally allowed to travel to Austria and brought back gummy bears or other sweets, it was a huge event. That was expensive. It was rare. And it was tied to a sense of scarcity.

So yes, the values we grew up with were different—shaped by restriction and survival. We were raised with a mindset of limitation. But what I see in the U.S. now—especially among younger generations—is a different kind of challenge.

It’s not a matter of scarcity but a generational reckoning. Many young people feel that something in the previous generations did not work, and they are determined to change it. There’s a collective sense of, “This ends with us.” That’s something I see echoed across cultures now—Hungarian, American, and elsewhere. The language is different, but the need to break cycles and create something healthier is universal.

You can even see it reflected in popular media—new movies, new series—with titles like It Ends with Us. There’s a growing awareness that generational cycles of pain—especially abuse, narcissistic dynamics, and unhealthy parenting patterns—must stop.

A few pain points I see repeatedly include narcissistic personalities, entitlement, and overprotection. There’s a helicopter-style parenting approach where children are highly protected and provided for, which on the surface seems loving—and it is—but it can have unintended consequences. Children may struggle to find their voice to develop independence and resilience, especially when they’ve never had to navigate life without constant parental oversight.

So yes, there are overlapping issues globally—trauma, control, disconnection—but the specifics can differ based on the country’s economic and cultural context.

Jacobsen: Typically, do cultural dynamics place more strain on family relationships than individual personalities and interactions? For example, someone growing up in the Democratic Republic of the Congo might experience the influence of poverty more directly than someone in the United States. But in both cases, could the individual parent-child relationship still be the primary factor in emotional strain, regardless of the broader context?

Molnar: Again, I’d say both. Culture and individual dynamics are deeply intertwined.

From my experience growing up in Hungary and now living and working in the United States, I’ve seen how culture influences parenting. The U.S. is an individualistic country. That’s a vast cultural difference. It shows up in how we raise children. In times of crisis—like hurricanes or other disasters—Americans come together. But day-to-day life? It’s very much finding your way, being self-sufficient, and standing out.

Parents here often feel pressure to push their children to excel very early. Kids are enrolled in piano and swimming lessons at the age of two. By age four, they’re expected to be preparing for their SATs! [Laughing] It is intense. Such a culture fosters high expectations and competitiveness.

By contrast, many Asian cultures, for example, are more community-oriented and place stronger emphasis on respect for elders and family roles. In Hungary, we were raised with a very different mindset—one shaped by historical suppression and economic instability.

But even within each culture, family inheritance plays a considerable role. What trauma did the family carry? Were they descended from enslaved people, refugees, or those living in systemic poverty? Did their family endure war or genocide? These things shape us, even if they happened generations ago.

And we can’t talk about culture without acknowledging historical trauma. Hungary has been under occupation and suppression repeatedly—under the Ottomans, then as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, then under Soviet rule. These layers of control left deep cultural scars. It’s no surprise that finding one’s voice and asserting autonomy remains difficult for many Hungarians.

The U.S. has its parallel legacy—slavery, Indigenous genocide, war, systemic racism. World War II, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War—these events profoundly shaped families and cultural norms here. Those inherited traumas are still present, even if not openly acknowledged.

So, while culture lays the foundation, individual family systems—how those broader patterns get passed down—ultimately shape the parent-child dynamic. Healing happens when we address both.

Jacobsen: When you work with a client, at what point do you find responsible termination of the client-therapist relationship is appropriate? In other words, what are some deep signals that a person is sufficiently recentered and ready to go forward into their life independently—that they have the tools and are good to go?

Molnar: That’s a great question. In most cases, the decision is in the hands of the client. They determine how many sessions they need and when they feel they have completed them.

Family constellation® work is not a traditional form of therapy. It’s not like being in therapy for four years and attending sessions weekly or biweekly. Sometimes, it’s a one-time experience. A client might come in and say, “I have this specific issue, and I want to resolve it.” And after one session, they feel a fundamental shift and say, “I’m fine now.” That’s valid.

When that happens, I usually follow up with them—checking in two to three weeks later to see how they’re integrating the experience.

Other clients come in with a series of interconnected issues—let’s say abuse, cancer or war-related trauma. Because those types of traumas can stem from both sides of the family, and it’s often layered, one session won’t be enough. In those cases, clients might commit to four, five, or six sessions. And each time, we go deeper.

But we can only go as deep as the soul allows in any given session. Sometimes, something needs to settle or heal over the following weeks before we can move to the next layer of the onion. So, the pacing is very intuitive and client-led.

I always tell them, “If you feel called to continue, reach out. If you want to go deeper into a specific topic, I’m here.” But ultimately, they know. They feel that more work is needed.

And yes, there have been cases where a client completed six sessions and then disappeared—ghosted, as people say. That’s okay, too. It’s not like traditional therapy because it works at the root level. Some people get what they came for and move on. I never push.

For others, they come back when they’re ready to work on another layer—whether it’s relationships, financial patterns, or self-worth. The family constellation® opens that door, and they decide whether or not to walk through it again.

Jacobsen: What therapeutic method, when dealing with family dynamics, has the most evidence behind it? Of course, there are established, authoritative models—modalities that are backed by research and applied based on the practitioner’s training and the client’s needs. But across the board, what tends to be effective for most family contexts?

Molnar: That depends heavily on the person—their personality, their openness, and their life circumstances.

Traditional therapy, including cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), is still the most widely used and researched. It’s also the most accessible—it’s covered by insurance, which makes a significant difference for many people. Finances play a substantial role in determining the type of therapy someone chooses.

Family constellation®, on the other hand, is less known in the U.S. It originated in Germany and is much more popular in parts of Europe and South America. Many people here have never heard of it.

I’ll be honest—I’m not familiar with every therapy model out there, and I don’t try to pretend otherwise. I don’t like to claim that one method is objectively better than another. It depends on what works for you.

I tried several modalities. For me, the family constellation® resonated with my soul. It took me down to the roots of my issues and then helped lift me back up. I spent two and a half years in traditional therapy, but I always felt like I was scratching the surface when it came to family dynamics.

That’s why I emphasize finding what works for you. What brings clarity, emotional release, and integration? That’s what matters most.

Jacobsen: When it comes to background checks—not in terms of criminal history but in terms of credentials and qualifications—what should someone do before starting therapy? How can they make sure the therapist is appropriate and adequately trained and that the treatment offered is legitimate?

Molnar: I always recommend doing some research. Check reviews if you can—Google reviews, therapist directories, or, if you’re going through insurance, look at their provider network. Many platforms also offer client feedback and credentials.

But beyond reviews, I highly recommend having a conversation with the therapist before starting sessions. That initial conversation is key. You need to feel aligned with the therapist’s energy, values, and communication style. Therapy is a profoundly personal journey, and if the connection doesn’t feel right from the start, the work won’t be as practical as it could be.

Jacobsen: Right, no need to go too deep into ethics codes or licensure requirements—most laypeople need to confirm credentials and have a sense of whether the person is trustworthy and professional.

Molnar: That’s usually enough for most people to make an informed choice.

Jacobsen: What’s one of your favourite quotes related to family therapy?

Molnar: One that changed my life is from Carl Jung: “Until you make the unconscious conscious, it will direct your life, and you will call it fate.”

That’s how I see family constellation® work. You’re living on autopilot until you bring those invisible family bonds and inherited issues into the light. Once you do, you can finally choose your path with awareness.

Jacobsen: A classic therapist move—Jung, Frankl, Nietzsche! [Laughing]

Molnar: Always! [Laughing] It’s true, though—we all go back to them for a reason.

Jacobsen: I’m out of questions, Blanka. Thank you so much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise—it was a pleasure to meet you.

Molnar: Thank you, Scott. It was lovely to be here and to have this conversation. I appreciate the platform.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Secular Māori Voices and Global Indigenous Rights: Eru Hiko-Tahuri on Inclusion, Identity, and Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/16

Part 4 of 5

Eru Hiko-Tahuri, a Māori creative and author of Māori Boy Atheist, explores his journey from religious upbringing to secular humanism. Hiko-Tahuri discusses cultural tensions as a Māori atheist, advocating for respectful integration of Māori values like manaakitanga and whanaungatanga within secular contexts. Hiko-Tahuri critiques the invisibility of secular Māori voices in leadership and policy. While spiritual leaders dominate Indigenous representation, Hiko-Tahuri calls for inclusive frameworks honoring non-religious Māori. Drawing from international instruments and personal advocacy, he urges reform in mental health care, cultural practices, and national recognition of secular Indigenous identities.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The international community has increasingly formalized support for Indigenous peoples through declarations, conventions, and covenants. Some of the most notable include:

  • The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was adopted in 2007.
  • International Labour Organization Convention No. 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries (1989).
  • The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965) includes Indigenous peoples under legal definitions of racial protection.

These instruments serve as essential frameworks for recognizing Indigenous communities’ cultural, environmental, political, and spiritual rights.

Additional international instruments support Indigenous rights, which are not often discussed but are incredibly important.

  • The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) — Article 1 affirms the right to self-determination for all peoples, including Indigenous communities.
  • The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (also 1966) contains articles addressing equality, cultural rights, and the right to participate in social and economic development, which directly apply to Indigenous peoples.
  • The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) — Article 30 affirms the right of Indigenous children to enjoy their culture, religion, and language.
  • The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) — General Recommendation 39 specifically addresses Indigenous women and girls.
  • The Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities (1992) — Affirms collective minority rights, including Indigenous identities.

And there are several region-specific instruments:

  • The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Banjul Charter, 1981) — Article 22 recognizes the right to development, including for Indigenous peoples.
  • The American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (ADRIP, 2016) — Establishes principles for self-identification, cultural preservation, and public participation.
  • UNESCO’s Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) — Recognizes and protects the cultural expressions of Indigenous communities.
  • The Convention on Biological Diversity (1992), Article 8(j), mandates respecting and preserving Indigenous knowledge, innovations, and practices related to conservation and sustainable biodiversity.

So, this is not “nothing.” There’s a body of international law supporting Indigenous rights. Of course, the tension always lies between what is declared and what is implemented. That’s where the evidence and accountability need to come in. From your perspective—within the Māori context—do you see any of these declarations, covenants, or charters shaping Māori–New Zealand relations?

Eru Hiko-Tahuri: To be completely honest, I’ve only ever heard of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). That’s the only one that ever comes up in public conversation or news here. All the others? I haven’t heard of them.

Jacobsen: That’s insightful. If we take secular humanism as a life stance grounded in an empirical moral philosophy that adapts its ethics based on new evidence, do you think Māori secular humanists could lead in implementing or advocating for some of these international declarations?

Hiko-Tahuri: I would like to say yes—but I worry. Like I said before, in our Māori communities, the people who wear collars—the religious leaders—get the leadership roles. People like me, who don’t wear a collar, are less likely to be listened to.

So, Indigenous secular humanists—are not currently in a position of influence when it comes to policy or leadership. And that’s something I think about a lot.

Jacobsen: That’s a critical and complex conversation. It reminds me of my last in-depth interview with David Cook, Maheengun, who has an Anishinaabe background in Canada. He identified as a traditional knowledge keeper—but importantly, was a knowledge keeper. There’s nuance in how Indigenous knowledge and leadership structures function and interact with humanist and secular frameworks. In the North American Indigenous context, the term for that is that you do not have a collar, but you might be a pipe carrier.

Maheengun gave up his status as a pipe carrier because, for him, there was too much dissonance between his humanist, atheist worldview and the expectations that came with that ceremonial role.

That gets into something I do not think anyone’s explored yet: if someone adopts atheism and secular humanism seriously and then steps away from a role like a pipe carrier or traditional knowledge keeper, how does that affect their voice—not just within the community but in broader systems like government-to-government or what is often termed “nation-to-nation” relations in Canada?

Because if someone lacks ceremonial or spiritual status, they often have no formal recognition—and no seat at the table. So, the representatives federal governments see in these discussions tend to be those with supernatural frameworks. That becomes the perceived Indigenous worldview, even though, as we know, many Indigenous people do not subscribe to that at all.

And the same is true for Māori. Significant portions of the population—like in the 634 recognized First Nations bands in Canada—either reject or question those beliefs. Even if, as in your case, they still participate culturally. Yet they are still not always seen as “real Māori” by some.

Where could that conversation go? What questions should we be asking?

Hiko-Tahuri: I’ve been thinking about this one for a long time—and honestly, I still don’t know.

In New Zealand, the government recognizes several iwi—tribal groups—as official representatives. So, if the government wants to consult with Māori, it will go to those groups and their hierarchies. The structure is established and formalized.

But here’s the thing: because those bodies represent the majority, people like me—those without a spiritual or ceremonial role—do not get much say.

That said, I’ve been fortunate. I have working relationships with some of the local tribal leaders. I’ve worked within their organizations, so I know at least they’re getting one different voice in the room—mine. I can say, “Hey, this is something you must consider.”

But that’s not a system-wide thing. It’s very personal. And yes, it isn’t easy to imagine how to scale that and how to make it more inclusive.

These representatives often claim to speak for all of us. But do they? We don’t know.

Jacobsen: That’s a tension in democratic governance, too. No political party or leader truly represents everyone. They represent the most significant percentage of voters in a particular cycle. So even there, you get a majority-of-plurality scenario, not true consensus.

It’s the same dynamic. When a Māori elder with a collar and status comes forward and tells the New Zealand government, “This is what we want as a community,” it’s assumed that their voice is the voice of all Māori.

But that’s not the case.

Hiko-Tahuri: There’s a presumption that doesn’t map cleanly onto European governance models. But most of our iwi—tribal groups—that the government interacts with are democratically elected. It’s not always a traditional hereditary hierarchy. Leaders are often voted in.

Jacobsen: Interesting. So there’s a mix of democratic process and cultural leadership?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, and I wouldn’t say all of those leaders are particularly religious either. Many use religious language or rituals to connect with the people they serve. It’s less about being deeply spiritual and more about resonating with the majority—many of whom are.

Jacobsen: That ties into self-stereotyping and external stereotyping. It becomes a kind of feel-good activism—what I sometimes call “parade activism” instead of “hard-work activism.”

For example, I attended a session at the 69th Commission on the Status of Women—Canada’s Indigenous. There was an Indigenous panel, and a few participants represented Indigenous communities beyond Canada’s borders.

Some arrived in full traditional dress—massive ceremonial headgear and all. Now, that visual shorthand becomes what government officials expect to see. It creates a kind of caricature—but it also becomes self-reinforcing.

That person becomes the “abstract ideal” of what a proper Indigenous representative should look like, and the government becomes the “abstract system” responding to that image. Both sides feel good about the exchange, but it risks becoming performative. It’s not always representative of the range of Indigenous experiences—especially secular ones.

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes,. 

Jacobsen: So it becomes this cycle: “We brought the right Māori to the table,” and “Irepresented the right version of Māori identity.” Everyone walks away satisfied—but it also acts as a brake. You’re pushing the gas and the brake at the same time.

Hiko-Tahuri: Right—and then when someone like me comes forward, without the collar or ceremonial role, they’re seen as the outlier. 

Jacobsen: Like the cranky guy on the porch yelling at the sky. 

Hiko-Tahuri: The Garfield of the meeting, if you will. [Laughs]

Jacobsen: No one wants that person. They’re not the story anyone wants to hear.

Hiko-Tahuri: That reminds me of something recent. The New Zealand Psychological Society referenced my book.

Until now, the society’s approach was based on a framework developed by a respected Māori elder—someone known in cultural and philosophical spaces. He proposed a four-sided model of well-beingwellbeing, likened to a house. It’s used widely in Māori mental health services.

The four sides are physical, family, spiritual, and—something else. But the point is: if you’re working with Māori clients, the model says you must consider all four, including the spiritual.

So, twenty years ago, I went to see a therapist. They used this exact model. We sat down, and they said, “We need to begin with a karakia—a prayer.”

I said, “I’m not religious. I don’t want to pray.”

But their training told them they had to do it. So, I was forced to sit through a religious ritual I didn’t believe in to access mental health care. And worse, I was pressured to participate in that prayer myself. That’s a significant example. It shows how models meant to be inclusive can become exclusionary—especially for Māori who are secular.

Jacobsen: That’s like people being forced to go to AA.

Hiko-Tahuri: I presented to a group of psychologists about a year ago. One of the prominent members—someone involved in the humanist movement here—submitted a formal statement to the New Zealand College of Clinical Psychologists.

He said, “Look, this is a perspective you haven’t considered.” That spiritual requirement—where practitioners were required to begin with a prayer—was challenged. As a result, recommendations have now been made to adjust those protocols to include people who do not believe. That’s one positive change I can point to that came out of it.

Jacobsen: Is the traditional Māori dance called the haka?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, the haka.

Jacobsen: That seems like one of the more benign aspects of cultural tradition, even for someone transitioning ideologically. I don’t see how a dance would be impacted by whether someone is spiritual.

Hiko-Tahuri: No—not at all. The haka isn’t inherently religious. It’s a form of emotional and communal expression. While its origins include warrior preparation, it’s evolved far beyond that.

There are haka for celebrations, mourning, farewells, and graduations. At university ceremonies, if someone Māori walks across the stage, people from their whānau will often leap up from the crowd and perform a haka in celebration. It’s done everywhere, for all kinds of moments. It’s how we express collective feelings—joy, grief, pride, and love.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Mark Carney vs. Donald Trump: Energy Policy, Climate Finance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/11

Yale-trained energy economist Ed Hirs contrasts the leadership and philosophies of Mark Carney and Donald Trump in this in-depth interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen. Hirs highlights Carney’s global credibility and his commitment to sustainable finance, in stark contrast to Trump’s transactional, fossil-fuel-driven approach. Hirs critiques the myth of U.S. energy independence, explains the economic flaws in “Drill, Baby, Drill,” and underscores the long-term viability of renewables. He outlines how market forces, climate data, and energy transition are reshaping global policy—regardless of political shifts. Hirs warns of urgent climate tipping points, echoing voices like Hawking, Keeling, and Nordhaus.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Ed Hirs. He’s a Yale-educated energy economist, an inaugural energy fellow and lecturer at the University of Houston. He teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in energy economics and is widely recognized for offering clear, apolitical analysis on complex energy issues. He is frequently quoted in both national and international media.

Hirs has authored numerous opinion pieces and academic publications on energy markets, energy policy, and corporate governance. He also co-founded and co-chairs the Yale Alumni in Energy conference, an annual event focused on demystifying energy policy and promoting transparent, fact-based discussion free of political spin. He is considered a trusted voice in public discourse on energy finance, the Texas electricity grid, and global energy security.

How would you characterize the ideological and economic policy contrast between Mark Carney and Donald Trump?

Ed Hirs: Well, there’s a difference in style and philosophy, perhaps more than in explicit economic policy. Mark Carney is essentially everything that Donald Trump is not. Carney earned degrees from Harvard and Oxford, where he completed a doctorate in economics. He worked for over a decade at Goldman Sachs, served as Governor of the Bank of Canada from 2008 to 2013, and then as Governor of the Bank of England from 2013 to 2020 — making him the only person to head the central banks of two G7 countries. He guided the Bank of England through Brexit and was a key figure during the global financial recovery. He has advised governments and multilateral institutions and currently serves as the UN Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance.

Carney is a highly competent, globally respected expert in monetary policy, financial markets, and climate finance. He understands that no single individual can dictate the direction of markets. Markets operate on expectations, seek profit, and tend to converge toward equilibrium by closing arbitrage gaps.

President Trump, by contrast, comes from the private real estate sector. He has a contentious and legally complex business history, including multiple bankruptcies. According to public records, several of his casino and hotel ventures failed — most notably, four Atlantic City casinos filed for bankruptcy under his leadership. Trump tends to view large institutions, including banks and central authorities, more transactionally and often antagonistically.

So the contrast in style, substance, and global credibility is clear. I would bet on Carney in a poker game against President Trump any day.

Jacobsen: What do you think of Carney’s advocacy for sustainable investing and his influence on shaping Canada’s international economic policy? How does that contrast with what you might call “Drill, Baby, Drill 2.0”?

Hirs: Carney’s advocacy for sustainable investing is rooted in rigorous economic reasoning and climate risk management. As a central banker and now as the UN Special Envoy, he’s championed the idea that climate risk is financial risk. He helped launch the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures (TCFD), aimed at making companies disclose how climate change impacts their business.

His work supports aligning financial systems with net-zero goals, which stands in direct contrast to extractive-first policies like “Drill, Baby, Drill 2.0,” which prioritize short-term fossil fuel development over long-term sustainability. While the Trump administration rolled back environmental regulations and withdrew from the Paris Agreement, Carney’s approach has been about integrating climate policy into mainstream economic planning and financial regulation.

Even with resistance in places like the United States, the overall trajectory of sustainable investing is forward. Eliminating or defunding climate data collection agencies does not stop global warming or market adaptation. Investing in sustainable energy production is central to future global economic growth, particularly as the Global South develops. Over the next 40 to 50 years, an estimated 2 to 3 billion more people will join the global population — and energy access will be critical to improving their quality of life without worsening the climate crisis.

The development of the Cosmos field offshore Ghana — and the incredible wealth it has generated throughout West African nations — has extended the lifespans of people across the continent. These populations are going to want, and are already moving toward, energy-intensive technologies. They are not going to get Ford F-150s, but they all want iPhones. They all want the Internet. They want safe and reliable food resources.

And so, no matter what the U.S. or Canada does, we are going to have to adapt to what happens across the rest of the world. The Trump administration holds the view that it is not necessary to accommodate either U.S. behavior or global behavior — or to account for the consequences that come from that stance.

Carney, on the other hand, has a different view — one that many developed nations, the EU, and China share: we need to plan ahead. We are seeing more and more weather disasters arise and intensify due to a warming atmosphere. A warmer atmosphere holds more moisture, and when that moisture is released, it causes increasingly devastating effects.

The melting of the polar ice caps is another major concern. Where I grew up, along the U.S. Gulf Coast, the water level is now 16 inches higher on average than it was when I was a child.

Jacobsen: Can you address “Drill, Baby, Drill” as well?

Hirs: Certainly. “Drill, Baby, Drill” is not going to work. The U.S. is currently producing roughly 13 million barrels of oil per day, of which about 2 million barrels per day are light ends — natural gas liquids (NGLs) that sometimes get classified as crude oil.

Texas, for example, has been producing around 4 million barrels a day, mainly from the Permian Basin in West Texas. This oil is light. The U.S. is more than self-sufficient in light grades of crude oil. However, the U.S. refinery system depends on both light oil and heavier grades — including, at times, up to 4 million barrels a day imported from Canada.

So, the U.S. is not energy independent, and it is inaccurate to describe the U.S. as energy independent.

And, in fact, in the tariff war, if Canada decided to stop exporting crude oil to the United States and stop selling electricity down to the United States, the U.S. would be in a heck of a fix. The Midcontinent region would have to find and source refined products from somewhere else. There are not enough power plants in the Northeast or through the Midcontinent Independent System Operator — MISO — for the U.S. to operate independently of Canada.

So, the “Drill, Baby, Drill” issue also relates to the cost of oil. Tight formations require higher prices. The Dallas branch of the Federal Reserve — the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas — published its Energy Survey for the fourth quarter of 2024, and 85% of the respondents said they would not invest or drill new wells at a price below $70 per barrel. That forecast includes the year ahead.

Now, with tariffs on steel 25% higher, the cost of drilling these wells has gone up. The price of oil is somewhere around $60 per barrel at this moment. So, we are going to see the rig count in the United States drop like a rock.

And because these tight formation wells tend to produce nearly 80% of their lifetime output in the first two years, we are going to see a steep decline in U.S. oil production through the end of the year. The “Drill, Baby, Drill” mantra simply will not work at $60 oil or less.

The opening of lands in the Eastern Gulf of Mexico and along the Eastern Seaboard — lands that President Trump had actually removed from drilling and exploration during Trump 1.0 — will not add anything meaningful to U.S. production. It takes too long for companies to evaluate, explore, drill test wells, and then bring them to market — up to 15 years.

Opening up ANWR — the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge — and other Alaskan lands to drilling is not going to help either. That oil needs to sell at $100 per barrel just to make it worth the cost of moving men and material up to Alaska to begin exploration again.

What Trump has asked for from the Saudis is clear — he’s asked for low oil prices, and he’s getting them. During Trump 1.0, the average price of oil was lower than it was during the Obama administration, and lower than it has been during the Biden administration — even setting aside the pandemic-related price suppression.

Trump — more than 30 years ago — was taking out advertorials in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, calling for low oil prices. Essentially, he argued that high oil prices are a tax on living. That idea has been one of his touchstones throughout both his private and public careers. And the Saudis? They are willing to go along with it. They have about 2 million barrels a day of excess production capacity — or production in reserve.

Increasing production at this time is helpful for OPEC+ to punish those member nations that have been cheating on their quotas. So, the low oil price helps Trump. Of course, we saw from his trip to the Middle East that there is a lot of reciprocal investment coming back into the United States from those OPEC members who have made a lot of money over the years. It is a real issue.

In fact, back in 2010, we wrote a paper titled Crude Oil and National Security, where we discussed the rationale for returning to President Eisenhower’s oil import quota system. That system was originally intended to keep the United States relatively oil independent. It was eliminated by Eisenhower’s former Vice President — who by that time was President Richard Nixon — when he struck a deal with OPEC and Saudi Arabia to maintain low oil prices in exchange for an expanded U.S. defense umbrella. That, of course, led to the United States becoming extremely dependent on foreign crude, triggering the Arab oil embargo and everything that followed.

So, this is not just an economic issue — it is truly a national security issue. At the moment, the only way the United States can project naval power and maintain air superiority is with hydrocarbons. You should ask about that.

Jacobsen: YSo, there are those who champion decarbonization efforts — such as Carney and his allies — and others who do not, such as Trump and some of his allies. Will this create tension in energy policy and in foreign relations — binational or multinational?

Hirs: It should not. Keep in mind that during Trump 1.0, a great deal of progress was actually made toward decarbonization of U.S. energy supplies. This was led primarily by the states and state-level initiatives. Also, the extremely low price of natural gas — relative to both oil and coal — pushed coal-fired power plants out of the power stack across America and reduced the use of liquid petroleum products.

So, natural gas has become the bridge fuel, the substitute fuel. In Texas, for example, we are seeing extreme growth in both wind and solar energy — although the legislature is about to pass a bill to try to slow that down. But Texas — the home and oil capital of the world — currently has the largest utility-scale solar fleet and the largest utility-scale wind fleet in the country. Soon, it will have the largest battery storage fleet as well.

This is a substitution of electrification for hydrocarbon fuels. And as economists, we know that the low marginal cost producer wins out in the end. Because there is no fuel cost for wind or solar, those technologies will undercut natural gas, oil, and coal over time. That is where we are heading.

It is called the transition for a reason. It is not going to be smooth. Everything that is happening in Washington — and in Texas, for example — is making sure that it is not smooth.

Jacobsen: And there is, quite frankly, a lot of science fiction that has gone into energy commentary over the decades. Figures like Isaac Asimov and others — humanist figures — were big on this.

Carl Sagan and Isaac Asimov — both humanist figures and major public science educators. One was more of a writer than a practicing scientist, but regardless, some of their legacies are being carried forward today by the American scientific community — by people like Neil deGrasse Tyson, Bill Nye, and others.

So, we still have these public figures who speak about science, energy, and the future. One big topic that has always come up in that commentary, especially in the science fiction context, is the Kardashev scale.

And so, in that larger picture, solar is pretty much the endgame — in terms of any advanced civilization’s energy source. The question, then, is: will this transition happen before climate change renders life unsustainably livable? I know Chomsky had a different phrasing for it.

Hirs: And that was one of Stephen Hawking’s final warnings — that humankind would eventually fry itself, through the generation of electricity and the misuse of AI. He may yet be right about that.

At our recent conference at Yale — just two months ago — we had Bill Nordhaus, one of my former professors and a Nobel laureate in climate economics, as well as my classmate and dorm mate Ralph Keeling — the scientist behind the Keeling Curve for CO₂ levels in the atmosphere. They had never met before. Yet they referenced each other’s work in their presentations. A physics major like Ralph had no reason to visit the econ department back in the day, so we finally brought them together. That was pretty cool after almost 50 years.

Now, going back to the Kardashev scale, at the time we were estimated to be around a Type 0.7 civilization — which is kind of cute. But the reality is more urgent. We know that we have now surpassed the 1.5°C global warming threshold.

Ralph Keeling’s projections show that if we do not begin actively reducing CO₂ in the atmosphere within the next five years, and if we do not act dramatically, we will not be able to avoid breaching the 2°C warming limit.

Jacobsen: I remember when President George H. W. Bush dismissed concerns about the ozone hole, which was caused by fluorocarbons.

Hirs: Yes — fluorocarbons. Apparently, what led him to change his mind was personal experience. While at his usual summer retreat — the Walker Point Compound in Kennebunkport, Maine — he got a blistering sunburn on his head because the ozone hole had extended over the bay. He got cooked.

Jacobsen: Is that kind of personal impact still relevant today?

Hirs: Yes, absolutely.

Jacobsen: So, when I talk to businesspeople and economists — especially those outside environmental fields — they often speak about stability as if it were a guiding principle, even if they do not state it directly. So, it is probably fair to say: markets and business love stability.

Do you think Trump will eventually provide some stability for the energy sector, particularly in supporting a more sustainable future? Or no?

Hirs: I do not see it coming in this term. Certainly, in his first term, Trump was actively pushing for low oil prices. But of course, when oil prices are low, the economic incentive to shift to alternatives — like wind and solar — diminishes. So, in that sense, he was undercutting the transition to more sustainable energy sources.

Eventually, I expect to see the shift occur — with or without Trump. I view the current situation as a temporary slowdown. There is a 1.3-gigawatt solar farm about to be commissioned north of Dallas. It covers 18,000 acres. That 1.3 gigawatts of capacity will be supported by just 12 full-time employees — six of whom are shepherds who manage the land and livestock grazing beneath the panels.

By comparison, a 1.3-gigawatt nuclear power plant would require around 500 or more employees. A coal-fired power plant would need slightly fewer than that, but it also faces serious materials handling issues — coal coming in, ash going out, and water remediation processes.

Natural gas power plants, particularly the newer models, are essentially jet engines. They require maybe 100 to 200 employees per gigawatt unit. So when you look at the operating costs of these different power plants, along with fuel costs, the economics clearly favor wind and solar — especially as battery storage technology improves and the cost of battery installations continues to drop. 1.3 gigawatts is enough to power close to a million American homes.

It’s a huge amount of energy. Of course, in Texas, it might not quite power a million homes — because, well, we run the air conditioner too damn much.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Ed.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Take It Slow, Allan’s Parkinson’s Disease

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/10

I remember a dad once, Allan.

It was home, town.

He used to always show up at the events in town.

There were a whole series of events around and with him.

But never too directly, one time, he set me up for a date with his kid, gave me twenty Canadian bucks: “Everyone needs to get laid.”

Wow! Cool dads are often the most inappropriate dads.

They — the child of his — were good-looking.

I even smoked a cigarette, after the date, to impress this kid of his,

who was older than me.

Man: So hip, so cool, so… cough, cough-cough.

Intermittently, I found out from others.

He had bipolar disorder.

Later, he was estranged from his kids.

Still later, he was suffering from Parkinson’s Disease.

I hadn’t seen him in years.

Years, and years, later, I was working at a local restaurant as a dishwasher. I remember talking with one of the staffers who mentioned old Allan.

“Allan,” that Allan? My.

He had moved to the island, they said.

His disease had progressed, they said.

He died, a couple years prior, they said.

Allan was dead. No goodbyes.

He trained as a Jesuit priest, had a crisis of faith or something, developed more explicit bipolar, became a counselling psychologist, and died from the eventualities of Parkinson’s Disease, likely, estranged, for sure.

No goodbye for Allan was dead.

“Everyone needs to get laid.”

Well, everyone is laid to rest,

Allan, a dad, once.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Rise, Crisis, and Continuity of Nathan J. Robinson’s Current Affairs Magazine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/09

Nathan Robinson’s articles, and Current Affairs generally, have been con­sistently challen­ging and thought-provoking, with incisive critique and informative discussion, lucid and provocative, and focused on well-chosen issues of major significance. I find myself regularly recommend­ing Robinson’s articles to others, and re-reading them myself. Unusually valuable contributions.

Prof. Noam Chomsky

Current Affairs is one of few superb places to go to get moral and spiritual depth combined with crucial progressive analysis and vision in a decadent American culture! The rich legacies of Martin Luther King, Jr., Noam Chomsky and Barbara Ehrenreich are alive in this marvelous magazine.

Dr. Cornel West

Nathan J. Robinson and Current Affairs are con­sistently ex­cellent, writing at a very high standard, and offering serious and compelling alternative perspectives. Very worth following and reading.

Glenn Greenwald

Yes, Nathan is a brazen hypocrite who would be leading the righteous denunciation if this happened to anyone else. The schadenfreude is merited. But the left has created a deranged, self-immolating culture where nobody can survive… Over and over, left-wing spaces destroy themselves. They’re impotent, can’t achieve anything, so turn on each other to feel strong and meaningful. But they can only raise their fist over cheap, performative theater. The puritanical rules they’ve imposed ensure self-destruction... Nathan is reaping what he sowed, just like Scott Stringer, Dianne Morales and so many others. The Frankenstein they unleash to sadistically destroy others eventually comes to eat them. Nathan is a mewling, obsequious socialist, but in this sick leftist prism, he’s Jeff Bezos.

Glenn Greenwald

We are sad, aghast, betrayed, and of course, angry to realize that this person we trusted has been lying to us for years. We, a small staff composed entirely of women and non-binary people, have faithfully worked to make Current Affairs the beautiful, engaging leftist magazine and podcast that it is.

Current Affairs Open Letter

Dr. Nathan Robinson earned a J.D. from Yale Law School. He completed his Ph.D. in Sociology and Social Policy at Harvard University in May 2022. He is a libertarian socialist. He advocates for workers’ rights, democratic workplaces, and anti-capitalist principles. He writes on a wide range of socialist subjects.

He founded the publication Current Affairs in 2015 with Oren Nimni. The original 2015 Kickstarter campaign raised $16,607, surpassing its $10,000 goal. Nimni serves as Legal Editor. Currently, it is based out of New Orleans, Louisiana. It is published as a bimonthly left-wing magazine with thousands of subscribers. It carries no advertising. It is funded by subscriptions and donations.

For about 6 years, things were good, until alleged firings and a worker co-op dispute happened. It involved Dr. Robinson, Allegra Silcox (Business Manager), Lyta Gold (Managing and Amusements Editor), Kate Christian Gauthreaux (Administrative Assistant), Aisling McCrea (Former Podcast Producer), and Cate Root (Poet at Large).

Staff alleged the triggering event was a Zoom meeting on August 7, 2021. There were discussions for a “more democratic workplace” for more than a year on a continuous basis. Robinson perceived the proposed changes as disregarding his vision for Current Affairs.

On August 8, 2021, staff were locked out of Slack. They received emails. The emails requested resignations. Alternatively, he offered “honorary titles.” The titles came with no governance power. Staff perceived this as de factoterminations. No prior notice was given.

No performance improvement plans were provided. Standard practice gives a two-week performance improvement period. However, it is not legally required in all employment contexts, especially for at-will employees in the U.S. Staff claimed being fired for attempts to restructure Current Affairs to a worker-owned cooperative reducing the unilateral control of Dr. Robinson.

The former staff members published a public letter in August, 2021, linked by Lyta Gold. Their central allegation hinged on single statement. “We were fired by the editor-in-chief of a socialist magazine for trying to start a worker co-op.”

The letter highlighted the perceived hypocrisy of Dr. Robinson by staff members based on public socialist advocacy, i.e., holding disproportionate power, lack of responsiveness, and prolonged absenteeism. Several portions are indicative:

Yes, we were fired by the editor-in-chief of a socialist magazine for trying to start a worker co-op… Nathan became agitated… behaved in a hostile manner… started removing people from the company Slack… sent letters requesting resignations, eliminating positions… offering new ‘honorary titles’ which would have no say in governance… he admitted that he simply did not want Current Affairs to be a democratic workplace… he wrote: ‘I think I should be on top of the org chart, with everyone else selected by me and reporting to me’… We note darkly that he says ‘egalitarian community of friends,’ and not, of course, a workplace… he has effectively fired us for organizing for better work conditions… we are sad, aghast, betrayed… Nathan J. Robinson can write articles and give speeches, but… he simply isn’t up to the task… We have no better explanation for Nathan’s behavior than any of you, but it is clear to us now that this is simply the most extreme event in a pattern of controlling and dishonest actions that began long before this sequence of events and has created an untenable situation for the workers… this feels like a light going out.

Dr. Robinson’s responses changed over time. The initial response, he claims to have “irreparably lost faith” in his staff’s ability to collaborate effectively. Within the first 24 hours, Robinson changed the position, while retracting the original response. Now, he still supported a democratic workplace, but went against a co-op structure. He considered Current Affairs “purely” his project and not a collectively governed entity, but an “egalitarian community of friends.”

He acknowledged personal leadership and shortcomings in this. At the same time, he maintained general support for labour organizing elsewhere. He did not address the hypocrisy allegations directly. Dr. Robinson took three actions. He:

  1. requested resignation of three staffers.
  2. reassigned an employee’s title.
  3. offered a contractor a different role.

On August 19, 2021, the board of directors issued a public statement. No staff had been ‘officially’ fired, while severance discussions were ongoing. Subsequently, Current Affairs was announced as on hiatus on Twitter (now X) by Vanessa A. Bee.

Uncertainty for the future of the magazine surrounded this hiatus. Dr. Robinson began reconciliatory efforts. He offered reinstatement of staff positions. Earlier, in February 2021, The Guardian discontinued Robinson’s U.S. opinion column. The discontinuation followed a satirical tweet about U.S. military aid to Israel.

He struggled with severance negotiations and the maintenance of the organizational community. On August 13, Dr. Robinson proposed $234,352 (USD) in severance. Staff remained on the payroll through September, 2021; bylaws prevented formal terminations. Five departing staffers received severances totaling $76,014. This was about 34% of the magazine’s cash reserves. They remained on payroll through September 2021 per board bylaws.

Yasmin Nair alludes to departing staff spreading falsehoods; further, those leading to online harassment of Robinson and financial harm to the magazine. Direct causal connection and financial specifics remain unconfirmed. Structural and vision disagreements were the dispute, not ideological betrayal.

The staff’s push for a co-op structure aligned with progressive values and Dr. Robinson’s stipulated values. The tension between individual centralized authority and collective governance showed in the story. Since 2023, no major developments on this particular narrative. He co-authored The Myth of American Idealism with Prof. Noam Chomsky in 2024. Currently, Current Affairs is operational and Dr. Robinson retains status as Editor-in-Chief.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Case of Dr. Christopher DiCarlo: ‘We Are All African’ and the Clash of Science, Culture, and Academia

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/09

On November 1, 2005, Dr. Christopher DiCarlo taught a sessional course at Southern Ontario university on critical thinking, an area of expertise for him. A sessional (freelance) faculty member is part of the academic precariat.

He freelanced for six to seven years between three universities in Ontario. He won a teaching award at the University of Guelph. On the board, he wrote a distinct scientific fact, succinct and scientifically grounded: “We are all African.” The singular form shows all humans share a single ancestral origin. Using the Genographic Project DNA kit on his son Matt, they traced their lineage through Italy to ancestral roots in Africa.

He wrote this to illustrate human beings’ shared genetic legacy and broader ancestry. The purpose was pedagogical to spark critical discussion among 93 students. The pedagogical decision was grounded in research. Research DiCarlo had done at Harvard and Spencer Wells’ Genographic Project.

There was immediate pushback from a student. They asked, “Yeah, but how do you know that?” It is a good moment to educate people on human ancestry from scientific facts. An Indigenous student questioned, “But my people would not accept that… Who is right–their creation stories or the scientific evidence?”

He pitched a cross-cultural dialogue, inviting Indigenous elders and scientific colleagues to engage in respectful debate—a proposal that received applause and was warmly welcomed by the class. Although Indigenous elders were invited, none ultimately joined the class, and no further dialogue took place.

On November 11, 2005, Dr. DiCarlo got a letter. A letter stating two Christian fundamentalist students and one Indigenous student collaborated–all women. The three alleged that by using the phrase, DiCarlo was promoting racism and Eurocentrism. The letter was from the Associate Dean of Southern Ontario University.

In mid-November 2005, the university retracted the tenure-track critical thinking position. It was a new position. DiCarlo was shortlisted for the position, which ended his candidacy. No public explanation for the position retraction was provided. Pre-retraction, he met with the university Vice President to review the job description of the new tenure-track job.

In late 2005, Dr. DiCarlo filed a grievance to the faculty union. The grievance produced internal emails showing the university’s violation of the collective agreement. They failed to shortlist and interview him, as required. The absence of this protocol breached the collective agreement.

In early December 2005, the university negotiated a confidential settlement with Dr. DiCarlo–no arbitration. A nominal financial settlement was given under a non-disclosure agreement, which barred public defence or admission of wrongdoing. On January 16, 2007, he gave a lecture entitled “We Are All African: Our Greatest Discovery,” at York University’s Calumet College.

In September 2008, he received the UOIT Complementary Faculty Teaching Award and TVO’s Big Ideas Best Lecturer in Ontario Award. Dr. DiCarlo considers this episode an early instance of cancel culture in academia. After the incident, he created the “We Are All African” T-shirt and wore it to a conference. Reactions differed. An African-American attendee supported it.

He wrote an article in Free Inquiry entitled “We Are All African! Can scientific proof of our commonality save us?” The purpose was to show a case against privileging any origin mythology over another. He went on a cross-Canadian speaker circuit with the “We Are All African” message.

He was a Visiting Research Scholar at Harvard’s Department of Anthropology and Peabody Museum. He did research. Two notable papers were produced: The Comparative Brain: The Evolution of Human Reasoning and The Evolution of Religion: Why Many Need to Believe in Deities, Demons, and the Unseen.

Now, Dr. DiCarlo is the Principal and Founder of Critical Thinking Solutions, Ethics Chair for the Canadian Mental Health Association, and Expert Advisor for the Centre for Inquiry Canada. He is also focused on AI, a Senior Researcher and Ethicist at Convergence Analysis, and a lifetime member of Humanist Canada.

He observed a trend. Other university philosophy departments ceased offering critical thinking courses. He considers himself one of the first “canceled casualties” in Canadian academia. Dr. DiCarlo’s case showcases academic inquiry and pedagogy can become vulnerable to ideological conflict. A conflict bound to institutional structures, even if the position is grounded in evidence and inclusivity.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Godless but Not Cultureless: Māori Atheism, Identity, and the Quiet Challenge to Norms

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/09

Part 3 of 5

Eru Hiko-Tahuri, a Māori creative and author of Māori Boy Atheist, explores his journey from religious upbringing to secular humanism. Hiko-Tahuri discusses cultural tensions as a Māori atheist, advocating for respectful integration of Māori values like manaakitanga and whanaungatanga within secular contexts. Hiko-Tahuri reflects on being Māori and openly atheist in a culture where spiritual belief is assumed. Facing teasing, coded dismissal, and social tension, he challenges the stereotype that atheism is “white,” advocating for Indigenous humanism rooted in values, participation, and honest identity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In the North American Indigenous context, something that often happens is this: to reject the common beliefs—whether those are traditional spiritual systems or Christian indoctrination brought through colonization—is usually seen as rejecting Indigenous identity itself.

Because of colonization, many Indigenous people in Canada and the US identify as Christian. So, if you’re an Indigenous atheist, it’s often seen as adopting a “white” belief—or, I guess, more precisely, a white rejection of religion. Atheism is framed as a white thing.

Eru Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, I’ve come across that sentiment here, too. I’ve had family members say similar things when I tell them I’m going to speak at an atheist group or do an interview like this. They’ll say something like, “Oh yes, that’s you, and your funny white friend,” or “That’s your weird white thing.”

Jacobsen: [Laughs] So there’s a little dig, but it’s not hostile?

Hiko-Tahuri: It’s more of a friendly poke than a grave insult. There’s no real malice behind it. It’s like a teasing jab, not a deep cut.

Jacobsen: And at least they’re not using racial slurs like you’d sometimes hear in North America—words like “cracker”thrown around with some edge to them.

Hiko-Tahuri: Right, it’s gentler here—more of a soft ribbing than anything else.

Jacobsen: I’ve heard similar things from North American Indigenous people. Atheism is often perceived as white, so any Indigenous person who identifies that way is viewed as having abandoned their roots—when really, they’re just thinking independently.

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes. That’s the dynamic. But honestly, I don’t care what other people think. I do me. I don’t have the energy to worry about other people’s opinions of me. If something comes up—and it rarely does—I’ll deal with it then. But in the meantime, I live my life.

Hiko-Tahuri: I won’t worry about what the rest of the Māori community thinks about me. I was even on Māori Television, here in Aotearoa, talking openly about being an atheist.

One of the more common comments I received afterwards was, “Oh, he needs to learn more about his culture.”

Jacobsen: This is a sophisticated way of saying, “He’s ignorant of our ways—therefore, he doesn’t accept our ways.” It’s a coded dismissal.

Hiko-Tahuri: Ironically, I practice more of our customs, speak more Te Reo, and participate more fully in the culture than many people making those comments.

Jacobsen: So, would you say that reaction is patronizing within the Māori community?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes. That’s precisely what it is.

Another interesting thing is how certain people are automatically respected in the Māori community based on appearance. For example, if you’re an older Māori man wearing a clerical collar—any religious collar, regardless of denomination—you’re automatically afforded the status of someone to be respected.

Jacobsen: For clarity, could that collar belong to a Christian denomination or another tradition?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, it doesn’t matter what religion it is. If you wear the collar, you get that reverence. And I’ve met some of those men—they’re not particularly insightful or wise. I wouldn’t trust them to lead anything other than a church service. But because they hold that religious role, they’re treated with deference. So they’re seen as kaumātua—elders—because of the position, not because of actual wisdom or age.

You can be a 30-year-old wearing a collar and be treated like an elder. That’s one of my frustrations with how religion plays out in some Māori spaces.

Jacobsen: Would you distinguish here—again, using international terminology but applying it to a Māori-specific context—between indigeneity as culture and indigeneity as religion?

Because what I’ve come across in other interviews is a concept some call “Indigenous humanism.” It’s a framework where people continue participating in Indigenous practices—storytelling, ritual, community events—but without the supernatural belief component.

But on the flip side, I’ve also seen some Indigenous frameworks begin to mirror structured religions: hierarchy, sacred texts, holy oral traditions, and supernatural entities—almost resembling traditional Abrahamic models with “gods,” sacred teachings, powers, principalities, and so on.

Some Indigenous atheists and humanists I’ve spoken with are worried about this trend—a kind of religious revival forming around indigeneity itself. Their concern is that it could become dogmatic and undermine secular and Enlightenment-based thinking.

Hiko-Tahuri: I get what you’re saying. I haven’t seen that happening here, at least not in a widespread or formalized way. But part of that could be numbers. You’d need a critical mass of people adopting that framework for it to take shape. 

It’s less about isolated belief and more about institutionalization. It doesn’t evolve into that kind of system if you don’t have the numbers, but I understand the concern. Once belief systems become formalized, there’s always the risk that they become exclusionary or dogmatic.

We do not have that many of us, so we have not even had the chance to break ourselves into different “types” of atheists. We have not even come together for a group chat to discuss our thoughts. So no, I have not seen anything like that fragmentation yet because we are such a tiny group in New Zealand.

There has not been enough critical mass within atheism to split into more specific beliefs or approaches.

Jacobsen: If your initial feeling after publishing the book was one of relief—and the reaction was much more subdued than anticipated—do you now see people entering the atheist or humanist space, especially Māori, with this almost irrational sense of fear, only to realize, “Oh… it’s fine. It’s not a big deal”?

Hiko-Tahuri: Honestly? No, we do not even really see that reaction. Because so few people talk about it publicly. When we gather, we have roles to fill. We are there to work—we have responsibilities. There is no time to sit and have long philosophical debates about belief.

Jacobsen: That sounds like a cultural distinction. Take something like the Catholic Church—they gather, sit, listen, and sing. It is contemplative. But you are describing something very different.

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes. For example, there is much to do if we’re at the marae. We have protocols, hospitality, food to prepare, cleaning, hosting—so much practical work. We do not pause to reflect or debate belief systems during those moments.

At most, you might hear someone say, “Oh yeah, that cousin over there’s a bit different—he doesn’t believe in God.” And that’s it. That’s probably as deep as it goes.

Jacobsen: So the culture itself, in those moments, emphasizes function and participation over theology.

Hiko-Tahuri: We are caught up in the activity of the occasion, not in philosophical contemplation about the universe’s origins.

Jacobsen: So—what was the general reaction to the book? Good, bad, ugly, neutral, controlling?

Hiko-Tahuri: [Laughs] Honestly? Most people I knew contacted me to say, “Why am I not in it?”

Most reactions were driven by self-interest—”little me” stuff. Many people who read the book were curious if they were in it. A lot of the feedback was, “Oh yeah, that’s just you being you.” I’ve always been considered a bit weird anyway.

Jacobsen: [Laughs] Familiar.

Hiko-Tahuri: Other than that, people would say things like, “I never thought about that,” or “I didn’t know you couldn’t believe in God.” Because belief is so deeply embedded in Māori identity from such a young age.

Jacobsen: Is it similar to beliefs around wairua—the spiritual essence or spirit?

Hiko-Tahuri: Very much so. Wairua—the spiritual dimension—permeates everything. It’s so ingrained that when someone steps outside of it or says, “I don’t believe in that,” it’s beyond what many people are prepared to consider. They ignore it. It’s too far outside the norm to process.

Jacobsen: Did the book catalyze others—within the community or the broader New Zealand public—to come forward or speak out?

Hiko-Tahuri: I don’t know. I don’t want to claim that other Māori atheists came out because of my book. I can’t say that for sure. But we have a Facebook group called Atua Kore, which means “godless.” It has about 500 members now.

Jacobsen: That’s a solid number.

Hiko-Tahuri: It is. And yes, we’ve had a few people post in that group announcing that they’re atheists—that they’d made the decision, and it was huge for them. That happened after the book came out, but I won’t say it was because of it. I don’t know.

Jacobsen: Are there any prominent atheist or humanist figures in New Zealand generally—Māori or otherwise?

Hiko-Tahuri: No real high-profile names come to mind. One of the cultural dynamics in New Zealand is what we call “tall poppy syndrome”—we tend to cut down the people who stick out. So, self-promotion is frowned upon here. You don’t boast; you don’t elevate yourself. You keep your head down.

Jacobsen: Honestly, North America could use a little more of that.

Hiko-Tahuri: [Laughs] Maybe! But because of that, unless you’re already in the community, you’ve probably never heard of any of our local atheists or humanists.

Jacobsen: Are there any other books, aside from yours, by Māori atheists?

Hiko-Tahuri: Not yet.

Jacobsen: That’s wild. Okay, let me put this on the record: open offer. If we can gather around 100,000 words’ worth of conversations with Māori atheists, agnostics, or humanists—fully inclusive—I’ll help compile it. You can tell me your life story, “coming out,” and reflections. No pressure.

Hiko-Tahuri: That sounds good.

Jacobsen: It’s an ironic “coming-to-Jesus” phrase. [Laughs] But really, the point would be to normalize it. To show that being a Māori atheist isn’t a big deal—it’s just one way of being. That #NormalizeAtheism message. You’ve got 500 members in the Whakapono Kore group. Surely, some would be up for it.

Hiko-Tahuri: Maybe. But I don’t know how many would want to go public. That’s always the challenge. Out of those 500 members in the Atua Kore group, I know about four people willing to speak publicly.

Jacobsen: So basically, the secretary, vice president, president, and treasurer?

Hiko-Tahuri: [Laughs] Pretty much—except we’re not that organized. It’s not even my group; someone else started it. I’m just a member like everyone else.

Jacobsen: What is the Taranaki Maunga?

Hiko-Tahuri: Oh yes, I am granting personhood to the mountain. That’s an environmental protection mechanism more than a spiritual or belief-based one. It’s a legal framework designed to safeguard the mountain.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Global Wars by Decade: From Somalia’s 1991 Conflict to the Gaza War (2023)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/04

What are the major active wars worldwide since 1991 and how have they evolved by decade?

The Nature of War

War is an organized, armed, and often prolonged conflict that is carried on between states, nations, or other parties typified by extreme aggression, social disruption, and usually high mortality… War should be understood as an actual, intentional and widespread armed conflict between political communities, and it is defined as a form of political violence.

LibreTexts (Sociology)

War is nothing but a continuation of politics with the admixture of other means.

Carl von Clausewitz

Narrative Blocs and Media Focus

The Western world—the EU and NATO–focuses on certain narratives relevant to its sphere of concern. From a broader perspective, most of the world’s major blocs do so too. There are a lot. They fall into reasonably distinct categories, though, and often come in brief acronyms and initialisms.

It can be political‑economic unions [1], security alliances [2], additional trade blocs [3], religious traditions [4], or transnational ideologies [5]. Individuals seek others like them. These individuals become people groups. Those groups become blocs with a common philosophy and substantial net vectors for sociopolitical will. The West’s primary foci war-wise are Israel-Palestine and Russia-Ukraine now.

However, we can become bogged down in the details. The wider vantage point is more precise about the combat balance and indicates, by contrast, the sheer volume of international news that Western mainstream media excludes.

The wars in Ukraine and Gaza are active and the major emphases for Western media. Other contemporary and ongoing wars are the Somali Civil War, Mexican Drug War, Boko Haram Insurgency, Syrian Civil War, Mali War, Central African Republic Civil War, Yemeni Civil War, War in Burkina Faso, Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon, Insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Myanmar Civil War, M23 Rebellion in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sudanese Civil War.

These are active. They are listed by the earliest beginning year event–1991–to the most recent. This is the current major state of the world at war. By which is meant, the major wars happening in the world, which are extant. These are presented as a chronology.

Circa 1990s: “Post–Cold War Fragmentation”

The Somali Civil War began in 1991 and continues. It followed the collapse of the Siad Barre regime. The war is between the Federal Government of Somalia, AMISOM/ATMIS peacekeepers (ATMIS replaced AMISOM in 2022) and U.S./E.U. forces against Islamists (mostly Al-Shabab). About 500,000 people have been killed in either direct combat or war-related famine and disease. Millions are internally displaced, with the newest waves in 2011 and 2016. Guerrilla warfare is common. Al-Shabab conducted attacks on Mogadishu.

Circa 2000s: “The War on Drugs and New Insurgencies”

The Mexican Drug War began in December 2006 with President Calderón deploying federal troops against cartels. The war is between the Mexican armed forces and federal police with the U.S. Mérida Initiative support against the Sinaloa, Juárez, Gulf, and other cartels. There were more than 60,000 homicides by 2012 and more than 120,000 by 2013, with 115,000 killed between 2007 and 2018. Twenty-seven thousand people are reported missing. There is sporadic internal displacement in cartel strongholds. Violence continues. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world. Cartels are fragmenting, and new groups are emerging.

The Boko Haram Insurgency began in July 2009, primarily in Nigeria-Lake Chad. The Nigerian government and regional militaries are fighting Boko Haram and a splinter ISIS-affiliated ISWAP. Tens of thousands have been killed, with UN/AID estimates at 35,000 killed. There are 2.6 million people displaced across Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. Boko Haram remains active, while Nigerian and regional forces remain active.

Circa 2010s: “Arab Spring, Sahel Unrest & Hybrid Wars”

The Syrian Civil War began in March 2011. It started with anti-Assad protests. Assad government was backed by Iran and Russia, who fought opposition factions of the Free Syrian Army, HTS, Kurdish Forces, and ISIS. More than 580,000 have been killed, up to 613,000 in other estimates, with ~100,000 missing. There are 7.2 million internally displaced people. 16.7 million need humanitarian support. Transitional justice forces have formed.

The Mali War began in January 2012. It began on January 16th, 2012. The Malian government and the French Barkhane (2013-22), UN MINUSMA, and Russian Wagner are fighting against the MNLA Tuareg separatists, AQIM, JNIM, and IS-Sahel. Several ten thousand have been killed, with 428 peacekeeper fatalities since MINUSMA’s inception. There are more than 333,000 internally displaced people and 118,000 refugees, with 5 million displaced regionally in the Sahel.

The Central African Republic Civil War began in December 2012. The war is between the CAR government supported by Rwandan and Russian (Wagner) contingents against the Séléka rebel coalition, Anti‑Balaka militias, and CPC rebels. Thousands have been killed. 147 UN peacekeepers have been killed. More than 10,000 children have been recruited as combatants. There are more than 1.1 million internally displaced people. 3.4 million need assistance.

The Russo-Ukrainian War began in February 2014, with the full-scale invasion on February 24th, 2022. The war is between Ukraine, with NATO and EU support primarily, and the Russian Federation, with DPR/LPR proxies. The estimated deaths are 70,935 for Ukraine and 164,885-237,221 for Russia. The total killed/wounded is estimated at 400,000 for Ukraine and 700,000 for Russia. Civilians have been 13,134 killed and 31,867 injured. There are 3.7 million internally displaced people and 6.8 million refugees abroad.

The Yemeni Civil War started in September 2014. It is between the Houthi-led Supreme Political Council with Saleh loyalists and the Presidential Leadership Council with STC southerners with backing from the Saudi-led coalition. AQAP and ISIL are active. The UN estimates are 230,000 deaths by December 2020, includes indirect deaths. There have been 19,196 civilian casualties by March 2022 and 85,000 child fatalities between 2015-18. There are about 4.8 million internally displaced people and 0.7 million refugees abroad. An uneven truce is somewhat holding circa April 2022. 18.2 million need aid, and the UN-brokered talks have stalled.

The War in Burkina Faso began in August 2015. The war is between the Burkina Faso armed forces plus Juntas/ECOWAS mediator against the AQIM, JNIM, Al-Mourabitoune, and the Ansaroul Islam. There have been more than 20,000 civilians and combatants killed since 2015. There are more than 2 million internally displaced people.

The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon began on September 9th, 2017. The fighting is between the Cameroonian government and the Ambazonian separatists. There have been 800-1,000 combatant deaths and more than 6,000 civilian deaths by January 2023. There have been 700,000 internally displaced people and more than 63,800 refugees in Nigeria. It is currently at a stalemate.

The Insurgency in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique on October 5th, 2017. The fighting is against the Mozambican government forces, the SADC-Rwanda/South Africa contingents plus Wagner until 2019, DAG, Paramount, and FSG against the Ansar al-Sanna/IS-CAP militants. There have been 4,851 killed, including 2,078 civilians. There are 400,000 internally displaced people.

Circa 2020s: “Post‑Pandemic Coups & New Flashpoints”

The Myanmar Civil War began in February 2021. The coup escalated to a nationwide civil war. There is fighting between the military junta (SAC) against the National Unity Government’s PDF and ethnic armed organizations (KIA, AA, TNLA, and others). There have been more than 75,000 total killed (UN), with more than 6,000 civilians killed. More than 3 million people have been displaced, with over 40,000 refugees and 17.6 million needing humanitarian aid.

The M23 Rebellion in the DR Congo began in March 2022. It is a fight between FARDC (plus UN MONUSCO) against M23 rebels allied with Rwanda-backed M23 factions. Hundreds have been killed between 2022 and 2025. War crimes and abuses like rape have been committed, including executions. There are 180,000 displaced from Kibumba and more than a million displaced in North Kivu.

The Sudanese Civil War began on April 15th, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (Burhan) and the Rapid Support Forces (Hemedti). Estimated dead are thousands, and precise estimates are uncertain. There are 9.1 million internally displaced people, with 1.2 million by the end of 2023. This is the most significant internal displacement globally.

The Gaza War began on October 7th, 2023. It is between the Israel defence Forces against Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. More than 30,000 Palestinians have been killed, with about 1,200 Israelis killed, including soldiers and civilians. About 250 hostages were taken. An estimated 1.4 million have been internally displaced in Gaza.

This snapshot of major wars and global blocs is necessarily provisional, but highlights narratives, alliances, and conflicts intertwine in the world.

[1] The African Union, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab League, ASEAN, BRICS, G7, G20, Non‑Aligned Movement, Commonwealth of Nations, ECOWAS, EAC, COMESA, CEN‑SAD, IGAD, Union for the Mediterranean, SADC, AMU, ACP.

[2] Collective Security Treaty Organization, ANZUS, Five Eyes, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, AUKUS, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Gulf Cooperation Council, and economic cartels like OPEC

[3] APEC, Mercosur, Pacific Alliance, USMCA, RCEP, CPTPP, CARICOM, Union of South American Nations, CIS, African Continental Free Trade Area, Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, Andean Community, EAEU, EFTA, SAARC, South Asian Free Trade Area, and BIMSTEC.

[4] Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Sunni and Shia Islam, Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism.

[5] Communism/Socialism, Confucian cultural sphere, Pan‑Africanism, Pan‑Arabism.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Body Language Builds Emotional Intimacy in Relationships: Insights from Therapist Patricia Bathurst, LMFT

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/03

Patricia Bathurst is a Licensed Marriage and Family Therapist (LMFT) working at The Oasis Addiction Treatment Center in California. She provides therapeutic services for individuals dealing with a range of issues including addiction, trauma, anxiety, depression, relationship conflict, dual diagnosis, and LGBTQ+ issues. Her approach integrates evidence-based practices with compassionate support tailored to life transitions, grief, self-esteem, and emotional regulation. She highlights the importance of body language in emotional intimacy, addressing cues of unresolved tension, gender differences, rebuilding trust, and the challenges posed by digital communication.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How does body language contribute to emotional intimacy?

Patricia Bathurst: Body language contributes significantly to emotional intimacy. Soft eye contact, a gentle touch on the arm, or simply leaning in close to someone while listening to them speak can all create a sense of closeness with another human being. 

Jacobsen: What are nonverbal cues showing unresolved tension in couples?

Bathurst: The nonverbal cues that are related to unresolved tension include physical distance. A person may cross their arms, avoid eye contact with their partner, or turn away while their partner is speaking.

Sometimes the signs are quite small, though. A person may not realize that they are communicating their tension via their body language. 

Jacobsen: How do you help them become aware of their body language with their partner?

Bathurst: I often ask them to pay attention to their body language. Most people don’t really pay much attention to it. Awareness is the first step in making a change. 

Jacobsen: What examples of body language reflect trust and emotional safety?

Bathurst: Body language that reflects emotional safety and trust includes leaning in towards somebody during conversation and making eye contact with them. Smiling at them is another big one. 

Jacobsen: Are there notable gender differences in body language interpretation in romantic contexts?

Bathurst: Yes, there are sometimes differences between genders when it comes to body language. That’s because men and women are socialized differently. Men tend to have less expressive non-verbal body language compared to women. 

Jacobsen: How can couples rebuild emotional connection when body language starts showing detachment?

Bathurst: First, have an open and honest conversation about the need to build an emotional connection via body language. Then, start small. Focus on things like making eye contact and holding hands. 

Jacobsen: What is the role of past relationship experience in shaping a person’s romantic body language?

Bathurst: Past experiences can shape body language significantly. A person may be guarded physically if they have experienced betrayal or other negative past experiences. 

Jacobsen: How might digital communication affect a couple’s ability to respond to body language?

Bathurst: Digital communication removes the majority of body language. Although this is still expressed somewhat through videos, like TikTok and Reels, it still doesn’t replace face-to-face contact. It’s easy for things to be misinterpreted on social media, even when you can see the person on the screen.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Patricia. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Minority Within a Minority: Eru Hiko-Tahuri on Being a Māori Atheist

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/02

Part 2 of 5

Eru Hiko-Tahuri, a Māori creative and author of Māori Boy Atheist, explores his journey from religious upbringing to secular humanism. Hiko-Tahuri discusses cultural tensions as a Māori atheist, advocating for respectful integration of Māori values like manaakitanga and whanaungatanga within secular contexts. Hiko-Tahuri discusses the complex reality of being both Māori and atheist in New Zealand. He explores cultural tensions, the lack of representation, and the personal journey behind Māori Boy Atheist. His story reveals the emotional and social challenges faced by those who reject religion within deeply spiritual Indigenous communities.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Statistically, I do not know of a single government census that includes hate crime data specifically against atheists, agnostics, or humanists. Have you ever seen one?

Eru Hiko-Tahuri: Never heard of it.

Jacobsen: In Canada, the categories usually include antisemitism—perennially at the top—followed by anti-Muslim sentiment or “Islamophobia,” then discrimination against Roman Catholics. However, Catholics make up about 30% of the Canadian population, so naturally, they’ll be represented in the data due to sheer numbers.

Still, antisemitism usually tops the list. But recent research out of North America shows that people’s emotional responses to atheists are often rooted in disgust and distrust—those deep, visceral reactions.

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, I’ve read about that.

Jacobsen: And when you break it down by political affiliation—Democrat, Republican, Independent—in the US, the negative perceptions of atheists remain low across all groups. The numbers are roughly as low as those for Muslims, even among Democrats and Independents. It’s slightly better in those groups than among Republicans, probably due to the strong influence of the evangelical white base.

But across the board, atheists still rank low in terms of public trust. So clearly, we’re missing something in national censuses or surveys. The social stigma is real, but it’s under-measured.

Hiko-Tahuri: I’d agree with that. In the New Zealand context, I wouldn’t say I’ve experienced hate for being an atheist. It’s more that I’m seen as an outlier—maybe eccentric or just “different”—rather than hated.

Sure, a few people have been upset or uncomfortable with it. But New Zealand is pretty liberal. Most people here don’t care what you believe—as long as you treat others well. That’s what matters most. We’re not as politically polarized, either.

Jacobsen: That’s refreshing. Demographically, what’s the approximate proportion of people with Māori heritage in New Zealand’s population?

Hiko-Tahuri: They say it’s approaching a million people out of a total population of about five million—roughly 20%.

Jacobsen: That’s significantly higher than in Canada. Indigenous people comprise around 4 or 5% of the population.

Within your community, have you encountered a dynamic similar to what Mariam Namazie describes among ex-Muslims in Britain? She talks about “minorities within minorities.” That is, Muslims are a minority in the UK, but ex-Muslims are a minority within that minority, often facing backlash both from within their communities and from wider society.

Hiko-Tahuri: I understand that idea. You leave a belief system, but you become doubly marginalized. It’s not that extreme here, but there are similarities.

Some Māori do view secular Māori as having stepped outside the bounds of what it means to be Māori, especially when religion has become entwined with their cultural reawakening. So yes, you can feel like a minority within a minority sometimes, but it is more subtle here—less hostile, I would say.

Jacobsen: That distinction makes sense. In the UK context, to support ex-Muslims publicly is sometimes misread as being anti-Muslim, which complicates everything. Identity politics can overshadow human rights issues.

Hiko-Tahuri: When cultural identity and religion are closely tied, questioning one can feel like attacking the other—even if that is not the intention.

Jacobsen: And you find yourself in this strange dichotomy—it is just a category error. You can support both Indigenous identity and secular values without negating either. It is just a mistake in framing. Do you experience that kind of tension in New Zealand as a Māori person? Or, more specifically, as a Māori atheist?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes, definitely—as a Māori atheist, I do. I have had conversations with a few others who are both Māori and atheist, and we often feel like a minority within a minority. It is a unique position to be in. Interestingly, though, statistically, about 53% of Māori now report no religious affiliation.

Jacobsen: There you go.

Hiko-Tahuri: Most people would still describe themselves as “spiritual but not religious.” Maybe only 10% would openly identify as atheists. So, it is still a tiny group to which I belong.

Jacobsen: Right.

Hiko-Tahuri: That leads back nicely to the idea of “coming out” as both Māori and atheist. I remember that journey. I had been reading all the usual books—The God Delusion by Richard Dawkins, God Is Not Great by Christopher Hitchens, and so on.

I struggled with the language in some of those books because they used words I had never encountered before. As the whole topic was so new, I had to sit with a dictionary beside me while reading.

Eventually, I reached a point where I realized, “I don’t believe in this anymore.” Then, the more complex question came: “What do I do about it?” And more importantly, “Can I even tell anyone?”

While I was at university, I met a few other Māori who had started to question Christianity, too. By understanding the colonization of Aotearoa, they began to see that Christianity was imposed here—brought in by missionaries from overseas. It was not ours originally. So some of us thought, “Why should we continue believing something that was forced upon us?”

That was my thinking for a while. But then I had another realization: I had rejected Christianity using a rational lens, but I had never applied that same critical lens to traditional Māori beliefs—the atua, the creation stories, the pantheon of gods.

So I did. When I examined those beliefs through the same standards, I had to admit—they did not add up either.

That is when I had the next big moment: “I don’t believe this either. So… now what? And how am I going to tell people?”

For a long time, I did not. At first, I equated being an atheist with simply not being Christian—since Christianity is still the dominant religious framework in New Zealand.

But it took years to fully embrace the term atheist in the broader sense—to reach the point where I could say, “I do not believe in any supernatural being that controls the world or defines our purpose.”

Eventually—probably after reading The God Delusion for the third time—I thought, “I can’t be the only one.”

Hiko-Tahuri: I remember thinking, “I can’t be the only Māori going through this.” So I started searching for books or articles written by Māori people about being both Māori and atheist. And I found absolutely nothing. There was no one—no one who had written publicly about being Māori and atheist.

Jacobsen: In your experience, had you at least come across others in real life—even if they had not formally written anything?

Hiko-Tahuri: I had met people who had loudly and proudly rejected Christianity and returned to belief in the traditional Māori gods—the atua. But I do not think I had ever met another openly Māori atheist—except for one woman I found on YouTube.

Her name was Nairi McCarthy. She was involved with the New Zealand Association of Rationalists and Humanists.

Jacobsen: Oh yes, yes—I know of her.

Hiko-Tahuri: You could have spoken with her a few years ago. Sadly, she passed away five or six years ago now.

She was the only one I had ever seen publicly acknowledge being Māori and atheist. And I thought, “Damn it. If I’m the only one with some writing skills and talk for a living, maybe I need to write this book.”

Jacobsen: Right.

Hiko-Tahuri: That is what led me to write it. I thought, “I know for certain I cannot be the only person who has come to this conclusion.”

So I turned to my community for support—and found nothing—no books, no articles. I thought, “Well, maybe I have to be the first. I’ll quietly write my story, upload it to the Internet, and maybe someone will find it.”

And that is precisely what I did.

Jacobsen: Was it terrifying?

Hiko-Tahuri: Oh yes—completely. I still remember the day I hit Publish. I put it on Smashwords. And I had no one to turn to—no reference point for what kind of response it might get.

But what I wanted was to leave a record. I’ve been to Māori funerals where they lied about the beliefs of the deceased—saying they were believers, that they loved God, when I knew for a fact they didn’t.

I didn’t want anyone to lie about me to my kids after I was gone. I needed something that told the truth about who I was. So I wrote the book.

It wasn’t to convince anyone. It was just my story—something people could find and know was real.

Jacobsen: How long did it take to write?

Hiko-Tahuri: About a year and a half. It’s a short book, but it took me that long to work through it.

Jacobsen: And the word count?

Hiko-Tahuri: Around sixteen or seventeen thousand words.

Jacobsen: So, roughly a thousand words a month?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yes—about that. I took my time with it.

Jacobsen: That must have been a difficult thing to do. We should get into that part because if someone stumbles across this ten years from now, it could be helpful to them.

What was the tension you felt when you realized, “Oh, shit—I don’t believe any of this anymore”?

Hiko-Tahuri: Yeah. I love my community. I love my people. I love our ceremonies. I love the familial nature of it all—the shared values, the collective spirit.

But I couldn’t believe that there were only seventy children of Rangi and Papa or that everything came from Te Kore—the void of nothingness. I couldn’t hold that belief anymore.

And that realization… it was jarring. “What do I do now?” It does suck. But I also knew I could not stay silent. I could not pretend I wasn’t having these thoughts or deny the conclusions I was reaching.

Jacobsen: That must have been a real internal conflict.

Hiko-Tahuri: It was—a deeply personal one. Part of me thought, “If you just keep quiet, you’ll be fine. You don’t have to believe—you can go your own way and avoid the conflict.”

That was tempting. It would have been easier. But I also knew that if someone asked me directly, I wouldn’t lie. I’d say, “No, I don’t believe in that.”

So, part of the thinking behind the book was: If I write this down, I won’t have to explain myself repeatedly. I can point people to it.

That felt honest. It meant I wasn’t lying or hiding anymore, either.

Jacobsen: After you published it, was the reaction proportional to the emotional weight you carried? Or was it mostly internal?

Hiko-Tahuri: Oh, it was all internal. The fear, the anxiety—it was mostly in my head.

Jacobsen: How common do you think that experience is? Do you think there’s a quiet wave of Māori atheists—or what I sometimes call “atheism-lite,” meaning agnostics—people who live by humanist principles but are afraid to come out and say they don’t believe in a deity?

People who think they’ll face judgment when, in fact, most people are too busy trying not to check Elon Musk or Donald Trump’s Twitter feed?

Hiko-Tahuri: [Laughs] Yes, right?

There’s a number of us out there. I wouldn’t call it a wave just yet, but there are certainly people wondering, “How do I tell my parents I don’t believe in God anymore?” That kind of question is very real. It’s hard to quantify, of course. But the reaction to the book was primarily positive. People were curious.

One of my cousins—his whole branch of the family is very religious—he reached out to me after reading it and said, “What? I’ve been thinking like that my whole life. I didn’t know that’s what it was called—being an atheist.”

Jacobsen: That is such a simple statement. But it carries so much emotional baggage for no good reason.

It’s fascinating. I’ve heard everything—from people being jailed or harassed for their beliefs to professional consequences to, on the other end of the spectrum, people gaining fame or recognition for speaking out—like the Daniel Dennetts and Sam Harrises of the world.

Hiko-Tahuri: So, I don’t avoid things. I go to gatherings because it’s about family first—and that’s always been my attitude. Family is family.

You put family above what individuals believe. That’s how my religious family treats me, too—my cousins and uncles. A good example: Seven of my closest cousins were wearing religious robes at a recent funeral, but we still talked and connected. The spiritual stuff was put aside because we’re family first.

I’m lucky that way. But it’s also a wider New Zealand attitude—family comes before anything else.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Emotional Safety, Authenticity, and Body Language in Modern Relationships: A Conversation with Christopher Louis

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): A Further Inquiry

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/02

Part 4 of 4

Christopher Louis is a Los Angeles–based international dating and relationship coach and founder of Dating Intelligence. As host of the Dating Intelligence Podcast, Louis draws on intuition and lived experience to guide clients toward authentic selves and meaningful romantic connections. Louis talks about the emotional needs of men, double standards in physical boundaries, and how body language communicates trust, safety, and authenticity. Louis highlights the discomfort men can feel when objectified and stresses the importance of consent and respectful space for everyone. He explains how body language—openness, presence, and genuine eye contact—can repair rifts and build emotional security. The dialogue ends with a powerful take on authenticity as aligned selfhood and responsible empathy, with Louis sharing his personal motto: “Meet me today. Be memorable tomorrow.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Women often talk about how important it is to feel safe for authentic emotional expression or romantic connection. What is it, generally speaking, that men need to feel emotionally secure or open?

Christopher Louis: That’s a great question. So, I get this from the flip side a lot. I’m a former model, and it’s funny—when I talk to women about this, I try to be honest. Off the record, Scott, sometimes I feel treated like a piece of meat.

I’m a pretty emotionally intelligent, intuitive guy, so when women come on too strong or get right in my face, it makes me nervous. It also brings up an absolute double standard that not enough people discuss. What gives someone the right to touch me without my consent? If I flipped the roles—if I touched her arm, or her leg, or her chest without permission—it would be completely unacceptable. And rightly so.

So why is it okay the other way around? Why do some people assume it’s fine to come into my personal space—to touch my chest or put their hand on my leg—without even asking? I never gave that kind of permission. I didn’t offer validation. I didn’t say, “Yes, it’s okay for you to touch me.” That’s a boundary.

Sometimes, as a man, you can experience the same discomfort women feel when their space is violated. It may not happen as often, but it still happens. And when it does, it’s jarring.

I’ve had moments where women compliment me—say I’m handsome or “hot” or even joke that they want to “eat me alive”—and while I appreciate the compliment, it honestly makes me anxious. Sometimes, it’s the look in their eye. You can tell when someone sees you as an object instead of a person.

It’s that same “predatory” stare women talk about experiencing from men—it’s real. And I’ve felt it. In those moments, I’ve caught myself doing exactly what I described earlier—scanning the room, looking for help. I might even turn to my girlfriend and say, “Hey, by the way, this is my partner,” just to create space and communicate boundaries.

I stay polite about it. I never want to be rude. But the point is—yes, it happens to men too. And I think sometimes women feel like they have more social license to enter a man’s personal space than the reverse.

Jacobsen: Why do you think that is?

Louis: Because it’s less common, and the social consequences are different. When a man invades a woman’s space—especially physically—it’s seen as threatening, and it often is. For example, when a guy walks up behind a woman he does not know, he puts his hand on her lower back. That’s a major red flag. That’s one of the creepiest things a guy can do.

Say the woman’s facing her friends, and this guy slides in behind her and casually touches her lower back before she’s even made eye contact with him. Then he circles to the front like it’s nothing. That’s stranger danger 101. It triggers a safety response—and rightly so. That’s something I teach many of my female clients: if a guy ever does that to you, speak up. Tell him, “Hey, I don’t appreciate being touched like that.”Boundaries matter, no matter the gender.

Right—because when someone comes up from behind you, that’s completely different than approaching from the front. You do not see them coming. And any woman will tell you—being approached from behind, especially with unexpected physical contact, immediately raises red flags. Many women already have a lifetime of experiences where someone gave them creepy vibes. They do not need a stranger touching them from behind and initiating contact that way. It’s invasive.

Jacobsen: What does it take to repair emotional rifts—r-i-f-t-s—specifically with body language? How can someone rebuild trust through positive physical presence after an argument, a long-term misunderstanding, or a situation where emotions are left unresolved?

Louis: That’s a powerful question. Let’s use a basic argument as an example—not as extreme as cheating, just a regular emotional disagreement.

When you apologize to someone, your words matter, but your body language matters even more. A person can see if you’re genuinely sorry. If your posture is open, tone is calm, and eyes are sincere, those signals do the heavy lifting. “I’m sorry” is a phrase unless embodied through genuine behaviour.

Once the apology is made and the partner says, “I forgive you,” many people mess up: They linger in guilt. They walk around in purgatory, with drooping posture, puppy-dog eyes, and constant speaking in that apologetic tone. That becomes counterproductive.

What I coach people to do instead is this: once the apology is accepted, shift immediately into reassurance mode. Use confident, present, and loving body language. You are showing them, “I’m here. I’ve learned. I’ve got you.”

Ask, “How are you today, babe?” Do something thoughtful. Look them in the eyes when they speak. Touch their hand with presence. Stand tall, not slumped. All of that says more than a thousand words. That kind of body language restores emotional safety and rebuilds trust.

It’s not about grovelling or being passive. It’s about standing firm and consistent—because that communicates, “I’m with you. We’re okay. I’m not going anywhere.”That’s the energy that heals rifts.

Jacobsen: How do you define authenticity?

Louis: Ah—my favourite word. Thank you for that. It’s a fantastic wrap-up.

Authenticity means showing up as your true self every day, not just when it’s convenient, or things are going well. It means aligning your actions with your values, being honest with yourself, and being emotionally present with others.

To me, authenticity starts with self-care and self-love. If you don’t love who you are, you’ll keep showing up as someone else or hiding behind a mask, and that’s not sustainable.

This is who I am. I believe in emotional expression. I believe in integrity. I believe in connection. And I try to bring that version of myself into every conversation, every relationship, every room I walk into. This—what you’re hearing right now—is who I am. That’s authenticity. You show up as your authentic self when you walk into a room with Confidence—not arrogance, but grounded Confidence. That’s what I teach in my coaching.

I help women reclaim power and teach men to let go of their egos. I always say, “Confidence is not arrogance. Confidence is strength.” Ego, when unhealthy, becomes arrogance.

When a man leads authentically, he is confident without needing to dominate. You can feel that energy when someone enters a room. You don’t even need to be looking directly at them. People sense it—they turn their heads, they pause. They say, “Who is that?” Not because of how they look but because of the energy they’re carrying.

That’s what authenticity means to me. When someone is smiling, open, and approachable, their body language is relaxed and genuine. That’s how I show up in every space: at a party, at a meeting, or in a one-on-one conversation like this one with you, Scott. What you see is what you get.

Jacobsen: I interviewed Dr. Ramani Durvasula—a noted clinical psychologist, professor, and a massive voice in the conversation around narcissism. She’s built a large following by helping people navigate toxic dynamics, set boundaries, and heal.

She made a distinction that struck me. She said that authenticity is not the same as being unhinged. Being authentic doesn’t give you a license to say or do whatever you want, with no regard for others. There’s still a social boundary where your freedom ends and someone else’s space begins. There’s an unspoken interplay there.

So, when you show up with a positive ego or healthy self-assurance, how do you balance being authentic and showing social responsibility?

Louis: I love that. And I’ve heard—or maybe even said—a version of that quote: Authentic does not mean unchecked.You can walk into a room, have a bad day, or feel emotionally off—that happens. We all carry internal struggles. But you still need to be present and respectful of others.

I always say: When you meet someone, you have no idea what their day has been like.Maybe they’re dealing with something heavy. That’s why a truly authentic person can still take a moment to be available, to show up for others even if they’re having an off day. That’s the version of authenticity I live by—and what I teach.

Now, there are different expressions of authenticity. Mine might look very different from someone on the other end of the personality spectrum. I’m more extroverted and emotionally expressive, but someone quieter and more reserved can still be deeply authentic.

The key is that they’re not pretending. They’re being clear with their energy. Maybe they say, “Hey, I’m not super outgoing, but I care, and I’m here.” That’s authenticity, too—just delivered through a different lens. And I respect that fully. I might not always be in the best or happiest mood—but I will always be honest. I’m going to be emotionally available. And above all, I’m going to be true to who I am.

Jacobsen: What are your favourite quotes?

Louis: Oh my god. So, my favourite quote is one I came up with myself—and honestly, you can put this on the record if you like it. It sums up how I live:

“Meet me today. Be memorable tomorrow.”

Jacobsen: That’s good.

Louis: Right? Because when people meet me, I want them to walk away thinking, “Wow, that Christopher Louis was a good guy.” That’s what I aim for. So yeah—Meet me today. Be memorable tomorrow. That’s my personal favourite.

Jacobsen: Christopher, thank you so much for your time today. I appreciate you sharing your insights and your expertise. It’s been a pleasure meeting you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity

 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 3, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: January 8, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Mario Carlos Rocca addresses the definition and use of tempered ultradistributions and ultradistributions of exponential type within quantum-field-theoretic constructions. Rocca describes a framework in which tempered ultradistributions are continuous linear functionals on a space of entire test functions, and he outlines an analytic representation using contour integrals outside strips containing singularities. He explains why a naïve convolution formula does not generally exist for arbitrary pairs of ultradistributions, and presents a regulated construction using a complex parameter (λ), analytic continuation, and extraction of the λ-independent term to define convolution. The interview also summarizes how products of distributions of exponential type are handled via Fourier-transform relations and notes that associativity is not guaranteed in general due to the algebraic structure described as a ring with zero divisors. Rocca provides explicit finite convolution expressions for Wheeler propagators in massless and complex-mass cases and comments on microcausality, loop finiteness claims in the ultradistribution/ultrahyperfunction setting, and extensions from Minkowski space to semi-Riemannian and globally hyperbolic spacetimes. The final portion includes Rocca’s high-level descriptions of Einstein gravity and Gupta–Feynman quantization, as well as formulas for graviton self-energy calculations presented in BTZ-background studies.

Keywords

Analytic continuation, Analytic representation, Associativity, BTZ gravity, Cauchy integral formula, Complex delta function, Complex mass, Convolution, Entire test functions, Einstein gravity, Exponential growth bounds, Fourier transform, Functional analysis, Gauge conditions, Gel’fand triplet, Ghost avoidance, Graviton self-energy, Gupta–Bleuler method, Gupta–Feynman quantization, Loop integrals, Microcausality, Minkowski space, Nuclear spaces, Operator-valued distributions, Propagators, Rigged Hilbert space, Schwartz distributions, Tempered ultradistributions, Ultradistributions of exponential type, Ultrahyperfunctions, Wheeler propagator, Zero divisors

Introduction

The interview concerns mathematical structures used in quantum field theory that generalize Schwartz distributions, focusing on tempered ultradistributions and ultradistributions of exponential type. In the interview text, these objects are presented through test-function spaces built from entire analytic functions with specified growth bounds, and through the rigged Hilbert space (Gel’fand triplet) approach in which distributions are realized as continuous linear functionals on a nuclear test-function space. The discussion emphasizes analytic representations of generalized functions by contour integrals in the complex plane, where the contour is chosen to avoid bands containing singularities. The interview also treats the technical problem of defining convolutions and products for generalized functions: Rocca explains that direct convolution expressions are not always well-defined, motivating the use of regulators, analytic continuation, and a prescription selecting a parameter-independent term to define a convolution in cases of interest.

In addition to these core constructions, the interview addresses downstream physics-facing topics: conditions under which commutators satisfy microcausality in the ultrahyperfunction setting, claims about the treatment (or absence) of singularities within that formalism, and how these methods are applied to propagators, loop integrals, and model calculations in gravitational settings. These topics are framed in the interview by reference to established distribution theory traditions associated with Schwartz and to ultradistribution/ultrahyperfunction developments associated with Sebastião e Silva and later work.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Dr. Mario Carlos Rocca

Mario Carlos Rocca is an Argentine theoretical and mathematical physicist at the Universidad Nacional de La Plata and an Independent Researcher with Argentina’s CONICET. His work sits at the crossroads of functional analysis and high-energy/gravitation, especially the use of ultradistributions of Sebastiao e Silva tambien conocidas como ultrahyper functions (refinements and extensiones generalizadas of Schwartz distributions) in quantum field theory. He co-developed influential formalisms on the convolution of ultradistributions with the late C. G. Bollini and has continued that line with collaborators such as Angel Plastino. Recent papers push ultrahyperfunction-based methods into Einstein gravity, black holes, and dark-matter-adjacent questions, including co-authorships with Mir Hameeda and Behnam Pourhassan. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In your 1998 paper with Bollini and Escobar, how do you define the convolution of two tempered ultradistributions? 

Mario Carlos Rocca: Explaining what a tempered ultradistribution or an exponential ultradistribution is, [1] is practically impossible with words alone. To solve the problem, I have added some sections taken from my papers in which I explain what tempered ultradistributions and exponential ultradistributions are. 

Jacobsen: In that 1998 framework, how do you construct the product of two distributions of exponential type? 

Rocca: The product of two exponential distributions is the Fourier anti-transform of the two tempered ultradistributions, that is, a product on a ring with zero divisors. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what minimal conditions ensure existence and associativity? 

Rocca: The existence of the product is established constructively, with the corresponding theorems (see the beginning of this note). The product is not generally associative, since it is a product in a ring with zero divisors. The product must be performed carefully, taking into account the physical conditions of the problem. 

Jacobsen: Using that four-dimensional result, what is the explicit finite expression for the convolution of two Wheeler prop agators in massless and complex-mass cases?

Rocca: 

Jacobsen: What necessary and sufficient analyticity and support conditions in the ultrahyperfunction setting guarantee microcausality for field commutators?

Rocca: This is guaranteed, since quantum fields are vector ultradistributions. Their product is defined from the usual ultradistri butions. A vector ultradistribution is a continuous functional defined on a space of test functions and taking values in a locally convex topological vector space. Operator valued distributions are a special case of vector ultradistributions. 

Jacobsen: Which growth and analyticity conditions on propagators treated as ultrahyperfunctions ensure finiteness of loop integrals without renormalization? 

Rocca: All propagators known so far are ultradistributions. If they are exponentially increasing propagators, they are exponential ultradistributions. This ensures the finiteness of the integral loops. 

Jacobsen: What is Einstein Gravity? 

Rocca: It is the geometry of space-time created by the presence of masses. 

Jacobsen: What is Gupta–Feynman–based on the QFT of Einstein gravity? 

Rocca: This is the gravity proposed by Gupta and Feynman by developing the graviton field into powers of the gravitational constant and quantizing it using the Gupta-Bleurer method. The best-known case is the linear approximation, which is the case I solved exactly with Mir Hameeda and Angelo Plastino. 

Jacobsen: Following from the last two questions, which constraint and gauge conditions maintain S-matrix unitarity while avoiding Faddeev-Popov ghosts? 

Rocca: In the case we are dealing with, the quantization was made unitary by adding a simple constraint. So far, I have had the experience that if the most general quantization method, the Feynman-Schwinger Variational Principle, is used, the ghosts do not appear in the theory being treated. 

Jacobsen: How does the ultrahyperfunction-based quantization program relate to effective field theory? 

Rocca: The theory of ultrahyperfunctions is used to quantize fundamental theories. However, using the same method, one can also quantize effective theories. For me, Einstein’s theory of gravity is a fundamental theory. To quantize this theory, a very rigorous mathematical theory must be used, like the one we use. 

Jacobsen: What are infrared and massless regimes? 

Rocca: The infrared regime corresponds to small momentums. The massless regime is obtained for massive particles outside the mass-shell. 

Jacobsen: For these, how are soft and collinear singularities handled within the ultradistribution and ultrahyperfunction formalism? 

Rocca: In the theory of ultrahyperfunctions, singularities do not exist. 

Jacobsen: What is Minkowski space? 

Rocca: It is simply a semi-Riemmannian manifold with a particular metric. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous questions, which parts of the ultrahyperfunction construction extend from Minkowski space to general globally hyperbolic curved spacetimes? 

Rocca: The construction of ultradistributions for any semi-Riemmannian manifold is analogous to the construction in Minkowski space, only with another metric and other variables. 

Jacobsen: In your BTZ-background studies, how is the graviton self-energy computed in 2+1 and 3+1dimensions?

Finally, I should clarify that ultrahyperfunctions are to distributions what complex functions are to real-world functions. That’s how important their role is in next-generation rigorous mathematics. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Marco.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

[1] J. Sebastião e Silva. Math. Ann. 136, 38 (1958).

[2] M. Hasumi. Tohoku Math. J. 13, 94 (1961).

[3] I. M. Gel’fand & G. E. Shilov. Generalized Functions, Vol. 2. Academic Press (1968).

[4] I. M. Gel’fand & N. Ya. Vilenkin. Generalized Functions, Vol. 4. Academic Press (1964).

[5] C. G. Bollini, L. E. Oxman & M. C. Rocca. J. Math. Phys. 35, 4429 (1994).

[6] I. M. Gel’fand & G. E. Shilov. Generalized Functions, Vol. 1, Ch. 1, §3. Academic Press (1964).

[7] L. Schwartz. Théorie des distributions. Hermann, Paris (1966).

[8] R. F. Hoskins & J. Sousa Pinto. Distributions, Ultradistributions and other Generalised Functions. Ellis Horwood (1994).

[9] M. Hameeda, A. Plastino, B. Pourhassan & M. C. Rocca. “Quantum Field Theory of 3+1 Dimensional BTZ Gravity: Graviton Self-Energy, Axion Interactions, and Dark Matter in the Ultrahyperfunction Framework.” ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/395268698_Quantum_Field_Theory_of_31_Dimensional_BTZ_Gravity_Graviton_Self-Energy_Axion_Interactions_and_Dark_Matter_in_the_Ultrahyperfunction_Framework 

[10] H. Farahani, M. Hameeda, A. Plastino, B. Pourhassan & M. C. Rocca. “Quantum Field Theory of 2+1 Dimensional BTZ Gravity: Graviton Self-Energy, Axion Interactions, and Dark Matter in the Ultrahyperfunction Framework.” ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/395268790_Quantum_Field_Theory_of_21_Dimensional_BTZ_Gravity_Graviton_Self-Energy_Axion_Interactions_and_Dark_Matter_in_the_Ultrahyperfunction_Framework 

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: January 8, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,278

Image Credits: Mario Carlos Rocca

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Mario Carlos Rocca for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, January 8, 2026).


American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)

Jacobsen SD. Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity. In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published January 8, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)

Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, January 8). Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity. In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)

JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity. In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 8 jan. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity.” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity.

Chicago/Turabian, Notes & Bibliography (17th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity.” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (January 8, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity.

Harvard

Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 8 January. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity.

Harvard (Australian)

Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 8 January, viewed 8 January 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity.

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)

Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity.” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity.

Vancouver/ICMJE

Jacobsen SD. Mario Carlos Rocca on Ultradistributions, Ultrahyperfunctions, and Rigorous Quantum Field Theory in Einstein Gravity [Internet]. 2026 Jan 8;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/mario-carlos-rocca-ultradistributions-ultrahyperfunctions-rigorous-quantum-field-theory-einstein-gravity

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

 

Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions

 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: October 25, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: January 8, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı addresses observational and theoretical strategies for testing beyond–general relativity physics using black-hole imaging, lensing, and gravitational-wave data. Sakallı outlines how Event Horizon Telescope (EHT) shadow observations—motivated by horizon-scale images of M87* and Sagittarius A*—can be used to probe Lorentz-invariance–violating photon propagation while accounting for plasma and accretion-flow systematics through multiwavelength, polarization, timing, and variability diagnostics. He then describes limitations of applying Gauss–Bonnet-based weak-deflection methods in geometries with torsion, emphasizing non-unique extensions of curvature invariants and ambiguities in photon trajectories and boundary terms. Sakallı further identifies lensing and multimessenger signatures that could distinguish thin-shell wormholes from black holes, including gravitational-wave echo phenomenology and nonstandard shadow and microlensing features, noting that echo searches have placed constraints in existing data. The final section considers whether information-theoretic diagnostics (e.g., Fisher information and relative-entropy measures) can constrain quantum-gravity–motivated parameters at current sensitivities, and discusses how non-extensive (Tsallis) entropy may alter Anti-de Sitter black-hole phase structure and interpretations of the Hawking–Pagetransition. 

Keywords

Accretion-flow systematics, Anti-de Sitter (AdS) black holes, Boundary terms, Catechism (contextual mention), Chromatic shadow tests, Dispersion, Einstein–dilaton–Gauss–Bonnet gravity, Event Horizon Telescope (EHT), Faraday rotation, Fisher information, Gauss–Bonnet term, Gravitational-wave echoes, Hawking–Page transition, Information theory, Kullback–Leibler divergence, Lens time delays, Lorentz invariance violation, Microlensing, Multiwavelength imaging, Mutual information, Photon ring, Polarization decomposition, Quantum-gravity phenomenology, Ray tracing, Relative entropy, Ringdown, Thin-shell wormholes, Torsion, Tsallis entropy, Variability monitoring

Introduction

Horizon-scale very-long-baseline interferometry has made black-hole “shadow” observables empirically accessible, with EHT results providing resolved ring-like emission structures around M87* and Sagittarius A*. These measurements create opportunities to test extensions of general relativity and related high-energy frameworks using imaging, polarization, and time-domain signatures, while confronting the dominant astrophysical systematics introduced by hot, magnetized plasma in the accretion flow. 

Within this context, the interview explores four linked problem areas: (1) discriminants for Lorentz-violating backgrounds in the presence of plasma effects; (2) the applicability limits of Gauss–Bonnet approaches to weak deflection when torsion is present; (3) observational signatures that could exclude thin-shell wormholes as black-hole mimics; and (4) whether information-theoretic and non-extensive-thermodynamics formalisms provide useful constraints at current or near-future sensitivities. The discussion connects these themes to established theoretical landmarks, including the Hawking–Page transition in AdS thermodynamics and the non-extensive entropy framework introduced by Tsallis.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı

Professor Izzet Sakallı is a theoretical physicist at Eastern Mediterranean University whose research bridges quantum mechanics, general relativity, and observational astronomy. With over 180 publications exploring black hole thermodynamics, modified gravity theories, and quantum corrections to spacetime, his work sits at the exciting frontier where abstract mathematics meets observable reality. In this interview, he discusses the challenges of testing exotic gravity theories, the quest to observe quantum effects in astrophysical systems, and what the next generation of telescopes and gravitational wave detectors might reveal about the quantum nature of spacetime. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Which shadow features best test Lorentz-violating backgrounds once plasma and accretion-flow systematics are in cluded? 

Professor Izzet Sakallı: The Event Horizon Telescope’s stunning images of M87* and Sagittarius A* opened an unprece dented window for testing fundamental physics. These images show a bright ring of emission surrounding a dark shadow—the gravitational silhouette of the black hole. But extracting con straints on exotic physics requires carefully separating genuine signatures of modified spacetime from astrophysical contamination. 

Lorentz invariance—the principle that physical laws don’t depend on your orientation or ve locity—is a cornerstone of both special and general relativity. Various approaches to quantum gravity predict potential violations at high energies or in strong gravitational fields. These violations would modify how photons propagate, potentially changing the observed shadow. 

The challenge is that accretion disks—the hot, ionized material spiraling into black holes—are messy astrophysical environments. The plasma causes Faraday rotation of polarized light, in troduces frequency-dependent delays through dispersion, absorbs some wavelengths while trans mitting others, and Doppler shifts due to its orbital motion. All these effects must be modeled and subtracted to reveal underlying spacetime properties. 

The most robust tests use signatures that depend differently on fundamental physics versus astrophysical processes. Multi-wavelength shadow measurements provide one such discriminator. If Lorentz violation affects photon propagation, the shadow size should vary with observing frequency in a specific pattern—different from how plasma effects scale. Observing at 230 GHz, 345 GHz, and potentially infrared wavelengths with the next-generation Event Horizon Telescope would allow separating these effects. 

The photon ring—actually a series of nested subrings from photons completing multiple orbits before escaping—offers another powerful probe. The time delay between successive subrings de pends on geodesic motion in the spacetime geometry, largely insensitive to accretion flow details since it’s a geometric effect. Lorentz violation would modify these time delays in characteristic ways. 

Polarization patterns provide additional leverage. While plasma Faraday rotation certainly af fects polarization, Lorentz violation can break azimuthal symmetry in distinctive ways. Decom posing the polarization pattern into angular components helps separate astrophysical rotation (which affects all components similarly) from symmetry-breaking physics. 

Time variability studies offer yet another approach. Monitoring shadow features over days to months separates quasi-periodic variability from orbital motion, flares and turbulence in the accretion flow, and any secular trends from fundamental physics. If the shadow properties slowly drift in ways inconsistent with astrophysical explanations, that might signal Lorentz violation. 

Current EHT observations constrain deviations from general relativity at the ten to twenty percent level. This translates to saying that if Lorentz violation exists, its characteristic energy scale must be at least one or two percent of the Planck energy—still far below the Planck scale but better constraints than many other tests achieve. 

Future improvements will come from multiple directions. The next-generation EHT adds more telescopes and space-based stations, increasing angular resolution. Higher observing frequencies probe smaller scales. Broader bandwidth improves sensitivity. Perhaps most importantly, coordinated multi-messenger observations—combining radio interferometry with X-ray timing, optical monitoring, and potentially gravitational waves if the black hole is in a binary—would provide complementary information less susceptible to systematic uncertainties. 

Jacobsen: What are the limits of the Gauss-Bonnet approach for weak deflection in spacetimes with torsion? 

Sakallı: Einstein-dilaton-Gauss-Bonnet gravity represents an important modification of general relativ ity emerging from string theory. The Gauss-Bonnet term involves products of curvature quan tities in a specific combination that’s topologically interesting. In standard four-dimensional spacetime, this term is actually a topological invariant—it doesn’t affect the equations of motion by itself. But when coupled to a dilaton field (a scalar field from string theory), it produces genuine modifications to gravity. 

These modifications become significant in strong-field regions near black holes or in the early universe. For weak gravitational fields—like sunlight grazing the Sun—the corrections are typically small but calculable. We can expand solutions perturbatively, treating the Gauss Bonnet term as a small correction to general relativity, and calculate how it affects phenomena like light deflection. However, this approach encounters fundamental difficulties when spacetime possesses torsion.

Torsion represents a twisting of spacetime, a type of geometric structure absent in general relativity but present in some extended theories. Einstein-Cartan theory, for instance, allows spacetime to have both curvature and torsion, with torsion sourced by intrinsic spin of matter. 

The difficulty is that the Gauss-Bonnet term is defined for Riemannian geometry—geometry with curvature but no torsion. Generalizing it to spaces with torsion isn’t unique. Multiple inequivalent extensions exist: the Nieh-Yan form, modifications involving the Pontrjagin term, generalizations of the Holst term. These different extensions give different physics, and there’s no obvious principle selecting one over others. 

Furthermore, torsion couples to matter fields differently than curvature. For photons—massless spin-one particles—the interaction with torsion is subtle. Traditional geodesic equations must be reconsidered. The very notion of ”geodesic” becomes ambiguous because the connection determining parallel transport includes torsion contributions. 

The weak-field expansion faces technical breakdowns in torsion backgrounds. We typically expand the metric as small perturbations around flat spacetime. But when both curvature and torsion are present, the perturbative hierarchy becomes unclear. If torsion is as large as curvature perturbations, our expansion scheme breaks down. 

There are also boundary term subtleties. In formulating gravitational theories variationally, boundary terms matter for defining conserved quantities and obtaining correct equations of motion. The Gibbons-Hawking-York boundary term supplements the Einstein-Hilbert action in general relativity. With torsion, additional boundary terms are needed, and they affect asymptotic quantities crucial for calculating observable effects like deflection angles. 

Some torsion-Gauss-Bonnet couplings lead to pathologies: faster-than-light propagation, vio lations of causality, or violations of energy conditions guaranteeing stability. These signal the theory’s breakdown rather than providing viable alternatives to general relativity. 

Observationally, constraints on torsion in astrophysical contexts are weak. Particle physics experiments provide stronger bounds from spin-dependent effects. But astrophysical torsion contributions must satisfy stringent limits, roughly one part in a billion billion per centimeter from precision tests. 

For analyzing light deflection in torsion-rich spacetimes, alternative approaches work better than weak-field expansions. Full numerical ray-tracing through exact solutions avoids perturbative ambiguities. The Newman-Penrose formalism, adapted to non-Riemannian geometry, provides another rigorous framework. Modified Shapiro time delays offer complementary probes less sensitive to expansion scheme choices. 

Jacobsen: Which lensing signatures would rule out thin-shell wormholes for compact black-hole mimics? 

Sakallı: Wormholes—hypothetical tunnels connecting distant regions of spacetime—have captivated physicists and science fiction writers for decades. While the Schwarzschild solution allows math ematical wormholes, they’re unstable and not traversable. Maintaining a stable, traversable wormhole requires exotic matter violating energy conditions, specifically matter with negative energy density. 

Thin-shell wormholes represent a particular construction where exotic matter is confined to a narrow region around the wormhole throat, minimizing the total amount of energy-condition violating material needed. From a distance, such objects might mimic black holes—appearing as compact, massive objects with strong gravitational fields. Distinguishing them observationally is crucial, as finding a wormhole would revolutionize physics. 

Several observational signatures could definitively distinguish wormholes from black holes. The most dramatic is gravitational wave echoes. When a gravitational wave rings down after a black hole merger, the signal decays smoothly—the perturbations fall into the singularity. But if the object is a wormhole, perturbations can traverse the throat, reflect off the geometry on the far side, return, and emerge again. This creates periodic echoes in the gravitational wave signal, with the time delay determined by the wormhole’s size and geometry. 

Detecting echoes is challenging. The reflected signal is weaker than the initial ringdown, requir ing high signal-to-noise ratio observations. Current searches in LIGO/Virgo data have found no convincing echoes, placing limits on how common wormholes might be if they exist. Future detectors with better sensitivity, particularly Einstein Telescope and Cosmic Explorer, should significantly improve echo searches. 

The shadow morphology offers another discriminator. Black holes cast circular (or slightly elliptical for rotating ones) shadows. Wormholes can produce more exotic shadow shapes: non simply-connected topology (hole within hole), asymmetric brightness from different light paths traversing the throat, or chromatic effects if the throat has frequency-dependent properties. The Event Horizon Telescope’s resolution is reaching the point where such features might be detectable for nearby supermassive objects. 

Microlensing provides a third signature. When a compact object passes in front of a background star, its gravity acts as a lens, magnifying and distorting the star’s image. Black holes create characteristic magnification curves. Wormholes add complexity: light paths traversing the throat create additional magnification spikes, producing asymmetric light curves distinct from black hole lensing. Large microlensing surveys searching for dark matter or planets could potentially detect such signatures if wormholes exist in our galaxy. 

Time delay distributions between multiple images offer another probe. Gravitational lenses create multiple images of background objects arriving at different times. The distribution of these delays depends on the lens’s mass profile. Wormholes’ different internal geometry would create distinctive delay patterns. 

Future interferometric observations using nulling techniques could enhance faint photon ring structure while suppressing the bright accretion disk. Wormholes’ multiple light traversal paths would create interference patterns distinct from black holes. 

The theoretical challenge is that thin-shell wormholes face severe difficulties. Most solutions are dynamically unstable—perturbations cause them to collapse or expand. The exotic matter requirements are enormous, far exceeding what quantum field theory allows in normal circum stances. No known astrophysical process forms wormholes, unlike black holes which form from stellar collapse. 

Nevertheless, thoroughly testing whether astrophysical compact objects might be horizonless alternatives to black holes is scientifically important. General relativity so strongly predicts black holes that finding something else would indicate either a fundamental flaw in our under standing or exotic physics beyond the standard model. The observational tests described above will systematically close loopholes, either confirming black holes or revealing surprises. 

Jacobsen: Can information-theoretic diagnostics reveal quantum gravity corrections at current observational sensitivities? 

Sakallı: Information theory—the mathematical framework for quantifying information, uncertainty, and correlations—provides a novel lens for exploring quantum gravity. Traditional approaches focus on measuring physical quantities like masses, spins, and frequencies. Information-theoretic approaches ask: how much information do observations carry about the underlying physics? Can we detect quantum gravitational effects through information content rather than direct parameter measurements? 

The holographic principle suggests that information in any region of space is bounded by the region’s surface area rather than volume—as if the three-dimensional world is holographically encoded on a two-dimensional boundary. For black holes, this manifests as the Bekenstein Hawking entropy being proportional to horizon area. Quantum corrections modify this rela tionship, adding logarithmic and higher-order terms in the area. 

One information-theoretic approach analyzes the entropy of black hole shadows. The shadow pattern observed by telescopes carries information about the spacetime geometry. We can quantify this through Shannon entropy: treating the brightness distribution as a probability distribution and computing its entropy. Quantum corrections alter how photons propagate near the horizon, subtly changing the shadow structure and therefore its information content. 

The challenge is scale. For astrophysical black holes, Planck-scale quantum corrections are suppressed by the ratio of the Planck length to the black hole size—roughly 10 to the minus 78th power for a solar-mass black hole. Direct detection of such tiny effects is hopeless with foreseeable technology. 

However, indirect signatures might be more accessible. Rather than looking for tiny shifts in individual measurements, we can examine correlations and information flow. For gravitational wave signals, the mutual information between early inspiral and late ringdown phases quantifies how much information from the initial state survives to the final state. Quantum corrections introduce non-Markovian effects—memory effects where the system’s evolution depends on its history rather than just its current state. These memory effects could create measurable corre lation patterns. 

Fisher information quantifies how much information data carries about physical parameters. For Event Horizon Telescope observations, we can construct the Fisher information matrix describing precision limits on measuring black hole mass, spin, and potential quantum correction parameters. Current analysis suggests achieving roughly 10 to 30 percent precision on dimensionless quantum parameters—not sufficient to detect Planck-scale effects but potentially constraining if quantum gravity involves larger characteristic scales. 

Relative entropy (also called Kullback-Leibler divergence) measures how much observed distributions differ from general relativity predictions. Accumulating this measure across many observations provides a statistical test: are we seeing what general relativity predicts, or are systematic deviations emerging? 

Population statistics offer multiplicative power. While individual gravitational wave detections have limited precision, combining information from hundreds or thousands of events (expected in the next decade) increases statistical power. If quantum corrections produce consistent small biases across all events, population-level analysis might reveal them. 

Cross-correlation approaches combine complementary observations. Measuring a black hole’s mass from gravitational waves and independently from its shadow size provides a consistency test. If quantum corrections affect these measurements differently, inconsistencies would signal new physics even if neither measurement alone shows deviations. 

For primordial black holes—hypothetical small black holes from the early universe—information theoretic signatures might be more accessible. Their much smaller sizes enhance quantum corrections substantially. If primordial black holes exist and their evaporation products are detected, the information content in their emission spectra could constrain quantum gravity. 

Realistic assessment requires acknowledging limitations. Directly detecting Planck-scale quan tum gravity through astrophysical observations probably remains beyond reach. However, information-theoretic methods might reveal emergent quantum phenomena accumulating at astrophysical scales, modified information flow during black hole evaporation, or indirect con straints ruling out large classes of quantum gravity theories. These indirect routes may prove more fruitful than searching for minute corrections to individual measurements. 

Jacobsen: How do non-extensive entropy formalisms reshape Anti-de Sitter black hole phase diagrams? 

Sakallı: Non-extensive statistical mechanics, particularly Tsallis entropy, offers a fascinating general ization of conventional thermodynamics that has profound implications for black hole physics. The standard Boltzmann-Gibbs entropy assumes that systems are extensive—meaning the en tropy of two independent systems simply adds. But for systems with long-range interactions, like gravity, or systems with fractal structure, this additivity breaks down. Tsallis introduced a parameter, typically called q, that quantifies this non-extensivity. When q equals one, we recover standard thermodynamics; deviations from unity signal non-extensive behavior. 

For black holes in Anti-de Sitter spacetime—a universe with negative cosmological constant that curves like a saddle rather than a sphere—thermodynamics becomes particularly rich. AdS black holes can undergo phase transitions remarkably similar to everyday substances transitioning between solid, liquid, and gas phases. The famous Hawking-Page transition, where thermal radiation in empty AdS competes with forming a black hole, parallels water freezing into ice. 

When we replace standard entropy with Tsallis entropy, the phase diagram transforms dra matically. The temperature-entropy relationship changes because temperature, defined as the derivative of energy with respect to entropy, now involves the non-extensivity parameter. For astrophysical black holes with enormous entropy, even small deviations of q from unity can shift transition temperatures substantially. 

The heat capacity—which determines thermodynamic stability—becomes modified in intricate ways. Standard AdS black holes have a critical radius where heat capacity diverges, signaling a phase transition. With Tsallis entropy, this critical point shifts. Depending on whether q exceeds or falls below unity, the transition can occur at smaller or larger radii, or in extreme cases, disappear entirely or split into multiple transitions. 

Perhaps most intriguing is the emergence of reentrant phase transitions—phenomena where increasing temperature causes the system to cycle through the same phase multiple times. Imagine heating ice, which melts to water, but continuing to heat causes it to refreeze, then melt again at even higher temperatures. Such behavior, absent in standard thermodynamics, appears naturally when black hole entropy becomes non-extensive. This suggests the underlying quantum gravity degrees of freedom organizing the horizon might have complex, fractal-like structure. 

The Hawking-Page transition also shifts under non-extensive statistics. This transition repre sents a competition between entropy favoring thermal radiation spread throughout space and energy minimization favoring localized black holes. With modified entropy, the balance point changes. For q greater than one, transitions occur at lower temperatures; for q less than one, higher temperatures are needed. 

Through the AdS/CFT correspondence—the remarkable duality between gravity in AdS space time and quantum field theory on its boundary—modifications to bulk thermodynamics reflect in boundary physics. The confining-deconfining transition in strongly coupled gauge theories, relevant for understanding quark-gluon plasma in heavy-ion collisions, would exhibit modified behavior if the gravitational dual involves non-extensive entropy. 

The physical origin of non-extensivity in black holes remains debated. It might arise from quan tum fluctuations of the horizon, long-range gravitational correlations between horizon degrees of freedom, or fractal microstructure of spacetime near the Planck scale. Observationally, con straining the parameter q from astrophysical black holes is extremely challenging, but laboratory analogs using cold atoms or condensed matter systems might provide testable predictions. 

Jacobsen: What about the interpretation of Hawking-Page transitions under non-extensive entropy? 

Sakallı: The Hawking-Page transition represents one of the most elegant connections between quan tum field theory, gravity, and thermodynamics. In pure AdS spacetime, we can have thermal radiation at some temperature, or we can have a black hole at that temperature. Which con figuration has lower free energy depends on the temperature. At low temperatures, thermal radiation dominates; at high temperatures, black holes are favored. The transition between these phases occurs at a specific critical temperature. 

When entropy becomes non-extensive, this picture enriches considerably. The free energy—energy minus temperature times entropy—depends on how entropy scales. With Tsallis entropy, the relationship between physical temperature and thermodynamic temperature becomes modified by a function of the horizon area. This modifies the free energy comparison between phases. 

The latent heat—energy exchanged during the phase transition—changes dramatically. For standard black holes, the latent heat reflects the entropy jump when thermal radiation condenses into a black hole. With non-extensive entropy, this jump scales differently with black hole size. For large black holes and q greater than unity, the latent heat can become orders of magnitude larger than in standard thermodynamics, suggesting the transition involves reorganizing vastly more microscopic degrees of freedom. 

The order of the transition can even change. Standard Hawking-Page is first-order, with discon tinuous entropy at the transition point, like ice melting to water. But for certain special values of the non-extensivity parameter, the transition can become second-order, with continuous en tropy but divergent heat capacity, like the magnetic transition in iron when heated above its Curie temperature. Between these regimes lie tricritical points where the transition character changes. 

Through AdS/CFT, the Hawking-Page transition corresponds to confinement-deconfinement in the boundary gauge theory. At low temperatures, quarks and gluons are confined into hadrons—thermal AdS. At high temperatures, they form quark-gluon plasma—the black hole phase. Non-extensive modifications suggest the strongly coupled plasma might have non standard statistical properties, potentially observable in heavy-ion collisions at RHIC or LHC.

The interpretation becomes particularly interesting when considering the transition’s dynamical aspects. How quickly does thermal radiation condense into a black hole? How long does the mixed phase persist? Non-extensive statistics introduces memory effects—the system’s evolution depends on its history, not just its current state. This non-Markovian character might leave signatures in gravitational wave observations if black holes form dynamically through such transitions in the early universe. 

Multiple phase transitions can emerge in extended phase space where we vary not just tem perature but also pressure, charge, and angular momentum. The resulting phase diagrams can exhibit multiple critical points, isolated regions of stability, and complex connectivity between phases—far richer than standard thermodynamics allows. 

Discussion

Across topics, Sakallı’s central methodological emphasis is separability: identifying observables whose dependence on fundamental-physics modifications differs from their dependence on plasma, turbulence, and geometric degeneracies. For shadow-based Lorentz tests, the interview highlights multiwavelength scaling, polarization symmetries, and time-delay structure in near-horizon photon trajectories as candidate discriminants, conceptually aligned with theoretical work on photon-ring/subring structure and its geometric imprint. 

For torsion-inclusive extensions, Sakallı frames the main limitation as non-uniqueness: Gauss–Bonnet constructions are straightforward in torsion-free (Riemannian) settings, but become ambiguous when generalized, complicating weak-field expansions and the definition of photon paths and conserved quantities. In this framing, robust inference favors approaches that minimize dependence on expansion choices, such as numerical ray tracing or formalisms explicitly adapted to non-Riemannian geometry.

Regarding wormholes, Sakallı treats “ruling out” as an empirical question tied to distinctive multipath propagation. He identifies gravitational-wave echo phenomenology and nonstandard lensing/shadow morphology as candidate falsifiers, while noting that echo searches have thus far reported null or constrained results in existing observational catalogs. 

Finally, the interview positions information-theoretic diagnostics and non-extensive entropy as meta-tools: methods to quantify distinguishability between models and to explore how modified microphysical assumptions reshape thermodynamic phase structure. The interview’s discussion of Tsallis entropy and its parameter qq is grounded in the established non-extensive framework, and its application is linked to AdS black-hole phase behavior and the Hawking–Page transition as a benchmark for interpreting bulk/boundary thermodynamic changes. 

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

This interview was conducted as part of a broader quantum cosmology book project. The responses reflect my current research perspective as of October 2025, informed by over 180 publications and ongoing collaborations with researchers worldwide. 

Selected References 

General Background and Foundational Works 

Hawking, S.W. (1974). Black hole explosions? Nature, 248(5443), 30-31. Bekenstein, J.D. (1973). Black holes and entropy. Physical Review D, 7(8), 2333. 

Bardeen, J.M., Carter, B., & Hawking, S.W. (1973). The four laws of black hole mechanics. Communications in Mathematical Physics, 31(2), 161-170. 

Modified Gravity and Quantum Corrections 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Sucu, E. (2025). Quantum tunneling and Aschenbach effect in nonlinear Einstein Power-Yang-Mills AdS black holes. Chinese Physics C, 49, 105101. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Quantum-Corrected Thermodynamics of Conformal Weyl Gravity Black Holes: GUP Effects and Phase Transitions. arXiv preprint 2508.00203. 

Al-Badawi, A., Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). A Black Hole Solution in Kalb-Ramond Gravity with Quintessence Field: From Geodesic Dynamics to Thermal Criticality. arXiv preprint 2508.16693. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Sert, O. (2025). Quantum-corrected thermodynamics and plasma lensing in non-minimally coupled symmetric teleparallel black holes. Physical Review D, 50, 102063. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Perturbations and Greybody Factors of AdS Black Holes with a Cloud of Strings Surrounded by Quintessence-like Field in NLED Scenario. arXiv preprint 2510.19862. 

Black Hole Thermodynamics and Phase Transitions 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., & Pourhassan, B. (2025). Thermodynamic scalar curvature and topo logical classification in accelerating charged AdS black holes under rainbow gravity. Physics of the Dark Universe, 50, 102136. 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). AdS black holes in Einstein-Kalb-Ramond gravity: Quantum 26 corrections, phase transitions, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 117081. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Sucu, E., & Dengiz, S. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. European Physics C, 85, 1144. 

Pourhassan, B., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Transport phenomena and KSS bound in quantum corrected AdS black holes. European Physics C, 85(4), 369. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2025). Thermodynamic topology, photon spheres, and evidence for weak gravity conjecture in charged black holes with perfect fluid within Rastall theory. Physics Letters B, 869, 139862. 

Quasinormal Modes and Spectroscopy 

Gashti, S.N., Afshar, M.A., Sakallı, ˙I., & Mazandaran, U. (2025). Weak gravity conjecture in ModMax black holes: weak cosmic censorship and photon sphere analysis. arXiv preprint 2504.11939. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2023). Superradiant (In)stability, Greybody Radiation, and Quasi normal Modes of Rotating Black Holes in Non-Linear Maxwell f(R) Gravity. Symmetry, 15, 873. 

Observational Tests and Gravitational Lensing 

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Probing Starobinsky-Bel-Robinson gravity: Gravitational lensing, thermodynamics, and orbital dynamics. Nuclear Physics B, 1018, 116982. 

Mangut, M., G¨ursel, H., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Lorentz-symmetry violation in charged black-hole thermodynamics and gravitational lensing: effects of the Kalb-Ramond field. Chinese Physics C, 49, 065106. 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Geodesics Analysis, Perturbations and Deflec tion Angle of Photon Ray in Finslerian Bardeen-Like Black Hole with a GM Surrounded by a Quintessence Field. Annalen der Physik, e2500087. 

Generalized Uncertainty Principle and Quantum Effects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Photon Deflection and Magnification in Kalb Ramond Black Holes with Topological String Configurations. arXiv preprint 2507.22673. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Exploring geodesics, quantum fields and thermodynamics of Schwarzschild-AdS black hole with a global monopole in non-commutative geometry. Nuclear Physics B, 1017, 116951. 

Wormholes and Exotic Compact Objects 

Ahmed, F., Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Gravitational lensing phenomena of Ellis Bronnikov-Morris-Thorne wormhole with global monopole and cosmic string. Physics Letters B, 864, 139448. 

Ahmed, F., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). Dunkl black hole with phantom global monopoles: geodesic analysis, thermodynamics and shadow. European Physics C, 85, 660. 

Information Theory and Holography 

Pourhassan, B., Sakallı, ˙I., et al. (2022). Quantum Thermodynamics of an M2-Corrected Reissner-Nordstr¨om Black Hole. EPL, 144, 29001. 

Sakallı, ˙I., & Kanzi, S. (2022). Topical Review: greybody factors and quasinormal modes for black holes in various theories – fingerprints of invisibles. Turkish Journal of Physics, 46, 51-103. 

Modified Theories and String Theory 

Sakallı, İ., & Yörük, E. (2023). Modified Hawking radiation of Schwarzschild-like black hole in bumblebee gravity model. Physics Scripta, 98, 125307.

https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1402-4896/ad09a1

Sucu, E., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2023). GUP-reinforced Hawking radiation in rotating linear dilaton black hole spacetime. Physics Scripta, 98, 105201. 

Event Horizon Telescope and Observational Cosmology 

Event Horizon Telescope Collaboration (2019). First M87 Event Horizon Telescope Results. I. The Shadow of the Supermassive Black Hole. The Astrophysical Journal Letters, 875(1), L1. 

Abbott, B.P., et al. (LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration) (2016). Observa tion of Gravitational Waves from a Binary Black Hole Merger. Physical Review Letters, 116(6), 061102. 

Recent Collaborative Works 

Tangphati, T., Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., & Pradhan, A. (2024). Behaviors of quark stars in the Rainbow Gravity framework. Physical Review D, 46, 101610. 

Banerjee, A., Sakallı, ˙I., Pradhan, A., & Dixit, A. (2024). Properties of interacting quark star in light of Rastall gravity. Classical and Quantum Gravity, 42, 025008. 

Sakallı, ˙I., Banerjee, A., Dayanandan, B., & Pradhan, A. (2025). Quark stars in f(R, T) gravity: mass-to-radius profiles and observational data. Chinese Physics C, 49, 015102. 

Gashti, S.N., Sakallı, ˙I., Pourhassan, B., & Baku, K.J. (2024). Thermodynamic topology and phase space analysis of AdS black holes through non-extensive entropy perspectives. European Physics C, 85, 305. 

Al-Badawi, A., & Sakallı, ˙I. (2025). The Static Charged Black Holes with Weyl Corrections. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, 64, 50. 

Textbooks and Reviews 

Carroll, S.M. (2004). Spacetime and Geometry: An Introduction to General Relativity. Addison Wesley. 

Wald, R.M. (1984). General Relativity. University of Chicago Press. 

Rovelli, C. (2004). Quantum Gravity. Cambridge University Press. 

Kiefer, C. (2012). Quantum Gravity (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. Ashtekar, A., & Petkov, V. (Eds.) (2014). Springer Handbook of Spacetime. Springer. 

Note: This reference list includes representative works from Prof. Sakallı’s extensive publication record (181+ papers) and foundational works in the field. For a complete bibliography, please consult the INSPIRE-HEP database or Prof. Sakallı’s institutional profile.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Quantum Cosmology

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: January 8, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 3,278

Image Credits: Izzet Sakallı

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, January 8, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions. In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published January 8, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, January 8). Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions. In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)
JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions. In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 8 jan. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions 

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)
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Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions.” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (January 8, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 8 January. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 8 January, viewed 8 January 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions.” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Black Hole Shadows & Lorentz Violation: Prof. Dr. İzzet Sakallı on EHT Tests, Wormhole Mimickers, and Tsallis–AdS Phase Transitions [Internet]. 2026 Jan 8;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/black-hole-shadows-lorentz-violation-izzet-sakalli-eht-tests-wormhole-mimickers-tsallis-ads-phase-transitions 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

 

Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1)

 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen (Email: scott.jacobsen2026@gmail.com)

Publisher, In-Sight Publishing

Fort Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Received: December 16, 2025

Accepted: January 8, 2026

Published: January 8, 2026

Abstract

This interview with Tor Arne Jørgensen examines how Christianization in Norway (c. 1000–1200) altered the foundations of customary law by shifting legal authority from orally maintained, kin-based practice toward a textual, hierarchical order associated with Church learning and royal power. Jørgensen describes kristenrett as extending legal jurisdiction beyond interpersonal harms to include religious acts and meanings, while also contributing to centralization across regional legal arenas. The interview then considers gender norms inherited from Norse society, outlining evidence for women’s practical authority within household domains and certain legal capacities, alongside the ways Christian marriage doctrine and clericalization of religious life could constrain women’s agency. Moving to the Danish–Norwegian Lutheran state church after 1536, Jørgensen discusses parish mechanisms—catechism instruction, confirmation, and episcopal visitations—as tools of instruction and discipline that generated forms of moral monitoring and gendered enforcement in recorded cases. The final section analyzes the Finnmark witch trials (1620s–1660s) as an institutional phenomenon shaped by imported demonological categories, interrogation practices including torture, frontier governance conditions, and shifting judicial oversight, and it defines the “Copenhagen doctrine” as an administrative–theological outlook that structured how misfortune and deviance were interpreted and prosecuted.

Keywords

Administrative oversight, Archbishop, Catechism, Centralization, Christianization, Confirmation, Consanguinity, Copenhagen doctrine, Demonology, Divorce, Finnmark, Gender norms, Governance, Interrogation, Kristenrett, Lagting, Lawspeakers, Literacy, Lutheran state church, Marriage, Moral surveillance, Noaidi, Oral law, Parish visitation, Parchment codification, Reformation (1536), Runebomme, Sámi, Shipwrecks, Syncretism, Thing assemblies, Torture, Vardø, Vengeance, Witch trials

Introduction

The transformation of Norwegian society from roughly 1000 to 1200 involved not only religious change but institutional change in how law was conceived, transmitted, and enforced. In this interview, Tor Arne Jørgensen addresses the transition from a customary legal order grounded in kinship obligations, oral authority, and local assemblies to a Christian legal framework in which written norms, clerical expertise, and sacralized kingship increasingly shaped jurisprudence and legitimacy.

Jørgensen discusses kristenrett as a category of law that re-specified legal jurisdiction by regulating religious practice and by reframing marriage, reproduction, and ritual within Christian doctrine. He also considers the persistence of regional legal variation and the development of hybrid norms that combined older compensation practices with new penitential and procedural expectations.

The interview then extends beyond the medieval period to examine post-Reformation parish governance under the Danish–Norwegian Lutheran state church and, later, the Finnmark witch trials of the seventeenth century. Across these periods, Jørgensen focuses on the operational link between theology, bureaucracy, and legal procedure, including the gendered patterns visible in disciplinary records and prosecutions.

Main Text (Interview)

Title: Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1)

Interviewer: Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Interviewees: Tor Arne Jørgensen 

Tor Arne Jørgensen is a Norwegian educator from Fevik, near Grimstad, in southern Norway. He teaches at secondary level and has written and spoken about history, religion, social studies, ethics, governance, and education for gifted students. He has participated in the international intelligence community since 2015 and is described as a member of 50+ high IQ societies. In 2019, the World Genius Directory named him “Genius of the Year – Europe.” He designs high-range IQ tests, including the site toriqtests.com, and is reported to have set Norway’s IQ score record twice. He is married and has two sons in Norway.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did Christianization between about 1,000 and 1,200 rework customary law?

Tor Arne Jørgensen: When Christianity intervened in the inner structures of Norse society, it became not merely a question of creed or ritual conversion. It became a fundamental reconstruction of the very concept of law itself – of that which had previously been anchored in the memory of kinship and the oral authority of the thingmen. The kristenrett wasn’t just new rules. It was something stranger, more unsettling: a redefinition of what law was. Where it lived. Who could speak it.

In pre-Christian Norway, law had been something organic, something that grew forth from collective experience and tradition. A system where legal understanding was woven into the social fabric of kinship, and where the logic of vengeance – perhaps brutal, yet consistent – constituted the moral gravitational center. When a man was killed, it was not the state or an abstract juridical instance that demanded redress. It was the kin itself, bound by blood ties and honor, that had to restore balance. Either through compensation or through blood.

This justice was immanent. It lived within the interpersonal space rather than above it, and it found its legitimacy not in written texts – there were none yet – but in what had always been thus: in custom’s heavy, unspoken authority.

But Christianity brought with it a law that did not have its origin in the depths of memory or the traditions of kinship. It brought – and here lies the paradox – a law that claimed divine origin, a law that transcended the local and the contingent. The kristenrett declared that justice was not a result of human agreement, but of God’s will. A will that was now to be mediated through the Church’s learned men and the king’s sacred authority.

I have often thought of this as a seismic shift: from law as lived practice to law as revealed truth, from custom to scripture, from plurality to something claimed as singular and eternal. Whether the transition was brutal or gradual naturally varies from region to region.

What strikes me most – and I keep circling back to this – is how much more became forbidden. The old law cared about what you did to other people. Killing, theft, slander. Direct harms. But the kristenrett? It claimed jurisdiction over your relationship to the invisible, to the sacred itself.

Sacrifice was now a crime. Not because anyone bled who shouldn’t – but because God was offended. Think about that. An act could be illegal not for what it did in the world, but for what it meant in a cosmic order most Norwegians had never heard of six months earlier.

Marriage changed too, though more slowly, more painfully. What had been a pragmatic arrangement between families – assets, alliances, survival – became a sacrament. Permanent. Monogamous. Hedged with rules about who could marry whom, how closely related was too close. The Church’s consistency on this must have felt, to many, like madness. And the fetus – that cluster of possibility – was suddenly sacred, ensouled, protected. An entire metaphysics of life imposed from above.

I imagine the frustration. The quiet resistance. The sense that strangers were now dictating the most intimate architecture of existence. And then there’s the power consolidation. This is harder to see at first, but perhaps more consequential in the long run. Where the old thing-system had been decentralized – each district, each lagting its own legal arena – the kristenrett created a hierarchy. The king and the archbishop stood as supreme judges, not only over people’s actions, but also over their souls.

Sin and crime, which had previously belonged to separate spheres, were now interwoven in a tight normative network. An action could simultaneously be a sin against God and a crime against the king’s peace. Both instances demanded compensation, discipline, repentance. You answered to two courts now, and the earthly one claimed its authority from the celestial.

But literacy – that’s perhaps the most revolutionary dimension of this transformation. The Church brought with it not only a new faith, but a new technology: the alphabet, codification, the text as authority. Law, which had previously existed as a fluid, interpretation-open collective memory, was now fixed in parchment, preserved in Latin and Norse texts, made into something that could be studied, analyzed, standardized.

This textualization of law entailed a power shift. From the old lawspeakers, who carried the law in their heads – who were the law in a sense – to the learned clerics, who could read and write, who could reference canons and chapters. Law became, in a sense, alienated from the immediate community. It became an object, a text. Something external that one had to consult, rather than something one simply knew. I wonder sometimes about that moment when a lawspeaker realized his memory was being superseded by parchment. The humiliation of it. Or perhaps the relief.

This movement toward textualization and centralization met resistance, naturally. The regional variations in Norwegian law – between Frostating, Gulating, Eidsivating, and Borgarting – were never completely eradicated, even though the kristenrett and royal power worked systematically to harmonize them. Local customs persisted, often in tacit dialogue with the new Christian norms. Hybrids emerged. Compromises. Creative reinterpretations.

The old compensation practice, for instance, was not abolished, but reinterpreted through the Church’s penitential discipline. Vengeance was not forbidden overnight, but gradually domesticated – channeled through legal procedures and royal authority. People found ways to live between worlds, to maintain what mattered while appearing to comply with what was demanded.

By the year 1200, the Norwegian legal landscape was fundamentally transformed. Justice was no longer merely a question of collective memory or the honor of kinship. It had become a matter for the Christian conscience, for the king’s law and the Church’s doctrine. Law had become a theological project as much as a social one.

It was the covenant between God, king, and people – not merely a custom that could be varied according to circumstance, but a sacred obligation that demanded obedience, repentance, and faith. Somewhere in this upheaval – in this shift from blood memory to sacred text – lies the seed of what we now call the state. That law might be above power, not merely its instrument. That it might bind everyone, even the king himself, to a higher order. 

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what about the gender norms inherited from Norse society?

Jørgensen: But what about the gender norms that Christianity encountered – those structures that had grown forth within Norse society itself?

Here it becomes more difficult, I must say. Christianity’s meeting with Norse femininity was not unambiguously progressive or regressive. It was deeply ambiguous, and the more I look at it, the less certain I become about what actually happened.

In the higher social strata we find powerful women. Men and women often shared overlapping spheres of responsibility, though the division was clear enough: men represented the household outwardly (utanstokks), while women held authority within the threshold (innanstokks). This division was practical rather than ideological. Social class was often more decisive than gender – a chieftain’s wife wielded more power than a poor man, obviously.

Women’s religious roles – as prophetesses, as practitioners of seiðr – were respected, if sometimes regarded with anxiety or taboo. There’s something here about women’s access to the numinous that Christianity would later foreclose. And marriage could, in fact, be dissolved by either party. A Norse woman could call witnesses into her home and, before the marriage bed, declare the union dissolved. It has always struck me how pragmatic this was. How undramatic.

Then came Christianity with its ambition to sacramentalize marriage.

The Christian understanding of marriage was monogamous, forbade sexual relations outside the marriage, and was meant never to be dissolved. Never. Polygamy and concubinage – widespread especially among chieftains – were systematically criminalized. And here something occurred that I think is often overlooked: women’s position was, in many respects, weakened by Christianization.

Not necessarily because the Church consciously sought to oppress them. I don’t think that was the intention. But because the Church’s marriage legislation – rules of consanguinity, inflexible monogamy, and the indissolubility of marriage – restricted women’s agency in ways that may not have been intended, but which were nevertheless very real. When marriage became indissoluble, women lost an important safeguard. When you couldn’t leave, what recourse did you have? When religious life became clerical, they lost their space as prophetesses. Christianization seems to have pushed women more decisively into the private sphere, into silence. But – and here we must be careful – the transition was neither complete nor unambiguous.

Norse practices lived on, often in tacit dialogue with the new norms. Compromises were made. Some women were among the first to adopt Christianity, and this matters. Perhaps they were drawn to the Christian prohibition against infanticide, which had given fathers – not mothers – the right to expose unwanted children. Perhaps the sacralization of life offered something the old ways didn’t. Or perhaps they saw other possibilities in the new faith that we can no longer trace.

What we are facing, then, is not a simple story of oppression or liberation. It’s a complex transformation in which older structures were reshaped, domesticated, and gradually absorbed into a new religious and legal order. Women lost some freedoms and possibly gained others. The clarity of the old divisions gave way to something more ambiguous, more constrained in some ways, perhaps more protected in others.

Jacobsen: Under Danish Lutheran establishment established in 1536, how did parish mechanisms work, e.g., catechism, compulsory confirmation, and visitation?

Jørgensen: Under the Danish Lutheran state church established in 1536, the mechanisms of parish life were shaped in ways that reached deeply into people’s everyday existence. Both pastorally and disciplinarily, though the line between the two was never clear.

The catechism – Luther’s from 1529 – was to be learned by heart: the Lord’s Prayer, the Ten Commandments, the Creed. It represented a kind of democratization of theology, though a tightly controlled one, in which laypeople were expected not merely to obey the faith but to know it. To be able to recite it back. Confirmation functioned as a rite of passage, a public declaration that the young person had internalized the doctrine and was therefore eligible for Holy Communion. And, symbolically, for adult status.

But it was also – and this is crucial – a form of social control. A mechanism through which the pastor could assess who had mastered the material and who appeared problematic. Who belonged and who didn’t quite fit. The visitation system penetrated even deeper.

The bishop, or his delegate, travelled through the diocese to inspect the parish, the clergy, and – remarkably – the moral life of the congregation itself. The visitation records are fascinating sources, if deeply uncomfortable ones. They reveal who lived in fornication, who clung to “superstition,” meaning remnants of older, pre-Christian practices. The visitation thus functioned both as quality control of the clergy and as moral surveillance of the laity. Everyone was being watched, recorded, assessed.

The clergy were often poorly educated. Visitations sporadic. And the population’s actual religiosity far more syncretistic than the official church desired. The catechism could be memorized without being internalized, recited like a charm with no understanding behind it. Confirmation could be completed as a social obligation rather than an expression of genuine belief. And the visitations frequently met with silence, evasions, or assurances that everything was in perfect order. People knew how to perform compliance.

The catechism’s moral address was implicitly patriarchal: the male head of household was to teach it to his children and servants. The woman was part of the household, not its representative. She learned, but she did not teach. Confirmation was identical for boys and girls in form, but not in consequence. Boys might proceed to further education, to Latin school, perhaps to university. For girls it often confirmed their place within the domestic sphere, marked the end rather than the beginning of something.

And the visitations scrutinized women with particular intensity. Fornication, illegitimate births – these are recurring themes in the records, and it was almost always the women who were named, accused, and punished. The men often escaped mention entirely, as if pregnancy were something women accomplished alone. The double standard is so consistent it becomes invisible in the sources themselves.

Thus, when Christianity sacralized marriage and the state church institutionalized these mechanisms, the result was not merely a religious transformation. It was also a gendered reconfiguration of power, though I suspect no one at the time would have described it that way.

The woman as prophetess, as seiðr-practitioner, as one who could dissolve her marriage by calling witnesses into her home – she had no place in this new order. Not because Luther or the Danish reformers deliberately sought to suppress women. I doubt they reflected much on it at all. But because the entire institutional structure they built presupposed her subordination. It was baked into the architecture.

And yet the transition was neither complete nor unambiguous. Older Norse practices persisted, often in quiet dialogue with the new norms. Compromises were made in ways that left few traces in official records. And some women may have found a certain protection within the Christian prohibitions against infanticide, or in the more stable structures surrounding marriage. Perhaps the loss of one kind of autonomy was traded, consciously or not, for another kind of security.

What we encounter here is not a simple narrative of oppression or liberation. It’s a complex transformation in which older structures were reshaped, domesticated, and gradually absorbed into a new religious and juridical order. An order deeply ambivalent in its consequences for women. 

Jacobsen: What started and ended the Finnmark witch trials between 1620s and the 1660s?

Jørgensen: Under Danish-Norwegian state rule in the Northern Calotte during the seventeenth century, there was no single rupture that opened the way for the witch trials in Finnmark. No dramatic moment. Rather a network of reinforcing structures, each feeding into the others until something monstrous became routine. The major cases that unfolded from the 1620s to the 1660s can only be understood when we see how theology, legal practice, and a society under constant pressure became intertwined.

By the early decades of the century, learned demonology had already entered the administrative apparatus. Under Governor John Cunningham, the region acquired one of its earliest institutional settings in which demonological concepts were systematically woven into local legal practice. The notion of a devil’s pact was not drawn from local belief but imported from European theological discourse and employed as a legal category.

When someone in Finnmark was accused, they were drawn into a narrative structure that was already fixed: pacts, nocturnal journeys, the wrecking of ships through sorcery. The question was not what the individual had actually done, but whether they could be made to fit the established repertoire. Interrogations thus ceased to be investigations. They became confirmations – judicial performances in which confession was both method and conclusion.

This framework found particularly fertile ground in Finnmark. The region was a remote outpost of the realm, shaped by storms, shipwrecks, fishing failures, and sudden deaths. Misfortunes that today would fall under meteorology or probability demanded, in the seventeenth century, a moral explanation. When a boat vanished with its entire crew, the question that arose was not only how, but who had stood behind it.

Within a society where causation was read through religious and moral categories, witchcraft became not a casual explanation but a meaningful way of imposing order upon disaster. It made the unbearable comprehensible, even if the comprehension itself was false.

The legal system reinforced this logic, as legal systems do. Torture was not exceptional but part of standard procedure in serious witchcraft cases. And in Finnmark, far from higher oversight, the use of torture and leading questions could become especially pronounced. It is no coincidence that so many confessions resemble each other. They were products of an institutional method rather than independent experiences. Officials learned from earlier cases and reproduced their structure in later ones, refining the template with each iteration.

The ethnic dimension must be mentioned as well, though without reducing the trials to it. Sámi women and men were overrepresented in certain periods, not because their religious practices were inherently “foreign,” but because the state construed these practices as a challenge to the Lutheran order it sought to impose. What was actually a conflict of governance – of who held authority over spiritual life, over healing, over the interpretation of misfortune – was reframed as a matter of demonology. The runebomme became evidence of devil-worship. The noaidi became the witch.

The end of the trials came no more abruptly than their beginnings. After the major cases of 1662–63, which pushed demonological thinking to its limits – or perhaps past them – skepticism began to make its way into the administration. Jurists influenced by continental debates questioned both the reliability of torture and the increasingly elaborate stories produced under interrogation. How could a woman fly to Blåkollen? How could she sink a ship from miles away? The narratives had become too fantastic, too internally contradictory.

Higher courts intervened more frequently, overturning sentences or demanding further evidence. Within this shift, the role of officials such as Mandrup Schønnebøl was decisive. Through his insistence on procedural regularity and evidentiary standards, he contributed to a legal culture in which the older demonological model could no longer sustain itself. Not because he was enlightened – I’m not sure he was – but because he was bureaucratic.

At the same time, the priorities of the state changed. A more stable administrative system, with firmer oversight of local officials, made large-scale witchcraft prosecutions impractical. They were messy, expensive, required too much coordination. The witch trial lost its administrative function – not because belief disappeared, but because the state developed more effective means of regulating its population. Catechism instruction. Parish visitations. Marriage legislation. These were quieter mechanisms, less spectacular, but ultimately more thorough.

Gender must be mentioned finally, not as an aside, but as one of the structural axes of the trials. Women were most often accused, and the female body – imagined as peculiarly susceptible to demonic influence – became the central site of demonological concern. Why women? The answers are multiple and overlapping: theological assumptions about female weakness, social structures that made women vulnerable to accusation, economic precariousness that left older women without protection. When this conception lost legal relevance, the trials lost their primary target. The state no longer required “the witch” as a figure of social deviance. It had other mechanisms for regulating household, sexuality, and morality.

What remains, then, is not a narrative of enlightenment triumphing over superstition. It’s a gradual transformation of power, theology, and legal practice. What took place in Finnmark between the 1620s and 1660s was the product of a system that first generated the witch trials and later rendered them obsolete. Order itself was redefined – and with it the institutions that had once upheld it.

The people burned in Vardø were not victims of ignorance overcome by reason. They were victims of a state apparatus that needed them to be guilty, until it didn’t

Jacobsen: Were there climate shocks, ethnic tensions, or trade frictions, feeding into this zeal?

Jørgensen: The connections were not linear, nor did they arise as isolated causes. The witch trials in Finnmark between the 1620s and the 1660s emerged where several pressures intersected within a society already under strain. No sudden rupture. Rather overlapping frameworks that slowly reinforced one another.

Climate belonged to the background more than the explanation. Finnmark was a landscape shaped by storms, fragile fisheries, and treacherous waters—conditions that left little room for error. When boats vanished or seasons collapsed, these were not abstract misfortunes. They demanded meaning. And in the seventeenth century, meaning was moral. Within a Lutheran framework steeped in demonological thought, the question was not only how disaster occurred, but who had stood behind it. Witchcraft provided a way of ordering the unpredictable.

But climate alone accounts for little. What transformed anxiety into prosecution was the state’s incorporation of demonology into legal practice. Under Governor John Cunningham, ideas imported from continental literature were woven directly into judicial procedure. Pacts with the devil. Nocturnal gatherings. The ability to wreck ships through sorcery. These were not part of local belief but legal categories waiting to be filled. Once an accusation was made, interrogation ceased to be investigation. It became confirmation. Confession both method and destination. Torture routine. Oversight distant. The striking similarity between confessions reflects not experience but structure.

The ethnic dimension must be acknowledged, though without reducing the trials to it. Sámi women and men appeared disproportionately in certain periods, not because their practices were uniquely dangerous, but because the state framed them as challenges to the Lutheran order it sought to impose. What was essentially a struggle over governance—over ritual authority, healing, the interpretation of misfortune—was recast as demonology. The drum became evidence. The noaidi became the witch.

Economic tensions hovered in the background. Finnmark was a frontier—remote yet central to the fishery economy—where failure rippled through the entire community. But the trials cannot be read as expressions of rivalry or competition. They unfolded where administrative reach was weakest, where local officials held wide discretion, where demonological reasoning found especially receptive ground.

The decline of the trials came without a single turning point. After the extensive prosecutions of 1662–63, the stories produced under torture became too elaborate, too contradictory. Skepticism entered the administration. Higher courts questioned procedure, overturned sentences, demanded evidence that demonology could not provide. Figures such as Mandrup Schønnebøl pressed for regularity, for standards that the older model could no longer sustain. Not because they were enlightened—there is little to suggest that—but because they were bureaucratic. As the machinery changed, the witch no longer fit inside it.

Meanwhile, the state developed quieter, more effective instruments of regulation. Catechism instruction. Parish visitations. Household legislation. Less spectacular than witch trials, but far more thorough. The witch lost her administrative function.

Gender remained one of the structural axes throughout. Women were most often accused. The female body—imagined as vulnerable, permeable, inclined toward diabolic influence—occupied the center of concern. When this conception lost its legal weight, the prosecutions lost their primary targets. The machinery shifted elsewhere.

What emerges, then, is not a narrative in which climate or ethnicity produced the zeal for witch-hunting. It is a convergence of pressures shaped by institutions capable of turning fear into legal action. And when those institutions changed, the phenomenon dissolved.

Jacobsen: What was the Copenhagen doctrine?

Jørgensen: The expression is somewhat misleading, as it suggests a single, self-contained doctrine. Which is not what we are dealing with. What I mean is the outlook that gradually took shape within the Danish–Norwegian administrative and theological center. Not a codified theory. But a composite set of assumptions shaping how officials trained in Copenhagen approached order, deviance, and spiritual danger. These habits of mind were not abstract. They traveled north with the personnel who carried them.

By the early seventeenth century, Copenhagen had settled into a form of Lutheran orthodoxy that was both doctrinal and practical. Its aim was not merely to safeguard “right belief,” but to secure a certain kind of social stability. The Augsburg Confession and Luther’s catechisms were foundational, yet their authority was reinforced by royal ordinances on household governance, moral conduct, and the responsibilities of officeholders. This framework did not function in isolation. Demonological literature—largely imported from German territories where such thinking had already been systematized—was grafted onto it. Ideas of the devil’s pact, nocturnal gatherings, maleficium. A ready-made vocabulary for interpreting calamity.

When these assumptions reached Finnmark, they did something particular. Local cosmologies—Sámi or Norwegian—did not map neatly onto the binaries Lutheran demonology depended upon. What came instead was a translation. Often a forced one. Practices with their own internal logic—Sámi ritual knowledge, for example—became legible to the state only through the categories it recognized: superstition, error, or deliberate alignment with the demonic. Norwegian fishermen and widows were drawn into the same interpretive net for similar reasons. Once misfortune seemed to echo the models officials carried in their heads, the machinery of interrogation and procedure took over.

This is why the confessions resemble one another so closely. They do not primarily speak to lived experience. They speak to what the institution expected to find. Torture did not produce truth. It produced recognizability. Narratives that fit an already accepted pattern. The “Copenhagen doctrine,” if we must use the term, was therefore less a belief system and more a lens. A way of rendering a distant region comprehensible and governable, at a time when the state’s reach was uncertain and its methods still experimental.

The decline of this framework did not come from sudden enlightenment, or a repudiation of demonology. It came from internal changes within the state. Shifts in legal thinking. Growing unease with torture. The gradual tightening of appellate oversight. As these pressures accumulated, the older demonological assumptions lost administrative usefulness. The state adopted new instruments for regulating moral life and household discipline. Once these took hold, the category of the witch no longer served a necessary function.

When I speak of a “Copenhagen doctrine,” I mean the conjunction of theology, bureaucracy, and legal culture that shaped how the early modern state made sense of misfortune. It offered a way of imposing coherence on events that otherwise resisted explanation. And when that interpretive structure changed—when the center no longer recognized its own assumptions in the cases brought before it—the trials evaporated. The logic that had sustained them was simply no longer there.

Discussion

Jørgensen’s account treats Christianization as a change in legal infrastructure rather than solely a change in belief. He describes a shift from law as collectively remembered and locally performed custom toward law as text-based authority mediated by literate specialists and aligned with expanding royal and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. In this framing, the significance of kristenrett lies in its redefinition of what could be regulated, including conduct understood as offending a religious order rather than producing direct interpersonal harm.

On gender, Jørgensen presents an ambivalent picture. He notes evidence for women’s practical authority within household domains and for certain legal capacities in Norse settings, while also describing how Christian marriage norms—monogamy, restrictions on kin marriage, and indissolubility—could reduce avenues of exit and limit agency. He also identifies the clerical monopolization of recognized religious authority as a structural change that narrowed roles previously associated with women’s ritual or prophetic functions. At the same time, he notes that Christian prohibitions on practices such as infanticide/exposure may have been experienced as protective in some contexts, and he emphasizes that outcomes likely varied by region and social strata.

In the early modern period, Jørgensen characterizes catechism instruction, confirmation, and episcopal visitation as parish mechanisms that combined religious formation with discipline. He argues that these mechanisms produced records that frequently enforced sexual and moral norms unevenly, with women appearing more often as named subjects of accusation and punishment in visitation contexts, and with household pedagogy structured around male headship.

For the Finnmark witch trials, Jørgensen emphasizes institutional dynamics: demonological categories imported into legal practice, interrogatory routines that produced standardized confession narratives, and the enabling conditions of remote governance and limited oversight. He also describes the decline of large-scale prosecutions as associated with changing administrative priorities, stricter evidentiary expectations in higher courts, and growing procedural skepticism toward torture-driven testimony. In this context, the “Copenhagen doctrine” is defined not as a formalized creed but as a composite administrative–theological outlook that shaped how officials interpreted misfortune, deviance, and spiritual threat.

Methods

The interview was conducted via typed questions—with explicit consent—for review, and curation. This process complied with applicable data protection laws, including the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act (PIPEDA), and Europe’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), i.e., recordings if any were stored securely, retained only as needed, and deleted upon request, as well in accordance with Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Advertising Standards Canada guidelines.

Data Availability

No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current article. All interview content remains the intellectual property of the interviewer and interviewee.

References

None submitted.

Journal & Article Details

Publisher: In-Sight Publishing

Publisher Founding: March 1, 2014

Web Domain: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com

Location: Fort Langley, Township of Langley, British Columbia, Canada

Journal: In-Sight: Interviews

Journal Founding: August 2, 2012

Frequency: Four Times Per Year

Review Status: Non-Peer-Reviewed

Access: Electronic/Digital & Open Access

Fees: None (Free)

Volume Numbering: 14

Issue Numbering: 1

Section: A

Theme Type: Discipline

Theme Premise: Nordic Legal and Religious History

Theme Part: None.

Formal Sub-Theme: None.

Individual Publication Date: January 8, 2026

Issue Publication Date: April 1, 2026

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Word Count: 4,245

Image Credits: Tor Arne Jørgensen

ISSN (International Standard Serial Number): 2369-6885

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges Tor Arne Jørgensen for her time, expertise, and valuable contributions. Her thoughtful insights and detailed explanations have greatly enhanced the quality and depth of this work, providing a solid foundation for the discussion presented herein.

Author Contributions

S.D.J. conceived the subject matter, conducted the interview, transcribed and edited the conversation, and prepared the manuscript.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
© Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012–Present.

Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.

Supplementary Information

Below are various citation formats for Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1) (Scott Douglas Jacobsen, January 8, 2026).

American Medical Association (AMA 11th Edition)
Jacobsen SD. Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1). In-Sight: Interviews. 2026;14(1). Published January 8, 2026. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials 

American Psychological Association (APA 7th Edition)
Jacobsen, S. D. (2026, January 8). Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1). In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1). In-Sight Publishing. http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials 

Brazilian National Standards (ABNT)
JACOBSEN, Scott Douglas. Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1). In-Sight: Interviews, Fort Langley, v. 14, n. 1, 8 jan. 2026. Disponível em: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials 

Chicago/Turabian, Author-Date (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. 2026. “Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1).” In-Sight: Interviews 14 (1). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials

Chicago/Turabian, Notes & Bibliography (17th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1).” In-Sight: Interviews 14, no. 1 (January 8, 2026). http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials

Harvard
Jacobsen, S.D. (2026) ‘Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1)’, In-Sight: Interviews, 14(1), 8 January. Available at: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials

Harvard (Australian)
Jacobsen, SD 2026, ‘Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1)’, In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 8 January, viewed 8 January 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials

Modern Language Association (MLA, 9th Edition)
Jacobsen, Scott Douglas. “Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials (1).” In-Sight: Interviews, vol. 14, no. 1, 2026, http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials

Vancouver/ICMJE
Jacobsen SD. Christianization and the Making of Norwegian Law: Tor Arne Jørgensen on Kristenrett, Gender Norms, and the Finnmark Witch Trials  (1) [Internet]. 2026 Jan 8;14(1). Available from: http://www.in-sightpublishing.com/christianization-making-norwegian-law-tor-arne-jorgensen-kristenrett-gender-norms-finnmark-witch-trials 

Note on Formatting

This document follows an adapted Nature research-article format tailored for an interview. Traditional sections such as Methods, Results, and Discussion are replaced with clearly defined parts: Abstract, Keywords, Introduction, Main Text (Interview), and a concluding Discussion, along with supplementary sections detailing Data Availability, References, and Author Contributions. This structure maintains scholarly rigor while effectively accommodating narrative content.

 

Returning Ukraine’s Stolen Children: Olha Yerokhina on Trauma and Hope

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/15

Olha Yerokhina is a Ukrainian professional working on the front lines of child protection and psychological support during Russia’s war against Ukraine. After the full-scale invasion, she joined Save Ukraine in 2022, helping families trace and repatriate children deported to Russian-controlled territories and so-called “summer camps.” She now works with the Voices of Children Foundation, supporting programs that help returned children adapt, rebuild trust, and process trauma through individual therapy, group work, and community activities. Drawing on hundreds of interviews with children and families, she documents patterns of abduction, Russification, and resilience for Ukrainian society and the wider world.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Yerokhina about Russia’s long-running campaign to deport and Russify Ukrainian children, beginning with Crimea and Donbas in 2014 and expanding after the 2022 full-scale invasion. Yerokhina explains how Save Ukraine uncovered the scale of so-called “summer camps” and forced transfers, in contrast to wildly inconsistent Russian statistics. She describes Voices of Children’s trauma-informed adaptation program for returned children, focused on rebuilding trust, community, and education while addressing anxiety, panic, and regression. They discuss art-based healing, staff burnout in wartime, and a culture of stubborn Ukrainian resilience captured in a Maidan-era proverb.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I think one crucial question that is not asked enough is: when did the earliest abductions of children happen? What year, what month? 

Olha Yerokhina: Russia’s actions did not begin with the full-scale invasion. They started taking Ukrainian children already after the first invasion in 2014, when they occupied Crimea and parts of Donbas, although it was not done so openly then. When the full-scale invasion began on February 24th, 2022, this practice became systematic and much larger in scale.

In autumn 2022, I worked at the Save Ukraine organization, and we began receiving calls from mothers seeking help. We were able to help them because, at that time, the Armed Forces of Ukraine had liberated some territories in the Kharkiv and Kherson regions.

These parents and guardians began calling our organization for assistance. Then we discovered the scale of the problem: how many children had been transferred to these so-called camps under the guise of rest, “summer camps.” But this was not a usual summer camp; many of these facilities were in occupied Crimea or inside Russia and were used for Russification and “re-education” of Ukrainian children.

We also discovered the forcible transfer of orphaned children and children from institutions. A third category was children whose parents had been killed near Mariupol or in other cities where heavy battles were happening. It is still going on.

Since that autumn, we began our work on the repatriation of these children, helping families bring them back from Russian-controlled territories when possible. Save Ukraine has become one of the key organizations involved in returning abducted children to Ukraine. 

In terms of numbers, we are talking about at least tens of thousands of children. Ukrainian authorities have officially confirmed the identities of over 19,000 children who were deported or forcibly transferred to Russia or Belarus, though everyone involved understands that this represents only a portion of the full number.

At the same time, Russian officials themselves have reported much higher figures. In 2023, Russia’s commissioner for children’s rights, Maria Lvova-Belova, publicly stated that more than 700,000 Ukrainian children had come to Russia since the start of the full-scale invasion, including those taken from occupied territories and those who arrived with their parents. Other Russian sources mentioned around 744,000 children. Later, some of these figures disappeared from official websites, which raises the obvious question: why remove them if there is nothing to hide?

I am sure that researchers can still find these documents and archived statements. Meanwhile, we are now in the fourth year of the full-scale war, and we still do not know the complete scale of the deportations. We do not have access to many of the occupied territories, and there have been no recent major liberations that would allow us to document what has happened there fully.

Who knows how many children were transferred, even this year, in 2025, or how many parents were killed. I have personally spoken to people from Mariupol who witnessed children who had lost their parents being taken first to occupied Donetsk and then to different cities in Russia. For them, this is not an abstract statistic; it is something they saw with their own eyes.

Ukraine cannot have a proper number because we do not have access to the occupied territories, and the Russians do not provide actual numbers. State media gives whatever narrative they want. Give me one second. At some point after the first applications, Ukraine began working with third countries to mediate—Qatar, for instance. So the Russians provide some lists of children, but of course, they include only small numbers. And how can we verify them? How can we check?

I had a conversation with a journalist in Russia in 2023. She told me she knew for sure that in one particular institution in Russia, there were Ukrainian children. But when she went there, they did not allow her even into the yard, only letting her see the fence. So, how can we in Ukraine get real numbers and know how many children are actually there? It is almost impossible until Russia provides information—or until a third country obtains it properly. That is my opinion.

Jacobsen: On August 17th, 2025, an article entitled “Beyond Genocide: Ethnicity and Identitycide—Russia’s Strategic Imperial Demographic Policy of Russifying Ukrainian Children” by Ayşegül Aydıngün, Valeriy Morkva, and İsmail Aydıngün, noted a range of reports similar to what you’re saying, from verified figures to broader estimates, ranging between 19,500 and nearly 750,000. So the 19,500—those are the verified cases, as a bare minimum. Regardless, we are talking about at least approximately 20,000 or more children who have been abducted and subjected to this Russification project.

The critical question is less about statistics—although they help create a general picture—and more about the children who come out. They come to you or others for rehabilitation. What is the process for a child whose parents may have been killed, who has been orphaned, possibly given a different name, displaced, and then returned to their culture of origin? In a way, it is a second displacement. Psychologically and informationally, everything is scrambled for these kids. How do they cope? What do you do?

Yerokhina: We are at the point now where we have created a program specifically for the adaptation of returned children. Our psychologists at the Voices of Children Foundation, where I work now, provide initial support when a child returns. The first meeting happens with the child-protection authorities and the psychologist together.

The psychologist thinks through everything, even how they are dressed and how to address the child. The child may want to be called by a different name, officially or unofficially. There is no physical contact. The first meeting is entirely about building trust, because the main harm done to these children is that they have lost confidence in adults. They lost confidence in the world.

When they return, they are closed. They do not understand whether they can trust us. We may take them somewhere else. What we say may not be true. So the first thing we do is build contact. We rebuild trust.

Then this happens individually, since some children stay in Kyiv and others go to other regions. We have centers in eight areas of Ukraine where psychologists work with them, either in individual sessions or group sessions. We also work with communities—schools, libraries—but this is done very gently, without pressure. We try to build a community, a safe place for the child. When they return to their country of origin, the goal is for them to feel as secure as possible, at least as secure as they can think in Ukraine now.

Jacobsen: There was a now-famous destroyed school. You may have seen the video with the rubble—it’s a long school building, and a girl is playing a violin. Have you seen this?

Yerokhina: Yes.

Jacobsen: So we were there, doing a shoot, taking photos, documenting the site. When we were there, it felt like the perfect characterization of the war, both externally and in people’s minds. The school was destroyed by ground fire. It was still literally falling apart as we stood there—pieces of tile and brick dropping off. The roof was gone.

Near it was a track. People walked or ran around it. There was a playground, a basketball court, and a tennis court. The school was completely obliterated. I have never seen a school destroyed to that degree. Two meters away, the playground, basketball court, and track were perfectly intact. I did not see a single bullet mark anywhere on them.

As we were there, two mothers were pushing infants in strollers around the track. While that was happening, Remus (Cernea) was filming a TikTok. I was taking photos. Then the air alarm started. None of us flinched. No one cared. It was the most perfect representation: everything is normal, and everything is not normal. A track and field, a tennis court, a playground, mothers with infants, journalists working, and yet it is all scrambled.

When I talk to people with trauma, not only war trauma, it resembles how their minds seem to function. Everything is normal, but all the categories have been mashed together. That school was the perfect external metaphor for war. So I assume a lot of the children coming to you arrive in that psychological state—not just lacking trust, but having their entire framework of trust destroyed.

Yerokhina: Yes. But there is something else, something significant. One girl who returned from Russia said to me, “Why do people keep asking me about my story and my life there? I have told my story so many times.” I asked her if that was a problem. She said, “No, it’s not a problem, but I want to live. I want to live my life. I want to live normally. I want to forget this experience. I came back, and I want to be a normal Ukrainian teenager. So I don’t want to tell my story anymore. I want to forget it.”

She is doing well now—she is studying at a university. Eventually, her friends and people around her stopped asking, “How did you live there? What were the Russians doing? What was the Russian school like?” Children are children. They want to move on, under any circumstances.

Jacobsen: Which is a sign of psychological resilience—the ability to pursue new experiences while integrating the past. What about the disorders that appear? Depression, mild anxiety, and panic disorders. What kinds of more acute cases are coming to you? What kinds of more acute psychological cases are you seeing? Depression, anxiety, panic disorders, and so on.

Yerokhina: I can name a few. Anxiety is widespread. Problems with sleep. Panic attacks. If we are talking about more minor children, they can develop physical disorders. They are old enough to use the toilet normally, but they may suddenly lose that ability.

Jacobsen: Bedwetting or incontinence, colloquially speaking.

Yerokhina: Yes. It depends on the age and on how difficult their experience was. Every case is individual. I can tell you about one boy—he is probably 13 now. He came to our center. He learned some techniques, and now he calms himself using those techniques: breathing exercises, grounding practices, and nonverbal sensory methods that our psychologists taught him. He uses these in daily life now.

If we are talking about teenagers—15, 16, 17 years old—they do not show much at first because of their age. What they need most is socialization. They need to come to our center and feel a sense of community, a place where they can talk to peers and be involved in activities with peers. Eventually, they begin to talk about their problems.

Jacobsen: Another factor is educational loss. When children are abducted and placed into another culture or different educational system—and then brought back after one, two, three, four years or more—they lose much schooling. How do these educational gaps show up?

Yerokhina: I have spoken to many teenagers who have had these gaps because of abduction or forcible transfer. It is tough. For example, you may be 17 now, but your knowledge of the Ukrainian curriculum stopped two years ago.

We have special programs—not our foundation, but the state of Ukraine—that allow them to learn this material in a shortened period, online. You can go to school or college, but you must fill the gap with online tests, with the help of teachers. These programs exist now.

Also, tutors help. Many boys and girls I have spoken to revised the entire curriculum in one year—for example, two or three years of missed education completed in a single year with help from tutors and teachers. Some of them later entered universities, institutes, and colleges successfully.

Jacobsen: So it is an accelerated program to catch up.

Yerokhina: Yes. But of course, it is still tricky. Abducted children have these educational gaps, but children in Ukraine also have them, especially in frontline cities. In Kharkiv, for instance, they study online all the time.

Some girls from Zaporizhzhia told me that the city is under constant shelling, so many teachers have moved or left. One girl said it is more convenient to study online, but she joined organizations and youth groups to meet people, to see peers, and to make friends.

So the returned children who were in occupied territories or in Russia also face these difficulties in Ukraine. That is why, in our centers, we offer activities together. That is why we work with schools and communities to highlight the need for socialization—especially for teenagers.

Unfortunately, the war is still going on, so we need to find solutions, the balance required to give an education to all children and to integrate returned children in a way that creates conditions for more straightforward adaptation. The rest of the children in Ukraine need the same things.

Jacobsen: It is common. If you look at the Beijing Declaration or any of its updates—basically any primary gender-equality document—when it comes to war, they often mention “rape as a weapon of war” or sexual assault as part of the violence. When I interviewed Commissioner Vrinda Grover, the lawyer from New Delhi who serves on the UN Commission on Ukraine, she noted in their recent November 3–6 based report that prisoners and POWs, men and women, experienced a significant number of sexual assaults while in captivity. For the children who are abducted and come back, is there a pattern to that as well?

Yerokhina: I have heard about physical violence, not rape. For example, a 15-year-old girl told me that when she was in one of the camps in Crimea, a man was acting as a kind of “caregiver.” He supervised everything to make sure it was “in order.”

One day, she wore a T-shirt with a tiny Ukrainian flag. He noticed it and said, “Give me this T-shirt.” She said, “No, I’m wearing it.” He forced her to take it off. He tore the T-shirt into pieces. She cried, and he threatened her.

Then he invited her to another room to “talk” about it. But she did not go. She was brave. She cried through the whole incident, but she did not obey. I asked her, “Did you have something else under your T-shirt?” And she said, “Yes, thank God I had an additional layer.”

These are open-textbook interviews; you can search for anything you need. She told me it was a tank top under the large T-shirt. But of course, it was a significant trauma for her—to be forced to take off her clothes in front of this man. She had known him for some time in the camp, but still, he was an adult male in a position of power. It was not very comforting.

Another girl told me that another caregiver hit her because she did not obey an order—something about staying on the territory or inside a building. A boy told me something else. I cannot say whether it is a verified fact, but he told me that caregivers had sex with some teenage girls in these camps. Whether the girls wanted it or not, he did not know—those were his words. But thank God, none of the girls who spoke to me described rape directly.

Most teenagers talked about physical and psychological violence, and about being forced to learn military skills. You do not even need to abduct children from occupied territories to control them—they create an atmosphere of obedience.

If you are a parent living under occupation, you have no choice. You will send your children to a Russian school. You will send them to these militarized youth movements. Otherwise, you cannot live there. And now I know what is happening in some occupied territories. For example, in one family, the child lives with his grandmother, and the mother is in the Ukrainian-controlled area. The war separated them.

Russian authorities pursue this vulnerable grandmother. I know this case personally. It is true. They told her, “You are not the official guardian. This is not your child. We will take him from you.” That is the threat of abduction—again. One organization in Ukraine helped this grandmother leave the occupied territories with the child, thank God. But what about other families?

Jacobsen: In World War II, many stories only came to light more than half a century later. It could be similar in this case, too. Unfortunately, in my own family, it came out only in 2016 that relatives had sheltered a Jewish couple to protect them from the Nazis. That revelation came in the 21st century, not the 20th. These things surface slowly. History repeats itself—sort of.

Yerokhina: Yes, sort of.

Jacobsen: What kind of humanitarian support is the most helpful for the work you do? And what is nice to have, but not essential?

Yerokhina: After we address the family’s and the child’s basic needs, the most important thing is creating a safe environment. Children need safe places where they can communicate. That is everything.

We provide activities for their development. We do art therapy. We have courses—two that are especially popular among teenagers. One is a film-creation course. The second is a creative writing course through art. Through art, teenagers gain stability, healing, and confidence. They feel more certain about their future. They feel the ground under their feet. That is the power of art.

Yerokhina: The core need is for a child to know that they have a future, if that makes sense. Many teenagers come to us and say, “I don’t know what to do. I don’t see the meaning of life anymore. I don’t know if tomorrow will come.” They are depressed. They are insecure. 

When they take part in these courses, they learn that the fear of death—well, we are not wizards. The fear of death in Ukraine is present for everyone. But they gain the feeling that they can do something about their lives, that they have a future. They begin to form goals. And this is important.

We say that we must work with teenagers and children in Ukraine now, not after the war, not after some future “ending” of the war. Now. Because they have problems now. They have psychological wounds, trauma, and the lived experience of war now. After some sessions, after some courses, they begin to say, “Yes, now I can look into my future. I know what I want to do.”

Jacobsen: I am going to reverse the frame. Questions shape frames, and the frame here is not about the kids. What about preventing staff members—and yourself—from burning out? The kind of secondary trauma, emotional transference, andthe general stress of the war context. How do you prevent being overwhelmed? You, your colleagues, your organization—everyone who takes in these children, runs the missions, provides humanitarian and educational work for traumatized kids. How do you avoid burnout?

Yerokhina: We have trips. We have retreats to the Carpathian Mountains. We gather as a team in restaurants. We talk to each other. We try to have a nice time at performances, in theatres in Kyiv, for example. It’s interesting—I wrote an article about teachers in Ukraine, but the situation is the same. We, as a team at our foundation, and teachers in their sphere, face similar pressures.

I asked different teachers how they cope, how they prevent burnout. I received different answers. Some go to training. Some go into the forest and feel nature. In our foundation, we also do various things—mountain trips, dinners, exhibitions, and cultural events. There are still many extraordinary events happening in Kyiv and in other cities. So yes, it is ordinary things. We try to continue living our everyday lives.

Jacobsen: What are your favourite Ukrainian quotes or aphorisms—pieces of wisdom that, for you, characterize the work that you do? Something like “all that glitters is not gold,” but Ukrainian.

Yerokhina: There is one phrase—something like, “Fire doesn’t burn those who are hardened (by it).” I do not know how to translate it perfectly into English. It became famous during the Maidan Revolution in 2014. It is about resilience, about the nonstop resistance of the Ukrainian people. 

Jacobsen: For years, Ukrainians have surprised everyone, especially the Russians. 

Yerokhina: We did not think we could endure years and years of resistance.

Jacobsen: True. Olga, nice to meet you. I appreciate your expertise. 

Yerokhina: Thank you for your interest. Bye-bye.

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Shield and Silence: Shana Aaronson of Magen on Rabbinic Abuse in Orthodox Judaism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/14

Shana Aaronson is an Orthodox Jewish advocate and expert on sexual abuse in faith-based communities. As executive director of Magen, she supports survivors in Israel and the diaspora, with a focus on Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox contexts. Her work combines case advocacy, community education, and international legal collaboration to hold abusers and enablers accountable. Drawing on personal experience and years with at-risk youth, she exposes grooming patterns, institutional coverups, and misuses of theology. She also trains schools, rabbis, and professionals on prevention, reporting duties, and trauma-informed response, insisting that community image must never be protected at the expense of children and vulnerable adults.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Aaronson about sexual abuse in Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities. Aaronson explains how insular cultures, modesty norms, lashon harachilul Hashem, and mesirahare weaponized to silence victims and shield abusers. She details predictable rabbinic grooming scripts, spiritual manipulation, and the misuse of “restorative justice.” The conversation addresses mandated reporting, failures of police and rabbinic authorities, and the theological misuse of purity and repentance. Aaronson emphasizes survivor autonomy, meaningful community accountability, and the need for rabbis to offer pastoral support without obstructing legal processes or safeguarding offenders.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: One noteworthy thing is that you observed this was not a topic discussed much in the community, nor, probably, outside of it. That is common across many communities. Everyone talks about Catholic cases now; it has become part of dark humour, irony, and legal proceedings. The Archdiocese of Los Angeles, as of late 2024, has paid out more than $1.5 billion in settlements to survivors of clergy sexual abuse. This is a significant issue. I know there is a growing contingent within Eastern Orthodox Christian communities. When it comes to Orthodox Jewish communities, do they have many of the same characteristics regarding not talking about it?

Shana Aaronson: Yes—absolutely. I have found this consistently, and I hear it any time I speak to activists or professionals in the field of abuse prevention or victim advocacy who come from within faith-based communities. The truth is, any insular community—any community with a sense of an internal and an external, an “us versus them,” an ingrained priority to avoid airing dirty laundry—will be worried about how things might look to outsiders. The dynamic is not too different from cases that have come out of Hollywood, Ivy League universities, or any place that feels it must maintain a particular image to the world and even to its own community members, however one defines “community.” I do not think this is unique to any religious community; I do not believe it is unique to religious communities at all. This is a dynamic of self-preservation, where the image must be protected at all costs. Sometimes that cost is human beings. That is unacceptable. At least, I certainly believe so. But it has taken many years for the shift to begin—away from sacrificing individuals on the altar of community image.

Jacobsen: What is the pathway of healing? It will obviously be individual, but there should be trends. What are those trends?

Aaronson: It is essential to differentiate between the pathways to healing for individuals and those for the community. There is overlap, but  each individual’s experience is different, as is each community. For many victims, healing includes seeing their abuser in jail. For many, it involves receiving an apology, acknowledgment, or validation of what they experienced—from the perpetrator, from their family, or from the institution where the abuse happened or that allowed it to happen. For some, healing comes from personal growth: “I went on to accomplish things no one thought I could—including myself—despite the trauma I experienced.” It becomes a sense of victory: “I built the life I dreamed of, despite everything I went through, and no one can take that away from me.”

On a community level, it is crucial to make distinctions, because I hear this so often—from clergy and from others: “Why do you not move on with your life? You could be doing so many great things if you focused on your career/family/future. Just move forward.” They do not say “get over it” because that would sound obnoxious, so they couch it in gentle language about “personal growth.” But it becomes a way of avoiding responsibility—avoiding accountability for what happened. While for many individual survivors, focusing on themselves and succeeding may indeed be their most significant source of healing, that does not absolve the community of its obligation to engage in serious self-reflection, acknowledge what was done wrong, and recognize the pain caused—whether directly or indirectly—to victims of abuse.

The community must then take concrete steps to ensure these things cannot happen again, or, if they do, that they are addressed swiftly and appropriately rather than swept under the rug as they traditionally were.

Jacobsen: Sure. My dad had trouble metabolizing ethanol. I was in Israel for the first time in July, and then we came back and we held the funeral. I remember the same kind of response: “[Get over it.] He is your father,” that sort of thing. I am getting a similar tone in what you are describing. You do not mean community reckoning in the sense of everyone dealing with it the same way, because this typically comes from rabbinical authority top-down. So in all these interviews I have done so far, acknowledgement has been the biggest thing. They would not even care about financial payouts. They want acknowledgement from the community and from the authority. What does that reckoning, responsibility, and accountability look like from rabbinical authority?

Aaronson: Number one, it is precisely what it sounds like. There has to be a public acknowledgement that we did not do what we should have done. We failed in our mission of protecting children. Or we may have to step back even further and first acknowledge that we have a responsibility to protect children and that we have failed to do so. And that has to be accompanied by, “We are going to do better in X, Y, and Z,” with specific steps.

Sometimes that step is: “We are not going to get involved in abuse cases because we are not qualified.” Or: “We will offer support, but within the limits of our training.” I have many thoughts about the role of clergy in addressing abuse. I speak about this often now. For many years in the Orthodox Jewish community—I cannot speak for all communities, but certainly ours—there was much talk about the need for rabbis to step back. “Rabbis have no business dealing with abuse”. “They are not qualified”. “They should not intervene.” “They should not be telling victims what to do or deciding for them.”

To some degree, that is obviously accurate  and I still stand by that. Rabbis should not tell victims what to do about their abuse. There is clearly a significant issue of rabbinical overreach in many cases where that happens. However, the message that rabbis have no place at all proved more complicated.

I say this as an Orthodox Jewish woman who does have a rabbi. Still, I would never ask him an abuse question because it is not his job or his authority — unless he had a professional qualification and licensure, which he does not. My rabbi would be the first to say, “I am not a psychologist, I am not a doctor, why are you asking me that?” That is the most important thing for any professional: to be willing to say, “This is not within my purview.”

Around seven or eight years ago, I was supporting a victim who had complex PTSD. She had been sexually abused by her father for many years and suffered tremendously. She left Canada and moved to Israel on her own at seventeen or eighteen to get away from her family. She was remarkable — she sought out every resource and every therapy she could find, and still does to this day.

There was a point, and I do not remember how it came up, when it became clear to me that it mattered to her to hear from a rabbi — not just any rabbi, but a senior rabbi. She was not looking for permission to go to the police; she was not going to the police. She lived in Israel, and he was in Canada. That was not the issue. She needed something supportive.

Because of my work, I know many rabbis and which ones tend to be supportive. I spoke to one of the rabbis I regularly work with. One of his rabbis is a senior rabbi in Jerusalem. He coordinated the meeting and told me when she should go.

She met with this rabbi for about ten minutes. He blessed her. He blessed her with healing. He told her she is wonderful, that she has a beautiful soul, and that she should go on to do everything in her life.

He told her to do everything she wants, to marry at the right time, and to raise children who will be healthy and happy. It was a completely transformative experience for her. It forced me to reconsider my position. I needed to stop pushing rabbis out entirely because there is an important place for them in pastoral support.

In specific communities — especially in the Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox world — everything runs through the rabbi. The rabbi is involved in almost every major decision, whether buying a house or having more children. To tell a family whose child has been abused that the rabbi has nothing to do with this may sometimes lead to a better-handled case legally and clinically, but on the other hand, you deprive them of a primary source of comfort and guidance.

There has to be a way for rabbis to be involved for families who need that support, but only within legal and appropriate limits. What must not happen is rabbis deciding whether victims should or should not go to the police, or whether social services should or should not be involved. That is not the rabbi’s job. But the spiritual support and pastoral presence can be significant for some people, and it is not right to take that away from them. That is something I have learned over the course of doing this work for thirteen years.

Jacobsen: What about the duty to report? I know there are places where laws have been changed so that clergy have to follow the same standards as other professions. They may be educated and qualified in certain areas, but are still not held to identical standards. Could this be implemented in Orthodox communities?

Aaronson: In Israel, all adults are mandated reporters. That includes rabbis. Recently, I have been involved in a case, in an Orthodox community, where the rabbi witnessed the perpetrator confessing to raping a teenager. The prosecutor called him as a witness, as they should have. He tried to claim confidentiality, essentially claiming something akin to Catholic priest-penitent privilege, which he does not have. He is an Orthodox rabbi.

There is no such thing in Jewish law. I am forgetting the exact term for the Catholic sacramental seal. Still, that rule — the absolute prohibition on revealing confession — does not exist in Judaism. This is probably a more complicated issue within Catholic communities because it is literally a religious rule. If I am asked to choose between two rules, I will always select the rule that protects children. But I understand the complexity for lawmakers if they feel they are infringing on religious practice.

In the Orthodox Jewish community, however, there is no such requirement. Rabbis are not bound by confidentiality toward constituents in any context, including confession. This rabbi claimed it only because he is in a predominantly Catholic country and could exploit the confusion. I am now gathering letters stating unequivocally that this privilege does not exist and that he is lying to avoid testifying.

As for clergy being mandated reporters — yes, they should be. I acknowledge the complexity of religion when it directly contradicts religious law. Still, in general, we should err on the side of whatever keeps children safe.

Jacobsen: Of those rabbis who commit evil acts, what are their typical patterns? Do they flee the country? Do they go out in public and say, “This woman is trying to destroy my life”? Do they engage in legal battles? Do they pressure other rabbis into silence? Do they avoid accountability at all costs? What are their typical patterns?

Aaronson: Rabbis who are perpetrators are almost predictable. My staff  talk about this often — the utter lack of creativity. It is the same script over and over. You feel like you are watching a train crash that you can see coming from miles away, but you cannot stop it.

There are typical steps. It is essential to differentiate between cases where the victims are children and cases where the victims are adults or adolescents. The dynamics differ.

In every case, there is grooming. What grooming looks like depends on whether the rabbi is targeting children or adults. When I say adults, it is usually women, though not always.

With boys, grooming often begins with discussions about modesty laws or the prohibition on masturbation. There are various Jewish laws regarding male masturbation and the “spilling of seed.”

Jacobsen: The sin of Onan?

Aaronson: Yes. So it very often starts with that — framed as spiritual guidance. The rabbi asks, “Do you struggle with this?” And the answer is yes, because everyone does. You will not find a teenage boy who has not dealt with sexual thoughts. That is normal developmentally. But the rabbi presents it as a spiritual failing requiring intervention.

So the rabbi offers “help.” It begins with guidance and conversation, then progresses into outrageously inappropriate discussions of masturbation practices, and in many cases, escalates to molestation or sexual assault. It is always wrapped in the narrative of spiritual growth: “I am helping you become a better person and a better Jew.”

There has to be justification, because children raised in Orthodox or ultra-Orthodox communities know that modesty is central and that something is off about this kind of conversation. The built-in justification — religious improvement — is compelling. I have heard this story repeated countless times. There is not much variety.

With adolescent girls and women, the narrative is different. Sometimes it is framed around “preparing them for marriage.” But very often, the manipulations take on cult-like qualities:

“I can see your soul.”

“Our souls are connected.”

“In a past life, we were married.”

“If we join together, we will bring the Messiah.”

This motif comes up far more often than people expect.

This isn’t new- There is an old story from a European Jewish community many generations ago. A woman’s husband was travelling — as husbands often did for work in those days — and a man arrived at her home asking for lodging. She let him stay. In the morning, he told her he had a dream in which God commanded him to impregnate her so she could give birth to the Messiah.

She believed him. She said yes, thinking she was fulfilling a divine command. When the husband returned, there was an entire fallout. The details vary in different retellings, but the core pattern is identical to what we see today.

The scripts barely change across centuries. The only innovation is the costume.

There was a whole halachic question about whether the husband could stay married to her, because in Orthodox Judaism, a man is generally prohibited from remaining married to a wife who has committed adultery. But what struck me was that the narrative was the same nonsense from 200 years ago — the identical spiritual manipulation. So yes, there is often much mystical language, claims of spiritual destiny, and promises of cosmic outcomes. It is not always the Messiah; sometimes it is vague “spiritual energy” that will be unleashed if they are together.

With abusive rabbis, there is also a sinister element: the twisting and perversion of religious texts. They will cite obscure sources or misapply Jewish law to justify what they are doing. They might acknowledge that, yes, a man and a woman who are not married are prohibited from being alone together — but then they present some convoluted exception. In Orthodox Judaism, women traditionally receive far less advanced textual education than men, especially compared to rabbis who study for many years. It is hard to argue with someone who has vastly more knowledge and uses that authority to manipulate you. It is like trying to contradict a doctor when you only have a second-grade understanding of biology. If he tells you something is medically necessary, your instinct is to defer.

I remember one woman who told me the rabbi gave her explicit instructions for sexual acts she had to describe to him. She did not want to comply. He told her that if she did not follow his instructions, the time he had spent advising her would become a “waste of Torah learning,” which is considered a sin. He said this would be held against her by God in heaven. That was his leverage.

When we went to the police, I had to explain to secular officers why this was the psychological equivalent of putting a gun to her head. To them, it sounded absurd — “Then tell him to go jump in a lake.” But that misses the point. When you genuinely believe you will be punished by God, eternally, for disobeying a rabbinic directive, the coercion is absolute. This woman was not a child; she was a 35-year-old mother of five. Explaining to outsiders why she could not simply “say no” is extraordinarily difficult. Consent becomes complicated in cases of rabbinic abuse involving adults. The manipulation is intense.

This happens with men, too — spiritual manipulation is not gendered. When the film Spotlight came out, many of my colleagues  cried through it because it was so familiar. There is a line — I am paraphrasing — where the victim  says that the abuse was as if God himself  is instructing him to do something sexual. That is precisely the dynamic: if someone convinces you that God Himself is commanding the act, what are you supposed to do? Say no to God? For someone raised in that environment, that is not psychologically possible. It is hard to explain this to anyone who has not lived in a community where spiritual authority is absolute, because on the surface, it does not make logical sense.

Jacobsen: When did you muster the courage to start? Was it something internal, or did it grow over time with support from someone — a relative, an aunt, someone who encouraged you?

Aaronson: It is interesting because I got into this work almost by mistake. I originally wanted to work with at-risk youth based on my own experiences. I had sexual abuse experiences of my own, but I did not identify them as abuse until much later. It was only after I had been working in this field for years and had my own children that it dawned on me. I was thinking about those experiences and suddenly realized that if someone called me and described what had happened to me, I would immediately tell them they had been abused, which meant I had been abused. I had never conceptualized it that way because the perpetrators were children. To me, it had just been this painful, uncomfortable “game” these kids were playing.

So it was not some conscious drive where I thought, “I went through this, now I am going to make sure no child ever goes through it again.” Maybe subconsciously that was there — you do not need to be Freud to make that connection — but consciously I was focused on at-risk teens, kids acting out in all sorts of ways. I worked with adolescents dealing with different kinds of trauma, and I found I could not escape the sexual trauma. Eighty-five percent of the teens I worked with had been sexually abused. That seemed bizarre.

I also had, as a teenager, many friends who had been sexually abused, even though I never used that word at the time. A few incidents still stand out in my mind. When I was fifteen, I had a friend who was raped and thought she might be pregnant. She could not have been pregnant, I know that now that I know basic biology, but we did not know that at the time. She refused to buy a pregnancy test, so I went to get it for her. I was in my Jewish private school uniform — button-down blouse, pleated skirt — and I walked into the pharmacy convinced someone was going to arrest me. I was sure the universe was going to crack open, alarms would go off, a divine hand would descend from the sky, something. I thought there was no way a visibly ultra-Orthodox teenage girl could buy a pregnancy test without being carted away. No one even looked at me. I walked out stunned.

She took the test, and we sat on the floor in a public bathroom, praying for two minutes. I will never forget the scene. Even at fifteen, I thought: where are the adults? Something is wrong here. Why are we doing this without any adults? I do not blame my parents — I could have told them, but I did not want my friend getting in trouble. Still, even then, I knew the situation was wrong. A fifteen-year-old thinking she is pregnant should not be navigating that alone. That was when I decided: someday, I am going to do something about this.

So professionally, I went into work with at-risk youth. That is what I thought I was doing. But I could not get away from the sexual trauma. It kept pulling me back, and eventually that became the core of my work.

Jacobsen: What is the worst case you have come across? Or if one does not come to mind, one so absurd that it stands out? I will preface this by saying the Jewish Orthodox community is complicated. Americans have gotten over their “no Jews, no Blacks, no Irish, no dogs” phase over the last hundred years, but the cultural baggage still hovers. I did an anthology on antisemitism, speaking with people across the spectrum—from Sacha Roytman, to Alan Milwicki at the Southern Poverty Law Center, to Holocaust survivors. It became a constellation of experts: personal experience, academic research, community work. 

It is an odd subject. Not straightforward. Then you get into the fringe communities — the people who believe the Rothschilds own the moon and operate a secret lunar base directing world domination. Then the lizard-people believers, claiming the lizard-people are Jews.

Planetary real estate or satellite real estate gets strange. It layers into this, too. Within the extreme cases of an extreme act of abuse—whether over a period of time or a single stark instance—what comes to mind for you? Those you have helped or those you have read or heard about?

Aaronson: Unfortunately, quite a few come to mind that were some of the worst. There is one case I am dealing with now, or more recently, where the victim was abused by her father—sexually abused and raped. That was not even the worst part, which sounds like an impossible thing to say. Still, the psychological abuse and manipulation, and the cult aspect, were devastating. He sexually abused her and raped her on several occasions in a cemetery. Cemeteries are pitch black, and the experience  is utter terror.

Jacobsen: What place do cemeteries and the dead hold in Orthodox Jewish theology?

Aaronson: There is a distinct place for them. A few years ago, we were spending time with my husband’s cousin, who is Christian, and she was in Israel for a couple of weeks. We were talking about the significance of graves because, in Orthodox Judaism, grave sites have spiritual significance. There is an idea that at the 30-day mark after a person’s death, the soul ascends a bit higher. During the first seven days—the initial mourning period—the soul ascends but remains connected to the physical world. As time goes on, the connection shifts.

I cannot fully explain it because nobody truly understands it—the relationship between the physical and the spiritual stretches and changes. At 30 days, the soul ascends to another level, closer to God. At one year, it continues to climb, and each subsequent year is described as another step higher. There are also teachings about certain exceptionally righteous people whose souls ascend immediately. So the details are not fully knowable, but there is definite significance attached to grave sites.

We go and pray at the grave site. It is not permitted to pray to the deceased person—that is considered idolatry and is absolutely prohibited in Judaism. We pray to God, asking that the person’s soul serve as a conduit to bring our prayers before God’s throne, asking for help, protection, or healing.

There is also a concept of ritual impurity. In Judaism, impurity is defined as the absence of potential holiness. When a person dies, the body becomes ritually impure because it no longer houses the soul. Priests—Kohanim, descendants of Aaron, Moses’ brother—are not permitted to enter cemeteries because they may not contract impurity from the dead. They can enter hospitals only under limited circumstances. So a cemetery is simultaneously a spiritually significant place and a place of ritual impurity.

What this father did included tying her up and reciting passages from the Torah about the Akeidat Yitzchak, the binding of Isaac. This was part of the psychological terror. 

Jacobsen: That word—terror—is often overused, but this is the appropriate context. 

Aaronson: This was not fear that could be managed. It was something overwhelming and otherworldly, and she had nowhere to go with it. The powerlessness was total. Abuse by a parent is among the worst because the horror of the sexual abuse is compounded by the knowledge that this person whose job was to protect them instead violated them . That was one of the worst cases I have ever heard about. The PTSD—complex PTSD—I witnessed in her was intense. It was the first time I had ever seen dissociation at that extreme. I was with her at the police station when she began describing the scenarios and the rapes, and she completely shifted. She became a five-year-old. It was the closest thing I could compare to what dissociative identity disorder is often portrayed as.

Pop culture has sensationalized DID—films, television, all of it romanticizes dissociation—but this was the first time I saw, in person, something close to that. There was one person in the room, and as she spoke, her voice changed. It went much higher, like a little girl. Her vocabulary dropped significantly. Her word choice and sentence grammar shifted. She went from being an adult woman to a child right in front of me. She was crying, shaking, rocking back and forth. She looked like a little girl in crisis.

There isn’t a perfect way to help in that situation. The only thing to do was help her stay as grounded as possible—remind her she was safe, remind her to drink water, remind her to breathe.

Jacobsen: Drink water?

Aaronson: Yes. It could be juice, but drinking something is grounding. When someone is dissociating or intensely triggered, one recommended grounding technique is reconnecting with the physical world through the five senses. Taste, touch, movement—all of it helps. Taking off your shoes and putting your feet on the ground allows that. Fresh air helps—the temperature change can interrupt the dissociation. It is all about helping her stay connected to the physical reality of the here and now, reminding her that she is safe, that she is brave, that she is doing something difficult. But you can see how tenuous her grasp on reality becomes as she relives everything.

That was definitely one of the most extreme cases. But in general, it is often the re-traumatizing cases that affect me the most. I have had a few cases of young people who were abused and then went to therapy, or what they believed was therapy. I say “therapy” because more often than not, it is not a therapist. It is some religious do-gooder masquerading as a therapist.

Jacobsen: America has plenty of those.

Aaronson: We have a big problem here because there is no licensure. In Israel, there is no license for “therapists.” Social workers are licensed. Psychologists are licensed. Psychiatrists, of course, are medical doctors and are licensed. But “therapy” itself is entirely an unlicensed field. There is no such thing as a licensed therapist here. It simply does not exist. That does not mean there are no qualified practitioners—but the lack of regulation allows some truly harmful people to practice.

Jacobsen: What kind of harm? Some read horoscopes or claim they can read the stars to help with chakras.

Aaronson: The religious Jewish world is less astrology and more “spiritual guidance.” Things like: “If you do not reconcile with your father, God will hate you because you are obligated to honour your parents,” and similar manipulative nonsense.

Those cases get to me every time: someone who was abused finally finds the courage to seek help, and then the person they turn to abuses them again. It is the rare moment they opened up—and it is exploited.

Again, one does not need to be Freud to understand why, as someone who has dedicated my life to this and paid many prices for it, I am so irrationally angry about cases like this. Or perhaps not irrationally. It is rational. It is a kind of moral impurity—something that violates what should be sacred: trust in a moment of vulnerability.

But it is those cases that get to me—when someone calls and describes the situation. Their uncle abused them, and they struggled for years, and now they are eighteen and afraid to start dating. So they go to this “counsellor,” and I know exactly where it is going, and it is nowhere good. I wish I could make it stop, but it is what it is.

Jacobsen: In my interviews so far—this will be for the second anthology, but the first anthology—every single person, whether a leading organization, a researcher, a victim telling their story, or someone building a database of abusers, all of them have sacrificed something. Often many things, and often significantly. As a journalist, it is a complex topic, but that pattern is entirely consistent. I am comfortable saying that at this point because it has been literally everyone.

So let us imagine we overlay Lord of the Rings mythology onto Orthodox Judaism—stick with me. This is the friendliest, lightest touch, given the subject’s weight. Remember the scene when Gandalf and Saruman realize one another’s betrayal and fight with their staffs—throwing each other around without touching, using invisible force? The unseen world of Tolkien.

So: rabbis who abuse. The minority who commit terrible acts. They often use rabbinical texts and aphorisms to justify their behaviour or manipulate theologically, often in ways that create sheer terror for the victim, whether boys or, more predominantly, adult women. We should be clear: the pattern is mainly pedophilic abuse against boys and sexual assault against women.

On the other side, for those who have gone through these experiences, what within the community—or within scripture—can be used to provide comfort? Earlier, you mentioned the case of the woman who went to a senior rabbi who told her she had a “beautiful soul,” and how the fact that it came from him mattered. It was a kind of salve. So what can you use—the Gandalf side of the equation?

Aaronson: That is a layered question, or perhaps a layered answer.

Spiritually, the first thing is this: many victims ask what these abuses mean for the texts themselves. If something sacred can be twisted so severely, what does that say about the tradition? In this particular area, Orthodox Judaism has a clear conceptual framework.

I mentioned earlier the idea of death and impurity. In Orthodox Judaism, impurity is not “dirtiness.” It is the absence of tremendous potential for holiness. The body becomes impure after death because the soul—something holy—has departed. The impurity is the vacuum left behind by what was profoundly sacred.

The same principle applies elsewhere: equal potential for holiness comes with equal potential for distortion. That is the theological logic. It is the reason given for why menstrual blood creates ritual impurity, not because something is dirty, but because there was a potential for life that has passed. After childbirth, there is also a period of impurity for the same reason: the presence or departure of immense spiritual potential.

It is a kind of spiritual yin and yang: holiness and impurity are linked because they share the exact origin—potential.

So for victims wrestling with spiritual questions—”What does this mean for my faith?”—there is a built-in framework. Not an “answer,” because healing is not about platitudes. But the idea is this: if anything, the fact that holiness can be perverted so severely is itself evidence of how much power existed in the first place.

It can also mean that you, too, contain that potential for holiness, spirituality, and comfort—if you choose that direction. I also believe that anyone who decides to leave the Orthodox community or any religious community after being abused within it should receive full support and resources. No one should have to remain in the place that caused their trauma. But it is equally wrong to force victims out. Those who want to stay deserve support to stay, and those who wish to leave deserve support to go. Someone whose choices were taken from them should be given every possible opportunity for real choice.

We say this constantly to families. I get calls from parents asking, “How do I force my daughter to go to the police?” You will not help your daughter heal from sexual assault by forcing her to do anything. You can give her information. You can empower her. You can support her. You can ensure she has every resource. You cannot decide for her. Even if you could, it would harm her, because it recreates the same absence of control and autonomy that defined the abuse.

So that is one part of your question.

There are also many traditional texts a person can turn to. There are passages about the intrinsic holiness of the soul—how nothing can take that away. For many victims, that raises more questions, because they ask, “What does that mean about my abuser and his soul?” That becomes complex. One of the things we emphasize is that everything comes down to choices. The victim did not choose harm; the abuser chose to harm. And in Orthodox Judaism, sins against another human being are considered more offensive to God than sins against God. If I do not pray in the morning, God is not pleased. But if I harm my fellow human being, God is grieved even more, because I am damaging His creation.

The metaphor is simple: if my child tells me he hates me, fine, children say things. But if my children hurt each other, that wounds me more deeply. That is the idea.

And then there is the matter of forgiveness. In Jewish theology, sins against God are forgiven on Yom Kippur. If you go through the day—even imperfectly—you emerge forgiven for sins against God. But sins against other people are never forgiven unless you apologize, make amends, and seek forgiveness from the person you harmed. Without that, nothing is forgiven.

This often becomes the single most significant point of clarity for victims. They say, “Am I required to do the  mitzvah, a good deed, of  forgiving my abuser?” And my response is always: your abuser has not even apologized. Why are we discussing forgiveness? If he comes, apologizes, makes amends, and demonstrates change, then we can discuss forgiveness. But the expectation of automatic forgiveness—when the abuser has not taken the first kindergarten-level step of apologizing—is misplaced.

People often reach out to me when an abuser is exposed, saying things like, “This is lashon hara, evil speech,” or, “What if he already did teshuvah—what if he repented?” And I answer: I know he did not, because he has not spoken to the victim. Teshuvah requires that as step number one. Without that, nothing else counts.

So those are the pieces that tend to come up most often—not exactly “comfort,” but direction for victims who are struggling spiritually.

Jacobsen: What is the highest-profile case that has happened in Israel, in your opinion?

Aaronson: There have been some significant cases in Israel. I would say the biggest was Moshe Katsav, the former President of Israel. He was convicted of rape and sexual assault. I was not involved. I was in undergrad at the time—2007, something like that. I was young, I was not involved in that case at all.

The most significant case we handled directly and heavily was Yehuda Meshi-Zahav. He was the founder and chairman of ZAKA, one of Israel’s leading emergency response and victim-recovery organizations. He was a nasty dude. 

Jacobsen: Emergency-response guy causing emergencies.

Aaronson: There was alarming material in that case. ZAKA is involved in handling bodies after terror attacks and disasters. They still are. They also work as paramedics, but their primary role historically has been the dignified recovery of bodies in accordance with Jewish law.

When I was a teenager growing up here, it was during the Second Intifada. Buses were exploding constantly. You would be out with friends and hear nonstop sirens, and you knew a bus had been blown up. ZAKA was everywhere. There are strict Jewish laws about treating bodies with dignity—calling them “impure” has a technical meaning. Still, the requirement is that bodies must be recovered, preserved, and buried fully, including any lost blood or tissue.

So this organization was revered. Meshi-Zahav himself, with his long white beard, was seen as an angel. He would appear on television at every bombing scene. That was the image for decades.

When I got the first call about him—from a staff member—I remember exactly where I was standing. It was 10 p.m. If he was calling me then, it meant something serious. He said, “A journalist contacted me. She’s investigating allegations against Yehuda Meshi-Zahav. She wants to work with us because she believes victims need advocates. We also do some private investigative work, so can we take this on?”

It took us nine months to find the first victim willing to speak. Everyone we found knew another victim. Everyone said, “I’m not going to be the first.” No one wanted to be first. Then, finally, we found the first person willing to speak.

It was a man. Meshi-Zahav abused men and women. And children. Anything he could. It was extremely sick.

I will never forget that case. The depravity, the confidence, the scale—it went on for decades. He was already in his early seventies, and he had been abusing substances since he was a teenager. Nobody stopped him. One woman described how he raped her for the first time in a hotel. He used to invite women to “meetings” in hotels. It turned out all those meetings were him assaulting women, but of course, she did not know that when she went in. He showed up—

Aaronson: He arrived in uniform, in his special car. He had a vehicle with lights and sirens, and he was a public figure. The man was recognizable. (He is dead now. He killed himself.) She said what struck her was that he showed up, parked right in front of the hotel entrance, and used his emergency-vehicle status to park illegally but prominently. He was not hiding. He walked into a hotel room with a woman who was not his wife.

Jacobsen: A brazen abuser.

Aaronson: Yes, so brazen, and he had gotten away with it for so many years that he was completely untouchable. What came out afterward—now there are documentaries about this. The documentary is called Meshi-Zahav. It is in Hebrew, unfortunately, but they added subtitles because it was released abroad. For me, the most shocking part was that it had gone on for so long and so many people knew. What also came out is that the police knew, and the police covered for him for years, because he was an informant. They decided it was worth allowing him to continue abusing people because he provided information. They said they did not know the extent of the abuse. If they had known how many victims there were, maybe they would not have made that decision. One would hope.

I was curious what number of people it is acceptable to rape in exchange for being a police informant. If I am an informant for the police and I bring them information, what crimes am I permitted to commit? Is there a list? Do I get a get-out-of-jail-free card for any number of crimes? Do I receive perks? Parking privileges near the Western Wall? I do not know.

Jacobsen: Some noteworthy names of abusers inside Israel, out of the rabbinical community. Rona Metzger, former Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel.

Aaronson: We supported one of his victims. 

Jacobsen: Mordechai Elon, a star of the Religious Zionist world, was convicted. Former head of Yeshivat HaKotel. Eliezer “Eliezer” Berland, a Breslov leader of Shuvu Banim. Meyer Wilder—hugely influential author and therapist, found guilty in a rabbinical court, though not a criminal court: Ze’ev Kopelovich, Rosh Yeshiva of Netiv Meir, former dean at Netiv Meir in Jerusalem.

Aaronson: I remember that one. 

Jacobsen: Malouf Amidav Crispin, Chief Rabbi of Kiryat Bialik, near Haifa. That case is still ongoing. Yazdi—Moshe Yazdi, Jerusalem Kabbalistic Rabbi. I could see them using Kabbalistic frameworks to rationalize that sort of thing.

Aaronson: Berland was a big one. Berland’s community is a cult. They are officially designated as a cult. He is an evil man. 

Jacobsen: Daniel Bertičevsky, an Israeli rabbi arrested abroad and charged with rape, assault, and offences against family members of rabbinic witnesses. Any thoughts on those?

Aaronson: Bad dudes. Really bad. There is not much more to add. Nothing good.

Jacobsen: Internationally, what has come up among the “most wanted,” or best-worst, however you categorize it: Rabbi Baruch Lanner in the United States—convicted in 2002. Rabbi Daniel Greer, New Haven, Connecticut; Rabbi David Samuel—Cyprus, and then Rabbi Ezra Scheinberg. He was in Israel—internationally relevant as well.

When I look at some of these names, what I see are two major categories of offenders. First, the completely brazen ones: whatever works at any time, any authority they have, they will abuse it. Second, the covert ones: the ones who say, “We must bring the Mashiach into being,” or who use Kabbalah and its numerology to justify their abusive behaviour. They operate in a community that is already very closed, which makes it much easier to take advantage. Fair?

Aaronson: Yes.

Jacobsen: Anything on what we have covered so far before I continue?

Aaronson: No, nothing else.

Jacobsen: Does grooming in these communities differ in any significant way?

Aaronson: In some ways, yes. I mentioned earlier that they often use religious or spiritual justifications for the abuse, whether inevitable or ongoing. So the grooming itself usually includes some explanation, justification, and preparation that are religious in nature or at least tied to it.

Now, obviously, it depends on whether we are talking about abuse committed by relatives or others in the community. Those dynamics might be similar anywhere. But if we are specifically talking about spiritual or religious leaders, then yes—there is usually something of that religious nature built directly into the grooming process.

Jacobsen: I interviewed Dr. Amos Guiora, who studies enablers. He is a former IDF lieutenant. In his academic work—he is now in Utah, in the Mormon community—he often talks about enablers. (People frequently mistake me for an evangelical youth pastor or a Mormon missionary. I do not fault them for this. “Hello, my name is Elder Jacobsen.”)

In his work on enablers, he outlines a middle ground for accountability among the community, the perpetrator, and the victim. How does this enabling work in Orthodox communities?

Aaronson: There are a few common dynamics that we see repeatedly. Number one is modesty standards. There is a false assurance of safety that we are told exists—or that is given to us—because we are holy and modest, especially for women: the idea that if we dress modestly, we will be protected from indecent acts by the men around us.

Not only is that untrue, but it often works to the victim’s disadvantage. It is not just that modesty is not a protective factor; it becomes a risk factor because people rely on it and assume it provides the safety it absolutely does not. So it is not that dressing modestly intrinsically causes more abuse—obviously not—but because people rely on it as if it were protective, it opens the door further. It is a charming and evil lie.

If you walk around believing you cannot be harmed, you live your life differently. You act more boldly. 

I always tell my kids: every time they point out something strange in another religion, I point them to something equally odd that we do. We all have our own eccentricities. Judging others while ignoring our own is a universal human sport.

Jacobsen: Are there other problems around that?

Aaronson: Another problem, though, is the hypocrisy around women’s bodies. Women’s bodies are described as holy, precious—”a diamond.” Cover your diamonds because they will be stolen. Yet if a woman is assaulted, suddenly talking about it is “inappropriate.” So the message becomes: “Protect your diamonds at all costs, but if the diamonds are stolen, stay silent.” That contradiction is everywhere.

Behind me, though you cannot see clearly because the camera is blurred, is a picture of the Chafetz Chaim, a rabbi. That was not his actual name; his real name was Yisrael Meir Kagan. He is famous for his writings on lashon hara, evil speech—slander, gossip, speaking negatively about others. His teachings are constantly misused to silence victims of sexual abuse in the Orthodox community: “The Chafetz Chaim says you may not speak badly about others.”

Yet in his book, he explicitly writes about the exceptions—to’elet, meaning a constructive purpose—cases where you are required to speak up to protect others. Those exceptions are apparent. But they are often ignored.

We put his picture on the wall as a statement. Because he is used so often to silence victims, I wanted it to be a symbolic reclamation. You do not get to twist his teachings. He would have been one of the strongest voices insisting that abuse be reported and stopped. People ask me all the time if the placement is intentional. Very much so. Otherwise, I probably would not have a rabbi’s portrait on my wall at all.

Jacobsen: I want to build on lashon hara—forbidden speech—and chilul Hashem, desecration of God’s name. The first, as you noted, is used to protect abusers. The second, I imagine, is also used to protect abusers because “we must not shame the community.” Are these ever used together? Are they always used together?

Aaronson: Often, yes. We get the usual sequence. First comes modesty—number one. Next is lashon hara: “You cannot talk about it. Speaking evil is like murder.” We are taught that speaking badly about someone is akin to killing them. And then comes chilul Hashem. That means “desecration of God’s name.” There are endless theological questions about what it would even mean to “make God look bad,” but the way people use the term and its supposed meaning are not the same. It becomes a pious way of saying, “We cannot make the community look bad.” If anyone finds out that this religious-looking man is abusing children, what will people think? We know what they will think, and it will not be good.

There is also a historical basis to these fears about airing our dirty laundry. In Jewish tradition, we are taught that the Second Temple was destroyed because of sinat chinam—baseless hatred. The classic story is about a man who intended to invite his friend Kamza to a feast but mistakenly invited Bar Kamza, whom he hated. Bar Kamza assumed it was a gesture of reconciliation and showed up. The host publicly humiliated him and expelled him. Bar Kamza, enraged, went to the Roman authorities and slandered the Jewish people. He convinced the Roman governor that the Jews disrespected him. The governor sent a calf to be sacrificed in the Temple; Bar Kamza secretly inflicted a minor blemish on it, making it ritually unfit. The priests refused the sacrifice, not out of disrespect but because Jewish law prohibits offering a blemished animal. This chain of events escalated, and eventually, the Romans destroyed Jerusalem and the Temple. It is a dramatic story, but the message absorbed culturally is: “Do not go to the secular authorities. That leads to disaster.”

Throughout Jewish history in the diaspora, this warning was not abstract. In many places, going to the authorities could indeed lead to pogroms—Cossacks showing up, killing people, burning homes. Nobody wanted to attract attention to the Jewish community for fear of collective punishment.

But we now have to explain that we are not living in 1840s Europe. We are in Western democracies. Suppose you go to the NYPD to report sexual assault. In that case, you are not risking that tomorrow, non-Jewish citizens will burn down synagogues with official permission. That is not the world we live in today, thankfully. Antisemitism exists, but not at a level that would justify failing to report serious crimes. Crimes harming children must be reported. You cannot allow that to continue.

Yet the fear of airing “dirty laundry,” and especially the fear of going to secular authorities, still echoes. There is even a halachic category historically called mesirah—informing on a Jew to secular authorities. Traditionally, being a moser was considered so serious that, in extreme historical contexts, harming someone to prevent them from informing was permitted because informing could cause an entire Jewish community to be massacred. That is obviously irrelevant to modern Western society.

Suppose you ask whether Jewish law might justify not going to the police to report sexual assault in a place like Iran, where Jews face real state persecution. In that case, I can understand why that would be a complex ethical and halachic question. There is actual risk there. But applying mesirah to the United States, Canada, the UK, Australia—any modern democracy—makes no sense.

Anywhere else in the world—literally anywhere there are Jews—I do not see mesirah as relevant. Maybe you could argue about a place like Iraq, but there is effectively no Jewish community left in Iraq, so it is moot. It is not applicable in Canada. It is not relevant in Australia.

In the Malka Leifer case—another important one we were involved in—when they were discussing extraditing her to Australia, all the rabbis, and all the king’s horses and all the king’s men, had opinions: “You cannot send her back. It is mesirah. What might they do to her?” What are they going to do? She will be in a jail cell with other women. She will get kosher food. It will not be comfortable for an ultra-Orthodox woman—that is true. She should have thought of that before she raped her students. She is not at risk of being skinned alive or hanged. This is Australia, for heaven’s sake. They are not going to kill all the Jews in the city.

So it is not relevant anymore. Mesirah was a rule for a particular historical context that thankfully does not apply in almost any place today. Yet these are still the excuses offered for why you “cannot” go to the police, why you “cannot”talk about it. We hear them over and over.

I hear mesirah invoked less now than I used to. It used to be popular. In fact, I appear in a documentary that came out about six years ago called Mosrim—”Informers,” or snitches, basically. That is what they used to call us. Professionally, I was “a moser.” I suppose I still am. But the halachic category no longer applies. You do not need to be a rabbi to see that. You need a basic level of common sense.

So those are the primary arguments against addressing abuse. Nobody openly says, “I support abuse.” I have never heard anyone say that. But what they do say is, “If we act—if we go to the police, if we expose this—then it will be the end of the world.” That is the subtext.

Now there is a new buzzword: “restorative justice.” It sounds professional and legitimate—and it is legitimate in particular circumstances. But what happens is that some rabbis learn the phrase and then use it everywhere.

We have a current case: a rabbi who abused his daughter and other children. She is the only one who has gone to the police so far. He is dangerous and belongs in prison. He was in jail and already on trial when the victim received a phone call from a local rabbi who was friends with her uncle. He decided it was appropriate to intervene in the case. He called her to say, “Why not consider a process of restorative justice? I know many people who have done it. It is successful.”

The man is in jail. He has not taken the slightest responsibility. He pleaded not guilty. There is almost no dispute that he did what he is accused of, but he claims he had a right to do it because “she is his daughter” and he “did not mean it sexually.” This is absolutely not a candidate for restorative justice—not even remotely.

They use the term because it is a tool: it sounds professional, carries legitimacy, appears in academic and legal discussions, and crucially, it can mean “no police, no prison.” So it gets thrown at any case where they do not want the victim to go to the authorities: “Try restorative justice.” Whether it is appropriate or not is treated as irrelevant.

There is definitely a trend. Perpetrating rabbis lean on whatever new tactic appears on the menu of plausible deniability. The patterns are remarkably boring and predictable—like watching the same train barrel toward the same blown-out bridge every time.

When something new comes along—restorative justice, for example—the reaction is often, “Perfect.” Then it becomes a tool to evade even minimal accountability.

Earlier in my career, the standard trick was steering victims toward the wrong reporting channel. In our system in Israel, you can report abuse through social services, through the police, or through a hybrid unit staffed by social workers who work directly with the police. They figured out that if you report through social services, there are mechanisms that can slow-roll a case into oblivion, so it never reaches prosecution. So suddenly, everyone was being told, “The best thing is to report to social services.” That statement is technically true—you are allowed to report there—but the purpose was to prevent the abuser from ever being arrested.

New tactic, same goal.

Another pattern keeps showing up. It taps into purity culture and the religious concept of the yetzer hara—the “evil inclination,” including lust, envy, and so on. Sexual abuse is incomprehensible to most people who are not predators. You cannot intuit why someone would do it; it is so far outside normative human experience.

So perpetrators and some rabbis collapse that distinction by reframing predatory behaviour as just another form of everyday temptation. Because Orthodox and especially ultra-Orthodox communities impose stringent prohibitions on masturbation, men often struggle with those rules; it is part of basic human biology. That struggle is universal enough that rabbis and community members relate to it.

What perpetrators do is equate the two struggles: “You deal with inappropriate thoughts about women; I struggle with touching kids. We all have our struggles.”

I hear that line all the time. We all have our struggles.

And then a kind of empathetic fog descends. Rabbis say, “Everyone has a yetzer hara. Everyone struggles with impure thoughts.”

But this collapses a critical distinction. It is normal and healthy for an adult to be attracted to other adults—men or women. Sexual attraction is part of human biology. It needs to be regulated to function in society, of course, but it is normal.

Abusing children is not.

Yet the narrative becomes:

“I cannot judge him. I would not want anyone inside my head, seeing what I think about. So how can I judge what he did?”

I hear this from people more often than you would believe. They do not realize how warped that sounds. It is not the same thing at all.

But that is the narrative. “Everyone messes up. Everyone struggles. He slipped; he will do better.”

It is a way of turning the unthinkable into something forgivable, even relatable, which is precisely why it is so dangerous.

This is not the same thing. I also do not buy the argument that sexual abuse stems from sexual repression. If an adult man wants sex, there are countless ways—legal or otherwise—to find a consenting adult partner. Sexual abuse is not an automatic fallback when someone is “not getting enough.”

A colleague of mine likes to say that claiming sexual abusers offend because they “need sex” is like saying alcoholics drink because they’re thirsty. The metaphor holds. Sexual abuse is not about unmet sexual needs; it is about power and control.

Another common myth, and one that enrages me more than most, is the idea that marriage is some cure. Men who are abusing but unmarried are often told to get married as soon as possible—because once they have an “outlet,” they will supposedly stop. It is not true. Statistically, most sexual abusers in the United States are married. I do not have the precise numbers for Israel, but I have no reason to believe it is dramatically different.

Yet women are pressured into believing this narrative. One of the most chilling conversations I ever had was with a Hasidic woman from a deeply ultra-Orthodox community in Jerusalem. Her husband had sexually abused two of their daughters. She sat across from me and said:

“I did everything he wanted. I did every disgusting thing he asked me to do. Why did he have to go to the girls? I did everything so he wouldn’t go to the girls.”

Her sentence captures the narrative perfectly: the belief that wives are responsible for preventing their husbands from “sinning,” including preventing child sexual abuse. Rabbis reinforce it, and women internalize it. They are told, explicitly or implicitly, that if their husbands abused someone, it is because they did not provide enough sex.

It is false in every possible way.

The idea is profoundly damaging. It infantilizes men by painting them as creatures incapable of self-control. It burdens women with responsibility for the sexual decisions of another human being. And it devastates children by creating an environment in which their safety hinges on the sexual compliance of their mothers. Spiritually, psychologically, emotionally—every level of it is poisonous.

We hear these narratives constantly.

As for accountability, you asked if any rabbi who is a known abuser has taken responsibility, gone to jail, completed a process of genuine healing, and then lived without reoffending. To my knowledge, no. And even if someone did not reoffend, we would have no way to prove it.

I am not aware of a single rabbi who served time and afterward took real accountability. The closest—though it is a grotesque distortion of accountability—was Eliezer Berland, the cult leader. When he pled guilty, he said something like, “If I had done this in the times of the Temple, they would have lashed me.” That was framed as an acknowledgment of his wrongdoing.

His followers immediately reinterpreted it as a holy act, that he was only admitting guilt to “atone for the sins of the generation.” It is a bizarrely Christian idea, totally contrary to Jewish theology. Judaism does not have the concept of one person atoning for another’s sins. But religious communities absorb all sorts of things, especially when needed to protect a leader.

So no—there is no known pattern of accountability, rehabilitation, and non-reoffense among abusive rabbis. Not even close.

Jacobsen: Terminologies from other contemporary religions get absorbed; contemporary religion is syncretic more than anything else. Even those who consider themselves “true to the faith” still overlap here and there. What organizations do you recommend that also work with Orthodox communities—researchers, survivor advocates, or organizations that could be Israeli-based or outside Israel but work with the diaspora Orthodox community?

Aaronson: Our organization is called Magen. We are based in Israel, and we support survivors all over the world, usually when there is some Israel connection—either their abuser has fled to or from Israel, or the survivor moved from or to Israel.

There is Rachel Bayer, director of the Bayer Group. I do not think she markets herself specifically as a Jewish organization, but she is a Modern Orthodox woman and works with many Jewish institutions as well. She was a former sex-crimes prosecutor in New York. Now she runs a company that provides education and prevention training for schools, camps, and institutions in the United States.

There is also Shira Berkovits from Sacred Spaces—definitely worth speaking to.

There is a woman named Shani Verschleiser. She is an LCSW. Her organization is called Magenu. Not to be confused with Magen. There is much variation on that word; magen means “shield” in Hebrew, so you see many versions. Also, there is Asher Lovy at Zaakah. 

Jacobsen: Anyone else? These people seem like “troublemakers.”

Aaronson: To some degree or another, yes. But Shira Berkovits’s organization and Rachel Baer’s work are more proactive—they do educational work. They are not “troublemakers” in their current roles. Their organizations help prevent abuse, which is naturally a lot easier.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. It was nice to meet you. I appreciate your expertise. 

Aaronson: Have a lovely day. Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Fluid Selves, Moving Cultures: Epistemic Humility in a Translated World

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/13

Identity and culture are both fluid, evolving constructs shaped by global interaction. The Self should be seen as dynamic, while cultures shift through collective human behavior. Misaligned assumptions, epistemic colonialism, and stereotypes—whether East-to-West or West-to-East—risk reducing individuals to types rather than respecting their individuality. Translation tools bridge language but often fail at nuance, idioms, and cultural subtext, creating further misunderstandings. In intercultural settings, respect, openness, and sensitivity are essential, particularly regarding communication, cognition, and conduct. Withdrawal from harmful exchanges is valid self-care. Ultimately, cultivating empathy and dialogue fosters dignity, cooperation, and resilience in a globalized era.

An important lesson, reinforced through repetition, due to its pervasive fluidity, is the notion of cultures interacting with the Self. The Self can be seen as a construct gthat is fluid and dynamic. Cultures, being made of collectives of people, are fluid in quantity and in statistical dynamics, too. Therefore, the Self and Culture are active naturalistic constructs; both individual identity and cultural norms evolve dynamically.

As international boundaries and borders fluctuate in the era of mass communication and travel, everyone must be internationally oriented and globally minded. We are all in the same boat with anthropogenic climate change, for example. Cross-border cooperation is essential in climate response. Evolution overwhelmingly suggests that we are all part of the same species. Some in what is called the West may not be aware of what some in what is called the East may assume about them. Perception gaps are fundamental. In them, stereotypes often travel asymmetrically.

These assumptions are emotional soft spots. Intercultural mistakes and enmity can erode relations. Therefore, let us cover some of those soft spots, so you do not become a type in the mind of the other person as an Other rather than remain an individual: A fill-in for the worst stereotypes about the West, or the East, if the other case emerges. Stereotype threat is a common risk.

Immaturity can reign here if not reined in, even amongst adults. One soft spot is in cognitive styles: How we know. A core claim or emphasis is the view of epistemic colonialism, as seen from what is perceived as “the West.” The types of methodologies. How things are verified. The platforms that are promoted. The people promoted on those platforms. The people are also barred from those platforms.

When working in these contexts, these cognitive rule sets are crucial. Different disciplines work on distinct skills, mental models, and timelines. Universes of epistemic discourse differ. This occurs with cultural interjection into the disciplines: do not inquire within a closed frame; ask questions in an open frame, remain calm and respectful; and, if they fail to ask enough questions to form a robust opinion, then that is on them. Same for you. Open-ended, non-judgmental inquiry is important in dialogue.

When coming to another country, region, or hemisphere, the professional standards in a single discipline tend to be the same. The cultural frame of a discipline’s utility function can differ. Discussions across disciplines and cultures multiply the problems in discussion and hinder mutual comprehension, which serves as a basis for empathy. Misaligned assumptions are an obstacle; structured dialogue can mitigate this.

So, the epistemic core of the problem between someone who sees humanity divided into East and West, rather than as one species or ‘family,’ is an epistemic perception of a Western country extended everywhere. You do not have to believe this. This will be imputed. People impute group membership, even as individuals resist it.

Another context is communication, or how we speak and how we listen. It becomes complicated in the era of algorithms or large language models capable of nearly instantaneously translating text for you. The benchmark of communication between cultural interlocutors is lower. The gripe is a lack of linguistic or cultural duty of care.

Please speak to a person where they are at, rather than where you want them to be. This one takes more mindfulness and practice. However, a basic LLM or Google Translate can break the boundaries and increase the sharing of mutual meaning. At the same time, these tools miss idioms, politeness, and cultural subtext.

Some of what they see as the East interacting with someone they perceive as being from the West will be sensitive to the silent interactions involved in the cultural and linguistic duty of care. A sensitivity to the interpretation, pace, and register is not separate from the translation of meaning. They are part of conveying meaning. High-context cultures rely more on pacing and indirectness.

Another facet is the behaviour in the culture. In a more openly social culture with the elements of communication more silent than ‘loud,’ a focus on what you see acted out and left unsaid becomes more important than direct translations. LLMs and algorithms often remain limited or ineffective in this context, frequently leading to the most intercultural failures. This leans from conduct into the consequences. Machine translation accuracy drops with contextual meaning.

In any tourism, travel, or professional context abroad, locals generally bear the brunt of the dangers. Outsiders reap prestige, to them. Whether or not this is true, this is the sentiment. Therefore, sensitivity should be based on the principles of mutual respect and accountability: Share the risk and share the credit.

Cross-cultural contexts, if the individual interlocutor on either end is reduced to a stereotype, calm and respect can dissipate as fog from a sunny morning if the stereotyping checks in. After a sufficient amount of time in the morning, the stereotype will overtake the perception of the individual as an individual, as we all want to be treated as, and then move into treating an individual as a type. Stereotype persistence and outgroup homogenization are real.

You should have a sense of mutual dignity for the individual doing so and yourself, as well as maintaining a sense of self-respect: Respectfully recuse yourself. You do not have to take part in your own emotional abuse. If you do not have the basis for this mutual respect, then it is reasonable to do so. You are responsible only for yourself. Withdrawal is a valid protective response. Self-care is ethically sound.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Nadav Shoval on Founder Duty, Whistleblowers, and Weaponized Venture Capital

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/12

Nadav Shoval is an Israeli entrepreneur and technology founder known for his deep commitment to ethical innovation and mission-driven leadership. With a background in building companies that scale globally, he emphasizes responsible governance, strong founder-investor alignment, and safeguarding technology from misuse—especially in ventures that receive government funding or involve sensitive applications. Shoval advises founders navigating complex conflicts with boards or investors, drawing on his own experience across high-pressure growth environments. His perspective on values-based decision-making and contractual accountability has made him a respected voice in debates surrounding founder rights, venture capital dynamics, and the long-term societal impact of emerging technologies.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Shoval about the wider stakes of Dr. Stafford Sheehan’s whistleblower case against Air Company. Shoval argues that export-control and IP concerns expose a recurring pattern: sophisticated investors and foreign actors using venture capital structures to access sensitive U.S. technology. He outlines how founders often underestimate structural power imbalances with VCs, from board control and forced exits to legal warfare funded by “unlimited” capital. Shoval urges technical founders to recruit seasoned commercial partners, rigorously diligence investors, and treat values-driven governance as a core defence, not an optional ideal.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: From your vantage point, what makes Dr. Stafford Sheehan’s whistleblower case significant, specifically beyond the dispute between him and Air Company?

Nadav Shoval: The background of the case and the way Air Company’s technology has allegedly been handled—especially the national security and export-control issues raised in Dr. Sheehan’s complaint—points to a larger pattern we see. Certain foreign actors, including Chinese entities, are increasingly focused on acquiring sensitive U.S. intellectual property. In this situation, the allegations involve sensitive engineering data and defence-related technology, not just a private commercial dispute. That is what makes this case very unique.

Jacobsen: So how should founders think about contractual obligations when public or government funds are involved?

Shoval: As a founder, your goal is to create significant value, build a strong company, and develop important technology. Some companies hold intellectual property that is highly strategic for the country. Founders strive to bring in strong, supportive investors, but many are not aware of the agendas those investors may have. Does it make sense?

Jacobsen: With your experience on OpenWeb’s board of investors, what structural—rather than individual—vulnerabilities do founders overlook when they sign early documents?

Shoval: The main thing founders do not fully grasp is that the company is not theirs indefinitely; it eventually becomes subject to the investors’ priorities. We assume that the more value we create, the more aligned everyone will remain. However, if you raise too much money or bring in too many investors, you may find that they have interests that conflict with those of the company, even when the company is growing and successful. Some investors may need liquidity after seven years, or their limited partners may be applying pressure for unrelated reasons. By design, most venture capital funds are not fully aligned with founders. Most founders do not realize this.

Jacobsen: I appreciate that point. A founder, as you noted, is ultimately accountable to the board—and to the shareholders as well. So, regarding corrective mechanisms, feedback, and governance, what is considered normal, and what is considered abnormal or inappropriate in terms of discipline?

Shoval: When you see that some shareholders are acting against the best interests of the rest of the shareholders—whether they are board members or not—there is a problem. This happens more often with venture capital investors than with angels. When a structured financial institution invests in early-stage startups, and you see a shareholder beginning to act, vote, or apply pressure around decisions such as selling the company, choosing a buyer, arranging financing, or selecting strategic partners—I have seen all of it—that should trigger an alarm. There is likely an agenda behind it. It is hard to notice because many investors are sophisticated. Legally and financially, they understand the articles of association and incorporation documents better than the founders do. They surround themselves with teams of lawyers and know how to maneuver a founder, both emotionally and commercially.

Jacobsen: What kinds of protections would you like to see for technical co-founders or early scientists?

Shoval: Find a commercial co-founder. That is my main advice—someone who understands these dynamics. Do not swim in the ocean with sharks when all you have is your IP. It is a bad idea. You need someone who has been in the tank with those sharks and knows how they talk, their manipulations, and their games. There are many practical issues—small terms in the articles of association that founders do not understand, such as voting mechanisms, distributions, and more. I will not get into the legal details, but my best advice is this: Y Combinator is right that every startup needs two personas. One is the person who can build the product from A to Z. The other is someone experienced on the commercial side—someone who has worked with VCs and shareholders and understands the game because it is a complete game.

Jacobsen: We are focusing on protections and avoiding harm. Business is not for the weak. At the same time, is it generally a safe endeavour if people take appropriate precautions?

Shoval: No. Startups are against all odds. By definition, you are up against large companies and even governments. You are competing for the right to exist. It is very high risk, especially once you take institutional money. VC firms, private equity firms, and family offices—though family offices sometimes less so—operate on structured capital. They are in the business of making money, not building companies. They create companies only when it serves that goal.

Jacobsen: Do you see whistleblower actions like Dr. Sheehan’s as primarily legal mechanisms?

Shoval: I see it differently. Promising founders usually do not work only for money. They work for a purpose. It is about doing what is right—an internal compass of values. Dr. Sheehan acted in the interest of the client, which in this case is the government, and in the interest of the shareholders. If I were in his position, I might have done the same. You fight to ensure technology is used for the right purposes. If it is misused by a foreign country with conflicting policies or interests, that is morally wrong. Many founders want to fight for what is right. That is part of what makes them founders—something in them that pushes them to defend the right course of action.

Jacobsen: Let us say a founder and a board enter a conflict, and it moves to court or arbitration. What tend to be the significant asymmetries in those situations?

Shoval: The capital that venture firms can deploy. An individual founder ends up fighting alone against a large institution with significant financial resources. They hire the best legal teams, drag out the process, and can be very aggressive. It is tough to go against them because they have effectively unlimited money.

Jacobsen: Are founders typically emotionally sturdy enough for this kind of situation? Meaning, by analogy, people going through a divorce—one party may be more emotionally resilient than the other.

Shoval: Founders are far more emotionally invested than VCs. For VCs, companies are portfolio assets.

Jacobsen: What should be in contracts or safeguards?

Shoval: The most important thing is to speak with other founders in the investor’s portfolio—especially the ones who failed or had problems. Do not rely on success stories. Speak with the founders who encountered difficulties and ask about the individuals involved.

Jacobsen: When there is that much money circulating, how large is the gap between what is legal and what is moral?

Shoval: It is hard to generalize, and perhaps this reflects my personality more than others, but many founders are mission-driven. They will push boundaries when needed. In technology, especially, people tend to have strong views. Most of the founders I work with—the successful ones—are highly moral and deeply driven by their values. That is why they want to do things their own way. That has been my experience.

Jacobsen: What do you struggle with most in this area of human life? What is the most emotionally taxing?

Shoval: Surrounding yourself with people more intelligent than you. For me, it is about building a great team of top performers who can work well together. The hardest part is making the machine function. For me, it is always about the people—that is, both the hardest and the most crucial element.

Jacobsen: Are there certain people who do not seem to feel anything? They can withstand whatever is thrown at them. It is not that they lack empathy, but their affect is so muted that nothing flusters them. It is a strength because they stay calm, but a weakness because they are not tuned in to the social moment.

Shoval: Yes, I suppose so. I am sorry, but I have to run. My apologies.

Jacobsen: All right. No worries at all. This was very helpful. I appreciate your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Antuanetta Babkina: Building a Ukrainian Student Home in Halifax

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/12

Antuanetta Babkina is a science student at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax and the founder-president of the first Ukrainian student club in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and across Canada’s East Coast. She created the region’s first formal platform for Ukrainian students, uniting members from multiple campuses and local high schools to build community, preserve culture, and support newcomers adjusting to life in Canada. A longtime volunteer, Babkina emcees cultural events, sings in the Ukrainian church choir, and collaborates with national organizations such as SUSK and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress—her work centres on youth leadership, diaspora identity, and the defence of Ukraine’s democratic future.

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Babkina about founding the first Ukrainian student club in Halifax and across Canada’s East Coast. She explains how immigration, war, and the search for belonging led her to build a formal platform uniting Ukrainian and non-Ukrainian students. They discuss university politics, emotional support, networking, SUSK and tuition advocacy, and the strain of living abroad while family remains under threat. Babkina reflects on language, identity, resistance to Russification, and her hope that grateful, empowered youth leadership will shape the future Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and worldwide in the years ahead.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re here with Antuanetta Babkina, a science student at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax and a leading young voice within the Ukrainian community on Canada’s East Coast. She founded and now leads the first Ukrainian student club in Halifax, Nova Scotia, and across Canada’s East Coast, creating the region’s first formal platform for Ukrainian students. Under her leadership, the club unites students from several campuses, strengthens ties with the local community, and promotes Ukrainian culture and advocacy. A longtime volunteer, she emcees community events, sings in the Ukrainian church choir, and supports national Ukrainian-Canadian student initiatives and partnerships across Canada. What moment in your life or personal narrative motivated you to create the Ukrainian student club in Halifax?

Antuanetta Babkina: As an immigrant who arrived about 10 years ago, I lacked a sense of belonging or community in a Ukrainian-Canadian environment. Now, more than ever, as people are being forcibly displaced, they are looking for a sense of belonging and home. I want to provide that opportunity and help them adjust to the Canadian environment, where the systems are different.

Jacobsen: How large is the student club now?

Babkina: We have 50 members, but we are always looking for more.

Jacobsen: Do you have all the formal structures in place—bylaws, elections, and so on?

Babkina: Yes. We are officially ratified by Saint Mary’s University (SMU). That is where we are based, even though we invite students from all universities across Nova Scotia, as well as high school students.

Jacobsen: How would you describe the club’s growth from a group of one to 50? What were the key breakthroughs?

Babkina: Much of the organizational structures and ideas came from me, although some were inspired by Marichka. However when it came to the execution — once our executive team has been established, I delegated some of the tasks to our leaders, out of whom Adia Parr, our Vice President played a key role in supporting the society through the execution of the tasks at hand. We have been expanding our social media presence to invite more youth to join our initiatives, because young people are more likely to be on social media than to look at bulletin boards at local events.

Jacobsen: How do you unite students? What does building a community like that look like?

Babkina: Much of our society includes non-Ukrainian students who are interested in Ukrainian culture. I can connect with them across language barriers. We can speak in English, and I can explain political issues more clearly. I can present the problems that need attention and that they can relate to. We have students from Uzbekistan, for example, who understand the pressure from Russia as a neighbour and who have also been displaced because of the growing conflict in that region.

Jacobsen: Is Saint Mary’s distributed across multiple campuses?

Babkina: No, we have only one campus in Halifax.

Jacobsen: That makes things a bit easier. What challenges do you face when coordinating with the student government, faculty, staff, and administration to host events for Ukrainians or people interested in Ukrainian issues?

Babkina: There is much pressure to be socially accepting of all viewpoints. Having strong beliefs, including anti-genocidal beliefs, both personally and within the society, I cannot endorse anti-Ukrainian views, but also cannot openly deny them. The university requires us to accept all views, which is the biggest issue. How can you stand against something wrong but not be allowed to say that it is bad?

Jacobsen: What emotional needs do you serve for students in the diaspora? What cultural needs do you support? Events and fashion shows, as I’m learning, are part of this broader national initiative.

Babkina: From an emotional perspective, Ukrainian Students’ Day just passed on Monday, and we celebrated with a board game night on Friday. We encourage students to come and socialize with others who share similar experiences and to begin building their network. Networking is vital in Canada, which is not a system used in Ukraine, and adjusting to that process by finding people who think like you—people who may go on to become doctors, or if you want to become a doctor, or lawyers, or work in policy—can help you in the future. One of the events we held recently was with a politician, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Justice, Peter MacKay. We spoke with him because Remembrance Day was approaching. Commemorating the soldiers who fell during World Wars I and II is a significant tradition in Canada. I wanted to emphasize that the principles for which they fought, reflected in the Geneva Conventions, are still being fought for today in places like Syria, Ukraine, and Georgia. Giving Ukrainian students in our society the opportunity to speak with a well-established politician helped them feel welcome, understood, and heard.

Jacobsen: What specific event that you hosted best captured the spirit of the club?

Babkina: Ukrainian Independence Day, of course. That week was very full of events. I was seated at one of the Independence Day markets happening at the time. We were also supposed to have a picnic with the East Coast Ukrainian Association. Still, because of forest fire risks, it had to be postponed.

Jacobsen: Are there other groups working toward similar aims, and others that may be antagonistic?

Babkina: Could you explain more what you mean by antagonistic?

Jacobsen: Antagonistic in the sense of pro-Russian community groups that believe the false claim that Ukraine invaded.

Babkina: There are groups like that on both ends of the spectrum, and people have the right to their own opinions. All we can do is show them another perspective and let them choose. In Nova Scotia specifically, I have not noticed many such groups or adverse reactions toward the Ukrainian perspective on the war. I have seen more positive feedback and support from the local community, which I try to engage by creating a society like ours. Youth are the future of Canada and every country. By incorporating Ukrainian perspectives, which are part of Canadian history, we strengthen that connection. Ukrainians have been immigrating to Canada for a long time, and the Ukrainian diaspora here is the largest in the world.

Jacobsen: Yes, 4% of Canada’s population—1.4 million people.

Babkina: My apologies. I was referring more to heritage than to exact population numbers, but my numbers may have been incorrect.

Jacobsen: There are large communities in the Prairie provinces—Alberta, Manitoba, Saskatchewan—and in Ontario as well.

Babkina: We have several Ukrainian-named villages in Canada.

Jacobsen: I saw those. Some are spelled almost identically; others are anglicized homophones. They sound similar—like how “computer” in English becomes “konpyūtā” in Japanese. Very close, just adapted. How much time do you spend volunteering each month?

Babkina: Volunteering per month? I do various forms of volunteering, not just for society, although society takes most of my time. I would say about 10 to 12 hours for the society itself, and maybe four more hours volunteering for things like the Community Development Summit we had in May, which I also attended, or the Ukrainian Independence Day Market, or the fairs we organize to increase exposure for the society and for the Ukrainian community in general.

Jacobsen: What role does SUSK play in amplifying East Coast Ukrainian student voices at the national level?

Babkina: At the moment, we are still going through the bureaucratic process of joining SUSK, but our goal is to eventually support Ukrainian students studying here on international visas by advocating for them to pay domestic tuition. NSCC, the local community college, offered this to Ukrainian students beginning in 2022, about a year after the full-scale invasion started.

Jacobsen: How many Ukrainian students do you know at Saint Mary’s now?

Babkina: Not many. Including myself, about five or six that I know personally. But I am aware of many high school students who want to graduate and pursue post-secondary education, but cannot because of their financial situation. International fees are not cheap.

Jacobsen: True. Have you been able to make any trips back to Lviv or any other Ukrainian city?

Babkina: I have, but not during the war. I plan to go this summer.

Jacobsen: Are you hoping the war will end by summer 2026? Is that what you mean?

Babkina: Whether it does or not, I’m going. I miss home so much.

Jacobsen: Are there any parts of Canadian culture that overlap helpfully with Ukrainian culture?

Babkina: I find quite a bit of overlap. As I mentioned, on Remembrance Day, our first multi-university collaboration event with Peter MacKay and the Dalhousie Conservative Club was held in honour of Remembrance Day to remind everyone of the values the world war heroes fought for and how they are still fought for today. Both cultures hope for a better future and fight for similar values. Ukrainian culture blends well with Canadian culture, especially with Indigenous cultures. Our embroidered shirts have similarities, as do some of our traditional instruments. They’re all made to express individuality. It’s ironic how much our cultures intertwine, even though we are on separate continents.

Jacobsen: In your conversations with Ukrainians, and in your own experience, how does living abroad while the war continues at home feel?

Babkina: Painful. I sympathize with everyone going through what they’re going through. It’s hard to experience that and still relate to people back home, to say that I am Ukrainian, when they believe that because I am not experiencing air raids or bombings, I do not fully understand.

Jacobsen: I’ve heard about this.

Babkina: It isn’t easy to relate to and have my work accepted in the Ukrainian community. Many people think I do this to make myself feel better rather than to strengthen the community and help people feel like they belong, even though many of them do not want to be here—they want to be home.

Jacobsen: In conversations I’ve had with women who have been through the war—some of whom could leave and return because they weren’t restricted like men—I’ve noticed something. When you ask how they feel, many say it has been so long that they feel numb. They don’t have the emotional vocabulary anymore because everything has been suppressed or flattened by the experience. Their affect collapses under the weight of it. Sometimes it takes a bomb landing near them for something to break, for them to cry, and then everything pours out. What has been your experience in conversations with people who feel numb or unable to articulate what they’re going through?

Babkina: When it comes to physical reactions I’ve seen, even fireworks can be unsettling for many people. When I talk to those who have experienced war, there is often a kind of visible apathy, as they try to distance themselves from what they lived through and from where they are now. Many are grateful that they can explore the world—come to Canada or go to Europe—but not under these circumstances. That is the painful part, because everyone wants the chance to explore their identity and pursue their goals. 

When it is forced—when you do not have the option to choose—everything becomes more complicated. This is one of the biggest reasons I started the society. I want to give people the opportunity to decide what they want to see and how they want the Ukrainian diaspora to develop. We all want to build a better future for ourselves and our children, even though it is early for me to think that way, since I am only just nearing 20.

Jacobsen: Yes. In Canada, people now often start families or reach ‘major life milestones’ in their thirties. Germany was the first country where that happened, so the cultural timeline has shifted. For people who are here and have lived through war, some have been able to pursue education and will go on to build their lives and dreams.

On the other hand, there are cases like Ukrainian children who have been abducted and put through a very robust Russification process. One woman I interviewed works to document these cases and help some children receive humanitarian support. Many of these kids have missed years of education. They have to unlearn a great deal and then navigate a new environment.

The young woman I interviewed—originally from Crimea or the Donbas—went through the early stages of this but escaped quickly. She expressed a sentiment similar to yours: she wants those children to be free so they can, as Ukrainians, make their own choices about their futures. Even if the options are not lofty, simply having the right to choose matters. Has that theme come up for you in conversations with other Ukrainians?

Babkina: I would say so, yes. Much of it comes through in the language people choose to speak. Many refuse to talk in Russian (the language) because they associate the language itself with the suppression of Ukrainian identity. There is nothing wrong with knowing languages—I am fluent in three and learning two more—but exploring Ukrainian heritage and learning Ukrainian are essential.

The Russian language has taken root as a political tool because Russian officials, including in recent interviews with Putin and his representatives, insist that because many Ukrainians speak Russian, that makes them Russian. That is not the case. If the majority language in Canada were French, that would not make Canada a French (nationality) country. Canada is still Canada.

Jacobsen: He has this whole ideological claim about “Little Russia.” From his perspective, Ukraine does not exist; Ukrainians do not exist. They are, in his view, derivative Russians. There is a long history of hostility toward Ukrainians. The democratic surge in Ukraine destabilizes autocratic governments, and that, more than anything, was the threat.

Yes, there has been commentary on provocations from NATO and Western allies—those promises were made. But a political provocation is far from the legal threshold required for the war crime of aggression, which was crossed in 2014 and again in 2022. I am not saying NATO and the allies are blameless. Still, the legal standard for aggression is much higher, and the Russian Federation clearly violated it.

You are a student club. What do you hope to do with the future of this club? One major problem many student clubs face—including ones I have founded or joined before—is the transition of leadership. If a student completes their degree in four or five years, or longer if part-time, they eventually move on. What then? How do you plan a transition of authority? Will you create a role, like a president emerita, for yourself so you can stay involved? How do you envision that working?

Babkina: As president, I have to give attention to all the individual members of our society, and many of them show potential that aligns with the direction I want the society to pursue. I give them opportunities to demonstrate leadership—not just to me but to everyone else in the society—so they can build their standing. It is still a democratic decision about who becomes the next president, rather than me appointing someone and saying, “You will now take over.”

Jacobsen: Elections, not appointments.

Babkina: Exactly. Our society aims to provide people with opportunities, such as scholarships or job prospects. For example, some of our members and our former treasurers have had opportunities to collaborate with the East Coast Ukrainian Association, UCC, and other organizations, helping them build political or commercial experience—whatever fits the person they want to become.

Jacobsen: What is the gender split in the club?

Babkina: We have a majority male participation. I would say over 50% of our society consists of men, men who would otherwise be conscripted into the Ukrainian army and who would like the chance to choose their own future, because Russia decided to invade a sovereign country (since Ukraine doesn’t have mandatory militarization outside of wartimes, like Israel or South Korea does).

Jacobsen: They’re having much trouble. The American phrase is “many draft dodgers,” and that is true. Do you get different tones—different interpretations of the experience—from men compared to women, whether they are refugees, asylum seekers, or immigrants?

Babkina: Could you explain a little better?

Jacobsen: If someone must stay in the country and will be drafted if they leave, that’s one experience. If someone is not mandated to remain—if they can leave, go to Israel or France or anywhere, and then return—that’s another experience. Women can leave and come back, even though they still endure war and may have lost loved ones. Meanwhile, for many men, the draft imposes a straightforward, forceful obligation to serve in the war. Although there are women on the front lines, the situations differ. Among those who left earlier in the war—refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants—do you hear different tones in how men and women describe the war?

Babkina: I wouldn’t say so. Ukraine has a very equity-minded community. Many of the people who came here, whether men or women, share similar motivations. Many women pursue medical degrees. Some men—two recent high school graduates I know—are going to join the Canadian army. Fighting for freedom is part of who we are; caring for others is, too. I would not say there is a distinct tone from men versus women in our society or in the broader Ukrainian community. We are fighting for our justice, and we deserve to be treated as equal human beings.

Jacobsen: What is an event that you really wanted to do, but logistically, financially, or in terms of capacity, you could not?

Babkina: We really wanted to be part of the UCC—Ukrainian Canadian Congress—convention that took place either last weekend or the weekend before. It is a fantastic event. You get to meet many representatives of both Canadian and Ukrainian heritage who are committed to expanding Ukrainian culture and giving us opportunities to express ourselves without being told that our culture is not ours, or that it is being taken away from us, or that we “never existed before.” Canada is historically known for publishing the first Ukrainian textbooks. When Ukraine became independent, the first publications came from cities such as Montreal, Toronto, and Winnipeg.

Jacobsen: Any final words—favourite Ukrainian quotes or aphorisms, something like “all that glitters is not gold”?

Babkina: I am not sure I have much to offer in that tone, but I would like to emphasize that we, as Ukrainians, are very grateful for everything we have been given—the opportunities we have received. Even though the circumstances are unfortunate, our gratitude is immense for the help we have received. For example, NSCC giving Ukrainian students the chance to pursue post-secondary education, even at the most basic level, is something many Ukrainians do not have today. It is an excellent opportunity to feel as normal as possible in day-to-day life, even when you have relatives back home who may be under daily, if not hourly, threat—never knowing if you will see them again. We are very grateful for the chance to be safe, broaden our understanding of Ukrainian culture, and share it with everyone. We want to be accepted in society as a nation that deserves its own voice—a voice that is being threatened every day.

Jacobsen: Antuanetta, thank you very much for your time. 

Babkina: Great, thank you so much. Bye.

Jacobsen: Bye.

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Mariia Sulialina on Defending Children in Occupied Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/11

Mariia Sulialina is a Ukrainian human rights defender and head of the NGO CCE “Almenda,” which documents abuses against children in Russia-occupied territories. Born in Crimea, she became an activist as a teenager and joined Almenda in 2013. After Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea, she left Yalta for Kyiv and began documenting indoctrination, militarisation, and violations of children’s right to education. Sulialina works with Ukrainian and international partners to secure accountability, reintegration, and access to schooling for affected children. In 2024 she received the Civil Rights Defender of the Year Award for her leadership, resilience, and long-term vision and courage.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Sulialina about defending children’s rights under Russia’s occupation of Crimea and other Ukrainian territories. Sulialina describes Almenda’s evolution from civic education work in Yalta to documenting war crimes, indoctrination, militarisation, and barriers to Ukrainian schooling. She explains how her team secures and verifies evidence for courts while protecting witnesses, and why the “right to truth” matters for future reconciliation. Reflecting on exile, colonisation, and divided wartime experiences, Sulialina stresses reintegration, unity, and giving children the freedom to decide their own futures. The conversation foregrounds trauma, resilience, and responsibility.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When did you start getting involved with the Centre for Civic Education, “Almenda,” by the way?

Mariia Sulialina: I started when I was 13 or 14. Three people created Almenda. Two of them were students at the university next to my school, and the third was my mother. She was working at that university. I have been with the organization from the beginning, but I started working actively in it in 2013.

Jacobsen: The war can be, superficially, broken down into three phases: the period before 2014; the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the start of the war in the Donbas region; and the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine from 2022 onward. How has Almenda’s mission evolved during each of these phases?

Sulialina: The most significant change came after 2013, because when Almenda was created in 2011 in Yalta, Crimea, we were focused on democracy, human rights, and education. We worked with schoolchildren and students. The idea was to create an active local environment of people who understood human rights and were ready to defend them.

This is why, during the events in 2013 and then in 2014, members of the organization were among the most active in the region, in our city, and in other cities—first during Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity, and then during the occupation phase.

When Crimea was occupied, it became almost impossible for us to continue our work there. Because of direct threats to the head of the organization, she had to flee even before the so-called referendum, and there were also direct threats to the organization itself. We could not continue our work or continue working directly with youth.

We had to adapt. We began working on documenting war crimes and on ensuring access to education for children, because before the occupation, this had not been an issue. After the occupation, it became one. We had many connections with students and universities. I was a student at the time. Many members of the organization were also students, so we understood the challenges students in occupied territories faced firsthand.

That is when we began working on this issue. Since 2014, we have continued working to ensure that students from occupied territories have access to Ukrainian education because we understand the value and impact of education.

We have also continued documenting war crimes, working to hold perpetrators accountable, and developing a system for reintegrating children. The longer the occupation lasts, the more challenging reintegration becomes—especially for those who were born in occupied territories.

They are now about 11 years old. When they either come to Ukraine or when the territories are liberated, it will be more challenging for them to begin living in a new reality, because they know only the truth of the occupation. The same is true for those who were very young when the occupation began—children aged six or seven. They have also spent years in the Russian educational system.

Ukraine has changed a great deal over these years, and reintegration can be challenging for them. This is why we are working to ensure that Ukraine has not only policies but also concrete instruments to help these children remain part of Ukraine.

Jacobsen: If we are talking about the change in the organization’s work after 2022, what shifted?

Sulialina: After 2022, we had to expand the focus of our work. Before, we were focused almost entirely on Crimea. When Russia occupied new territories, we saw from the beginning that the same patterns emerged in the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, and earlier in parts of the Kharkiv region.

We understood that we had to expand our focus and begin both documenting what was happening there and helping children in those newly occupied territories gain access to Ukrainian education. They started facing the same challenges that children in Crimea had faced for years.

Jacobsen: Preserving the evidence, collecting it properly, and safeguarding reliable material are essential. How do you ensure that?

Sulialina: We underwent several training sessions to ensure that our evidence would be admissible in court. It is important to us that we collect evidence that can be used in legal proceedings, because one of our aims is to help Ukrainian authorities or international bodies ensure accountability for these crimes. Another critical issue for us is ensuring the right to truth, because we understand it will be essential to future reconciliation.

I cannot go into the details of how our databases work. Still, we use the Berkeley Protocol for open-source investigations. We ensure that only a limited number of people have access to this information to protect the personal data of those who provide testimony. We also ensure that the database itself is protected from different types of attacks.

A crucial part of our work is verifying information. Unfortunately, we are not able to verify all the information we collect. This is why we have some unverified material, and we acknowledge that. It is still essential for us to preserve this information, as we may later be able to verify it and determine whether it was false or accurate. Sometimes we receive firsthand information but cannot find supporting documents. We continue searching for supporting evidence, because this is part of assembling the larger puzzle needed to understand the real picture of what is happening in the occupied territories.

This is the challenge faced by all organizations working with occupied territories without direct access. We are limited in our ability to verify. After the full-scale invasion, it became unsafe for many people who remained in the occupied territories. Many fled. The same pattern we saw in Crimea is now happening in other occupied regions. Because of this, we have fewer people we can safely work with to verify information.

Another essential part of our work is ensuring that people who remain in the occupied territories are protected. They need a level of digital security awareness and personal security skills. This is why we cannot begin working with new people we do not know. We are limited in the number of trustworthy contacts we can work with inside the occupied territories. Before 2022, many of them could still travel, but now it is far more dangerous.

Many people have participated in various training programs to gain these skills. After 2022, with new occupied territories, it became almost impossible. This is why it is much harder to verify information in the occupied territories of the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, as well as the newly settled parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

Jacobsen: Your advocacy helped with U.N. resolutions recognizing the destruction of children’s identities in occupied Crimea and associated territories. For those who want to pursue similar advocacy at the U.N. level—whether on issues involving children or other crimes committed against groups in Ukraine—do you have any recommendations on how they should proceed? I mean, in coordinating and working with the U.N., or advocating at the U.N., in a way that is effective rather than simply speaking into the air.

Sulialina: I can share our experience, though I cannot say it will work for everyone. For us, our international partners were invaluable. We have a strong partner—the Human Rights House Foundation. They have been working at the U.N. level for a long time, so they have many personal contacts. They helped us greatly by arranging meetings and allowing us to deliver information. They also helped us draft documents in a way diplomats are accustomed to reading. This was a necessary learning process for us—understanding how things should be done and how people at that level expect to receive information.

Without such partners, the process would take far longer. In Ukraine’s case—not true for many other countries—we currently have good cooperation with the government. We are on the same side in these matters, and it becomes easier when you can also deliver information through government channels. We also have strong cooperation with the U.N. Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine. They are excellent professionals, and we can provide a great deal of information through them, which then flows through the appropriate hierarchy.

There is no simple answer, but these personal connections and partnerships, especially with organizations that already have experience, are what work and what help. This is why our organization is part of the Ukraine 5 AM Coalition, which unites different groups working on war crimes and other international crimes. These organizations have various levels of experience. One of the reasons for forming the coalition was to support smaller organizations that began their work after 2022, allowing them to learn and to produce stronger documentation.

They are already doing important work, but sometimes it is essential to use the correct wording. Hence, the information reaches the right offices and can make a real difference. That is part of it.

Another example concerns our work on the indoctrination and militarization of children. Since 2014, we have focused more on education and on documenting the early signs of these practices. However, since the creation of the “Youth Army” (Yunarmiya) in 2015–2016, we have been focused explicitly on militarization. Before 2022, there were almost no sanctions and only minimal mentions in U.N. resolutions or other documents.

The full-scale invasion brought this issue into the open. The same happened with the deportation of children. Our partners had been raising the issue of child deportations since 2014. Still, there was almost no international attention to the deportation of children from Crimea. Only after 2022, when the number of deported children increased dramatically, did the issue finally receive global attention. A great deal depends, unfortunately, on political will and on changes in the situation itself.

Jacobsen: Now, there are two categories we can look at regarding children who have been deported: those numbers that have been verified, and those numbers that are still unverified or speculative, depending on the organization. Different organizations or state actors can give different numbers. What are the realistic, verified numbers of children who have been deported, and what are the speculative numbers outside those verifications? In other words, what is the realistic range?

Sulialina: First of all, our organization does not work directly on the issue of deported children. This is why I do not have deep inside information on this. From what we know, the officially claimed number—around 20,000 children—is the one that can be documented.

When official bodies or experts cite a higher number, the actual number may be higher. But the issue is that none of us have access to the occupied territories, and Russia does not provide any lists. This is why the question of how many children were deported remains open. Sometimes children are deported together with their families, which makes it difficult to identify them in Russian registries for children without parental care. This contributes to the speculation.

For this issue, it would be much better to speak with, for example, the Regional Centre for Human Rights or SAFE Ukraine—organizations that have been working specifically on this matter for many years.

Jacobsen: Now, from your own experience, you started when you were an adolescent. Do you find that the grief, the difficulties, and the demands of this work, continuing now into your late twenties, have given you a more informed, experiential understanding of the process of documenting what is happening to these children?

Sulialina:  To clarify, I was not working in Almenda when I was 15. I have experience working in other organizations. I was working in human rights organizations, but from different angles. So it is difficult to say whether the work itself influenced me in that way.

The primary influence was the occupation of Crimea. When you see what is happening—and at that time, I was 17 or 18, relatively young, trying to figure out what I wanted to do with my life—and then such a massive injustice happens, it absolutely influences your decisions about your future. It gives an enormous boost to professional growth. That had the most significant impact.

And because I am a person from the occupied territories, I want to give children who are there the opportunity to decide for themselves what they want to do with their lives, instead of what is happening now, where Russia is deciding for them by militarizing and indoctrinating them.

But it is essential to understand that my personal feelings do not influence my professional expertise. For me, it is always necessary to refine information, look into the details, and understand why something is happening, rather than to create Ukrainian propaganda. Unfortunately, we also see some media outlets in Ukraine producing stories with no foundation.

By my first education, I am a historian, so all these facts and how they work are essential to me to ensure this will not happen again. We see history repeat itself, and it is necessary to ensure that, after victory, we do not see a new cycle of repetition. This is why I said earlier that one of the reasons our organization documents events, produces analytical materials, and works with teachers and students is to guarantee the right to truth. In 50 or 100 years, there should be no doubt about what happened during this period and what the facts were. Future historians will make their own determinations, but at the very least, we can gather information and evidence on which they can base those conclusions.

Jacobsen: A Romanian colleague told me that Russia, throughout its last 300 years of history, has invaded Romania about thirteen times. To your point—and to your expertise as a historian—that was a lot. So what would justice look like for these children? Reparations, accountability, and so on.

Sulialina: We can discuss what justice looks like for children who have already arrived in Ukraine and can tell their stories. For them, justice is the possibility of returning home freely. It is the recognition of what happened and that Russia did this to them. For those who lost families or homes, justice includes reparations.

But none of us know what justice means for children who remain in the occupied territories. This is a question we will need to answer in the future, because we do not have access to these territories. When we talk about Crimea and parts of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, we have not spoken to these children for eleven years. The number of children from these territories currently enrolled in the Ukrainian educational system is so small that it does not reflect the broader picture.

So this is a huge question—what justice means to them and what they want. I do not have the answer. I can imagine possible answers based on what we hear from those who are already in Ukraine, but not for those who remain in the occupied territories and who, because they are children or were children at the time, never could decide for themselves. Their parents made the decisions, and now they are living in a situation where they are essentially captive to the occupation and have no real influence over their own lives.

Jacobsen: What difficulties do the children face as they come out—whether after a year or after a decade or more—in terms of reintegration?

Sulialina: Now we can say that many of the difficulties are similar for children from territories occupied since 2022 and since 2014, because even three years is a long time to be under a system of indoctrination and militarization. The difficulties they face include psychological trauma. It is hard for them to understand what is true and what is false because the internet was blocked; they had no access to independent information, and Russian propaganda is effective. We cannot say these are unprepared or low-quality materials—the textbooks, materials, and methodological guides.

The recommendation materials for teachers, the video materials—they are all professionally produced. They work at a deep level to shape beliefs rather than simply present information. This is not just propaganda; it is a post-truth reality. When children are in that environment for an extended period, it becomes difficult for them to understand what is happening.

At the same time, they are afraid to ask questions because they fear that asking questions will make them appear as enemies. This is another barrier they face in the reintegration process.

Another issue for younger children, especially those who have been in an occupation for eleven years, is the language barrier. They have no opportunity to learn Ukrainian in the occupied territories, so they lose the language. Some territories were Russian-speaking before, but Ukraine is becoming increasingly Ukrainian-speaking. This creates additional difficulties for reintegration, and in some cases, these children face discrimination or bullying in schools because of it. This varies by region, but it can be a significant issue.

They also do not understand the legal framework in Ukraine, especially those who have been under occupation since 2014. They lack experience with straightforward systems for children who grew up in government-controlled territory.

A massive barrier for children is the lack of documents. Without passports, it is tough for them to return to Ukraine. For those who have passports but do not have educational documents, the situation is easier. For those who have a Ukrainian birth certificate, it is also easier. But for those who were born in occupied territories and do not have a Ukrainian birth certificate, it is almost impossible to enter Ukraine. The only documents they have are Russian passports, and verifying their identity is difficult.

Even Ukrainian birth certificates do not include photographs or other identifying information, and these children are not present in Ukrainian state registries that could confirm their identities. So, when we assist children from Crimea in entering Ukrainian universities, this becomes their primary challenge—they cannot enter the country.

Jacobsen: Knowing what an occupied territory is—people internationally may know Kyiv, and they certainly know Crimea since 2014—how does that experience feel to you? Maybe I should ask it in two parts. How did it feel at the time, and how do you think looking back now?

Sulialina: You mean how it feels being in the occupied territory?

Jacobsen: Yes—the experience of being in the occupied territory, then having to leave home, and now looking back many years later.

Sulialina: It will not be a short answer, because Crimea was occupied in 2014, and I left Crimea in 2014. I was… I missed Crimea, and back then, it was still possible to go there.

At the beginning, it was the feeling of leaving your home, but your home still being the same. The last time I was in Crimea before COVID was when my grandmother died, and I returned to bury her. You come to Crimea, which the Russians had already colonized. There is another language. There are portraits of Putin on the roads from Simferopol to Yalta, along with all these paintings and symbols and everything.

And the people in the city changed. Many pro-Ukrainian residents left, while many Russians from Russia arrived in the town. You are in your own city, but it no longer feels like home because it has changed so much. This is part of Russian policy—to create an environment in which Ukrainians leave the territory and Russians move in.

The Regional Centre for Human Rights has an excellent report about the colonization of Crimea. They examined different colonization programs—how the system is structured, and how programs were created to both reshape the environment and encourage the deportation of Ukrainians from Crimea.

I cannot say that I miss home now. I was missing home in 2015, but unfortunately, I saw what had happened to it. My colleagues who were placed on blocklists and have not been able to visit home for eleven years still miss it, because they only have bright memories and have not seen what it looks like in reality now. That changes the feeling completely.

I still keep in contact with people from my hometown. They sometimes send me videos from the sea or from the Azalea nature areas. Of course, it is a place I miss, but I understand that returning home will be pretty tricky.

Even with those we remain in contact with, we have lived very different realities for all these years. It will be a process for us to find a shared vision for how our region should develop. They are not pro-Russian, they do not support Russia, but they have a completely different experience of the war. They lived the war in occupation. They became adults in their occupation. They started families in occupation. Some gave birth during the occupation.

This will make returning more complicated, and the same will happen in all regions where people were forced to leave and will eventually return. The same will happen in Ukraine when people who went abroad return. We also have different experiences of the war—those of us who lived under shelling and those who lived in safe European countries. We have different experiences and different visions for the future.

Sometimes internal conflicts arise, including over who is “more Ukrainian.” Unfortunately, we already see these conflicts. This is a challenge for all human rights organizations, for the government, and for society as a whole—regardless of the specific issue we work on—because we must preserve unity among people and find the shared values that hold us together.

A great deal depends on this—the future of the country and its ability to recover in every way: economically, demographically, and socially, because we are struggling on all levels.

Jacobsen: Mariia, thank you for your time today. I appreciate it. 

Sulialina: Thank you. Have a good day.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 16: Women’s Leadership, Partnership Power, and Caring Economies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/10

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this wide-ranging conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Eisler about shifting from domination to partnership in politics, economics, and everyday life. Eisler explains that partnership leadership is not replacing men with women but empowering enlightened women and men to share “power to” and “power with,” grounded in care. She highlights Nordic nations, Ireland, and Canada as imperfect yet tangible examples of caring policy in action. Drawing on her refugee experience and global movements, Eisler argues that women’s organizing and expanded caring economies are essential if humanity is to move beyond regression and build sustainable, just societies.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The partnership studies model of leadership is more subtle than people often stereotype it as in feminism and women’s leadership, because people tend to think in opposites. You point out repeatedly that the opposite of patriarchy is not matriarchy; it is partnership. When you are looking at women’s leadership, you are looking at women’s equality and at a more dynamic, integrated relationship in leadership with the men who are here now or will be in the future. It seems a more realistic and balanced view. It is less discussed because its integration points are not brought to the fore as much. Can you flesh that out in terms of what women’s leadership looks like?

Riane Eisler: There has been a big misunderstanding. Getting more women into leadership is not about replacing men. We are talking about enlightened men and women working together in a new model of leadership —a partnership leadership model —where decisions and power differ from those we have inherited, which come from the domination model—power over. This is a model grounded in a different kind of power, a power that we all have, women and men, which is power to our creative power, which is enormous. Everything we have, physical objects, is a human creation, and so are cultures, norms, and values. We can change, and we have changed. This model of leadership takes that into account. It is not only power to, but also power with. There are hierarchies in this model, but they are hierarchies of actualization rather than hierarchies of domination.

Power is therefore conceptualized differently. This model also recognizes—although this is cramming a great deal into one answer, and we can take it apart as we go—our interconnection at this level of technology, not only through communication and transportation, but through technologies of destruction like nuclear weapons and, more slowly, climate change. It also recognizes a principle commonly attributed to Albert Einstein: that we cannot solve problems with the same thinking that created them.

Jacobsen: How can women misstep when they enter that form of leadership? This is a new, experimental moment in contemporary history. How have women, when they have been in leadership, made mistakes similar to men when they have adopted a dominator persona?

Eisler: This is why my first answer focused on a different kind of leadership. There have been women who have used the same model of leadership—Margaret Thatcher, Catherine the Great (Catherine II of Russia)—because they stepped into leadership as defined by the old domination system. That is not what I am talking about. I am talking about a new, different model of leadership.

Jacobsen: How do we separate the wheat from the chaff? How do we distinguish men who are genuinely more enlightened—who have taken on that change of mind—from those who are essentially performing politically for votes?

Eisler: I think you know the answer to that. It is a change in consciousness, an understanding that we cannot continue with this in-group-versus-out-group leadership and the violence it entails. That violence is dangerous. It poses an existential threat to our survival as a species, not only quickly through nuclear weapons or biological warfare, but more slowly—yet surely—through the exploitation of nature, which is now rebelling against us.

Jacobsen: You have mentioned the Nordic nations as being pretty good at this. What parts did they implement earliest that showed they were moving effectively toward partnership?

Eisler: They implemented caring policies, meaning caring for ourselves, for each other, and for our life-support systems. They often call themselves caring societies, and they are not socialist states. That is a big misunderstanding. They have healthy market economies precisely because they also have caring policies—paid parental leave, which is publicly financed; affordable, well-compensated child care; and strong social supports. They are way ahead of the United States—which is moving backward at the moment—in caring for the natural environment. They lead in the adoption of new and non-polluting forms of energy. And they are not alone.

Ireland, for example, has moved very quickly toward the partnership end of the partnership–domination social scale. Canada, despite its frequent shifts in political leadership, is still ahead of the United States in efforts to phase out fossil fuels. We have to do this.

Caring for children and the household—the very work that both Marx and Adam Smith relegated to women to do for free in male-controlled households—is coming more and more to the fore in public understanding. And as AI advances, this is one of the few areas where human beings will continue to be essential: caring activities. I do not mean only health care or child care. I mean an entire expansion of care, including policies like a guaranteed annual income. Because what are people going to do as automation accelerates? Education for caring—for self, for others, and for our Mother Earth—is crucial.

Our relationship with the earth is exciting. There is a connection between women’s leadership and women’s historical exclusion from leadership, which is part of our heritage from more authoritarian, violent times. We certainly do not want to return to those times. Nor do we want to lose sight of the long periods in human history when societies were more oriented toward partnership than toward domination. The evidence for that is clear.

We have to be very creative now. Women’s creativity has been profoundly devalued. Being a parent is an innovative enterprise. Being a mother is lauded rhetorically, but not rewarded materially. In fact, it is often punished.

Jacobsen: I love the way you put that. That is very succinct. We laud it, but we do not reward it. Different cultural contexts may or may not take that road—or set of roads. In other regions of the world, paths differ from the Nordic or Northern and Western European trajectories. If you look at African states, East Asian states, Eurasian regions, and Latin America, what path would be likely for them if they were to move more in that direction regionally?

Eisler: I grew up in Latin America as a refugee from the Holocaust. My parents and I were able to purchase an entry permit to Cuba, and I grew up in the industrial slums of Havana. Things are changing slowly in Latin America, thanks, frankly, to the leadership and organization of women. The old saying is “Don’t agonize—organize.” And that does not only mean protesting. We are in a time of transition in which many movements are challenging domination: challenging the rule of kings, challenging the authority of men over women and children. All of these movements challenge domination. The same is true for challenging our dominion over Mother Earth, the peace movement, the movements against racism, and the movements for economic and political justice.

The current regression is a reaction to these challenges. That is what we must understand. Our task is to show that there is a better alternative. And women are organizing worldwide. We are in a time of transition, and we do not know which way the pendulum will go, but it has to move toward partnership if we are to survive and thrive. That is the issue.

Women are slowly entering the current economy as entrepreneurs, which they have to do. But our task—to use a woman’s metaphor—is not only to get a bigger slice of the existing economic pie, but to bake a better pie.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Riane. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inga Dudnyk: Gender Equality, IDP Rights, and Local Democracy in Wartime Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/09

Inga Dudnyk is the Executive Director of the Kropyvnytskyi-based civil society organization Territory of Success, which has been promoting human rights, gender equality, and accountable local governance since 2008. [Ed. The NGO Territory of Success is a member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. However, the coordinator of the public reception office is another person—Yevhen Hurnytskyi.]Dudnyk also serves as the regional coordinator of the Docudays UA International Human Rights Documentary Film Festival. Among the organization’s current initiatives is the USAID-supported project “Participatory Approach to Community Development” implemented in five communities (Malovyskivska, Znamianska, Novoarkhanhelska, Dmytrivska, and Novoukrainska). This includes creating gender profiles in these communities based on research inclusive of vulnerable groups, as well as evidence-based analytics concerning internally displaced persons (IDPs) and local democracy. The team collaborates with the Transparent Budgets Partnership, the Ukrainian Women’s FundPeople in Need, and the Regional Veterans’ Center. They are also members of the regional coalition “1325. Kirovohrad Region”—implementing the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace, Security.” 

In this interview, Dudnyk outlines work on human rights, gender equality, and accountable local governance since 2008. As Docudays UA coordinator, she uses films to spark civic literacy. A USAID project produced gender profiles in five communities, shaped 2025 budgets, enabled civic participatory bylaws, a mobile pharmacy, and safety upgrades. Veterans Center coordinates legal and psychological aid. With UHHRU, priorities include documenting war crimes, restoring lost papers, property destruction, and IHL violations. Kropyvnytskyi drafted public-consultation rules and reinstated livestreams. Over 80% of IDP recommendations were adopted; online schooling fell to 8%, medical monitoring to 5%.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Your team selected five communities for the project “Participatory Approach to Community Development.” What practical changes and measurable outcomes do you plan to achieve in the Malovyskivska, Znamianska, Novoarkhanhelska, Dmytrivska, and Novoukrainska communities? 

Inga Dudnyk: The project concluded in January, 2025.

Results:

Gender profiles were created in all five communities based on research into the needs of underrepresented groups. Data from these documents were used in preparing the 2025 budgets and designing budget programs. Local regulatory acts were developed to enable participation in local democracy.

During the project’s implementation, initiative groups were formed. In the Novoarkhanhelska community, which includes 21 settlements, medicines were previously available only in the community center—Novoarkhanhelsk village. The other settlements had no pharmacies, and residents had to travel 10–50 km one way to obtain medicine. The initiative group formed during the project succeeded in establishing a mobile pharmacy that now travels to the settlements (excluding Novoarkhanhelsk itself), providing residents with access to medication.

In the Novoukrainska community, the initiative group conducted a safety audit of the community area, developed recommendations, and, together with local authorities, installed streetlights and security cameras.

Jacobsen: At what stage is the Gender Profile of Kropyvnytskyi now?

Dudnyk: The Gender Profile of Kropyvnytskyi is only planned to be developed. We have previously created gender profiles in several communities (see above).

Jacobsen: What services does the Regional Veterans’ Center coordinate together with municipal and state institutions?

Dudnyk: They provide legal and psychological support to male and female veterans, as well as support for families of the fallen and missing persons. They also offer social assistance to veterans.

Jacobsen: Regarding the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union (UHHRU), what are the most common legal issues that have arisen since 2022?

Dudnyk: Documenting war crimes, including cases of conflict-related sexual violence.

Restoration of lost documents.

Documenting destruction of property.

Documenting violations of the rules of humanitarian law.

Jacobsen: After the city discussion in June 2025 about the new law on public consultations, what reforms will Kropyvnytskyi implement to ensure citizen participation?

Dudnyk: A new Regulation on Public Consultations has been developed. We are currently awaiting its approval by the local council.

Jacobsen: As a member of the Transparent Budgets Partnership, what transparency results can realistically be achieved in 2025?

Dudnyk: During the war, access to information is restricted, and there has been some retreat from democratic procedures. Our task is to monitor these processes to ensure they occur within the law and remain logical. For example, in 2025, live online broadcasts of local council sessions were resumed. We are analyzing compliance with procedures for forming the community budget, accountability, and transparency in the process of spending funds.

Jacobsen: Your analytical research on internally displaced persons (IDPs) and underrepresented groups (2022–2024) identified specific needs. Which of your recommendations have already been implemented?

Dudnyk: More than 80% of our recommendations were incorporated into the development of the Comprehensive Program for the Protection of IDP Rights.

In the 2022–2023 academic year, only 25% of school-aged children who arrived in Kropyvnytskyi from active combat zones attended school in person. Seventy-five percent studied online. We emphasized this issue in our research. Now, the situation has changed: only 8% of children continue to study online.

Only 17% of children had access to medical care—they had signed declarations with local doctors. The rest were monitored online. In 2025, this situation improved: only 5% of children are now monitored online.

The city council’s programs place particular emphasis on the needs of target groups.

Jacobsen: As the regional coordinator of Docudays UA, how do you use film discussions to promote civic literacy?

Dudnyk: A film is an excellent opportunity to talk about contemporary issues. That is why we try to bring films to different audiences—schoolchildren, students, and older people—to discuss the problems people face. For example, this year we will focus on participation, social cohesion, dialogue, and recovery.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Inga.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Nigeria’s Witch Hunt Crisis: Dr. Leo Igwe on Justice Failures and 2026 Reform Plans

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/08

Dr. Leo Igwe is a Nigerian human rights advocate and founder of the Advocacy for Alleged Witches (AfAW), an organization dedicated to protecting individuals accused of witchcraft across Nigeria and West Africa. With a doctorate in religious studies from the University of Bayreuth, Igwe has spent decades challenging harmful traditional practices, defending vulnerable communities, and pressing state institutions to uphold the rule of law. His work combines field intervention, legal advocacy, and public education to counter superstition-driven violence. Igwe remains one of Africa’s leading voices confronting witchcraft-related abuse and advancing evidence-based, rights-focused responses to cultural and social harms.

In this in-depth conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Dr. Igwe about the systemic failures enabling witchcraft-related abuse across Nigeria. Igwe details how compromised policing, institutional inaction, and deep-rooted supernatural beliefs leave vulnerable people unprotected. He recounts cases in Bayelsa, Ebonyi, and Adamawa—highlighting police corruption, stalled prosecutions, and the emotional and physical toll on victims. Igwe outlines AfAW’s expanding interventions, growing partnerships, and the urgent need to pressure justice institutions. He emphasizes that witch-hunting persists when social support collapses and explains why 2026 must focus on judicial reform to safeguard accused individuals and restore accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: For the year in review, why is the big focus this year on those who have been accused, specifically the advocacy for them and the accountability of those who have caused harm? There is an element of justice and reprieve for victims. Could you repeat that? What is the focus looking forward to in 2026? Why is that the focus for 2026, given the events of 2025?

Dr. Leo Igwe: Every year, we ask ourselves whether we have succeeded or failed. Witch hunting results from societal failure. It occurs when society fails in its moral and legal duties to the accused. We have been trying to identify which institutions within society are failing. We found that the justice system—the institutions responsible for delivering justice to the accused—is failing. Our police system is an example.

We have a police system where officers are often motivated by money. If you bribe them or “mobilize” them, as they say in Nigeria, that is when they do their work. Police officers may focus on how much they can make from a particular complaint rather than on justice or on doing their actual duties.

The people who are often accused are poor, elderly individuals who barely survive. They cannot afford to bribe the police. They cannot access justice. The police system is failing them. At Advocacy for Alleged Witches, we want to identify these gaps and address them. It is not enough to say something is not working; we must ask how to make it work.

We now work with the police and help the accused report their cases. We pay to bring police officers to these communities and to have arrests made. Even with this support, the police are often reluctant to act. They keep returning to us asking for transport money, money to recharge their vehicles, or other financial requests. It becomes a money-making exercise for them. The most frustrating part is that even when we assist them, they still do not intervene effectively.

When they intervene, they sometimes arrest people, but those people can also bribe the police, and the entire process becomes stalled. We recently had a case in Bayelsa State where a police inspector, Sunday Idey, brutally assaulted his three children over allegations of witchcraft. Images of the injured children circulated on social media. They were taken to the hospital for treatment.

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches, working with Do Foundation and the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), applied to the Bayelsa State Ministry of Women’s Affairs for temporary custody of the children. The Ministry approved this application so that the children could be medically evaluated, cared for, and rehabilitated before any decision to return them to the family. An emergency shelter was arranged.

However, instead of releasing the children into this approved temporary custody, the police have not handed them over. The investigating police officer and his team have been working with relatives of the suspect to take the children away, even though the children still have bruises on their bodies, one walks with crutches, and all of them remain visibly traumatized.

Even when we had authorization for temporary custody and to care for the children, the police refused to cooperate with us. When I reached out to the Commissioner of Police in the state, he called me and began threatening me, saying I was cyber-stalking him and that he would arrest me and charge me in court. He called me a clown. At one point, he said, “I don’t even know the clown I’m talking to.” He then asked me, “Did you ask me to arrest this man? Are you the father of the children? Are you the mother of the children?” He did not understand his duties as a police officer.

When the police inspector was arrested, we feared they might have detained him merely to calm the public outcry. Our concern was that he would not be prosecuted. The way the case is going now is precisely what we feared. Nobody is hearing anything about it. We learned that they said the man should undergo a psychiatric test. These are not tests that they can efficiently conduct in a police cell or arrange without proper facilities. From there, the case will die a natural death. This has been one of the most challenging experiences we have had this year.

We also had a case in Ebonyi State. We worked with the accused, mobilized the police, and made arrests. But the police then released the suspect, who disappeared. The police said the parties had agreed to reconcile, hold a peace meeting, and compensate the victim. I warned the police. We told them the suspects might run away. They assured us they would not. That is precisely what happened.

We have now sent our local advocates back to the police station because the victims have returned to us saying, “My house was destroyed. I have nothing. They promised to come to the meeting and provide compensation so I could start rebuilding. Nothing has happened.” The suspects vanished. The police collected money from the accused and then walked away. This is deeply shameful, and unless it is addressed, the phenomenon will not end.

We also have a case in court in Adamawa. We pressured the Attorney General and the state judiciary. The case involves a man who murdered his daughter; she died after he tortured her because he suspected her of witchcraft. The police arrested him and his partner and remanded them. But nothing happened afterward. We started hearing rumours that they might release the man.

Eventually, the man was released from jail. They told us it was on bail, but we all suspect this is the end of the case. The man is not going to be tried. He may never serve a prison sentence or return to jail for what he did. This is the trend. As long as this trend continues, it will be difficult for us to end witch hunting in the region effectively.

That is why we have decided that next year, 2026, we will focus on the justice system. We will try to interact more with the police and help them understand our frustrations and how they have failed society and failed the accused. We will also try to engage judges. We will make efforts to organize sessions with judges and lawyers, as legal counsel is also essential in helping accused people access justice.

This is why we are focusing on this area. Witch hunting continues not only because of miscarriages of justice, trial by ordeal, or jungle justice, but also because of the failure of state institutions—institutions that are constitutionally mandated to deliver justice to citizens. These institutions are failing, and we have to draw attention to this and see what we can do to fill the gaps, to get them to rise to their duties and responsibilities to society, especially to victims of witchcraft accusations.

Jacobsen: Historically, where do you trace the origins of these types of allegations? Additionally, is it an evolution of prior forms of accusation? Because people have used many different kinds of scapegoating with violence. It does not always have to take the form of witchcraft allegations; historically, it could have been something else that later evolved into this. It seems out of the blue to those who do not live there or see the context.

Igwe: These allegations do not follow a single pattern. Many factors come together. People have offered multiple explanations, such as scapegoating or misogyny. But based on the cases we have handled, there are always elements of magical belief. Magical belief is used because some people find themselves in situations they cannot explain, and someone gives them an explanatory model they can rely on.

In a society where people freely, unquestioningly use supernatural explanations to make sense of everyday misfortune, accusations are much more likely to arise. That is why you see statements like “suffer not a witch to live” in the Bible. In Europe, the worst witch hunts occurred when the church and religious authorities held enormous power that nobody questioned.

These accusations arise from human efforts to make sense of misfortune—people seeking a reason, a cause, when they cannot accept or access a common-sense explanation convincingly.

The second factor is power relations. Some people are more vulnerable; others are stronger socio-culturally. Even those who are stronger are often insecure and fearful of losing their power. Accusations can offer them a comfortable explanation for their losses—whether death, accident, or illness. They look for a cause, and accusation becomes the tool they use.

All these accusations stem from our attempt to explain. That is the first point. The second is that we want not only an explanation, but also someone to assign responsibility or causation to, because of the way we think. When something happens, the immediate question becomes: “Where is it coming from?” Then, “Who is responsible?” Once someone is identified—rightly or wrongly—people feel calmer.

Whether informed or not, educated or not, people want an explanation that calms them and convinces them. And when that explanation is provided, they want to act on it. They want to eliminate what they believe is the source of their misfortune. Knowing who is responsible is not enough; removing that person is seen as eliminating the misfortune.

This is why, whenever the economy is bad and people are struggling, they say, “Someone has taken my destiny.” “Someone has exchanged their destiny for mine.” Then they identify a person and decide that eliminating that person will restore what they lost.

But this happens in an environment where structures for material and social support do not exist. There is no robust social welfare system. These explanations fill the gap. These actions fill the gap. As we have discussed, the police system is compromised. The government does not care. In Bayelsa State, we have been writing appeals to the governor and the governor’s wife to protect the children. Nothing happens.

When institutions fail, they create a gap. There is no vacuum. Whenever there is a problem, there is no vacuum in explanation. If a vacuum appears, people fill it with anything. Even a ridiculous or unconvincing explanation will do. That is why people say spirits cause illness, gods cause misfortune, and ancestors cause accidents. People do not want to accept that they do not understand what is happening. They fill the vacuum: “The gods did it.” “The witches did it.” “The devil did it.” These explanations are always available.

If society were able to address the fundamentals—provide child support, free medical care, help families facing challenges, give older adults welfare packages—these explanations would no longer make sense. They only make sense in the absence of structural support for families, for children, for older people, and for people who are sick, who must bear the entire financial burden. How do they make sense of that burden? They point to someone: “This witch is responsible.” It gives them comfort, a sense of relief.

This is how I situate the origin, manifestation, and expression of these accusations.

Jacobsen: How has support from institutions—NGOs, CSOs, or federal agencies—been in Nigeria?

Igwe: The support has been erratic. It is not consistent. It is not guaranteed. There are times when we receive support, and sometimes only for a short while. In one state, we may get cooperation; in another, they pay no attention. For example, in Bayelsa State, the National Human Rights Commission has not responded to me at all. They have not been supportive. Instead, it is FIDA and another NGO, DoFoundation, that have worked very well with the Ministry of Women’s Affairs.

In some other states, you can write to the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and receive no cooperation. The situation varies. Sometimes we have cooperation from the National Human Rights Commission. Sometimes we have support from both the Human Rights Commission and FIDA, as well as some CSOs. But in another state, the response takes an entirely different trajectory. There is no consistency from one state to another.

What we do is reach out to all the stakeholders. Sometimes they stand with us, and we can intervene effectively. As I said, in Bayelsa State, only the police failed us. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs cooperated. FIDA cooperated. Even the Nigerian Bar Association’s state chapter was cooperative. But the Commissioner of Police vehemently refused to cooperate for reasons we still do not understand. We were there to help the children. The children had already been harmed. The responsible thing to do was not to hand them back to relatives carelessly, without first checking whether those relatives were able or willing to care for them. That was the gap we wanted to fill.

So, support from state and non-state actors is not readily available to us. In one state, we may have strong support from certain institutions, while in another, the situation is entirely different. We work with whichever institutions cooperate with us. The most important thing is to rehabilitate the accused, to intervene, to support them, to empower them, and to ensure they are in a position not only to dispel the accusation but to avoid suffering such harm again. We also want to send the message that if people make such accusations, there will be organizations knocking at their doors—a coalition ready to ask questions and hold them accountable.

Jacobsen: How are things with Dominic in Benue State?

Igwe: Dominic is doing well. He is coordinating some of our interventions there. One of the victims we supported is continuing his education, and Dominic is monitoring his progress. We also have a case in court, and Dominic is overseeing that as well. This month he will be going to Enugu. Someone there did a documentary on witch hunts that included sections on AfAW’s campaigns.

He will be at a film festival where the documentary will be screened. There will be a panel discussion on the topic. He will be travelling to Enugu at the end of this month to represent us. He also coordinates interventions in other states—Kano, Adamawa, Benue, Kogi, and several others in the region. He keeps track of the accused, supports them as much as we can, and follows up on their needs and the challenges they face. He has been a very effective advocate. We are working hard to support him even more going forward.

Jacobsen: What else? What are some of the highlights for the yearly report—the overview?

Igwe: Part of the highlights this year is that we have had more events than in any previous year. We have seen more cooperation from NGOs across the country than in the past. We had a very successful series of events. In previous years, such as last year, we had just one event for the World Day Against Witch Hunts. But this year we had a series of about four events in different places. They brought together many groups and NGOs that now look to our leadership—the leadership of AfAW—for guidance on how to intervene and manage cases.

It is overwhelming because we are receiving more cases than we can fully manage, but we have to be present. When we cannot provide material support, we provide psychological support. When we cannot offer directly, we provide indirectly. What we have seen this year is significant growth in the number of organizations that look to us for leadership and support. Many organizations came together across various states for the World Day Against Witch Hunts.

We have also made significant interventions in many states to support victims. We hope this continues in the year ahead.

Jacobsen: Leo, thank you very much for your time today. 

Igwe: Nice to talk to you again. We will be in touch.

Jacobsen: Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 25: Witkoff, Yermak, and the Geopolitics of Corruption

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/08

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Irina Tsukerman about Steve Witkoff’s leaked coaching of Russian officials on how to pitch Trump a Ukraine “peace plan,” and the parallel resignation of Andriy Yermak, Zelenskyy’s powerful chief of staff. Tsukerman frames Yermak’s fall as evidence of Ukraine’s growing judicial independence, contrasting it with entrenched corruption in Russia and slower, institutionalized rot in the United States. She argues Witkoff’s conflicts of interest and recklessness merit investigation, then examines a National Guard killing used to justify sweeping immigration reviews, and Russian recruitment of foreign fighters amid coups and instability in Guinea-Bissau and across Africa.

Interview conducted November 28, 2025.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Steve Witkoff is a high-ranking American official. For those not familiar with American politics, he was coaching Russian officials on how to speak to Trump, and more than that. This was leaked, and it became a scandal. The more interesting part is the gaslighting—the inversion happening—where people are not calling the person who engaged in potentially traitorous behavior a traitor, but instead are calling the people who exposed him traitors for revealing sensitive information about what they are calling a peace plan for negotiations.  It’s been a convoluted journey. On a separate note, you may want to edit this later: Yermak just resigned. It’s huge. It just broke. So, who just resigned?

Irina Tsukerman: Andriy Yermak. He’s Zelenskyy’s chief of staff.

Jacobsen: Yes, I saw that. I saw that on Twitter.

Tsukerman: The story is actually bigger.

Jacobsen: They were conducting investigations into his corruption, and anti-corruption officers went to his home.

Tsukerman: Yes, they did. But the story is bigger than it appears, because many people do not realize what a crucial role Yermak has played in the administration. Some have accused him of effectively controlling access to Zelenskyy and wielding outsized influence over major decisions. He is widely regarded as one of Zelenskyy’s closest confidants and political gatekeepers. Even when U.S. officials tried to sideline him or keep him out of high-level meetings in Washington, he still managed to insert himself into nearly every major negotiation. This is the level of influence we are talking about, and it is now officially gone.

Jacobsen: Within a Ukrainian context, what does this mean within Ukrainian political culture? My understanding is that Ukraine is a dignity-based culture. So exposure like this—the investigations, the corruption, and the abuse of influence—feels undignified.

Tsukerman: Yes and no. It is actually a very positive sign for the independence of the judiciary and the broader system of checks and balances in Ukraine. It shows a serious dedication to combating corruption at all levels, and that no one is too powerful to be held accountable. Even if this creates temporary embarrassment for Zelenskyy, the fact that he did not stand in the way of these investigations and accepted Yermak’s resignation will ultimately reflect positively on him and counter accusations that he is a wannabe dictator or inherently corrupt—accusations heavily pushed by Russian propaganda. Nothing like this would happen in Russia. Anyone who falls under Putin falls because Putin removes them, not because an independent anti-corruption body is scrutinizing them.

This sends a powerful and positive message to the international community, and I believe it will be seen that way by most people, except perhaps Yermak’s personal loyalists. From what I understand, he was not universally well liked and had created many political enemies. I do not think he will be greatly missed, nor do I think this will reflect poorly on Zelenskyy. If anything, it helps clear Zelenskyy’s name from guilt by association.

Regarding dignity culture, the corruption scandal itself was the damaging and undignified part. After all the efforts Ukrainians have put into gaining Western support, building trust, and restructuring society after Soviet and Russian influence, the fact that authorities are finally targeting the real decision-makers behind a major corruption scheme shows that the reforms have been real, not cosmetic. There is certainly a possibility that Yermak will try to exert influence behind the scenes, but it will be much harder without public visibility or an official post.

Jacobsen: We always have to keep this in consideration. How does this compare to the current phase of American corruption? How does this compare to the current phase of corruption in the Russian Federation?

Tsukerman: There is definitely a difference with the United States. In the U.S., the corruption we are seeing has accumulated over time at the highest political levels from multiple political elements—both Democrats and Republicans—but for the most part it was limited to political insiders and party functionaries. It has not reached the extremes seen in many post-Soviet states, which were penetrated top to bottom for decades. That is not to say that political corruption in the U.S. does not have corrosive effects; it absolutely does. I just think it takes longer to metastasize, because until relatively recently there were effective mechanisms to expose corruption and make it unacceptable to the public.

There have also been efforts—uneven, but real—to combat major fraud and abuses of public trust at the institutional level. That said, the mixture of foreign malign influence and corrupt domestic political actors insinuating themselves into the system with growing success over the past couple of decades has certainly escalated certain forms of corruption. But even so, Ukraine has had a much harder time. The Soviet legacy and years of Moscow’s meddling took an all-of-society toll, whereas in the U.S. these influences arrived gradually and penetrated the system far more slowly and inconsistently.

With Russia, there isn’t even an attempt to reject that legacy. Moscow and Kyiv emerged from the Soviet era in similar conditions, but over the decades the trajectories diverged sharply. Russia, if anything, moved backward. There was a brief period when all post-Soviet states faced chaotic economic transitions dominated by oligarchs. But some countries chose to move toward Western-style governance and pursue reforms, while others—like Russia—embraced corruption and authoritarianism. We saw that not only under Putin’s rule but also in the way he was brought to power.

In Ukraine, Russia’s attempt to install a puppet regime—through a combination of Russian influence and allied local oligarchs—resulted in the 2014 Maidan Revolution, when Yanukovych was ousted. That was not the end of corruption, but it was a powerful signal that the country was unwilling to remain in Russia’s sphere of influence or in the corrupt system that had defined society for so many years. At one point, Ukraine was considered one of the most corrupt countries in the world. It has been steadily moving away from that status and toward economic freedom, political pluralism, and genuine anti-corruption efforts.

The path is difficult—reforming anything deeply entrenched always is—but Ukraine is making a genuine effort, and the results are visible. More importantly, public desire to break with the corrupt past is unmistakably strong. Just speaking with ordinary Ukrainians makes that clear.

In Russia, by contrast, many people are resigned. They believe nothing will ever change. They have a nihilistic attitude toward corruption, and many would not know what to do with genuine political and economic freedom even if it were handed to them—as it essentially was in the 1990s, when many were not equipped to take advantage of it.

The depth of corruption in Russia is also worse because its authoritarian and corrupt governance structures stretch back centuries, long before the Soviet Union. Ukraine, meanwhile, has had nationalist movements, different historical struggles, and long periods in which its development diverged sharply from Russia’s. That historical culture shapes the mindset with which people confront political realities in the long term.

Jacobsen: So what is his officially established background, if anything new has emerged, and what does it say about American–Russian Federation relations? Also, as a historical point, how might prior American presidents or administrations have viewed this?

Tsukerman: Quite frankly, anyone bringing in someone like Witkoff—who, in some ways, appears to have been effectively sanctioned by Trump to do what he was doing—would be raising enormous national-security concerns. At the very least, it is reasonable to infer that Witkoff assumed the ultimate result would please Trump or align with what Trump was willing to accept as an outcome.

If I have to read his thinking, I believe Witkoff genuinely thought that by coaching the Russians on how to present this deal, he was helping ensure that the peace plan Trump supposedly wanted so badly would actually succeed. And I think he sincerely believed that. He foolishly believed, in my view, that Putin’s main obstacle to success was simply his inability to restrain himself in how he spoke publicly—either to Trump or about the situation—and that if Putin only behaved differently, the outcome would be far more successful.

Witkoff does not seem to understand that Putin is a fundamentally different political creature from Trump, and that Putin has absolutely no intention of ending the war. He is using the war as a tactical distraction from his own failings, from Russia’s current economic and military difficulties, and there is no more effective diversion for him than creating a constant spectacle that includes embarrassing the United States, generating endless political arguments, diplomatic dead ends, and the chaotic public debates we’ve been seeing.

However, none of that excuses the fact that Witkoff himself has been deeply compromised. He has a major conflict of interest—not only regarding U.S. national security and political interests, but even within Trump’s own political sphere. At some point he should have asked himself whether his actions actually served the president well, and whether any of this would reflect well on Trump if it were ever made public. Clearly, he never believed any of it would leak. He was reckless in his communications—so reckless that, in my opinion, it warrants a congressional investigation, and not only by Congress but also by relevant security agencies.

This is not the first time something like this has happened with him, and he continued the same pattern of careless communication, undermining whatever result he hoped to achieve—never mind the broader consequences for everyone else. He clearly prioritized whatever personal advantage he believed he could gain over any other consideration.

In my view, he was conflicted from the very beginning—because of his extensive business interests in Russia and his ongoing deal-making even as the U.S. was struggling with a politically explosive situation. He also appears to be in conflict with the administration itself in terms of achieving its stated goals.

Tsukerman: I do not think even Trump’s goals—naive and politically unpalatable as they may be to many—were served well by the way any of this was handled. Even Trump should now be asking very serious questions about where Witkoff’s loyalties actually lie. Is he truly serving the president’s interests, or is he serving the business side of the relationship he cultivated by being close to the president?

He had business contacts in Russia even before being appointed to his position, but he is undoubtedly benefiting far more from being affiliated with Trump than he ever did operating on his own. In that sense, there is a conflict of loyalties—national and personal. It possibly goes as far as functioning not merely as an agent for a foreign power, but potentially providing classified information. I have no idea how far it actually goes. If he shared classified information, that would be a violation of the Espionage Act. It would be morally treasonous. I do not know if it would rise to the level of constitutional high treason; I am not an expert on that aspect, and the standard has rarely been applied in U.S. history.

His extremely poor judgment may eventually overshadow even his motivations. He may genuinely believe he is not harming the United States, but he also likely does not care enough to think it through. His ego is overwhelming. It is difficult to assess his motivations at this point, but it is clear the result has been nothing but destructive—both for the administration in its limited goals and for broader U.S. strategic interests.

Jacobsen: Anything else on the Witkoff point?

Tsukerman: I would add that Witkoff himself did not surprise me. Nothing he did was unexpected. His behavior was remarkably similar to another figure who faded into obscurity and then resurfaced around some of the people linked to Chuck Carlson—I am referring to Rob Malley.

Rob Malley served in the Obama and Biden administrations and became the U.S. Special Envoy for Iran. Under Biden, he ended up under investigation for mishandling classified information and allegedly providing sensitive material to individuals connected to the Iranian regime because he believed it would help achieve a new nuclear deal. He lost his security clearance and was removed from his position, but he did not face trial or imprisonment. He still lectures at Ivy League universities in the U.S.

Witkoff is very comparable to Malley, with one crucial difference. Malley was highly ideological—deeply aligned with Iran and deeply committed to pursuing a deal. Witkoff is not ideological at all. He is much more of a mercenary, an opportunist. I do not think he has any ideological sympathies in this matter whatsoever.

Jacobsen: Alright, so there was a National Guard shooting—actually two—by an individual who has been identified as Afghan. After the incident, the political fallout included Trump claiming he would end federal benefits for non-citizens, pursuing plans to denaturalize migrants, undermining domestic tranquility, and framing the Afghan immigrant as having entered the U.S. under a Biden-era program. Trump is now calling for “reverse migration” to reduce the legal immigrant population. This is a lot happening at once, and it is tied not to institutions but to ideological policy, especially visible under ICE. What are your thoughts on this?

Tsukerman: The incident is horrific in many ways. The young National Guard member who died was only 20. Some argue she should not have been there in the first place, because a judge recently ruled that Trump had to withdraw all National Guard units from Washington, D.C. I was there at the time—not at the scene, but nearby—and many noted that the Guard did not serve any meaningful security role. Yes, they took part in some arrests, but it is unclear whether those arrests were pursued afterward, or how many were constitutional in the first place, given that military forces were detaining civilians. Most of the time they were walking around helping people with directions or collecting trash. All of that is well-intentioned, but not a good use of U.S. resources. It is entirely possible that had she remained at her original posting, none of this would have happened.

What we know about the suspect is that he traveled across the country specifically to target National Guard members. There is evidence supporting that he sought them out deliberately. Because they were deployed in a public space in D.C. rather than on a secure military base, they were much easier to reach. They were in plain view near the White House in a highly visible location. How he knew they would be stationed at that exact site is not yet clear. It is also unclear why he was so enraged at the National Guard specifically. Some information suggests he may have had a mental health crisis.

We know from his background that he had been embedded in CIA-linked frameworks in Afghanistan and had participated in U.S.-backed operations since the age of 11. That is extraordinarily young to be exposed to violence and paramilitary activity. By the time he left Afghanistan in 2021, he held a local commander-level position. We also know the Trump administration—surprisingly—approved his asylum case earlier this year. There is no record so far of him making political demands on the Biden administration, the Trump administration, or any other branch of the U.S. government. So if there is a direct political link between his actions and his past experiences, it has not been revealed.

There was no clear political messaging at the scene. He was not shouting political slogans or terrorist rhetoric. It is understandable that authorities suspect a terrorist motive, given that he targeted U.S. military personnel. That assumption is not unreasonable. But if he had any history of radicalization, it is still under investigation and has not been made public.

Former intelligence officers familiar with similar operations have pointed out that cultural and linguistic barriers often make it difficult for U.S. intelligence agencies to assess the reliability of their assets. Sometimes agencies place trust in the wrong people, or conflicts arise that never get resolved due to cultural misunderstandings—not because a person is extremist or switching loyalties, but because they had employment-related disputes or irreconcilable differences.

It is possible there were red flags that were hard to detect. It may also have been very difficult to anticipate the kind of breakdown that occurred.

What we do know is that Trump used the incident as justification to order a review of all green-card holders from 19 countries. That is an enormous number of people. It is unclear who exactly will conduct these reviews, because many ICE personnel are not experts in cultural or linguistic interpretation, extremism assessment, or counterterrorism analysis. Yes, it is plausible that some individuals with fraudulent backgrounds or criminal history will be identified through this process. But there is also a strong likelihood of misinterpretation and personal bias, because ICE is not equipped to evaluate these cases properly, and the administration is placing clear pressure on personnel to deport as many people as possible—even lawful permanent residents.

We are seeing a process that might appear reasonable on paper, given that the previous administration did not always exercise sound judgment in migration vetting. But in practice it is likely to be highly politicized, unreliable, and vulnerable to error—especially when applied so broadly and under intense political pressure.

Jacobsen: There was a coup attempt in Guinea-Bissau. There are serious developments in Nigeria that are frankly chaotic. And of course Sudan remains a major crisis. Well, this actually connects to the research we were talking about. Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla, the daughter of former South African president Jacob Zuma, resigned from parliament amid allegations that she lured 17 men to fight for Russia in Ukraine.

Tsukerman: Yes, I saw that. It was astonishing. I am very curious how that arrangement came about. Russian oligarchs have significant influence within the ANC and across South Africa more broadly. Some of them have direct access to the mining sector, which is dominated by powerful families with deep political ties.

I am sure she was not doing this for free. She was either acting as a government-connected intermediary or she was being paid—or otherwise incentivized—to recruit fighters. Whether 17 is a large number or a small one depends on how long she had been doing it and what sort of people she targeted. But it certainly indicates a sustained pattern of activity and a willingness to participate in recruitment networks.

It also tells us something about Russia: they do not have enough qualified manpower for the war in Ukraine or their other foreign operations. They are stretched thin. Yes, Russia’s population is much larger than Ukraine’s, but even with those demographics, a substantial portion of the available population is not militarily viable.

Russia’s population is significantly larger than Ukraine’s, but even with that advantage a large portion of the Russian population is de facto unqualified for military service. Many have health issues, substance-addiction problems, criminal records, or are still incarcerated. There are countless reasons why someone may not be fit for the military. Even if Russia wanted to mobilize more people, it cannot simply conscript everyone—someone still has to work, maintain the economy, and keep basic infrastructure functioning. The Kremlin also has to avoid tipping the country into total internal instability. Public dissatisfaction with mounting casualties will eventually grow and create serious problems for the regime.

For strategic reasons, supplementing Russia’s existing forces—particularly units disproportionately drawn from ethnic minority regions—with foreign fighters makes sense from Moscow’s perspective. It minimizes domestic political backlash by shifting casualties away from ethnic Russians. It is easiest to recruit from relatively friendly countries where education levels are low, crime rates are high, economic conditions are poor, and where people tend to trust government officials. That environment makes individuals easier to manipulate. Once these men leave, no one back home has the power to complain. Surprisingly, Jordan did protest after two Jordanian nationals were killed in action, and Jordan formally demanded that Russia stop recruiting its citizens. That was extremely embarrassing for Moscow.

Jacobsen: The general in Guinea-Bissau was attempting to oust the president with support from some parts of Senegal. Any quick thoughts on that?

Tsukerman: I find it shocking how quickly this coup unfolded. The international community did not have time to react. The general announced he was taking power without offering any meaningful explanation, and he is already being received by leaders in other African countries as though this were a normal and legitimate transition. The political culture in the region is different, but the global context matters too. International attention is consumed by multiple major wars and political crises. People are not paying attention to developments that normally would provoke widespread outrage.

When the coups occurred in Mali and other West African states, there was intense public scrutiny and debate. Now, it is not that coups have become commonplace, but priorities have shifted. There is far less patience and far less willingness to investigate internal political upheavals—so long as they do not dramatically disrupt regional relations or threaten foreign commercial and military interests. If this general does not start expelling foreign companies or militaries, he may end up gaining a degree of international legitimacy simply because the world is overwhelmed.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Skepticism Meets Secular Humanism: A Third Path Beyond Relativism and Dogma

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/07

Rejecting both postmodern relativism and divine-command dogma, this piece argues for a third path: mixing scientific skepticism with secular humanism. Rather than reflexively “drinking the Kool-Aid,” it urges testing claims, valuing falsifiability, and grounding ethics in human flourishing. Scientific skepticism supplies method—doubt, evidence, reproducibility—while secular humanism supplies purpose—dignity, freedom, pluralism. The essay warns that political dogmatisms, including state-promoted atheism in China, mirror religious authoritarianism. It advocates evidence-based policy on climate, health, and technology; open inquiry; and empathy as civic virtues. In short: Galileo’s method meets the Universal Declaration’s ideals, uniting disciplined doubt with compassionate action within a naturalistic, fallibilist outlook for all.

“Humanism is a progressive philosophy of life that, without supernaturalism, affirms our ability and responsibility to lead ethical lives of personal fulfillment that aspire to the greater good of humanity.”

Humanist Manifesto III (2003)

“Science is more than a body of knowledge, it’s a way of thinking… a way of skeptically interrogating the universe with a fine understanding of human fallibility.”

Carl Sagan

“Evidence… is a good reason for believing something… Beware of ‘tradition,’ ‘authority,’ and ‘revelation.’”

Richard Dawkins

If someone just offers you Kool-Aid, do you simply reject it or accept dogmatically based on prior prejudice, or do you see the Kool-Aid as equal to milk, water, or coffee?

The relativism of the postmodernists never made much sense to me. The divine command of individuals adherent to faith-based systems did not either.

Extreme versions are found in relativist skepticism in one stream and fundamentalist religion in another. I never adhered to either. Inchoate, I had another option present in mind as an agnostic in reason and atheist in heart.

The opposites don’t work either for me. The opposition of a cultural relativist in many ways is an extreme chauvinist, whether what we falsely call the West or East. Their culture, for instance, is superior to all others. That makes little sense to me.

A third option from those first two, neither in-between nor much related to them, a mix of scientific skepticism and secular humanism. A sophisticated contemporary philosophical life stance and empirical moral philosophy. That seems more sensible to me.

In fact, the faith-based systems of a divine command theory can be replicated in formulations of political dogmatism, even state-promoted atheism under the Chinese Communist Party. Dogmatism is the root; political and religious fundamentalists are outgrowths.

A third option became more appealing. A scientifically skeptical stance to doubt, test, verify, and revise, to better comprehend objective reality. A secular humanist stance for freedom, flourishing, and human dignity without the appeal to the supernatural —to see objective reality as a naturalistic process.

Something like Galileo meets the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A methodology emphasizing evidence and falsifiability with intellectual roots in empiricism, the scientific method, and Enlightenment rationalism. The aim is to distinguish reliable knowledge from deception, error, and superstition.

An ethic emphasizing a nontheistic philosophy grounded in ethics, reason, and justice, with its roots in classical humanism, the Enlightenment, and modern secularism. The aim is empathy and rational moral reasoning.

These two integrate toward the advancement of human understanding through collaborative testing, open discourse, and the correction of error. Secular humanists value human needs, empathy, and consequences rather than divine wrath or benevolence. Scientific skeptics inform ethics through data on well-being and harm.

Secular humanists find purpose in creativity, knowledge, love, and service, while scientific skeptics see awe and wonder in understanding the processes of the universe in an honest manner without the need to invent consoling myths.

Secular humanists find value in equal dignity, pluralism, and the advancement of secular governance, while scientific skeptics advocate policy that is grounded in evidence related to everything, whether climate science, public health, or technology ethics.

Secular humanism is grounded in an objective world and the assessment of conditions related to human suffering and particularly well-being. Scientific skepticism works for quantifying what can be quantified and conceptualized while, with epistemic humility, knowing its limits. An informed decision about individual and collective well-being is not necessarily a perfectly informed one. We are evolved organisms that are part of the natural world and, therefore, have limitations.

These essentially mix into a practice of disciplined doubt expressed through compassion and goodness pursued without the gods.

Just remember: If someone offers you Kool-Aid, appreciation for the gesture would be polite, but make sure it’s actually Kool-Aid first.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Enos Mafokate: From Alexandra Township to South Africa’s Equestrian Pioneer

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/06

Enos Mafokate, born February 15, 1944, in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, is South Africa’s first Black show jumper and founder of the Soweto Equestrian Centre. Raised under apartheid, he learned resilience through hardship, working with animals from a young age and transforming systemic exclusion into groundbreaking achievement. Guided by his parents Maria and Alfeos—symbols of love, patience, and integrity—Mafokate rose from farm life to international recognition. His mission now empowers township youth through equestrian sport, education, and moral discipline. Mafokate’s journey from groom to champion represents perseverance, racial progress, and the unifying power of compassion between humans and horses.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Mafokate reflects on his early life in apartheid-era Alexandra and Rivonia, shaped by racial segregation and family devotion. He recalls the hardships of farm life, his father’s work as a builder, his mother’s domestic labor, and the values they instilled—education, love, and discipline. A formative connection with animals, especially donkeys, sparked his lifelong passion for horses despite systemic racial barriers. Moving to Rivonia offered improved conditions but deeper awareness of inequality. Mafokate’s memories reveal optimism amid injustice, illustrating how his childhood experiences forged his moral compass and future as a pioneering equestrian leader.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Starting with 1944, your birth and early childhood on February 15 in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. What was life like in Alexandra Township and the wider Gauteng Province for families in the 1940s?

Enos Mafokate: In 1940’s families were separated by race; Indians, Whites, Blacks and Colored. And within the black community we were also separated according to our different cultures, this naturally made life difficult and challenging.

Jacobsen: What were your parents’ names?

Mafokate: Mother was Maria and Father was Alfeos

Jacobsen: What was their work and parenting style?

Mafokate: My Father was a well known builder and Mother was a domestic worker. They were loving and patient parents, they focused on teaching us good values and morals and prioritised education over everything.

Jacobsen: They must have been some of the first families in Alexandra, as the township was established in 1912 by H.B. Papenfus, proclaimed a year before the South African 1913 Land Act. Black people could own land there under a freehold title as a result. Notably Hastings Banda, Hugh Masekela, Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe, Nelson Mandela, Samora Machel, Alfred Nzo, and Joe Modise, came from there.

You work growing up on a farm comes with all the great lessons about life and death, and hardship, one finds on a farm. What early memories seem to reflect benign and noteworthy aspects of ordinary farm life?

Mafokate: My memories of farm work are ones of hardship. I remember the farm owner punching me for calling his daughter by her first name as he wanted me to call her Miss.

Jacobsen: What events mark more momentous points of early life?

Mafokate: Instead of going out with friends I always chose and preferred to spend time with animals. Specifically riding a donkey. Choosing this lifestyle over a party lifestyle with friends marked who I would become growing up

Jacobsen: How close was the family?

Mafokate: Very close, there was lot’s of love and support

Jacobsen: How important was family?

Mafokate: Family was a special thing to me. Family showed me that life is non existent without love and support from others

Jacobsen: Moving from Alexandra to Rivonia in 1949, these are key and formative years. My parents divorced only a little later than this age. Any geographic or family change like that is stressful. How was the transition for you?

Mafokate: My parents never divorced they got separated by death .

Jacobsen: Why did the family move?

Mafokate: Family moved because my Father found a Job as a builder in Rivonia so we had to move closer to his work place

Jacobsen: Rural has a general character to it, rustic in degrees. How was rural life in Alexandra compared to Rivonia?

Mafokate: Life in Rivonia was more established than Alexandra. In Rivonia we lived at a farm house so we had access to more facilities like swimming pools, we got to play and look after

domestic pets and we had better food to eat. Life in Rivonia was so much better than the life we lived in Alexander township.

Jacobsen: A historic place with the Rivonia Trial moving the South African dial towards a more universally fair and just society with the removal of Apartheid (1963-64). I love the “I am prepared to die speech,” mostly for the crowd reaction.

Jacobsen: What animals were common in these environments–farms differ?

Mafokate: In Alexander it was common to see dogs and horses that were ridden by police men. In Rivona it was common to see cows, horses, sheep, pigs, chicken, birds, rabbits, snakes. Your typical farm animals. Animals in Rivonia were well kept and fed compared to Alexander

Jacobsen: Your first introduction to horses was not necessarily a “horse,” but more a ‘horse,’ i.e., a donkey. That’s cute and makes me giggle. How did you feel getting on the donkey? I am reminded of the experiences of Canadian and American show jumping Olympic Silver Medallist Mac Cone describing early experiences. He used what was around him, what was available–much more controlled and regulated environment now. Same style of background, but different culture, different nationality, almost the same cohort, different material deficiencies necessary for a proper, full equestrian experience–a donkey experience, nonetheless.  How was the memorable exchange with the white boy?

Mafokate: Being my optimistic self, It is a memory of pure excitement and joy. Nothing else mattered when I was riding that donkey and picturing it being a horse

Jacobsen: How does this highlight the racial barriers of the time?

Mafokate: It highlighted the different and disadvantaged standards of living based on race. It showed that only white people deserved and could have the finer things in life.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Mr. Mafokate.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Does the Universe Do Math—or Do We? Intuition, Information, and ‘The World That Doesn’t Calculate’

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/06

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner probe whether math is built-in or invented, and how intuition can automate physics. Rosner casts math as conceptual shorthand that scaffolds understanding—like words such as “schadenfreude”—with estimation and repetition training intuition. They argue the universe does not “calculate”; laws emerge from interacting fields, while math mirrors structure within finite information, not Platonic perfection. Subjectivity arises as a “statistically disambiguated” layer—distinct yet embedded—analogous to centrifuged strata. Skills span a continuum from embodied physics (a basketball arc) to formal tensors, converging as fluency. Information demands context; existence is a web of relations, and models refine correspondence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In theory, if something is living in the universe and there’s a union between how the world works and how their mind works—if they’re able to form a mental map of it—then theoretically there should be no limit to how much of that correspondence could be automated. The perception of the mechanics of the world could become intuitive for an organism.

Rick Rosner: That makes sense. Our perception of three-dimensional space, for example, is intuitive. We’ve lived in it and moved through it long enough that we understand perspective instinctively. We don’t need the equations of perspective or formal explanations—we move through space naturally. So you’re saying we could eventually develop enough cognitive “modules” to interpret the universe intuitively, built from advanced theoretical understanding. We wouldn’t need math—it would just exist in our minds as a model of the world.

Jacobsen: What’s intuitive for us isn’t what’s intuitive for an ant. There’s a scaling difference—you can get much functionality at different cognitive levels. And who says we’re the limit?

Rosner: Within practical limits, of course, you can’t build—at least not yet or in the foreseeable future—a brain the size of a planet. But as technology evolves, there’s no reason to think we couldn’t surpass even that someday.

Jacobsen: So your question is whether math itself is a kind of construct?

Rosner: Right. Is math even math? Math is really a set of languages that act as both numerical and conceptual shorthand. You plug values into equations, and you get results—numbers or symbols—that mean something. They inform your understanding. They help you build the kind of intuitive grasp you were describing earlier. Math, to some extent, is just a way of propping up understanding.

You see a flock of birds, and if you’re Kim Peek, you might instantly say there are 85 of them swirling in the sky. I can do it for maybe 20 birds on a streetlight. That kind of estimation, after repeated exposure, builds intuition. Most people don’t go around counting flocks of birds, but if you do, eventually you develop an intuitive sense of quantity—it’s tied to having done some counting at some point. So math and intuition, or innate understanding, reinforce each other.

It’s a form of shorthand—the exact way words are shorthand. Not the same way, but close. We can think without words; animals feel without words. But it’s much more cumbersome because they lack that linguistic shorthand. Once you name something, it exists as a manipulable concept—you can move it around in your mind as a symbol instead of as a long, descriptive thought.

Take the word schadenfreude: happiness at another’s misfortune. Once you have that word, you can analyze or recognize that feeling much faster—it becomes a tool of cognition. Especially in Hollywood, it’s a useful one.

I’ve got a book on my stairs called How to Teach Physics to Your Dog. The author explains physics for laypeople by imagining his dog is very smart—able to understand words but not math. He tries to explain physics in language simple enough for a bright dog to follow. Others have had similar ideas: translating the brutal, equation-filled side of physics—blackboards full of symbols, fifty-page technical papers—into plain language descriptions of what those equations describe.

Which brings me back to another question for you: Does the universe know how to do math? And if the universe were some being—if the information within it were a model of both its external environment and its internal “memories,” the way we carry models in our own minds—then obviously something as vast as the universe would seem to have some kind of mathematical understanding. But does that mean there’s an actual mathematical understanding built into the universe’s physical operation?

I’d say no. The universe doesn’t calculate. It’s a collection of forces and fields that behave according to the principles of existence, from which the laws of physics emerge. The universe isn’t sitting around computing outcomes; things happen because of the interactions and forces acting on them.

Jacobsen: So the question becomes whether math is in our heads, a tool we’ve invented, or something woven into the universe itself. Probably all three. It’s an extension of what we were talking about earlier—intuition. Intuition is basically a kind of calibrated automation of experience and thought. Over time, the mind tunes itself so that some responses—like catching a ball, walking, or sensing someone’s mood—become instantaneous. Those are intuitions working at high speed.

If you stretched that time scale—say, slowed down thinking by a factor of a hundred or a thousand—the distinction between conscious thought and intuition would blur. At that level, thought and intuition are probably the same process, just operating at different speeds. So, when we talk about correspondence—the mind matching its internal calculations to the external world—it’s that correspondence that gives rise to truth. The math we do with tools mirrors the structure of the world, but the world’s “math” isn’t infinite.

Rosner: People often think of math as existing in some perfect Platonic realm—outside of reality, immutable and pure. But you can also see math as something emergent, a convergent conspiracy of forces working together to define quantities. Counting numbers, for instance, feel infinitely precise—each whole number is followed by an infinite string of zeros past the decimal point. That infinite precision is an assumption we make; it’s a human construction.

In a universe with infinite information, such precision might exist. But our universe is finite, so everything in it is incompletely defined—there’s only so much information to go around. We declare numbers to be infinitely precise because our mathematical rules allow us to do so. And that works beautifully as long as we stay in the realm of abstraction. But once you translate numbers into the physical world, you have to deal with fuzziness again—uncertainty, approximation, and the limits of finite information.

The way we define things in the real world and in mathematics might actually follow similar processes. The difference is that in math, we’re allowed to pretend we have an infinite amount of information available to define things precisely. In the real world, we don’t. I don’t know how that helps anything, but there you are.

Jacobsen: The distinction between math as pre-thought and math as thought is probably artificial. Math in the world is something the world does. If you take that naturalistic view and see the laws of nature or physics as mathematical, then we ourselves could be thought of as mathematical objects in motion—dynamic mathematical processes.

The flip side of that, though, is that the universe may not be aware. I know you and I differ on that—especially with the IC idea. You’ve got an object universe with no inherent awareness, but on this planet, there’s a sort of froth where consciousness emerges—subjectivities built from recursive information processing. Through enough layers of recursion, integration, and goal-directed behaviour, you get what we call a “self.”

Rosner: I don’t think the universe itself is conscious, but I do believe the information within it behaves as if it were processed by something conscious. That information could pertain to an information-processing entity that exists in a larger, more fundamental world—an “armature world,” a level of hardware that allows our universe of matter, space, and time to exist, much as our brains enable our minds to exist.

Jacobsen: All universes in the IC model are finite—arbitrarily large, but still finite in stability. So minds, by derivation, are also finite. For perception to occur and for us to form accurate conceptions of the world, there must be a correspondence between the larger finite structure and the internal processing of that subjectivity. But given the enormous scale difference, the internal models of these subjectivities rarely achieve perfect fidelity with any particular aspect of the larger universe.

Rosner: So when I say that information processing in the universe is “subjective,” I mean that subjectivity belongs to the entity doing the processing. To us, that manifests as space, time, and matter—what we call objective reality. We evolved to model that objective reality as accurately as possible to survive moment to moment. But that modelling itself is subjective because it happens within each individual, from their perspective, and pertains uniquely to them.

So then we can argue about what “subjective” even means. Our brains strive to model the world objectively—without bias—but since each brain’s perspective is unique, the modelling is still subjective. You could call it objective because it tries to be accurate, or subjective. After all, it’s always filtered through individual cognition. Once we make judgments about what’s going on, those judgments are inherently subjective.

Jacobsen: So when you talk about subjectivity and objectivity, you have to define your terms very carefully. Once you do, it’s actually quite straightforward. There’s nothing mystical about it. I’d say that subjectivity in an objective universe is statistically disambiguated—it emerges as a probabilistic byproduct of nature.

Rosner: Say that again without the word “disambiguated.” What do you mean?

Jacobsen: You know those spinners used in labs—centrifuges? They separate substances by weight or density, forming layers as they spin. I think the universe is like that, metaphorically speaking. Subjectivity works the same way: never entirely separate, still sticky, because we’re part of nature. We come out of it, but our sense of self is distinct enough to exist as its own layer in the mix. In that sense, our subjectivity is pretty well defined—each brain models reality for one person.

“Pretty well” is the key phrase. Not absolutely. That’s what I meant earlier by “statistically disambiguated.” Subjectivity is distinct enough to function independently but still arises from the same integrated substrate.

Rosner: So “statistically disambiguated” means what, exactly?

Jacobsen: It’s like saying that a brain’s information—this vast, entangled mass of data—produces a distinct entity the way a macro-object like an apple emerges from particles. An apple is clearly an apple because, statistically, it’s separated from everything else in the universe. It’s coherent.

So applying that same principle to consciousness—scaling it up from classical physics. In classical physics, objects are defined by their scale and their separability. The same logic can apply to less tangible things, such as the sense of self. Consciousness and selfhood emerge as bounded systems from the larger “object universe.”

That ability to predict, perceive, and integrate with the universe—that’s the union ancient traditions talk about. People joke about yoga as stretching, but yoga literally means “union.” If you had no union with the universe, you wouldn’t perceive anything at all. The stickiness —the inseparable connection —defines experience. Evolution gives each species a specific way of interfacing with the world. Your nervous system, your body, your history—all of that encodes the range and type of experience you can have. As systems evolve or degrade, those parameters shift.

Rosner: As our information-processing abilities expand, our understanding of the universe should grow more inclusive. Bugs, for instance, miss almost everything. An aphid can’t conceive that it’s orbiting a star in one galaxy among hundreds of billions. But as our brains evolve—or as we augment them with technology—we’d hope our comprehension becomes more complete.

Jacobsen: Here’s a trick question to sharpen the point: what’s the real difference between catching a ball—an intuitive act—and doing matrix-based math? Time and effort. One is learned subconsciously through repetition; the other requires conscious training to restructure how the mind processes information. But conceptually, both are learning processes that map onto a multidimensional space of cognition—how we acquire and express knowledge.

Shooting a three-point shot and mastering the tensor equations of general relativity seem worlds apart, but both can be plotted in the same cognitive space. The axes represent factors such as time investment, abstraction, sensory feedback, or error correction. Some skills feel more intuitive—like the basketball shot—but both involve the brain learning to model and predict outcomes within structured systems.

So even physical intuition—like a basketball player’s sense of trajectory—could be seen as a kind of embodied physics.

Rosner: My brother’s best friend in junior high was one of the two best basketball players at their school. His dad was a physics professor, and he used to try to mathematicize basketball—to translate the arcs, velocities, and rotations into formal equations.

So my brother’s friend’s dad—the physics professor—once tried to mathematicize basketball. Ignoring air resistance, he explained that if you release the ball with the same force at different angles, the most significant horizontal distance comes from a 45-degree angle. That’s the classic projectile-motion result. In theory, that should help: less force means better accuracy, so a 45-degree release seems ideal.

But in practice, the ball’s entry angle into the hoop matters. At 45 degrees, it approaches the rim at a shallow trajectory, making the rim appear narrower. You probably want a slightly steeper arc—around 51 or 52 degrees—to make the target “larger” from the ball’s perspective. He did all that math, and it was probably less helpful than just shooting thousands of baskets.

People learn athletic skills by doing. You can theorize about angles all day, but experience tunes intuition better than equations. Still, at the elite level—say, Olympic athletes—analysis becomes useful. That’s when you go to Colorado Springs, put motion-capture dots on your body, and let the biomechanics lab break down your movement. They’ll map muscle activation sequences, timing, and energy transfer. It’s science applied to intuition.

Everything exists along a spectrum of learning. Some skills feel intuitive—others demand structured analysis. Take flying a plane: I’ve tried flight simulators at Dave & Buster’s, and even there, it’s hard as hell. You think it’s intuitive—tilt the rudder, bank the wings—but in reality, it’s a complex coordination of forces and control surfaces. That’s why pilots spend hours in classrooms and simulators.

Every discipline has its own learning geometry. In physics, for instance, problem sets in electromagnetism could take an hour apiece. That’s what I hated about physics. I never got to general relativity—those problem sets must be brutal—and only scratched the surface of quantum mechanics. Eventually, though, you reach fluency. The symbols stop being symbols and start behaving intuitively, the way musical notes do for a composer. For the truly brilliant, that intuition might exist from the start.

So learning styles are like different points in a cognitive space—each discipline sits somewhere between the intuitive and the analytical.

Jacobsen: Which leads to more profound questions. People like to ask, “Why is there something rather than nothing?” But that assumes “nothing” is the natural state. The IC answer flips it: Why wouldn’t there be something? Statistically, existence is far more probable than pure absence. The exact inversion applies to math. We keep asking: is math “out there,” in the universe; “in here,” in our heads; or just a tool we’ve built?

All three may be the wrong frame. Once we understand what information actually is, the puzzle changes. Subjectivity—the sense of self—probably arises from a symmetric relationship between what’s happening in the information processor and what’s happening in the external world it evolved to mirror. That symmetry—between internal representation and external structure—is where both math and consciousness meet.

Rosner: And the more immediate stuff—the kind of processing that doesn’t require complete conscious thought—it’s the same principle when I say information isn’t information without context. We haven’t fully developed an understanding of information because we take context for granted. For all the information in our heads, we are the context. We provide the framework.

There are information systems beyond us—like the universe itself, which quantum mechanics implies is an information system. But we don’t yet know what that information is, how it functions, or what it’s relevant to. Our understanding is incomplete until we grasp the context of information, just as our grasp of existence is incomplete without understanding the context of everything.

The naive idea of “stuff” is that things exist by virtue of being things. But the deeper we look, the more we see that existence itself is a kind of cosmic conspiracy—a web of interrelations among vast numbers of processes across immense time scales, all reinforcing one another’s consistency. You can’t remove the rest of the universe and still have an apple. The apple vanishes. Everything depends on everything else.

Our comprehension of context and interrelatedness remains crude. Even our understanding of entropy is parochial—it’s local. We think the universe has increasing entropy because closed systems inevitably do. But on the universal scale, we have no clear picture of how information flows over cosmic time, or even what counts as information. Until we understand that, all our other inquiries will remain fragmentary.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

South Korean Christian Leaders: Seven Decades of Crimes and the Case for Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/07

This chronological overview traces seven decades of major crimes committed by South Korean Christian leaders, from Park Tae-seon’s 1950s fraud convictions to Jung Myung-seok’s 2025 sexual-violence sentence. It details embezzlement, fraud, tax evasion, sexual assault, and coercive control cases involving figures such as Sun Myung Moon, David Yonggi Cho, and Shin Ok-ju. The analysis links these patterns to the professional limitations of theology-only education and rigid gender expectations in conservative Christianity, suggesting that such environments may exacerbate vulnerability to corruption. It closes by urging stronger transparency, regulation, and ethical oversight within South Korea’s religious institutions.

Part of the Issue

The problem with theological degrees or training without other skills can become the inability to be hired competently in many other domains of professional life. Many Christians who acquire bachelors degrees in theology, including reasonably intelligent ones, may encounter this problem if they do not originally intend on this pursuit.

“My God-given purpose in life” can be a cover for “no other options,” particularly with the narrow permissible gender role expectations of Christian married men with a child or children, which can become the seeds for future criminal activities for some. While such pressures can create economic or psychological strain, this pattern is not universal nor causal. The following are court-verified cases of financial and abuse-related crimes by high-profile South Korean Christian leaders.

1950s/1960s

Park Tae-seon was the founder of Olive Tree (Cheonbugyo). He was repeatedly prosecuted decades earlier. He had fraud-related convictions in 1959 with an initial 2 years and 6 months at trial, then a 1 year and 6 months on appeal. There was additional sentencing in 1961 tied to election-law violations. Custodial time served into 1962.

1980s

Sun Myung Moon founded the Unification Church (conviction in the United States). He was found guilty of willfully filing false tax returns and conspiracy. His sentence was 18 months plus a fine. He served ~13 months (1984–1985) at FCI Danbury. His conviction was upheld on appeal. The Supreme Court declined review.

1990s

Lee Jang-rim founded the Dami Mission, which was a 1992 “rapture” movement. He predicted the Christian Rapture for October 28, 1992. He was arrested in September 1992 for fraud tied to end-times donations and investments. A Seoul court between December 4 and 5, 1992 convicted Jang-rim of fraud and gave a two-year prison term for swindling about $4.4 million from followers.

Yoo Byung-eun founded the Evangelical Baptist Church or the “Salvation Sect”, and had Semo/Chonghaejin links. He was convicted of fraud in the early 1990s and given a 4-year prison term for diverting church members’ funds to his businesses. During the 2014 Sewol investigations, it was widely re-reported.

Kim Ki-soon/Kim Ki-sun is the leader of Baby Garden (Agadongsan). He faced a raft of allegations in the 1990s. In 1998, she was acquitted of murder and fraud, but convicted of embezzlement/tax offenses. The Supreme Court confirmed 4 years’ imprisonment and a ₩5.6 billion fine.

2000s

Cho Hee-seong founded Victory Altar (Yeongsaeng-gyo). He was convicted for fraud, illegal detention, and worker exploitation in the 1990s. Later, he was tied to follower killings. In February 2004, he was given a death sentence at first instance for the ordering of six murders. Between May and June 2004, a higher court overturned the death verdict and then found no order to kill, reducing it to a two-year term for aiding perpetrators’ escape. Cho died in custody before a Supreme Court review.

2010s

David Yonggi Cho founded Yoido Full Gospel Church. Cho orchestrated an overpriced share purchase benefiting his son, Cho Hee-jun’s, firm. Also, he had an unpaid gift tax tied to the deal and evaded taxes. At the Seoul Central District Court on February 20, 2014, Cho was charged with breach of trust causing ₩13.15B loss to the church. Cho received a 3 year imprisonment with a 5 year suspension. His son Hee-jun received 3 years’ imprisonment. The suspended term was later reduced to 2 years and 6 months with a 4-year suspension while the conviction stood.

Lee Jae-rock of the Manmin Central Church through the Seoul Central District Court was convicted of serial rapes of congregants and sentenced to 15 years and therapy with post-release work restrictions. The sentence was increased to 16 years on appeal. The Supreme Court on August 9, 2019 affirmed the conviction with a final term recorded as 16 years after appellate adjustments.

Shin Ok-ju of Grace Road Church was another criminal and abuser. She was found to have confiscated followers’ passports, ritualized beatings (“threshing floor”), and engaged in coercive control. At the Anyang branch of Suwon District Court between July 31 and August 2, 2019, Shin was charged with assault, child abuse, fraud, unlawful confinement, and coercion of followers moved to Fiji, and violence. She received 6 years’ imprisonment with co-leaders having shorter terms and suspended terms. Fiji and international actions continued against the group in subsequent years.

2020s

Lee Man-hee led the Shincheonji Church of Jesus. Man-hee was charged with embezzlement of ~₩5.6B in church funds and unauthorized use of public facilities (separate from COVID-era charges). He diverted church funds, including to build a residence, and used government facilities without approval. In Suwon District Court on January 13, 2021, he received a three-year prison term, suspended for five years (probationary). Later, the top court in 2022 kept the embezzlement conviction/suspended term intact.

Jung (Jeong) Myung-seok is the founder of the Providence/Christian Gospel Mission (JMS). Between 2008 and 2018, he served 10 years in prison for sex crimes. The new case from Daejeon District Court on December 22, 2023 resulted in a sentence of 23 years based on sexual violence against followers including quasi-rape. Based on appeals, the sentence was reduced to 17 years with the Supreme Court on January 9, 2025 upholding the sentence of 17 years including an electronic monitoring order.

Jeon Kwang-hoon founded the Sarang Jeil Church. He violated the Public Official Election Act by endorsing a candidate during worship. The Supreme Court upheld a ₩2,000,000 penal fine. Kwang-hoon was given a ₩20,000,000 fine over illegal fundraising at rallies in a separate case. No jail time.

Chun Ki-won founded Durihana, which is a Christian ministry. It runs an alternative school for North Korean defector teens. The Seoul Central District Court on February 15, 2024 sentenced Ki-won to 5 years for sexually assaulting six teenage defectors. The court ordered 80 hours of sex-offender treatment and a 5-year employment ban from child/disabled-related institutions. On July 16, 2024 the Seoul High Court upheld the sentence on appeal.

Presbyterian Pastor Si Young Oh was convicted in the Philippines of qualified trafficking in persons (minors). He was convicted abroad, not in South Korea, and was given a life sentence. The Supreme Court of the Philippines upheld the conviction on October 21, 2024.

The Future South Korean Christian Criminals

There are plenty of other South Korean Christian leaders who are criminals. Those are some noteworthy ones. Given the consistent history, the more constructive question is whether oversight and accountability mechanisms in South Korea’s religious institutions can evolve to prevent future scandals.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Scientific Skepticism Meets Secular Humanism: A Third Path Beyond Relativism and Dogma

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/07

Rejecting both postmodern relativism and divine-command dogma, this piece argues for a third path: mixing scientific skepticism with secular humanism. Rather than reflexively “drinking the Kool-Aid,” it urges testing claims, valuing falsifiability, and grounding ethics in human flourishing. Scientific skepticism supplies method—doubt, evidence, reproducibility—while secular humanism supplies purpose—dignity, freedom, pluralism. The essay warns that political dogmatisms, including state-promoted atheism in China, mirror religious authoritarianism. It advocates evidence-based policy on climate, health, and technology; open inquiry; and empathy as civic virtues. In short: Galileo’s method meets the Universal Declaration’s ideals, uniting disciplined doubt with compassionate action within a naturalistic, fallibilist outlook for all.

“Humanism is a progressive philosophy of life that, without supernaturalism, affirms our ability and responsibility to lead ethical lives of personal fulfillment that aspire to the greater good of humanity.”

Humanist Manifesto III (2003)

“Science is more than a body of knowledge, it’s a way of thinking… a way of skeptically interrogating the universe with a fine understanding of human fallibility.”

Carl Sagan

“Evidence… is a good reason for believing something… Beware of ‘tradition,’ ‘authority,’ and ‘revelation.’”

Richard Dawkins

If someone just offers you Kool-Aid, do you simply reject it or accept dogmatically based on prior prejudice, or do you see the Kool-Aid as equal to milk, water, or coffee?

The relativism of the postmodernists never made much sense to me. The divine command of individuals adherent to faith-based systems did not either.

Extreme versions are found in relativist skepticism in one stream and fundamentalist religion in another. I never adhered to either. Inchoate, I had another option present in mind as an agnostic in reason and atheist in heart.

The opposites don’t work either for me. The opposition of a cultural relativist in many ways is an extreme chauvinist, whether what we falsely call the West or East. Their culture, for instance, is superior to all others. That makes little sense to me.

A third option from those first two, neither in-between nor much related to them, a mix of scientific skepticism and secular humanism. A sophisticated contemporary philosophical life stance and empirical moral philosophy. That seems more sensible to me.

In fact, the faith-based systems of a divine command theory can be replicated in formulations of political dogmatism, even state-promoted atheism under the Chinese Communist Party. Dogmatism is the root; political and religious fundamentalists are outgrowths.

A third option became more appealing. A scientifically skeptical stance to doubt, test, verify, and revise, to better comprehend objective reality. A secular humanist stance for freedom, flourishing, and human dignity without the appeal to the supernatural —to see objective reality as a naturalistic process.

Something like Galileo meets the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A methodology emphasizing evidence and falsifiability with intellectual roots in empiricism, the scientific method, and Enlightenment rationalism. The aim is to distinguish reliable knowledge from deception, error, and superstition.

An ethic emphasizing a nontheistic philosophy grounded in ethics, reason, and justice, with its roots in classical humanism, the Enlightenment, and modern secularism. The aim is empathy and rational moral reasoning.

These two integrate toward the advancement of human understanding through collaborative testing, open discourse, and the correction of error. Secular humanists value human needs, empathy, and consequences rather than divine wrath or benevolence. Scientific skeptics inform ethics through data on well-being and harm.

Secular humanists find purpose in creativity, knowledge, love, and service, while scientific skeptics see awe and wonder in understanding the processes of the universe in an honest manner without the need to invent consoling myths.

Secular humanists find value in equal dignity, pluralism, and the advancement of secular governance, while scientific skeptics advocate policy that is grounded in evidence related to everything, whether climate science, public health, or technology ethics.

Secular humanism is grounded in an objective world and the assessment of conditions related to human suffering and particularly well-being. Scientific skepticism works for quantifying what can be quantified and conceptualized while, with epistemic humility, knowing its limits. An informed decision about individual and collective well-being is not necessarily a perfectly informed one. We are evolved organisms that are part of the natural world and, therefore, have limitations.

These essentially mix into a practice of disciplined doubt expressed through compassion and goodness pursued without the gods.

Just remember: If someone offers you Kool-Aid, appreciation for the gesture would be polite, but make sure it’s actually Kool-Aid first.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Enos Mafokate: From Alexandra Township to South Africa’s Equestrian Pioneer

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/06

Enos Mafokate, born February 15, 1944, in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, is South Africa’s first Black show jumper and founder of the Soweto Equestrian Centre. Raised under apartheid, he learned resilience through hardship, working with animals from a young age and transforming systemic exclusion into groundbreaking achievement. Guided by his parents Maria and Alfeos—symbols of love, patience, and integrity—Mafokate rose from farm life to international recognition. His mission now empowers township youth through equestrian sport, education, and moral discipline. Mafokate’s journey from groom to champion represents perseverance, racial progress, and the unifying power of compassion between humans and horses.

In conversation with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Mafokate reflects on his early life in apartheid-era Alexandra and Rivonia, shaped by racial segregation and family devotion. He recalls the hardships of farm life, his father’s work as a builder, his mother’s domestic labor, and the values they instilled—education, love, and discipline. A formative connection with animals, especially donkeys, sparked his lifelong passion for horses despite systemic racial barriers. Moving to Rivonia offered improved conditions but deeper awareness of inequality. Mafokate’s memories reveal optimism amid injustice, illustrating how his childhood experiences forged his moral compass and future as a pioneering equestrian leader.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Starting with 1944, your birth and early childhood on February 15 in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. What was life like in Alexandra Township and the wider Gauteng Province for families in the 1940s?

Enos Mafokate: In 1940’s families were separated by race; Indians, Whites, Blacks and Colored. And within the black community we were also separated according to our different cultures, this naturally made life difficult and challenging.

Jacobsen: What were your parents’ names?

Mafokate: Mother was Maria and Father was Alfeos

Jacobsen: What was their work and parenting style?

Mafokate: My Father was a well known builder and Mother was a domestic worker. They were loving and patient parents, they focused on teaching us good values and morals and prioritised education over everything.

Jacobsen: They must have been some of the first families in Alexandra, as the township was established in 1912 by H.B. Papenfus, proclaimed a year before the South African 1913 Land Act. Black people could own land there under a freehold title as a result. Notably Hastings Banda, Hugh Masekela, Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe, Nelson Mandela, Samora Machel, Alfred Nzo, and Joe Modise, came from there.

You work growing up on a farm comes with all the great lessons about life and death, and hardship, one finds on a farm. What early memories seem to reflect benign and noteworthy aspects of ordinary farm life?

Mafokate: My memories of farm work are ones of hardship. I remember the farm owner punching me for calling his daughter by her first name as he wanted me to call her Miss.

Jacobsen: What events mark more momentous points of early life?

Mafokate: Instead of going out with friends I always chose and preferred to spend time with animals. Specifically riding a donkey. Choosing this lifestyle over a party lifestyle with friends marked who I would become growing up

Jacobsen: How close was the family?

Mafokate: Very close, there was lot’s of love and support

Jacobsen: How important was family?

Mafokate: Family was a special thing to me. Family showed me that life is non existent without love and support from others

Jacobsen: Moving from Alexandra to Rivonia in 1949, these are key and formative years. My parents divorced only a little later than this age. Any geographic or family change like that is stressful. How was the transition for you?

Mafokate: My parents never divorced they got separated by death .

Jacobsen: Why did the family move?

Mafokate: Family moved because my Father found a Job as a builder in Rivonia so we had to move closer to his work place

Jacobsen: Rural has a general character to it, rustic in degrees. How was rural life in Alexandra compared to Rivonia?

Mafokate: Life in Rivonia was more established than Alexandra. In Rivonia we lived at a farm house so we had access to more facilities like swimming pools, we got to play and look after

domestic pets and we had better food to eat. Life in Rivonia was so much better than the life we lived in Alexander township.

Jacobsen: A historic place with the Rivonia Trial moving the South African dial towards a more universally fair and just society with the removal of Apartheid (1963-64). I love the “I am prepared to die speech,” mostly for the crowd reaction.

Jacobsen: What animals were common in these environments–farms differ?

Mafokate: In Alexander it was common to see dogs and horses that were ridden by police men. In Rivona it was common to see cows, horses, sheep, pigs, chicken, birds, rabbits, snakes. Your typical farm animals. Animals in Rivonia were well kept and fed compared to Alexander

Jacobsen: Your first introduction to horses was not necessarily a “horse,” but more a ‘horse,’ i.e., a donkey. That’s cute and makes me giggle. How did you feel getting on the donkey? I am reminded of the experiences of Canadian and American show jumping Olympic Silver Medallist Mac Cone describing early experiences. He used what was around him, what was available–much more controlled and regulated environment now. Same style of background, but different culture, different nationality, almost the same cohort, different material deficiencies necessary for a proper, full equestrian experience–a donkey experience, nonetheless.  How was the memorable exchange with the white boy?

Mafokate: Being my optimistic self, It is a memory of pure excitement and joy. Nothing else mattered when I was riding that donkey and picturing it being a horse

Jacobsen: How does this highlight the racial barriers of the time?

Mafokate: It highlighted the different and disadvantaged standards of living based on race. It showed that only white people deserved and could have the finer things in life.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Mr. Mafokate.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Worlds Behind Words 5: Trans Remembrance, Asylum, and HIV Cuts

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/05

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

On Transgender Day of Remembrance, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Will Dempsey about a 2025 Advocates for Trans Equality report documenting trans erasure, rising murders, and suicides, especially among youth and Black trans women. Dempsey reflects on hopelessness, entrapment, and policy-driven harm: harsher asylum regimes for LGBTQ seekers, workplace retaliation for Pride symbols, and cuts to HIV services that revive a “let them die” mentality. He discusses the Pelosi legacy, imperfect but evolving allies, and how culture, politics, and discrimination collide at work. Throughout, he stresses de-escalation, legal protections, and affirming care as lifelines against despair.

Interview conducted on November 20, 2025. 

Scott Dogulas Jacobsen: Today is Transgender Day of Remembrance, observed annually on November 20. In 2025, a new report from Advocates for Trans Equality was released. The report documents the extent of erasure, institutional abandonment, and violence against transgender Americans. It is their 2025 Remembrance Report.

According to the report, the organization documented 27 violent deaths of transgender and gender-nonconforming people over the past year, along with 21 deaths by suicide.

The report also notes that 61% of the transgender people who died by suicide were between the ages of 15 and 24—essentially the final, formative years of identity development. What are your thoughts on having a National Day of Remembrance, and on the report’s findings of increased violence, murders, and suicides?

Will Dempsey: I think the Day of Remembrance is essential for instilling hope and showing people—who clearly, based on how high the suicide numbers are—how much hopelessness exists in the community, especially within that age range. Anyone in that demographic often feels a sense of hopelessness. Still, when you add any form of marginalized identity, such as being queer and specifically being trans, especially in this political climate, that hopelessness intensifies. Having a day like this reminds people that there is a community that supports their existence, advocates for change, and offers a light through the darkness, to put it a bit poetically.

I think it is essential, and the rise in these statistics does not surprise me, whether we are talking about self-inflicted violence or violence from others. We saw this during the last Trump presidency: the rates of violence increased against marginalized communities, especially trans people. Even when it is self-inflicted, it does not surprise me. Having a Day of Remembrance is one way to try to counter that.

Jacobsen: As with everything in America, race and ethnicity shape these patterns. On the conservative side, there is often a refusal to acknowledge the historical context; on the liberal side, there is sometimes an overemphasis on it in every conversation. But the data is precise: Black trans women are disproportionately impacted. According to the report, 15 of the 17 transgender women of colour who were killed were Black, and gun violence accounted for 17 of the 27 total deaths. What we see here is a racialized pattern of murder tied to American gun violence. Any final thoughts on this before we move on?

Dempsey: It is always striking why we see such a disproportionate impact of murder rates on Black trans women, compared with trans women or other transgender individuals of different races. I do not know if I have a definitive statement beyond noting that it has always been a striking pattern. I have my own hypotheses based on the research I have read and pulled together, but I do not want to state anything that might be inaccurate. I will probably keep those thoughts to myself.

Jacobsen: Time Magazine reports on LGBTQ asylum seekers. There was a report in another outlet a few weeks ago on a similar trend, focusing on an individual story. This one looks more at broader patterns than at a specific case. They reference the historical example of the Cuban Mariel boatlift in 1980 to contextualize it. The overarching issue is that Trump-era judges and laws are making it harder for LGBTQ individuals to seek asylum than it otherwise would be. We covered the last case, and you mentioned the separation from loved ones. I think you were referencing the Russian case. When it becomes systemic—embedded in laws and adjudication—what does that do for a person’s sense of safety in a culture where someone seeking asylum is already under extreme duress?

Dempsey: It increases rates of anxiety. It can bring up symptoms of PTSD. Many people seek asylum because the circumstances they are fleeing are traumatic, so the possibility of being sent back to those circumstances is terrifying. We are seeing rapid rates of deportation in the country right now. It also instills feelings of hopelessness, especially if the asylum seeker has not yet arrived. Suppose coming here was their plan for escaping their situation or seeking safety, and their options are becoming more limited. In that case, it becomes hopeless, petrifying, and overwhelming.

Jacobsen: What about the feeling of entrapment? Being in a dangerous context, wanting out, looking for a legal way out, and finding the process onerous or impossible—what does that sense of defeat or entrapment do?

Dempsey: Anyone would feel that. To connect it to what we were discussing, I think that same sense of entrapment is part of why we are seeing increased rates of queer youth ending their lives. Legislation is sending the message that they are trapped in their assigned sex at birth or in circumstances hostile to their identity. Anyone stuck in a situation that is not conducive to their mental health will only experience more distress when that situation feels inescapable.

Jacobsen: This next topic is international. Nancy Pelosi is retiring. The LGBTQIA+ report in Gay Times highlighted her legacy from the AIDS crisis to marriage equality. They reviewed her track record—she served for 38 years representing the San Francisco district and has been recognized since 1987 as one of the most significant voices supporting LGBTQIA+ rights. Do you have any personal thoughts on her? And what is the importance of having prominent, decades-long, consistent figures in the fight for equality and civil rights in the United States?

Dempsey: This always comes up around politicians and how much we should weigh their past positions or votes when evaluating them now. If I am remembering correctly, this conversation happened with Kamala Harris, and I am confident it happened with Obama. It will always come up.

I personally try to give people a pass. I would not be surprised if, forty years from now, things I believe today seem wild. That is parallel to societal change. There are some things people should be more aligned on. One example that comes to mind is that the lesbian community understood it was their responsibility to care for gay men during the HIV/AIDS crisis. Even though there was an understanding that the virus could be transmitted, they knew someone had to show up. I use that example to say: you do not have to be in the majority to understand what is right. And I still think people should be allowed to change.

From my limited understanding of Nancy Pelosi’s record, she endorsed the Equality Act, she has a family member who is trans and has advocated for trans rights, and she has been involved in some capacity with the HIV/AIDS response, possibly in the 1980s when it was a major political issue.

I do not think any politician will ever have a “perfect” track record. We really need to consider how they handled situations at the time, rather than judging a decision from 1985 through a 2025 lens.

Jacobsen: David Maltinsky, who worked for the FBI for 16 years, is suing the Federal Bureau of Investigation, alleging he was fired last month—in October—because he had a Pride flag draped near his desk. This is based on CBS News reporting. He reportedly was weeks away from becoming an agent. He claims the firing was unlawful and created fear among LGBTQ employees within the Bureau.

Maltinsky stated, “We are not the enemy, we are not the political mob, we are primarily of the FBI, and we have a mission to do. We go to work every day to do it.” In a letter, Patel wrote: “We have determined that you exercised poor judgment with an inappropriate display of political signage in your work area during your previous assignment at the Los Angeles Field Office. Pursuant to Article II of the United States Constitution and the laws of the United States, your employment with the Federal Bureau of Investigation is hereby terminated.” This is reportedly from an official termination letter sent to Maltinsky.

Workplace harassment is a significant issue. With disagreements over what constitutes political signage and what does not, what is the appropriate measure in a workplace—de-escalation, discrimination protections, and adherence to constitutional obligations in a federal position? And what about the potential for harassment due to displaying an LGBT flag?

Dempsey: I am not a civil rights attorney, obviously, but I would imagine that, based on the employment protections against discrimination that exist—recognizing that many states still lack them, but federally there are significant protections—people should be protected against discrimination.

Regardless of identity or how someone expresses elements of their culture—which I would consider a culturally significant flag under the umbrella of workplace cultural expression—people should be protected. I think it makes sense why he is suing. I will say that.

Jacobsen: When you work with clients dealing with workplace harassment—whether they are a boss managing a belligerent employee, or an employee dealing with a coercive, abusive, or dismissive supervisor—what language is used in either case? What are your general recommendations in those situations? And what about disagreements over what counts as a cultural expression at work versus a political expression? How do those feelings, the social dynamics, HR involvement, and everything else come into play?

Dempsey: In terms of de-escalation, there should always be an opportunity for conversation. Ideally, communication between an employee and an employer never reaches a point where formal de-escalation techniques are required—things like maintaining a calm tone, steady breathing, and mindful phrasing.

The question you bring up—when culture bleeds into politics and how that should be handled—is a compelling one. Someone should be able to express themselves at work as long as it is not disruptive or overwhelming. “Flashy” is relative, but generally speaking, modest cultural expression should be fine.

For example, if someone had a MAGA hat at their desk, I wouldn’t like it. But as an employer myself, I would let it go. There is a difference between that and covering your entire office in political memorabilia or making a point to bring it up constantly in conversation. There is a pretty clear line—at least to me—between personal expression and political campaigning in the workplace.

So, think about the difference between a small rainbow lapel pin, a MAGA hat, or a Republican elephant or Democratic donkey pin on a desk. Any cultural expression can be political in some contexts, but we need to be careful. Take the rainbow flag, for instance. To compare it directly to a MAGA hat might not be the best example, because there are many conservative, even MAGA-supporting, queer people. So if someone says the Pride flag is inherently political, yes, but also no. Queer people exist across the entire political spectrum. It is not automatically political in the same way partisan symbols are.

Jacobsen: HIV services are being cut back in America’s new global health strategy. When people have something essential and then lose it, the psychological impact of the loss is often far more painful than the original gain—loss aversion is powerful. Within the LGBT—

Within the LGBTQ community—particularly among gay men, as you mentioned earlier—the HIV/AIDS epidemic was lethal. For some, it resulted in lifelong compromised immune systems. It has historically impacted the community severely, and it continues to do so. 

When essential HIV services are available and then removed as part of a country’s shifting global health strategy, where does that leave someone in terms of their sense of social safety, access to care, and support? This is not like losing access to a counsellor and deciding to talk to Aunt Becky more. We are talking about the equivalent of a vaccine or ongoing, life-preserving medical treatment that another person cannot replace.

Dempsey: And not even just standard, but something that can still kill you. The rates of death have gone down because of the healthcare we have, but without access to that care, HIV can still progress to full-blown AIDS, and you can die. There is no softer way to say it. It is also part of a larger issue: if the illness does not kill you, the depression might, because you know what is coming.

Many queer people do not have access to the funds needed to pay for these medications out of pocket, and they are costly. The American healthcare system is profoundly dysfunctional and wildly overpriced. It is getting worse, especially with the recent government funding resolution. To de-prioritize people’s wellbeing—especially when that de-prioritization aligns with who the government perceives as primarily affected—connects right back to attitudes from the 1980s and 1990s. I do not think that perception has entirely shifted.

Jacobsen: Could this be phrased more precisely as: those whom some in the current administration consider less deserving of care?

Dempsey: Yes, very much so.

Jacobsen: In international health contexts, Americans see this clearly. As a footnote for our series, the U.S. is 4% of the global population and mostly an echo chamber to itself. But when you look at the actual global strategy, you see countries whose healthcare systems have not had the time or resources to develop and are in tatters, paired with extreme homophobia. The “let them die” mentality becomes strong there as well. Of course, statistically, you will find people like that in any country. Please continue your point about healthcare.

Dempsey: And to your point, it parallels the political landscape and the current administration’s stance toward the LGBTQ community. What gives me some sense of hope—while I never want trans folks to become scapegoats or be sidelined now that sexual orientation issues have gained more attention—is the Supreme Court’s decision not to hear Kim Davis’s case, even with a very conservative Supreme Court, which indicates that change is still happening. People will disagree about how significant that is, but the vast majority suggests we are making progress. I am hopeful that the administration’s actions are not as indicative of the future as they sometimes feel.

Jacobsen: Will, thank you for your time. 

Dempsey: Thank you very much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Valeriy Morkva on Russification, Genocide, and Russia’s Imperial War on Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/04

Valeriy Morkva is a Ukrainian historian and international relations scholar based in Turkey whose work examines Russian imperial practices toward Ukraine and other neighbouring peoples. Drawing on archival research and his own experience growing up as a Ukrainian in a Russian-speaking region of southern Ukraine, he studies Russification, assimilation, and demographic engineering from the early modern Muscovite expansion to Putin’s contemporary war. His research explores episodes such as the Holodomor, the suppression of Ukrainian language and culture, and the forced transfer of children from occupied territories, situating today’s invasion within centuries of colonial violence and contested historical memory.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Morkva about the long arc of Russian imperial domination over Ukraine, from Muscovy’s conquests and the 1654 Pereiaslav agreement to Soviet policies and Putin’s full-scale invasion. Morkva describes Russification as a centuries-long project of linguistic, cultural, and demographic control, including the Holodomor, structural pressure to abandon Ukrainian, and today’s abduction and re-education of children from occupied territories. He argues these practices meet the legal definition of genocide and form a “strategic imperial demographic policy,” while showing how Russian aggression has united Ukrainians worldwide across political, cultural, and psychological life in Ukraine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: My first central question is how long this project of Russification—attempts to erase Ukrainian identity or to distort Ukrainian history—has been underway. It goes under different names, but the aim seems to be to present Russian or Soviet history as the only legitimate narrative. How far back does that history go, and what was happening well before the current full-scale war?

Valeriy Morkva: We can start from the mid-17th century, with the first major political integration between parts of Ukraine and Muscovy, usually associated with the Treaty of Pereiaslav in 1654. We can then look at 18th-century practices, such as the destruction of Baturyn in 1708, the capital of the Cossack Hetmanate, which was allied with Ivan Mazepa.

In Baturyn, the population was annihilated mainly—men, women, and children—and similar patterns continued into the 19th and 20th centuries. In almost any period of history, we can find examples of pressure, repression, or violence against Ukrainians. How can we explain this? These are expressions of Russian imperial practices and patterns of domination vis-à-vis neighbouring peoples and countries. We cannot speak only about Ukraine; this has been a broader practice applied to various subjects of the Russian Empire.

If we go further back, from the time when Muscovy began expanding and conquering other territories in the mid-16th century—often dated from the capture of Kazan in 1552 and Astrakhan in 1556—we see the first significant conquests in the Volga region.

Ukraine later became an object of Russian imperial expansion, primarily in the 17th and 18th centuries, with the progressive loss of autonomy of the Cossack Hetmanate and the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which brought more Ukrainian lands under Russian rule. What we are dealing with today continues that long trajectory. I work in Turkey, and for many Turks and others abroad who do know where Ukraine is and who Ukrainians are, the situation is often explained in terms of realist international-relations theory: Russia feeling threatened, NATO enlargement, and so on.

Last year, while discussing this, I went to Ankara for a conference on the Holodomor. There I was thinking about this NATO argument. NATO was founded in 1949. But the Russification practices and this demographic war by various means long predate NATO. When we talk about the Holodomor, we are talking about 1932–1933, when millions of Ukrainians died in a famine widely recognized by Ukraine and many scholars as an artificial, politically driven catastrophe. There was no NATO at that time.

We can go back further to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the end of the First World War, and the collapse of the Russian Empire. At that time, Ukraine tried to establish its own state—the Ukrainian People’s Republic and related formations — between 1917 and 1921, but neither the White (anti-Bolshevik) nor the Red (Bolshevik) Russian forces accepted lasting Ukrainian independence. We see several episodes of the Russian-Ukrainian wars in that period.

Throughout history—in the 19th century, in earlier periods, and later in the 20th century—there is a consistent pattern of Russian imperial and then Soviet policies aimed at controlling, assimilating, or suppressing Ukraine and other nations under their rule, including restrictions on the Ukrainian language and culture, deportations, and political terror.

So for Ukrainians, the current full-scale invasion launched in February 2022 was both a shock and, at a deeper historical level, not entirely surprising. No one expected Russia to start such a massive conventional war in the middle of Europe in the 21st century, and every Ukrainian remembers the day it began. I remember that day; it was a profound shock for everyone.

People in Europe may compare the emotional impact to the beginning of the Second World War, which also had consequences for all European countries. Yet from the perspective of Ukrainian history, it is not entirely unexpected. We can find many earlier examples—even in the 20th century—of Russian imperial and Soviet policies directed against Ukrainian statehood, culture, and population.

Jacobsen: What would you consider the starting point?

Morkva: The very early point is the Pereiaslav Rada of 1654. From that moment, all of the subsequent Russian expansion and Russian–Ukrainian interactions began.

This is a vast topic, and I can speak in more detail from my own experience. I grew up in the late Soviet Union, in the 1980s, as a non-Russian living in a Russian-speaking area of southern Ukraine. I think many non-Russians share similar experiences from Soviet times, when you essentially lived in two worlds: the world of your family and the world outside—social spaces, school, and the street.

By the late 1980s, almost all major Ukrainian cities had been successfully Russified, and the Russian language had displaced Ukrainian from nearly all spheres of public life. At best, ethnic Ukrainians developed a kind of bilingualism, in which Ukrainian was used at home (often only when speaking with the older generation), while in the streets, shops, public transportation, workplaces, and in kindergartens/schools/universities, Ukrainians switched to Russian even when speaking among themselves. It created two different worlds, two different realities. That was considered normal at the time. As a child, you saw both worlds, but you felt that Ukrainian culture and the Ukrainian language were treated as secondary. In contrast, the official language—the language of culture, education, and prestige—was Russian.

My parents, especially my father, were part of the first generation from a Ukrainian village to receive a university education. He already used Russian in official spaces, though he had a Ukrainian accent. His goal was for his child— me to speak Russian without an accent. He chose a Russian-language school for me, and there was no problem with that. I completed most of my school years and later university, speaking Russian fluently without an accent.

At the same time, Ukrainian remained for me the language of my family and my father’s village.

There was a real possibility that I would be Russified as the next generation in our family.

Jacobsen: What about Imperial Russia versus the Soviet Union? How did the character, style, and content of Russification differ? And how did people writing in those times describe the feeling of being Russified?

Morkva: In the 1980s, I was still a child. When the Soviet Union dissolved, I was fourteen. You did not feel “Russified” in the way people did during Stalin’s terror. It was not an overt, violent Russification. It was more a set of practices that had become routine—using Russian in education, administration, and public life.

Later, when I began researching these topics, I learned that in the late 1950s, the Central Committee of the Communist Party adopted a decision concerning the language of education in Ukraine and other Soviet republics. That policy accelerated the shift toward Russian-language schooling and contributed to the long-term structural Russification of the population.

This decision was about giving parents the right to choose the language of education, Ukrainian or Russian, and parents were choosing Russian. It was presented as a democratic choice, as if parents were willing to send their children to Russian-language schools. But why was it so? Because Russian, Ukrainian, and other republican languages— Azerbaijani, Georgian, Kazakh—did not have equal status. Parents like mine, like my father, wanted their children to have better careers and better education. When entering university, you had to use Russian, and you had a better chance of admission and a better job. So it was not an equal choice; it was a choice shaped by linguistic inequality.

It did not feel like harsh oppression, but on the street, on television, the more interesting children’s programs were usually in Russian. Children’s books—there were more interesting options available in Russian. So it gradually shifted from one generation to the next that Russian would dominate, and it was dominating in the 1980s. Even later, in independent Ukraine in the 1990s, the Russification process continued to reproduce itself.

I can share an example. For me, it was interesting, comic, and revealing. At a train station, one person was trying to buy tickets, while another was selling them. Both were obviously Ukrainians. The woman selling tickets had a Ukrainian name on her badge and a Ukrainian accent. They were both speaking Russian with a Ukrainian accent. I was standing in line. It was the mid-1990s. I was already a university student in eastern Ukraine, in the Donbas region. 

In Donbas, bilingualism continued through the 1990s and 2000s. Now, in the Russian-occupied territories of Donbas, using Ukrainian is dangerous. I would not risk speaking Ukrainian there now. But at that time, it was simply not prestigious. Everyone spoke Russian. When someone spoke Ukrainian, it sounded strange, even if you were Ukrainian and the people around you were Ukrainian.

My university classmates came from villages where they used Ukrainian with their parents. They moved to the city and switched to Russian. This was modern, independent Ukraine in Donbas, eastern Ukraine—my mother is from that part of Ukraine.

So, summarizing what I was saying about Russification: it was steady, not forced. You did not feel direct enforcement—no one said you must or you should. But it was everywhere, and you could not avoid it.

If you tried to avoid using your family’s language, you would look strange in Russian-speaking areas. I cannot speak in detail about western Ukraine, although my father is from there. When I visited our village in western Ukraine, I used Ukrainian with my relatives. My grandfather did not know any Russian.

About the Russian perspective, I always use this example, because it reflects the official Russian position: Ukrainians supposedly do not exist. Ukrainian national identity supposedly does not exist.

When I was already in Turkey, in Ankara, during my master’s studies, we had a Russian professor from St. Petersburg. In front of the class—most of whom were Turkish students and other foreigners—he said, “Valeriy is Russian, but he does not know that he is Russian.” This was a professor who had studied at Cambridge University. It was not an ordinary man from the street, but an educated academic, saying this seriously. That is the starting point of the Russian perspective: we do not exist.

At that moment, I thought about my grandfather, who did not know or speak Russian. By that logic, he was supposedly Russian anyway.

The roots of this war are not about Russia being threatened by NATO or some Western threat. This is a long story rooted in the past, in Russian imperial practices. In the belief that Ukraine should not exist because Ukrainians supposedly do not exist, Ukrainian statehood supposedly does not exist. All Ukrainian territories supposedly belong to Russia. After 1991, when the Soviet Union dissolved, Russia received new borders that it considers artificial and unjust.

Unfortunately, abroad— and also in Turkey—people know almost nothing about Ukraine. They usually speak only about the conflict between big powers and the balance of power. The United States is portrayed as the primary source of problems, and Russia is often justified, as if it had valid reasons to start its aggression. I have seen this in Turkey, and many people around the world may share that view.

The problem is that Ukraine was silent. During Soviet times, there was almost no opportunity to express the Ukrainian position or the Ukrainian version of history. Sometimes we can even call this war a war about history, about historical narratives that are not just different—they are diametrically opposite. What Russia claims and what Ukrainians would say about that history are entirely different.

Jacobsen: What about the forced transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied territories? Abduction, attempted re-education. How do you frame this in that more extended history?

Morkva: Abducting children is a dramatic example. This is a new episode of a demographic war against Ukraine. Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories are transferred to Russia and adopted by Russian families. Under Russian law, their names can be changed, their birthplaces can be rewritten, and their identities can be erased. New Russian identities are created.

What about the parents of those children? Russia claims it is “saving” children from war. Who brought that war? Where are the parents? Russia kills the parents, forcibly separates families, takes children from orphanages, and transfers them to Russian families.

At the beginning of this month, I was in Istanbul for a conference on current global problems. The First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine spoke there and compared these practices with Nazi Germany’s policies during the Second World War, the Lebensborn program. Children in Eastern Europe who were considered “racially fit” were taken to Germany, adopted by German parents, and given German identities.

This policy has two consequences. First, the number of Ukrainians decreases. Second, the number of “new Russians” increases. Russia is using the human demographic potential of Ukraine, as it has for centuries.

Even now, many people of ethnic Ukrainian origin live in Russia. Their names are clearly Ukrainian. You can see these names even inside the Russian government. Yet the official Russian census—taken in 2020—reports Ukrainians as less than one percent of the population, about 0.6 percent.

I can explain how this happens from my own family. My mother is from eastern Ukraine, the Donbas region. There were five children in the family. Most of them married Russians and moved to Russia—often to Siberia—because in Soviet times that meant stable work and better earnings. Their children, my cousins, grew up in those regions. They have a Ukrainian father and a Ukrainian surname, but they grew up entirely in Siberia, in Russia. When I met my cousin again in the 2000s, I saw this transformation clearly.

Before the war, my cousin told me, “I love Russia, I am Russian myself.” His father is Ukrainian. His father’s surname and his own surname are Ukrainian. Under different historical conditions, he would also identify as Ukrainian. But only the Ukrainian surname remained; in every other respect—his mindset, his ideas—he became entirely Russian. When the war started, all my cousins from my mother’s side were living either in the so-called “Luhansk People’s Republic,” created by Russia in occupied Ukrainian territory, or inside Russia itself.

This is an example of how assimilation worked in Soviet times, and how it still works. People move with their families to the Far East or the Far North. Their children grow up without any connection to Ukraine or to other ethnic republics. It does not matter whether the families were originally Estonian, Georgian, Kazakh, or any other group. Living in Russia, they become Russified, and their ethnic origin survives only in the surname.

In this way, Russia used the demographic potential of many nations throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. People abroad often associate Soviet achievements—such as space exploration and scientific breakthroughs—with Russia alone. But how many Ukrainians worked on those projects? The Soviet Union was treated as equivalent to Russia. When the USSR sent “Russian specialists” to Africa or Asia, many of those engineers were not ethnically Russian at all. They were from every Soviet republic. That demographic potential was used then, and it is still used now. In today’s Russian government, many officials are of Ukrainian origin and were born in Ukraine.

Jacobsen: But they are doubly Russian—very proud nationalists, yes? I spoke with another interviewee who had a hypothesis: anyone perceived by the culture as an outsider, if they want acceptance. They join a nationalist political sphere—especially a public-facing one—that becomes doubly whatever the group demands. They embody the identity even more intensely than people born into it. So a Ukrainian entering Russian nationalist politics becomes “more Russian than the Russians,” partly because their original identity is being wiped from the map. There is something psychologically strange in that desire for acceptance and the need to overperform the adopted identity.

Morkva: That is especially true for Ukrainians, who are Orthodox Christians and linguistically close to Russians. It becomes a matter of choice—choosing to be Russian—and for many people, that option was available.

In the Russian worldview, you always have the option to become Russian. You can join and be part of the larger imperial project. But if you choose to remain Ukrainian, then you are automatically labelled—as Russia uses these terms—as a “fascist.” In Russian newspeak, being Ukrainian and being a fascist are treated as identical. The so-called “denazification,” declared as one of the primary purposes of this war, in fact means de-Ukrainianization and the return of these territories to Russia. That “return” means the destruction of Ukrainian identity, even death. Yes, this is different from a classical genocide focused only on physical extermination.

Jacobsen: With the centuries-long picture you gave—from Imperial Tsarist Russia to the Soviet Union to contemporary Russia under Putin—how would you characterize the forced transfer of Ukrainian children, the abductions, and the re-education of those abducted children? Genocide? Ethnocide? Or simply the continuation of a strategic imperial demographic policy? Perhaps all three.

Morkva: All three can apply. In our article and in the work of many scholars studying this issue, we rely on the definition of genocide that includes the transfer of children from one ethnic group to another, followed by re-education and the imposition of a new identity. This is genocide. Genocide does not necessarily mean only physical killing or destruction. An ethnic group can be destroyed in many different ways.

The example of adopted Ukrainian children shows that the Ukrainian nation—the Ukrainian ethnic group—loses its future. This can be even more effective than killing people. It uses the human potential of one group for another by creating “new Russians.” This is why the policy can be accurately described as strategic demographic engineering. It is not one case, not a handful of cases, but a systematic policy.

Russia is improving its demographic situation by increasing the number of people it categorizes as ethnic Russians—especially Slavic-appearing children. It can be compared to Nazi Germany’s search for “Aryan” children with the “necessary features” deemed fit to become Germans. In the Russian view, Ukrainian children are fit to become new Russians.

This deprives the Ukrainian nation of its future and transfers that potential into the Russian nation. All the relevant terms apply here. It is genocide, according to the definition adopted in the late 1940s, which explicitly includes the transfer of children from one group to another. Researchers consistently cite this article. In my view, what makes this especially clear is the policy’s systematic character.

This is not about a couple of people. It is about thousands of children kept there. Even the children who remain with their families are subject to indoctrination through the school system in those occupied territories. A new generation has already grown up in the Russian-occupied regions—Ukrainians, but indoctrinated in schools to hate Ukraine and all Ukrainians, and ready to join the Russian army.

In Russian schools, military training is included. I remember Soviet times. It was also an obligatory subject. They brought you a Kalashnikov rifle, and you needed to know its parts and how to handle it at the age of fourteen or fifteen. It was like that in the Soviet period, and it remains so now.

History classes in the occupied territories are designed to advance the Russian vision of history. I already mentioned that the Russian vision is the refusal to accept the existence of the Ukrainian nation.

I recall a quotation I used in my work here in Turkey, in a recent book about Ukraine. The quotation comes from the Russian General Anton Denikin, a White Army commander, writing in the 1930s. During the Russian Civil War, he fought the Bolsheviks. However, when it came to Ukraine, there was no difference between White Russians and Red Russians—they were still Russians.

Denikin said, more or less, that whatever Russia might be—authoritarian or democratic, whatever its government—Russia would never accept the existence of an independent Ukraine. He wrote this in his memoirs in the 1930s, which I checked. He was living somewhere in Western Europe at the time.

This is not about new circumstances or Russia being “forced” to attack Ukraine in 2022. Look at these quotations and at historical events: the Holodomor, earlier Russian-Ukrainian wars, Denikin’s writings. This is history and a consistent policy already visible a hundred years ago during the First World War—continued in Soviet times, and continuing today.

These genocidal practices—using Ukrainian demographic potential through the Russification of children and forcing Ukrainians in occupied territories to become Russian citizens—are systematic. Suppose you stay in Russian-occupied territory, whether Crimea or eastern Ukraine, you have no option but to become a Russian citizen. Without citizenship, you cannot live there, access social guarantees, or receive any payments. This reminds me of the 1930s in Nazi Germany, when the Nuremberg Laws deprived Jews of German citizenship. Of course, these are different countries and circumstances, but the principle is the same: without citizenship, you have no rights.

People in Donbas have been forced to take Russian passports. My wife’s family is still there under Russian occupation; my mother-in-law is now a Russian citizen. My classmates and friends living there have also been forced to take Russian passports. My classmates have different views; some support Russia because they are ethnic Russians. Ethnic Russians often justify this aggression and use the standard line pushed by Russian propaganda.

A very old friend of mine from Luhansk wrote to me recently, saying that no one needs the wars that governments are fighting. Ordinary people do not need it—that this is a war of governments, not of people. That is a typical Russian justification, framing Ukraine and Russia as equal parties in this war. But I wrote to him that there is a clear aggressor and an apparent victim, and you cannot place them on equal terms. He did not reply.

Jacobsen: The critical point is that political statements—like the “red line” once invoked by a Western leader about NATO not expanding eastward—do not determine the legal threshold for aggression. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, beginning with Crimea in 2014 and growing in 2022, clearly met the legal definition of the crime of aggression under international law. This was affirmed by United Nations resolutions demanding the withdrawal of Russian troops, the return of occupied territories, and recognition that the invasion violated the UN Charter. Even if one wants to discuss so-called provocations, which is a political argument, it does not alter the legal reality or the moral asymmetry.

In terms of meeting the legal standard for the crime of aggression, that responsibility rests entirely with Russia. Provocative statements from some political leaders in the West certainly exist, and I do not deny that. Western commentary is not monolithic either. However, regarding the legal threshold for aggression, it is clearly on the side of the Russian Federation under the Kremlin and Putin. Of course, you won’t get a response. What else should I ask about? I have been interviewing artists, including at least one fashion designer, both in the diaspora and in Ukraine. Do they also perform an essential role in maintaining Ukrainian historical memory, specifically culture and identity? I mean both the diaspora abroad and those living locally in Ukraine. Artists, fashion designers, cultural activists—do they play a core role in preserving and expressing Ukrainian identity?

Morkva: It is essential. The Ukrainian diaspora represented Ukrainian culture during the Soviet period, mainly when the expression of Ukrainian national culture was heavily restricted. The diaspora played a significant role at the beginning of the 1990s. From my memories, when Ukraine became independent, Ukrainian history was a new subject. It was not taught in Soviet times. We never studied Ukrainian history from a Ukrainian national perspective.

The diaspora contributed greatly to literature. I studied in Luhansk—the same Luhansk that is now the center of Russian occupation—and my university years were spent there at the history faculty. At that time, a Ukrainian-Canadian Center opened in Luhansk. During my five years at university, I could use the library. It helped enormously. I could find books on Ukrainian history there that were unavailable anywhere else in Luhansk. These books were printed abroad, usually in Canada or the United States.

This was also important for my classmates. Regarding the role of Ukrainians abroad today, [Actually, I am abroad also, just thought that the question is specifically about Canadian/North American Ukrainian diaspora, so I said I am not living there (in Canada/US) to see their activities]Ukrainians now live in many countries because of the war, especially across Europe. They make Ukraine more visible and help preserve Ukrainian culture and history. Making Ukraine visible is essential.

Morkva: Staying in Turkey is also part of my life. I never thought I would live in Turkey or work at a Turkish university, but now I do. A couple of years ago, we prepared a book about Ukraine in Turkish, and this is important. It is my contribution, because I myself can be considered part of the Ukrainian diaspora in Turkey. I have met others, and everyone is doing something in their own places. This is positive, but is it enough?

Is it enough or not enough? We still have massive Russian propaganda, strong and very influential, around the world. You can take schoolbooks in Europe—perhaps also in Canada or the United States; I can only guess what children there are taught about Ukraine or Russia. There are examples of schoolbooks that still present the Russian vision, and it remains influential everywhere—in German, in English. Having Ukrainian diaspora communities in these countries is undoubtedly a positive factor for Ukraine. Still, I am not sure whether it is enough.

This is a matter of time. It is a matter of generations. The Russification process and Russian influence are so strong because they are deeply rooted historically in traditions. Even changing the names of Ukrainian cities from Russian spellings to Ukrainian spellings was not completed quickly. “Kiev” is one example.

Jacobsen: Yes, Kyiv. Kharkiv, not Kharkov. I have been doing English subtitling and English dubbing for a Canadian Ukrainian television news station. They cover topics like FPV drones used in modern Ukrainian warfare. One of my Ukrainian friends in Canada often says, “It is not Kiev, it is Kyiv.” I also realized Ukrainians speak from the center of the mouth, while Russians speak more from the top and front. Every language has its own specific pronunciation. I found that fascinating. Kyiv. He gave me much grief over that. All right, I will pronounce it correctly.

So, what else should we cover here? Here is a good one. And ignore “rotten tomatoes”—that is just for me to know what words to remove from the transcript. Where was it? Yes. Some— not all, not most, but some—argue that the Russian Federation should de-imperialize itself for a lasting peace. A Romanian colleague told me the Russian state invaded Romania thirteen times in the last three to four hundred years. Clearly, there has been a long pattern. Based on your expertise in the history of Russification of Ukrainian citizenry—despite Ukrainians fighting in the Soviet armies and in the Imperial Russian armies—there has been service followed by attempts to absorb them culturally. In a religious analogy, it resembles a forced conversion, a conversion at sword or gunpoint. It does not repay loyalty as one might expect.

Given contemporary history and the absence of peace, does the Russian Federation need de-imperialization for lasting peace in Ukraine, Romania, and other neighbouring nations? Is that a straightforward question?

Morkva: Yes. De-imperialization is the keyword here.

The question is whether Russia can truly stop being an empire. At the core of Russian identity and Russian history, we see an empire. Russia was formed as an empire, and it still exists as a de facto empire. It seems impossible to separate Russia from this imperial foundation. For all types of Russian nationalists—imperialists, leftists, rightists, supporters of Stalin, communists, monarchists—Russia is imagined as an empire. Whether Stalinist Russia or monarchical Russia, the imperial idea remains.

Even those who talk about a democratic Russia and view Russia as a nation-state are unable to achieve this transformation. How can Russia become a nation-state? This idea is interesting because if the goal is to make Russia democratic and de-imperialize it, then how could this be done? One approach would be to allow all people to express their national identities fully—similar to how Canadians identify as Canadians while still recognizing distinct nations within the state. Another approach proposed by some Russians who imagine Russia as a democratic nation-state is to erase all internal differences, even on paper: to abolish autonomous republics such as the Caucasian republics, Volga region republics, Yakutia, Tatarstan, and Dagestan. Erase all of these and create a unified nation-state where everyone is simply a Russian citizen, equal in name.

But what would that mean? It would mean the aims of Russian imperialists—assimilation and Russification of ethnic territories—would be realized under democratic rhetoric. Russia was formed as an empire, it exists as an empire, and de-imperialization appears to be wishful thinking. It seems an impossible project.

De-imperializing Russia would require allowing all peoples to determine their own futures, as Chechnya attempted in the 1990s when it declared an independent republic.

Jacobsen: I was going to bring up that example. Chechnya is a good case. When Putin came to power, my understanding—please correct me if I am wrong—is that two significant things happened. First, he moved against the wealthiest men in the country. Second, he invaded Chechnya as a demonstration of power.

Jacobsen: And that, to me, is an imperial attitude. Imperial power is about power in the broadest sense. The very wealthy—the billionaire class—hold financial power, so if someone is asserting imperial-style dominance, they may go after or intimidate people who have any form of power, including financial influence. The second dimension of imperial power is territorial: military imposition onto another territory, as in Chechnya. Those two moves, from the perspective of someone who is not a professional historian, appear to be imperial practices. Is that a fair assessment?

Morkva: Yes, of course.

Jacobsen: In Putin’s Russia, what would you put at the top of the list as the most Tsarist? And what would you put at the top of the list as the most Soviet in his “new Russia”?

Morkva: Contemporary Russia now? Once more, let me make sure I understand. You mean: Imperial Tsarist Russia had defining characteristics, the Soviet Union had defining characteristics, and the contemporary Russian Federation has defining characteristics. What is similar between the current Russian Federation and Tsarist Russia, and what is identical between the current Russian Federation and the Soviet Union?

Jacobsen: Yes, exactly—continuities across the eras.

Morkva: I didn’t initially understand the word “Tsarist” and was thinking about my English. But yes—Imperial Tsarist Russia, Soviet Russia, and Putin’s Russia. Similarities and comparisons.

One system comes from another. In ideological terms, the Soviet and Tsarist periods were different. The Bolsheviks brought their own ideology, and the Communist Party ruled the country. But all these states—Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, and now Putin’s Russia—are expressions of the same fundamental structure: Russia centred on Moscow, functioning as an empire.

Across all periods, we can trace an ideology of Russian imperialism: the idea of the “Third Rome,” the belief in a unique Russian civilizational mission. Russia is imagined as a state that is not ordinary, always having—and should have—a special mission: saving or guiding others. From Ukrainians to Crimean Tatars to Buryats, Russian imperial narratives claim these peoples “joined Russia of their own free will,” not through conquest. This was the narrative in the Russian Empire, in Soviet historiography, and now in Putin’s Russia.

How did Russia become so large, so vast? Official narratives say it was not through conquest, but through voluntary accession—whether in the Caucasus, Ukraine, or Siberia. This is, of course, historically inaccurate, but it remains central to Russian imperial mythology.

Another core feature that continues across Tsarist, Soviet, and Putin-era Russia is anti-Western ideology. In all three periods, the West—Europe, North America, Western political culture—is framed as dangerous to Russia’s existence. Values like democracy, the rule of law, and transparent political relations are portrayed as threats. That continuity runs through Imperial Russia, Soviet Russia, and today’s Russian Federation.

The relationship between the individual and the state, as it developed in the Western political tradition, is seen as dangerous for Russia. Anti-Western sentiment is a defining characteristic across Tsarist, Soviet, and contemporary Russian systems.

In the Western view, people possess human rights and natural rights simply because they are human. Individuals have dignity and inherent freedoms. People create governments and states, not the other way around. The state is accountable to its citizens.

In the Russian case—Tsarist Russia, Soviet Russia, and Putin’s Russia—the individual is treated as a means for state policy. The person is a part of a larger whole, and the whole is always considered more important than the individual. Human life has never been valued highly in these totalitarian or authoritarian systems. The state absorbs the individual rather than serving them.

If I continue this line of thought, one point stands out: Russia has no democratic tradition in its governance. This is widely recognized by those who study Russian political history. The first Russian ruler elected by the people in a genuinely competitive, democratic election was Boris Yeltsin in 1991. Taking Russian history as a whole, that was the first such moment.

Later elections became increasingly predictable. By the early 2000s—Putin’s second election in 2004, for example—they could no longer be considered democratic. This applies even more strongly to the Medvedev period and all later elections under Putin.

When I was in Moscow during one of the elections—I believe it was 2008, either parliamentary or presidential—I travelled there from Ankara, where my Turkish friend and I were studying. He joked that people in Moscow were “guessing” who would win the election, as if the outcome were already known. That captured the atmosphere perfectly.

Yeltsin’s first election was democratic, but even his second election in 1996 is widely questioned, especially given the Chechen War and his dramatic loss of popularity. He had almost no genuine public support by that point.

So the absence of democratic traditions, the persistent anti-Western stance, and the state’s power over the individual remain defining features for ordinary Russians.

Ordinary Russians take pride in the state itself rather than in their living conditions or ways to improve their lives. They feel proud of a strong, expansive state while being deprived of fundamental rights. If we look at Tsarist Russia, people were serfs until 1861, bought and sold like property. In Soviet times, citizens were also used as instruments of state goals. It did not matter whether it was Stalin’s era or later. In Putin’s Russia, all those being sent to Ukraine are once again tools of the state. This continuity is one of the defining characteristics.

The differences across the eras are mostly in titles. Under the Tsars, the monarch ruled. Under the Soviets, it was the General Secretary of the Communist Party. Elections, in any meaningful sense, were absent. In today’s Russia, Putin holds the title of president, but if he were called “Tsar,” nothing would change. Russia is a “federation” on paper only; in practice, power is centralized entirely in Moscow. These are the common elements across all versions of the Russian state—different forms of the same imperial structure.

Jacobsen: How has the full-scale invasion particularly changed Ukrainian perspectives on the Russian language and culture?

Morkva: This shift began even before the full-scale invasion, after the occupation of Crimea and parts of the Donbas in 2014. The war had already started, and people began using Ukrainian more frequently. It may have been a gradual process, but Ukrainians increasingly saw their country as independent from Russia.

When my family and I visited Kyiv around 2016 or 2017, I saw a noticeable change—more people speaking Ukrainian and more Ukrainian flags everywhere. This was before the full-scale invasion. After February 2022, we have not visited Ukraine, but my wife’s sister brought her child to Turkey. He was eight years old when the invasion began and stayed with us for three months. That experience—caring for a child traumatized by war—is our family’s direct encounter with the consequences. As for broader observations inside Ukraine, I can only reflect on what I witnessed during earlier visits.

Morkva: I can observe the changes through conversations with friends who stayed in Ukraine. One of my friends from Luhansk—also from our history faculty—had to move to Kyiv after the Russian aggression began in 2014. Then, when the full-scale invasion started, he said, “Russia is coming for me again.” This feeling is familiar.

That aggression, that constant threat, united people. Especially in the first days, weeks, and months of the full-scale invasion, unity was powerful. I felt it directly when we began the book project about Ukraine here in Turkey. I wrote to Ukrainian scholars, and many people helped us with that book. That aggression united Ukrainians inside and outside Ukraine. They were contributing from their own places: as historians, as police officers, in whatever roles they held.

To put it simply, aggression united Ukrainians. Without it, political debates would have continued—about corruption, about which party was right or wrong. Those debates still exist, but the invasion overshadowed them.

My friend from the Luhansk region—the same one I mentioned earlier—once said that Ukrainians should put a monument to Putin because he united them. He personally supports neither Ukraine nor Russia. He idealizes the Soviet period and says, “I am for the Soviet strong state.” In his view, both sides are wrong. But even he admitted that Putin unintentionally united Ukrainians.

Morkva: As the war continues, people are not as united as in the first days. The beginning was a shock for everyone. It is still shocking to think about how it happened. On that day, I was returning home from the university. My wife called me while I was on a bus here in Turkey and said, “Russia attacked. Russian rockets are striking cities across Ukraine. Russian tanks have entered,” and she named the cities. It felt unbelievable, like a computer game or a film, not something real.

For the first  days and weeks, we were constantly checking the news 24/7, reading everything in every language to understand what was happening. In those days, everyone tried to contribute in some way. My wife immediately said, “Let’s donate to the Ukrainian army. Whatever we can. How else can we help?” Later came the book project about Ukraine in Turkish. The book, titled Ukraine, presents a Ukrainian perspective in Turkish. That was my contribution—what I could do from where I am living now.

Yes, Putin united Ukrainians.

Jacobsen: Any final Ukrainian quotes? A Taras Shevchenko line or something from another historical figure—like an aphorism or phrase of wisdom that captures your view on this war or on Russian imperial history?

Morkva:. In Hrushevsky’s writings, I came across a comparison he made regarding the so-called “brotherly nations,” a claim repeated by Russians both in the past and even today. Talking about the Russian aggression against Ukraine during 1917-1921, Hrushevsky quoted Bible: “And the Lord asked: Cain, where is your brother Abel?”

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today, Valeriy. I appreciate it.

Morkva: Thank you again. Thank you for inviting me. It was a surprise, of course—Canada is here, Turkey is there—but it happens. [Actually, I do know one Canadian, by the way, from Vancouver. We studied together some twenty years ago in Ankara. Named Mark, very good person. We haven’t talked in a long time, mostly my fault. Work, life… But it would be unethical toward him (sounds as if I do not know any Canadians at all), whether he would ever see it or not.]

Jacobsen: I am a stray Canadian, like a stray cat.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Anastasiia Svoboda and the Academy of Care: Healing War-Affected Children Through the Geometry of Care

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/03

Anastasiia Svoboda is the founder and director of the Academy of Care, a Ukrainian NGO dedicated to cultivating psychological resilience, empathy, and nonviolence among children. Her work began as a simple nightly ritual with her daughter during the first days of the full-scale invasion—a practice they called the “Miracle Game,” focused on recognizing small moments of hope amid crisis. This ritual evolved into a nationwide methodology now used by more than 500 schools and 30,000 children. Under Svoboda’s leadership, the Academy develops evidence-informed anti-bullying programs, mental-health support tools, and accessible daily practices that help young people navigate the stresses of war.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Svoboda outlines how the Academy of Care grew from a “Miracle Game” with her daughter into a national system of psychological support for children in wartime Ukraine. Using the MaPanda app, psychologists interact with children through animated characters, lowering anxiety and building trust. The Academy’s focus now spans three fronts: the “Here and Now” program for children of defenders and traumatized families, teacher-oriented Lesson Care modules on bullying and emotions, and in-school diagnostic tools for ongoing mental health monitoring. Svoboda reports a 94% improvement in emotional well-being and a 70% long-term practice retention rate, emphasizing collaboration, partnerships, and a permanent startup mindset.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: First, what do you consider an essential strand of the Care Academy’s work—the core part as we move toward 2026?

Anastasiia Svoboda (w/ Interpreter Liza): I will answer, and then you can add a little more. Since 2022, following the full-scale Russian invasion, we have provided psychological support through animated characters. The child does not see a psychologist directly; instead, they interact with an animated character through the MaPanda application, a Ukrainian tool for online learning and therapy for children. This helps us create a connection and establish trust between the child and the specialist.

We found partners who supported us for four years in our broader work with children and families, and thanks to this cooperation, thousands of children have received free psychological help. Now we work with people of all ages—children, families, teachers, and communities.

We provide support to children in a way that remains unusual in Ukraine. We use the MaPanda application, where a child sees an animated character on the screen. This animated character is controlled in real time by a psychologist or teacher.

This narrows the emotional gap because the child can believe in and trust this character more easily than a stranger on a video call. That is how we started—peer-to-peer, child-to-character. After that, we began searching for partners who were interested in this idea. Then we started another project that involved many different people. For example, we developed projects to include grandmothers, who received basic psychological training so they could provide emotional support and talk with children. We also launched the “Lesson Care” project for teachers. Basically, we work with different groups: psychological projects for children and their families, psychological projects for older adults, and projects that help children and older adults connect.

We also began working with teachers and providing them with various materials, lesson plans, and cartoons they can use in their classrooms. Our organization continues to grow. Now we focus not only on psychological support but also on integrating psychological support into the educational process.

Jacobsen: What programs do you want to keep alive for the next academic year? You review programs and decide what is carried forward to the following year. What are we planning for next year?

Svoboda: Next year, we will launch a mental support project for around 1,500 children. This is the “Here and Now” project,

where we provide support to children of defenders of Ukraine: veterans, active-duty soldiers, fallen heroes, those in captivity or missing, as well as children with physical disabilities and trauma-related needs. Next year, we will continue this work and develop programs for children with special educational needs, because they also need psychological support. We are now testing a product hypothesis: a project in which

children will have regular diagnostic sessions to understand their current psychological state during the educational process, without overburdening them. We have three main focuses, and I will upload the details for you. First of all, we are launching our new project “Here and Now” right now. The first focus is psychological support—specifically for children from four to nine years old, which matches the primary age group MaPanda works with.

Our participants are children from soldiers’ families, heroes’ families, and veterans’ families, as well as children who have experienced loss or trauma, for example, when a father who was a soldier has passed away. We also help in those cases.

The second focus is our education project, which supports teachers and schools with tools and content that integrate psychological care into daily lessons. The third focus is our new idea, a product we will test and refine based on feedback from children, parents, and educators.

We want to test our idea to understand whether it will succeed. We will test our concept, which focuses on diagnostic tools within the educational process. We want to share with teachers the tools they can use to assess their students’ mental health in schools.

We are working with psychologists, and it seems that support for children’s mental health is now moving beyond the boundaries of educational institutions. In fact, educational institutions must keep this focus; otherwise, we will lose results. Nastia asked me to add that we now have many projects in Ukraine focused on mental health outside schools—programs that help families and help children. Yes. But we understand that we need to focus on schools because children spend most of their time there. We need to focus on mental health during the educational process. That is why we have this new idea, and we want to try it next year.

Jacobsen: What are the significant factors for sheltered children in mental health during war? What are the critical concerns with children’s mental health?

Svoboda: What we see during the war is that children’s mental health is always at risk because they face many psychological challenges, and they go through crisis periods. But when you have a war, all these periods multiply—two times, three times—and adults who are experiencing the war cannot always help children. In this case, we must support adults so they can support themselves and their children.

If this does not happen, then we will have a very active generation experiencing PTSD.

First, when we talk about the war in Ukraine, we know we have many risks for children’s mental health. The situation creates many different traumas and psychological processes. For example, a child can have panic attacks, breathing difficulties, or overwhelming emotions that they do not know how to handle.

Even if a child does not understand what is happening—if they are four years old, for example—they still feel in their body that something is wrong. So we can name these risks, but more importantly, we know we have many areas where we must provide mental health support. We also need to teach parents. We need to involve parents, teachers, and adults so they can help not only the children but also themselves. We need to create a circle of support—not only for the child but for every part of that circle.

Without war, children already face many challenges and developmental crisis periods. War intensifies these. We need to remember all the crises we experience as we grow. It is not simple to live through these crises—to become a three-year-old child or a five-year-old child—but war makes these periods more intense and more difficult.

So we have many crises in our lives, and war does not help us live through them or understand them. If we do not address this now, we will have a new generation with many traumas and PTSD—post-traumatic stress disorder.

Jacobsen: This connects to bullying. Do mental health challenges make bullying more likely, or do they affect the types of bullying?

Svoboda: Of course. Children are deeply stressed. They do not know how to live with their traumas, crises, and challenges. They also lack a peaceful, supportive environment to experience and process them. That can create situations of bullying. We have to work on emotional flexibility and emotional intelligence, and give children different options and tools for experiencing emotions in healthy, ecological ways.

We need to help children learn to manage their emotions in a safe, healthy way. We want to help them develop emotional flexibility and teach them tools for emotional flexibility and general emotional regulation. Children right now are often in a state of “fight or run.” As a result, bullying becomes more common. I want to add that many children feel they can either run or fight, and this constant stress influences their behaviour.

Jacobsen: You have the “Stop Bullying: Where Has Rudyk Gone?” care lesson. What is it, and how is it being taught?

Svoboda: These lessons focus on bullying and emotional intelligence. They address different components of family life—questions like “Is my family normal?”—and they teach listening, inclusiveness, and acceptance of difference. These lessons help unify the class and give teachers instruments and opportunities to work with children on complex topics in simple language.

Lesson Care is a series of monthly lessons. The main idea is to discuss complex, difficult topics in simple, understandable terms. We address critical issues such as bullying, emotional regulation, self-acceptance, and the acceptance of otherness—accepting people who are not like me. These lessons give teachers ready-made educational tools they can use directly with children.

There is a cartoon video. Our Academy develops the content in cooperation with partners. There are classroom tasks and a family task. We designed it so that children bring these game-based activities home, creating a reinforcing cycle of learning.

We also have support from the Ministry of Education. We work with them and take their recommendations about how such lessons should be structured. The format includes a video—a cartoon—and a teacher’s guide with all the classroom tasks they need.

The games, that is how we create this circle of support. The games are simple and enjoyable for children, and they participate willingly. One example is called “Podiaka-Morkvyaka.” It is difficult to translate; it is a playful rhyme involving the word “carrot.” It is simply a funny, engaging term for children.

Jacobsen: Your practice includes games for classroom activities and home tasks. They are interactive, funny, and bright. Children want to take them home. You also have printable materials that are colourful and visually engaging. This motivates participation because visual design helps children engage with the lessons. You have reached over 30,000 children in more than 500 schools. What recent cases or stories convince you that the geometry-of-care approach is an appropriate way to change children’s lives profoundly? I mean, how your care-based approach to education impacts children’s lives. We touched on mental wellness and calming effects earlier.

Svoboda: We have two categories of results. First, psychological support. Second, educational projects for teachers. In our psychological support programs, 94 percent of participants show improved emotional states, with aggression-related manifestations decreasing. Family environments also improve, and the family is the child’s primary support system.

Our task is to maintain this support long term. The numbers confirm this. Even a year after completing the program, 70 percent of participants still use the practices and tools we taught them.

That long-term outcome was our goal. It was essential to ensure that families continued using the tools not only during the project, but afterward in their daily lives. Seventy percent of maintaining them after a year is a strong result for us.

Jacobsen: How does this make the parents feel? How does this work make you feel?

Svoboda: I will try to translate the idea clearly. Care—turbota—is one of our central values. Our care and support must extend not only to participants but also to our team. Support is something we give outwardly and inwardly.

When people join our team or our projects, they often say it is essential for them to contribute to Ukraine’s victory. But victory for Ukrainians is not only about winning the war. It is also about rebuilding Ukraine.

We ask new team members why they have come to us and what their purpose is. The answer is usually the same: they want to help and support Ukraine and contribute to our future, not only by surviving the war, but by helping children and helping the country recover as a nation.

Returning to your question about how we feel: we believe that every day we create a minor miracle. We give children the opportunity to be children. Every participant receives a little miracle, and through it, we help them believe in miracles again. We restore their right to be children.

Nastya always says that in childhood, we believe in the tooth fairy. Our new generation, when they grow up, will remember that they believed in our main character—Morkunka, the “little carrot.” In Ukrainian, adding -unka makes a word cute or affectionate. So morkva (carrot) becomes morkunka, something like “carroty” or “little carrot,” a friendly helper figure.

Jacobsen: You work with the President’s Advisor for Children and Child Rehabilitation, and with international partners such as GIZ. What is the importance of these partnerships—both domestically with the advisor, and internationally with organizations like GIZ?

Svoboda: For global partnerships, we must share the same values. International partners seek social impact, large-scale results, and organizations whose missions align with their own. When our values match, the partnership becomes strong and effective.

At the local level, the focus is different. Local partnerships must respond to the specific needs of each region. Ukraine is not uniform in what children are experiencing. Frontline territories face intense trauma, constant danger, and a high level of PTSD symptoms in children. In contrast, in the western regions of Ukraine, the war is present but in different ways—there are air alerts and stress, but not the same immediate danger. Then there are central regions, which experience more frequent mass attacks.

Because every region has different levels of exposure, fear, and disruption, local partnerships allow us to respond appropriately to each territory’s needs. Global partnerships help us scale our work. Local partnerships help us tailor it so support reaches children in the right way, in the right place.

So, globally, the goal is a significant social impact aligned with donor priorities. Locally, the goal is precise, territory-specific impact that meets children where they are, in the conditions they live in.

We also have participants whose trauma is much more pronounced. In western Ukraine, for example, there are fewer air alerts and fewer direct attacks, so the needs are different. That is why, at the local level, we must focus on the specific requests of each region. At the global level, our partnerships focus on achieving large-scale social impact and working with organizations whose values align with ours. I hope I understood your question correctly.

Jacobsen: Now you are a national organization. For others who want to do similar work—helping children, supporting their mental health and potential—what are your recommendations? How should smaller organizations grow into national or global ones?

Svoboda: You are asking about recommendations for organizations that want to start small and grow to national impact.

It is essential to understand that local organizations address local needs, while national or global organizations address country-level needs. Small organizations should begin by understanding the specific requests of their own communities. National organizations must respond to broader systemic challenges.

For an organization to reach national impact, it needs strong project management. And the leadership must ask themselves the essential questions: For whom are we doing this? What exactly are we creating? How can we scale this impact?

To work at a national or global scale, you must build a system. Systemic influence comes from processes that can be repeated and from teams trained to reproduce those processes. And regarding your question about our system, it is essential not to try to do everything at once for everyone.

It is essential to focus on one problem or task and solve it in the best possible way. You cannot do everything at once or respond to every request. Choose one need, focus on it, and find the strongest solution. You work with that single request until you achieve real impact.

You must also find partners. Building partnerships is essential because each of us is strong, but together we are much stronger. Find good people and collaborate with them. And do not compete. Organizations working with children are colleagues, not rivals. Competition harms impact. Collaboration expands it.

Our partners are our colleagues, not competitors. And the final point—from our experience—you should always think like a startup. Even when you already have a large, structured organization, if you stop thinking like a startup, you lose the spirit of innovation.

So you must treat your organization as a startup. You may have excellent systems and processes, but without a startup mindset, you stop creating new ideas. Keep looking for innovations, improving solutions, and making things better again and again.

Learn constantly. Follow global developments. Observe what is happening in the world. Stay proactive. Believe in what you do. And be flexible.

Jacobsen: What other organizations do you recommend? If someone is interested in your work, who else should they learn about?

Svoboda: If you appreciate our work, you should also look at these organizations that help Ukrainian families. We work closely with Children of Heroes. We also partner with the foundation We Must Live, which supports widows of fallen soldiers and their children.

And we cooperate with the platform How Are You?, which assists different regions.

We have almost fifty partners. If you need it, we can prepare a list of the largest organizations we work with. It is quite long so that we can send it to you.

Jacobsen: That would be great. Thank you so much.

Svoboda: We will write the answers.

Jacobsen: I am going to meet a Ukrainian journalist.

Svoboda: It is enjoyable for us, and critical, when foreign media pay attention to our work. It helps us gain international support for Ukrainian children. Speaking with you is an absolute pleasure. Support from global journalists matters because this interest brings attention to our work, and as a result, 6,000 children have received support.

Jacobsen: Have a perfect night. I know it is late. Sleep well. I hope you do not have air-raid alarms tonight, even though that may be unlikely.

Svoboda: Thank you, Scott. If you need anything, feel free to contact us, and we will respond.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Christina Laschenko: Anglican Resilience and Wartime Worship at Christ Church Kyiv

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/02

Christina Laschenko is churchwarden of Christ Church Kyiv, the Anglican chaplaincy of the Church of England’s Diocese in Europe, which worships at St Catherine’s German Lutheran Church on Luteranska Street. A Kyiv native and professional interpreter, she has helped steward a dispersed congregation through Russia’s full-scale war, coordinating prayer and pastoral care online and in person. Laschenko has authored reflections and prayers for the diocese, chronicling resilience amid air raids and displacement, as Christ Church faithfully continues English-language services. 

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Laschenko to discuss resilience in faith, the challenges of operating without a resident chaplain, and the vital support from the Diocese and Rev. Kasta Dip. Laschenko reflects on physical, mental, and spiritual vulnerability—and how collective prayer and steadfast fellowship sustain the Anglican community in wartime Ukraine.

Interview conducted November 12, 2025.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: One of my first field visits to Ukraine was an UNESCO heritage site, the Transfiguration Cathedral in Odesa (Ukrainian: Спасо-Преображенський собор), in 2023 with Romanian humanist, former Romanian MP, former President of their Green Party, and current freelance war correspondent for Newsweek Romania, Remus Cernea. The Russian Federation under the Kremlin and President Putin have been bombing religious holy sites, even UNESCO Heritage holy sites. This complicates the sense of vulnerability for religious leaders, institutions, and communities. What has sustaining worship and pastoral care looked like for Christ Church Kyiv since February 2022, even 2014?

Christina Laschenko: In terms of physical vulnerability, we all are in the same position as the rest of Kyiv’s and Ukraine’s residents. Drones and missiles, both cruise and ballistic, hit all the regions of Ukraine. And we all realize that a ballistic missile can come any moment and hit you wherever you are: in church, at school, in a theatre, in a department store, at your workplace, at home. It takes only 2 minutes between the air raid siren and the arrival of a ballistic missile which is targeting your neighborhood. The only escape could be underground train service (the city metro) or proper deep bunker if you happen to be there in the moment of the attack. 

Purposeful 4-year attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure had resulted in another type of physical vulnerability: scarce heating in cold season and regular or emergency electricity outages. We always keep a stock of candles in a vestry cupboard and make sure our smartphones and powerbanks are charged to make readings possible during the service.

Living for almost 4 years in physical vulnerability results in a consequential ‘mental vulnerability’. Regular night air raids make you fear sleeping at night.  Insomnia has become a totally spread problem for Ukrainians of all agea and in all regions. In Kyiv many people go to sleep on the platforms in metro stations. But not everybody can sleep on the floor among a hundred people and spend 6-7 hours without a toilet. This can be a solution for 3-4 nights but not for 3-4 years.

But miraculously those circumstances do not result in spiritual vulnerability. On the contrary, the more people suffer from war the more resistant they are towards the enemy’s pressure. Of course, we are all exhausted. But coming together to a church after sleepless nights, singing together, praying together and meditating on the God’s Word as well as having traditional tea afterwards – all that revives our body, mind and spirit in the most unexpected and powerful way.

Then there is such thing as operational vulnerability. We have been worshiping without a permanent chaplain since 2008. That coincided with no-NATO decision for Ukraine and pushing it out to the buffer zone of Russia’s influence. Many expat missions, businesses and organizations quit Ukraine by 2014, and our chaplaincy membership had declined considerably. Since 2008 and till 2022 we enjoyed regular visits of locums during Advent-Christmastide and Lent-Eastertide seasons. We are hugely thankful to all those chaplains who served faithfully and supported us spiritually during all those years. Here I would like to mention names and spouses of those who came twice and more times: Fr.Stuart and Jenny Robertson, Fr.John and Wendy Hall, Fr.Dennis and Maria Moss, Fr. Alan and Vicky Cole, Fr.David and Susan McKeeman, Rev.Dr.Rosie Dymond, Fr.Chris and Susie Martin.

After beginning of the full-scale invasion, it became clear that chaplains could not come and stay for 4-6 weeks as it was before as they could not get insurance for an extended stay in the war zone. Under those circumstances Archdeacon Leslie Nathanial has come up with an unprecedented solution: a visiting chaplain once a month for the service with the Holy Communion. Between August 2024 and October 2025 Rev. Kasta Dip, a chaplain from Warsaw, has made 12 trips to Kyiv. Each trip takes 18 hours by bus or by train, 3-4 hour stay in Kyiv for the Sunday Eucharist Service, and then16-18-hour trip back to Warsaw. We are very grateful to Fr. Kasta for the long-term and routine sacrifice of his time and comfort.

In addition to the Eucharist services, we have been meeting for the Service of the Word, thus having biweekly services on the 2nd and 4th Sunday of the month. As of now we have between 12 and 18 regular Sunday visitors with huge spikes of attendance (up to 50 people) on special occasions on Remembrance Sunday, Carol Service, Easter Day etc. Expat membership of our congregation is subject to rapid turnover because of the short-term contracts in the war zone. This summer we have seen the third massive ‘exodus’ of expats and now we are in the intermediary period of gaining new members. Ukrainian part of the congregation has been restoring gradually since a shock of February 2022.

Jacobsen: As churchwarden, which decisions have weighed most on your pastoral leadership of the Christ Church Kyiv community?

Laschenko: Good question, thanks for it. It was resuming of the Christ Church Kyiv regular (biweekly) Sunday services in September 2022 that required a lot of faith in God’s provision, hope for the future and most careful practical planning. We were only 6 church members who remained in Kyiv after full scale invasion in Feb2022. We wanted to come back to our traditional Anglican services in English and with our favorite hymns and prayers. In August 2022 I had a lot of doubts and challenges: Would people attend the services that I would lead? For how long would I sustain leading the regular services? Who could help? How would we cover the church premises rent? Who would help with writing the texts for intersessions and sermons? And you know what happened? It appeared that ‘with Christ all things are possible’, and somehow all those challenges were overcome.

Jacobsen: How do you coordinate with St Catherine’s Lutheran hosts and the Diocese in Europe?

Laschenko: We have very good relations with our Lutheran hosts. We have been using the St. Catherine’s church (which is 160 years old) for 25 years now. During some months between May and September 2022 immediately after deoccupation of Kyiv region, we had been joining the Lutheran Service of the Word on Sundays. And now our regular (and minimal) rent payment contributes to the St. Catherine’s charity for IDPs and orphaned kids.

The Diocese is very supportive and cooperative. The Diocese supplied us with locums and supervising chaplain – Rev. Kasta Dip from Warsaw. Bishop Robert visited Kyiv in Dec-2023. Archdeacon Leslie Nathanial visited Kyiv in April 2023. We continuously feel solidarity, support and encouragement. We gladly participate in the Diocesan events: online prayers on special occasions lead by Bishop Robert; Growing in Faith and Celebrating Nicaea courses; online safeguarding courses. The Diocese communications team remains in touch and requests for information with regularity.

Jacobsen: How have the spiritual and practical needs of Anglicans changed since 2022?

Laschenko: I can speak for the Anglicans of our chaplaincy and not for all the Anglicans, of course. The war has redefined the meaning of the Christ’s sacrifice for Christians. When your life is considerably devaluated and you understand that your chances to survive in a long-run are 50% or less and still you decide to stay where you are and continue with what you believe you should do: then you come closer to understanding of the Christ’s choice to serve up to the ultimate sacrifice. You gain new understanding of the Agony in the Garden. That is quite an eye-opening spiritual experience.

As for practicalities, we also have made some findings. One is that during the most intensive night shellings the CofE Prayers at Sea can provide much comfort and strength and calm down the fear and panic. The second is that the clergy needs to share the life of the chaplaincy. Having a visiting chaplain from a peaceful country is much better than non-having a chaplain at all. But having a chaplain who lives in the same situation and understands the spiritual needs of people around him/her is a further step on the Way of Christian adventure.

Jacobsen: When has the chaplaincy’s small size proved an advantage?

Laschenko: Small chaplaincy is a considerable advantage in terms of safeguarding. You know everybody except for immediate newcomers. And even newcomers, when they become regular attendees, become much deeper known after several teatime fellowships and Bible study meetings. Sunday refreshments with home-made treats are the best way to maintain healthy atmosphere and friendly communication inside the chaplaincy. It seems that this family-like atmosphere and warm home-like hospitality is a common feature in many small chaplaincies is Europe: it was like that in St. Gallen (Switzerland) and in Krakow (Poland). 

Jacobsen: How do you balance visibility for ministry with operational security?

Laschenko: Unfortunately, we are not sufficiently visible partially due to our limited resources. The ways of visibility are mainly our regular Fb publications and the “Church Near You” guide. We do not see a huge influx of new people and remain a small chaplaincy. 

Jacobsen: Which ecumenical or civic partnerships have mattered most, and why

Laschenko: From my previous answers it had become obvious that we have very close ecumenical partnership with the St. Catherine’s – German Lutherans. We share the premises and contribute to the maintenance of the equipment; we attend the most important services of each other during Advent, Christmas, Lent and Eastertide; we contribute to their charity when we cannot afford to launch our independent charity project.

We also have indirect ecumenical relations with Roman Catholics and Ukrainian Orthodox as they know and then attend our worships willing to pray and sing with us on special occasions.

Jacobsen: Looking ahead, what would genuine, useful support for your community entail?

Laschenko: In my opinion the biggest threat to our resilience and spiritual strength is to find ourselves in isolation amid the war for attrition. That is, a sense of connectedness, a sense of support from broader Anglican community, a sense of inclusion into all-Anglican processes is fundamental. The forms of belonging and inclusion might be different. Online meetings, training and joint worships are good idea, and they work well but not always and not for everybody. Physical presence and ability to share the worship together becomes increasingly important with each month of the lasting war. I have no ready solutions for how that could be done; at a first glance it looks impossible. But here again we come back to St. Paul: ‘with God all things are possible’. This brings us back to prayer: please pray for Anglican, and broader, for Christian community in Ukraine. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Christina.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 15: Riane Eisler on Politics: Partnership Leadership vs. Domination

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/02

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler contrasts domination leaders—hierarchical, punitive, spectacle-driven—with partnership leadership that centers care, gender equity, childhood, and Earth. Rapid technological change meets trauma, enabling authoritarian regression from Afghanistan and Iran to parts of the United States. Economics still mislabels care as “reproductive” work; universities remain top-down, even as women advance in law, medicine, and science. Marx missed gender’s central role; dictatorships proved domination’s logic. Narrative reform, education, and evidence from prehistory support swift shifts. Ireland’s recent changes illuminate society’s recovering immune response and resilience.

Interview conducted on October 18, 2025.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When it comes to politics, how does a politician act under a domination style of leadership versus a partnership style? And as a side question, can people “fake it till they make it” into either model? Because both seem emotionally rewarding: power feels good, but so does community.

Riane Eisler: We’re living through a period of transition from domination toward partnership. There’s a strong global movement in that direction—but it’s also being countered by a robust regression, often expressed through religious mythologies. You can see this in Afghanistan, Iran, and even in parts of the United States, Hungary, and other nations.

I have to digress briefly because this ties into change itself. We’re in an age of immense technological transformation—artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and other scientific breakthroughs are reshaping our world. But change is tough for people who have been deeply traumatized by the domination system, often beginning within their families. Poverty is traumatizing, too. So, for many, genuine transformation feels nearly impossible. They cling to the old norms.

And those who push us backward have a tremendous advantage, because our collective consciousness is fragmented. We divide ourselves by inherited categories—right and left, religious and secular, Eastern and Western, Northern and Southern, capitalist and socialist. These divisions distract us from the real underlying issue.

None of these categories is holistic. None truly accounts for the fundamental components of a social system—mainly family and childhood, or gender relations. These areas are either marginalized or, in domination-oriented societies, treated as unquestionable hierarchies.

So yes, it’s a difficult time. But what’s at stake is nothing less than our survival.

We must change our categories and our thinking. As Einstein said, it’s madness to believe we can solve our problems with the same consciousness, the same vocabulary, and the same worldview that created them.

This fragmentation of consciousness keeps the old systems in place—the illusion that the same mindset can solve the problems it created. We have to shift toward a more holistic way of viewing society, one that truly includes gender, childhood, and family, and recognizes their foundational importance. So a whole-systems analysis is essential.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do we do this?

Riane Eisler: Take economics, for example. Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx identified the most basic human work as caring for people and caring for our natural environment—the sources of life itself. Yet they classified this vital work as “reproductive” rather than “productive” labour, and it was devalued accordingly. And this devaluation is perpetuated by our measurement of “productivity” like GDP and GNP, where caring for people outside the market is not included, and neither is caring for nature, so that a tree is not included until it is dead, a log, that can be bought and sold in the market. This makes no sense, and neither does including only the rebuilding after a natural disaster, like a storm, but considering the damage to people and nature just “externalities” and therefore not to be counted in these measures!

And of course, there’s story and language—because we all live by story. If we fail to adapt those, we’re lost. 

Once you begin to see “reality”—including politics, mythology, and culture—through the whole-systems lens of the partnership-domination social scale or continuum, everything looks different. We see how our epics idealize and celebrate the hero as a killer. The Odyssey, the hero’s journey, and even modern entertainment are all variations of the same domination narrative. Today’s blockbusters are the digital descendants of the Roman circuses—spectacles of adrenaline and violence that distract rather than enlighten.

We’re living in an era when truth itself is under siege. Facts, such as those demonstrating climate change, are dismissed or distorted. 

However, science, though indispensable, is not immune to bias. Scientists are human; they carry cultural assumptions like anyone else. I often think of Galileo—threatened by the scientific establishment of his time because his observations challenged entrenched dogma. Or the old scientific prejudice that women were merely containers for male genetic material, the belief that heredity passed “solely through men.” These are striking examples of gendered distortion disguised as science.

Jacobsen: That reminds me of Kurt Vonnegut. I recall a story where he was on stage with another humanist writer who made a cutting remark, and he replied with equal wit—something like, “Well, women can’t do science. They discovered that at Harvard,” referencing Lawrence Summers’s infamous comment. It was sardonic, of course, pointing out how absurdly chauvinist that notion was.

Eisler: And what we’re seeing now, ironically, contradicts those old biases. In many professional fields—law, medicine, academia—women are the majority of new entrants. Most law school classes today are primarily female. The same trend is emerging in medicine, especially among general practitioners.

Sometimes it’s simply a matter of practical realities catching up. But the old structures persist—universities, for example, still mirror the hierarchies of religious institutions, built on centuries of domination.

Universities are still very top-down and fragmented, despite students’ growing demand for multidisciplinary teaching. By the way, our new course materials for teaching global history through the partnership-domination social scale are almost ready for release.

At the University of Arkansas, there’s a faculty member who teaches global history and discovered my work. He’s been using it because it integrates gender as a key analytical lens—something still treated as taboo in much of academia. It’s astonishing how hard it remains to address gender seriously.

Women can enter science, as Jane Goodall did, but they’re still a minority. More women are now receiving Nobel Prizes, which is encouraging and long overdue. But it’s worth remembering that until the early twentieth century, women were barred from most universities—Harvard, for instance. In Canada, many women couldn’t even hold academic positions or obtain full professional visas until the 1970s.

So, real progress, but within only about a century.

Even thinkers like Marx, who called it “the woman question,” dismissed it as secondary. He couldn’t see that gender relations are a central organizing principle—shaping families, economies, and every social institution. He was wrong about that.

When you talk to Marxists today, many still try to reconcile that gap in his thinking. Marx himself was a complex figure—a mix of domination and partnership impulses. In his personal life, he was very much the dominator. In his political theory, he believed in the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” which is inherently a domination model. And history proved it: the USSR became a full-blown domination system.

Yet to his credit, he did imagine that dictatorship as temporary—a stage toward something more egalitarian. But he remained a man of his time, bound by the norms that said women didn’t count and “women’s work” didn’t matter.

Meanwhile, men today face their own crisis. They’re flooded with propaganda urging them to reclaim dominance. Many boys and young men mistake that for strength, forgetting they’re simply part of a larger hierarchy of domination. If someone higher up—say, a ruler like Putin—wants more territory, those same young men are expected to give their lives for his ambitions.

Jacobsen: So we’re back to politics.

Eisler: Yes, we’re back to politics, which is still studied separately, although domination scales up from the household to the nation.

The personal is political, and the political is personal. That’s what partnership thinking helps us finally see.

It’s all interconnected. Someone like Putin, for example, if we examined his childhood, I’m certain we’d find deep trauma. The same applies to many leaders. Even in the United States, both the president and vice president have spoken publicly about the impact of their early experiences. So yes, we face an enormous challenge.

But returning to your question, can politicians truly transform or express that change? If they don’t, we’re in trouble. 

But if they do, they can also face backlash, because much of the electorate still sees no alternative to domination. And for those deeply tied to authoritarian movements, like the MAGA faction in the U.S., there’s virtually no willingness to reconsider. It’s a difficult moment in history.

Yet I have faith in human creativity and in our instinct for survival. 

That brings us back to something you mentioned earlier—the re-mything impulse, as I call it, the urge to recover what’s been lost or hidden. It’s like a cultural immune system. Deconstruction and reconstruction of stories are part of this process. 

But what we must reconstruct is nothing less than what society accepts as “normal” and “natural.”

That requires revisiting the evidence from prehistory, archeology, the study of myths, DNA studies, all of which show that for most of human history societies were more partnership-oriented than domination-based—and some still are today. 

Change is possible, and it can happen swiftly. Look at Ireland: it has become far more partnership-oriented in just a few decades.

Jacobsen: Riane, thank you for your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Ukraine Became the World’s Most Recorded War—and a Laboratory for AI-Driven Combat

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/04

Samuel Bendett is a leading analyst of Russian military technology, with a focus on drones, robotic and autonomous systems, and artificial intelligence. He serves as an adviser in CNA’s Russia Studies Program, is an adjunct senior fellow with the Technology and National Security Program at the Center for a New American Security, and is a nonresident senior associate with the Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. His work is frequently cited in defense reporting and policy discussions. Bendett holds an MA in Law and Diplomacy from the Fletcher School at Tufts University and a BA in Politics and English from Brandeis University.

In this interview, he outlines how the war in Ukraine is speeding up the development and use of unmanned systems and battlefield AI. Russia introduced fiber-optic-guided UAVs in 2024, and Ukraine quickly adopted the technology to counter jamming and strike at longer ranges. Interceptor drones, signal-relay UAVs, and uncrewed ground vehicles have advanced rapidly, even as most systems still rely on human operators to function amid heavy electronic interference. Ukraine now produces an estimated two million hours of frontline footage, which feeds training pipelines for target recognition and tactical analysis. Early forms of AI-enabled autonomy are in use, Bendett notes, but they adapt poorly to fast-changing conditions. He also points to global supply chains that help Russia work around sanctions, shifting procurement patterns, and the ethical risks that arise as targeting decisions move closer to machine control in conflicts where civilians and combatants increasingly intermingle.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: One of the clearest shifts in the Russian-Ukrainian war has been the rapid evolution of both the software and the hardware that drive unmanned and drone systems. From your vantage point watching these changes unfold, what stands out to you as the most significant advances on each front—technological and mechanical?

Samuel Bendett: In the war in Ukraine, technology has evolved to fit the current battlefield. Both sides are trying to break out of essentially positional fighting across much of the front, identify incremental advances, and interdict the opponent’s gains. Both are also working to deny the other the ability to conduct intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance.

This has driven large-scale use of fibre-optic-controlled UAVs—first fielded by Russia in 2024 and then adopted by Ukraine—which are resistant to electronic jamming and now strike far into the rear. It also spurred the rapid evolution of interceptor UAVs that hunt fixed-wing drones and heavy combat UAVs, along with continued scaling of signal-repeater UAVs and repeaters in general to extend range. Meanwhile, uncrewed ground vehicles have taken on logistics, resupply, and casualty evacuation roles once handled by foot soldiers or conventional cars.

On the software side, Ukraine has publicly claimed programs that quickly sift through battlefield data—drone and satellite imagery, ground footage, and open-source posts—and feed it into decision-making. There have also been reports of limited, small-scale uses of AI-enabled UAVs by both sides, with drones able to execute parts of missions based on preloaded data or onboard processing, while maintaining human oversight over engagement decisions.

Jacobsen: With such an enormous volume of data now available—not just online, but generated directly by the conflict and fed into military systems—how extensively are artificial intelligence tools being used to sort, filter, and prioritize that information, and to guide autonomous navigation based on those priorities? You’ve mentioned reports of limited use, but across a 1,200-kilometre front, how much AI is actually involved in the sifting itself?

Bendett: As of December 2024, Ukraine publicly stated that systems aggregating frontline drone feeds had collected roughly two million hours—about 228 years—of battlefield video, a number that has likely grown since. That trove supports the training of AI models for tasks such as target identification, tactical analysis, and assessing weapons effectiveness.

The battlefield data—hours upon hours of imagery, video, audio, and other content—is publicly acknowledged by Ukraine. You can look it up online. Any artificial intelligence or algorithm that requires training must have data for that training.

Imagine training your drones to navigate a highly complex battlespace like the Ukrainian war zone. You would want as varied a dataset as possible, and nothing is more varied than hundreds of years’ worth of data from the most active battlefield in the world today.

This does not mean that the mechanism being trained to behave or operate in a certain way will always do so correctly. Even humans, with their natural intuition, are often unable to orient themselves in this environment or act in a way that maximizes their outcomes. A machine may not perform better, but its chances of success — whether it’s a UAV or UGV — likely increase with the amount of data used in its training.

That was as of December of last year. We are now nearly a year further into the conflict, so there are undoubtedly additional datasets. Ukraine announced at the end of last year that it intended to begin using AI-enabled UAVs in 2024. There has been limited deployment of technologies such as Swarmr, but Ukrainian reports also indicate concern among operators. AI-enabled systems do not constantly adapt quickly to even minor, rapid changes on the battlefield. Human intuition can often guide a better outcome or a more appropriate set of actions, while an onboard computer may not respond optimally.

The majority of UAVs operated in Ukraine—and by the Russian military as well—are still human-controlled. However, the more data that exists, the greater the potential advantage. The Ukrainian battlefield is full of countermeasures—both physical and electronic—designed to target adversarial assets. Minimizing the connection between a machine and its operator is currently the most viable approach in a conflict where operators themselves are targets, and where piloting systems in a countermeasure-rich environment is complicated.

Both sides are likely using battlefield data to train their systems. The fact that we have not yet seen fully autonomous UAV swarms or widespread AI-enabled systems operating independently reflects the harsh and complex nature of this environment. Both the Ukrainian and Russian militaries operate in a battlespace saturated with countermeasures of every type.

Jacobsen: In text-based artificial intelligence, especially with large language models, once the available body of human-produced text is exhausted, these systems begin generating synthetic data to continue training themselves—producing new material, assessing it, and refining their performance in a self-reinforcing loop. We’ve seen versions of this process before, from chess engines to early machine-learning systems.

In the context of warfare, is there a plausible path toward something similar with battlefield data? If roughly 200 years’ worth of real combat information is now available, could it be expanded through synthetic generation into something on the order of 2,000 years—two centuries of real data supplemented by many more centuries of simulated material? And if so, would that kind of synthetic expansion help produce more resilient autonomous systems?

Bendett: I would not discount anything, but that question is better posed to someone who works directly with AI technology. Can extrapolations be made from that 200-year dataset for better training? Absolutely. How that’s done, I don’t know—and I haven’t seen it firsthand.

Once Ukraine announced that it had developed such systems, there were a few incremental updates about their progress. However, neither side is publicly promoting their developments as much as they might have expected, mainly due to operational security and the desire not to reveal capabilities to the adversary.

Before 2022, I conducted extensive research on Russian AI and autonomy, and there was a significant amount of publicly available information. Now, there is far less—especially when it comes to military AI. In 2022, Russia’s Ministry of Defence announced the creation of a Military AI Center intended to serve as a clearinghouse for data and initiatives related to artificial intelligence in the armed forces. Since then, we’ve heard nothing more about it.

You really have to search far and wide, sometimes even using VPNs or accessing semi-restricted sources, to find new material. Before 2022, Russian military publications were far more open in discussing how they viewed and intended to use AI. That’s not to say there aren’t any current Russian academic papers on the topic, but they’re generally superficial.

These days, Russian military articles tend to focus on the adversary—the West. For example, a paper about military AI might devote three-quarters of its content to summarizing or translating Western sources on U.S. or NATO AI programs, leaving only a small portion for Russian developments. As a researcher, that’s frustrating, though some valid data can still be found.

We have to extrapolate and assume that if Ukraine is pursuing these initiatives, Russia is certainly doing so as well. That’s consistent with their own prior statements. Before 2022, Russian defence officials repeatedly said they intended to use AI for data analysis, decision-making, and the orientation and operation of unmanned systems. They also said AI would support more effective weapons development and deployment.

As long as they have enough soldiers to continue assaults, they will do so. But if they reach a breaking point where the workforce becomes unsustainable, they will likely shift toward a higher-tech approach. What that will look like, we can’t say.

And I say that because before 2022, no one anticipated that this is the kind of war Russia and Ukraine would be fighting. Before then, FPV (First-Person View) drones were barely discussed—they weren’t a factor in weapons testing or battlefield planning.

The threat of thousands of UAVs anywhere on the front at any second of the day is real. Looking ahead to how AI might be used, there are many unknowns—just as many unknowns as when analyzing Russian military intent in 2020 or 2021. Make sense?

Jacobsen: We know that North Korean soldiers have fought alongside Russian forces, and reporting suggests that some Indian nationals were misled or coerced into serving as well—a story that appears far more complicated than the initial accounts. On the hardware side, Chinese components remain widely embedded in Russian drones. During a site visit in August–September 2024, I saw firsthand that many of Russia’s current systems still rely heavily on Chinese parts.

Bendett: Regarding the Russian AI UAV commonly discussed in Ukrainian reporting—the V2U—Russians are not publicly acknowledging it; what we know comes mainly from Ukrainian sources. Reportedly, it contains U.S. components and would not operate without NVIDIA microchips, which complicates the sanctions and supply-chain picture. There are also Iranian Shahed drones in the mix.

So, how many countries are feeding into the Russian military production line? There are official and unofficial relationships. Officially, Iran is a major supplier, with China playing a significant role as well—there were mil-to-mil contacts and acquisitions before and shortly after the full-scale invasion. Unofficially, Russia has built a diverse, robust set of networks and supply chains to replace what it lost after being cut off from Western trade in 2022.

Russia’s ability to acquire microchips, microprocessors, microelectronics, and other components has been quite resilient despite Western sanctions. Many willing partners continue trading with Russia. Turkey figures high on that list: officially a NATO country that has aided Ukraine in some ways, Turkey is also a transit hub and destination for Russian tourists, and a lot of sanctioned goods and services have transited or been laundered through Turkish routes.

Other former Soviet states, as well as countries in the Caucasus and Central Asia, plus Gulf states like the UAE, India, and several African, South, and Southeast Asian countries, have been implicated—willingly or unwittingly—in trade that feeds Russian supply chains. That partly underpins the Russian narrative that it is “impossible” to fully isolate Russia: many covert or semi-covert partners remain willing to cooperate.

The West has tried to disrupt these networks, but we haven’t identified or enforced the full scale and scope of legal and illegal channels. Even when networks are recognized, not every actor is willing to implement sanctions because some depend economically on illicit trade. There were many sanction-evasion busts in 2022–24 and ongoing reporting about expanding transport infrastructure—Georgia’s highways and connections north into Russia, for instance—which have increased north–south trade flows.

Jacobsen: How should Western military procurement adjust to the speed of innovation emerging from the battlefield? What we’re seeing in this war reflects a broader shift linked to post–Moore’s-law scaling in AI, with Ukraine and Russia effectively serving as an accelerated test case for that trend.

Bendett: Western procurement needs to move faster: cut through bureaucracy, get technology into the hands of warfighters, and let those warfighters have real input on requirements and rapid iterations. The Hegseth memo on drone dominance captures that idea: streamline acquisition, empower users, and prioritize adaptability.

In what they need and how they select weapons and systems, allowing a lot more smaller, more nimble companies to compete and collaborate with the military. This is true globally—large defence contractors often develop systems agreed upon years earlier, which go through extensive certification and testing that naturally take time. That’s normal, and it’s the same for the West—and for Russia. It’s one of Russia’s biggest complaints.

But in Ukraine, systems can change rapidly. Soldiers on the ground are directly communicating what needs to change and how. Real-time iteration has become essential. The United States isn’t fighting a war for survival—Ukraine is. If our back were against the wall, we’d innovate and iterate much faster.

A good example is the rapid development of the P-51 Mustang: it went from blueprint to flying prototypes in about 5 months in the 1940s, an unprecedented feat at the time. That aircraft became one of the most successful of World War II and beyond. But that was a war for survival. The U.S. today is not in that psychological, financial, or existential state. As a result, there’s still inertia from before 2022 in how we think about force design and procurement.

Some in the U.S. military look at Ukraine and say, “That’s not how we’ll fight. Our war with China, or with non-state actors, will look different.” But wars rarely unfold as expected. When we entered Afghanistan, we had an overwhelming advantage—on paper and in practice—and yet twenty years later, the Taliban and its networks remained.

So we don’t know how future wars will unfold. And adversaries get a vote. Non-state actors and criminal organizations are already learning from the Ukraine war, arming themselves with FPV drones, quadcopters, VTOL drones, and fibre-optic UAVs. The technology and know-how are spreading quickly. The U.S. military’s overwhelming advantage before 2022 may look quite different in the future—whether facing a peer like China or decentralized armed groups.

The knowledge and experience from Ukraine have proliferated globally. Militaries and irregular forces alike are absorbing lessons, experimenting, and iterating. That’s not to understate U.S. power—America can still bring overwhelming force to bear—but close-quarters, urban combat may look very different from Iraq or Afghanistan.

Jacobsen: What are the ethical and legal challenges of autonomous or semi-autonomous warfare?

Bendett: The main ethical challenge is allowing a system to decide what is or isn’t a target. In a gray zone like Ukraine, where the distinction between combatants and civilians isn’t always clear, a military AI could make the wrong choice.

There are also security concerns about the independence of such systems—whether they could be infiltrated, corrupted, or hacked by an adversary, even to the point of turning against their own operators.

Many countries, including the United States, as well as international organizations and NGOs, are actively debating the ethics of military AI. The central issue always comes down to this question: if a system independently decides to engage a target in an environment where civilian and military roles are blurred, who bears responsibility if the strike is wrong?

Jacobsen: Samuel, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise and the discussion. It was very nice to meet you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

‘Appeasement Will Fail’: A War Correspondent’s Warning from Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/24

Remus Cernea is a co-founder of Romania’s humanist movement and a former Member of Parliament, whose career has long sat at the intersection of politics, ethics, and civil liberties. A former president of the Green Party in Romania, he has been a vocal advocate for church–state separation and anti-discrimination, and founded the Solidarity for Freedom of Conscience, a civic platform dedicated to protecting freedom of belief. In 2009, he ran for the presidency of Romania, bringing these causes into the national political arena.

Since 2022, Cernea has reported from Ukraine as a war correspondent, writing for Newsweek Romania and contributing analysis to international outlets. He also provides frontline war footage and live transmissions for five Romanian television channels. Beyond conflict reporting, his advocacy spans human rights, environmental protection, and animal welfare, including legislative efforts to ban the use of wild animals in circuses. Based in Bucharest, Cernea alternates between frontline reporting and sustained work on public advocacy and media freedom initiatives.

In this interview, Cernea argues that peace with Russia can be achieved only through strength, not concessions. He calls for full military support for Ukraine, especially the delivery of Patriot air defense systems, contending that deterrence, not diplomacy, is the only force capable of halting Kremlin aggression. Drawing on recent reporting trips, he describes an escalation of missile and drone strikes on cities, infrastructure, and agricultural regions, portraying a front line that has hardened into what he calls a “killing zone,” alongside a civilian population marked by stubborn, realistic endurance.

He criticizes what he views as lingering reflexes of “appeasement” in Western capitals and a thinning of serious frontline coverage, framing the conflict as a defining struggle between democratic and autocratic systems. His proposed metric of success is starkly practical: fewer dead civilians and more intercepted missiles. The bottom line, he argues, is urgent and unforgiving: arm Ukraine adequately now, or risk a wider, more lethal regional war arriving sooner rather than later.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In recent years, you have worked as an independent war correspondent, publishing with Newsweek Romania. When we met in Copenhagen in 2023 at the General Assembly of Humanists International, you said to me, “I have an idea—come with me to Ukraine.”

At the time, I was still working on a horse farm, and the logistics of such a trip felt almost unreal. It took months of planning, and I eventually managed to go only after recovering from a minor surgery. I took my painkillers, went straight from the hospital to the airport, and off we went. It was a cultural shock, and I was badly sleep-deprived, but the experience proved profoundly educational for me. You, of course, spent far more time there and have seen much more of the reality on the ground.

Now, as we enter the winter of 2025, with the war still grinding on and no clear political resolution in sight, what is your main takeaway so far from this past year of the conflict?

Remus Cernea: Unfortunately, we cannot see peace on the horizon. The war will continue—maybe for months, maybe for years—because there is still not enough pressure from the United States and its European allies on Russia. We need much stronger measures, not just sanctions.

The most credible way to bring peace is to provide Ukrainians with all the military support they need to fight Russia. Otherwise, there is no realistic diplomatic solution. Only if Putin realizes that his war is completely futile—that he cannot conquer Ukraine—will peace even become possible. As long as he believes he can win, he will continue the aggression. This is not just about a few regions; it is about controlling all of Ukraine.

Unfortunately, the Trump administration made serious mistakes. Trump halted military aid to Ukraine, making it very difficult for Ukraine to defend itself. During the Biden administration, the United States did send extensive military support, but that aid has now slowed or stopped. There’s an arrangement under which European countries will purchase American weapons to supply Ukraine, but that process is moving very slowly.

Meanwhile, Putin continues to terrorize Ukrainian civilians. The front lines remain relatively static—the Russians cannot advance significantly. And when they do take a few kilometres, the cost is staggering in human lives, particularly Russian soldiers. The gains are minimal, but the casualties are immense.

However, Putin now has more missiles and drones to strike Ukrainian cities. I’m currently in Bucharest, but I’ll be returning to Ukraine soon to report from there. On my last trip, I witnessed some of the heaviest Russian attacks on Kyiv, Kharkiv, and Odesa. I filmed missile and drone strikes myself.

The attacks this year have been far more devastating than those in previous years—more missiles, more drones, and consequently, more civilian deaths. Just a few days ago, a kindergarten in Kharkiv was hit by a drone. Fortunately, the adults had enough time to take the children into the basement before the impact.

Kharkiv’s proximity to Russia—about 25 kilometres—means residents have only minutes to react after an air-raid siren. When the drones are launched, they reach the city very fast. It was sheer luck that the children were safe that day.

Otherwise, it would have been a massacre—innocent children, four or five years old, killed for no reason. Unfortunately, every day we see civilians dying in many Ukrainian cities. I recently watched footage of Russian drones terrorizing farmers—people simply working their land in the Kherson region.

The Russians are very close to the city and its surroundings. They use FPV drones—first-person-view drones equipped with cameras and a range of about twenty kilometres. They can send these drones deep behind Ukrainian lines to target farmers. It’s like a human safari, a grotesque hunt.

The cruelty of the Russian forces appears to have no limits. They continue to target civilians in two ways: first, by using these small FPV drones for the hunt of civilians who still live near the front lines; and second, with Shahed-type drones and ballistic missiles striking major cities. These missiles were initially designed to destroy bunkers and fortified military targets—not residential buildings.

But that’s precisely what they are being used for now. I’ve filmed many of these attacks myself—ballistic missiles hitting apartment blocks, drones slamming into homes. It’s a profoundly emotional experience to record something like that. You realize, in that instant, that you’ve captured the death of innocent people on film.

Unfortunately, the scale of these attacks will only grow. Still, I will return and continue reporting. I’m currently working with five television channels in Romania to show people what is really happening.

I’ve gathered extensive footage—drone strikes, missile attacks, and air defence operations. I filmed Patriot systems defending Kyiv, anti-aircraft batteries shooting down drones, and some drones being destroyed midair. But others still hit their targets—civilian targets.

Jacobsen: Has the targeting of civilians increased or decreased over the past two years?

Cernea: It has increased by about 2.5 times this year. Two and a half times more civilians have been killed this year since Trump returned to office. This is mainly because U.S. military aid was halted.

I’m not sure if this is a military secret, but I witnessed Ukrainian air defence in Kyiv trying to shoot down waves of ballistic missiles. They succeeded at first, but the barrages kept coming. Eventually, they had to stop—most probably because they ran out of ammunition. They couldn’t intercept them all.

When you consider that each interceptor missile costs over a million dollars, it’s understandable how unsustainable that becomes without U.S. support. President Zelensky has been pleading for more Patriot systems and ammunition. It’s tough to defend a country as large as Ukraine with only a few of these systems.

This is public information. Ukraine currently has around seven Patriot air defence systems. That is far from enough. President Zelensky has said that Ukraine needs at least twenty-five. And of course, those systems require enormous amounts of ammunition, because this is a war of attrition.

The Russians attack Ukraine constantly—with many missiles and hundreds of drones—ten to twenty missiles almost every night. Only the Patriot systems can stop ballistic missiles: only the Patriots—or the German IRIS-T air defence systems. But the Patriots are the best.

Jacobsen: Coverage that operates closest to the fighting often achieves a higher degree of accuracy—unless a given outlet has, in some way, absorbed Kremlin propaganda. In much of the West, the information environment tends to be more uneven. One reason is structural: many newsrooms now send far fewer correspondents into active war zones because of long-term budget cuts, a trend accelerated by the shift from print to digital models.

That is only one part of the problem. Another is that certain influential commentators and public figures appear susceptible to Russian propaganda narratives, whether consciously or not. When you compare reporting produced inside Ukraine, or near its front lines, with coverage generated farther away—in places like the United States or Canada, and more broadly what we call “the West”—what do you see Western media getting right, getting wrong, or failing to cover altogether?

Cernea: I recently saw some statements by the newly elected president of Ireland. I’m not sure if you’ve followed that story. Ireland just held elections, and the new president is a woman who condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. But at the same time, she said she is against increasing military spending in Europe.

Of course, Ireland is not a member of NATO, and it’s geographically distant from Ukraine—on the far western edge of Europe. But she also criticized the European Union’s efforts to expand its defence spending. She says diplomacy is the answer.

That’s the same mentality as Neville Chamberlain’s—the British prime minister who, in 1938, signed an agreement with Hitler in Munich. Chamberlain thought he could secure peace by giving Hitler Czechoslovakia. He believed that once Hitler had that, there would be no war between Germany, the UK, and France.

But that policy of appeasement was disastrously naive. And now, we see some modern political leaders repeating that same pattern—saying, “Let’s cut defence budgets. Let’s try diplomacy with Putin.” But what can you do when Putin doesn’t care about diplomacy? We have to recognize that dictators do not care about diplomatic agreements.

And if you do not have a strong military defence, what can you do? So, the Irish far-left president is Catherine Connolly. I am sure she is a brilliant woman with good intentions. Of course, when we spend on the military, we have fewer funds for education, social programs, or other societal needs. That is true. But we must now be cautious and realistic. Russia is highly aggressive, not only against Ukraine.

In Romania, we have had many Russian drones violate our airspace. Some exploded on Romanian soil. There have been drones in Polish and Russian airspace, and Russian fighter jets have entered Estonian airspace. The Russians are testing us, trying to see whether NATO is ready for confrontation.

Our only chance to avoid a war between Europe and Russia is to deter Russia—to make Putin understand that our armies are strong enough to defeat Russia if it tries to invade Estonia, Latvia, Finland, Poland, or even Romania. One possible scenario, though less likely while Russia remains bogged down in Ukraine, is a full-scale invasion of another country. A more likely scenario, however, is Russia attacking NATO countries with missiles and drones.

Believe me, we are not prepared for that. NATO countries are not yet ready to defend themselves against large-scale waves of drones and missiles. In Poland, around twenty Russian drones were launched, and the Polish or NATO air forces managed to shoot down only four.

At this point, only Ukrainians can stop Russia. Not NATO countries, not Europe—we are not yet prepared for this new kind of warfare, this war of attrition driven by drones. We have many military facilities, but our armies lack experience in drone warfare and do not yet have strong enough air defence systems to protect against sustained missile and drone attacks.

That is why we must be realistic and abandon what I call “NATO Chamberlainism”—this tactic of appeasement. I hope President Catherine Connolly will eventually understand why investing in defence is essential to preventing wars. The only way to ensure peace is to maintain strong deterrence.

We all want peace. We all want to live our lives without the threat of war. We want to invest in our economies, education, science, and other vital fields. But right now, Europe faces a severe security crisis, and we must act accordingly. We need to take concrete measures to defend both the European Union and our individual nations.

In the United States, there are very few reports from the front lines—too few. American media should focus more on direct footage from Ukrainian cities and battle zones. Occasionally, mainstream outlets show destroyed buildings in Ukrainian cities, but it is too little. In my view, the central discussion in the U.S. and Western countries should be about the reality on the ground.

This is an extraordinary fight—the Ukrainians’ fight for freedom and democracy against an empire, an evil empire, that wants either to destroy Ukraine or take it under its control. It is a struggle for freedom and democracy, and Western countries have supported such fights before. After 1945, the United States was the leading supporter of these causes. The U.S. helped save South Korea. It tried to save South Vietnam and create a democratic South Vietnam, like South Korea is today, though that attempt ultimately failed.

I remember as a child listening to the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe. It was the only way I could hear the truth under the communist regime. Late at night, my father and I would secretly tune in to the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe to hear reports about Ceaușescu’s dictatorship. In our country, it was dangerous to criticize the regime. People were imprisoned, beaten, or worse for speaking out.

For us in Eastern Europe—especially in the former communist countries—the United States was a symbol of freedom, a friend, a land that inspired us to rise in 1989. We went into the streets and protested against communism because we knew there was a freer, better world.

I hope the United States and Western countries continue to be symbols of the free world and do not allow Ukraine to be defeated by this evil empire of Russia.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Remus.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Blackouts, Bombs, and the Battle for Ukraine’s Future Diplomats

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/22

Valerii Kopiika is a Ukrainian political scientist and Director of the Educational and Scientific Institute of International Relations at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, one of the country’s most consequential training grounds for diplomats and policy thinkers. A professor since 2007 and director since 2009, he has built his career at the intersection of European integration, Western European foreign policy, and institutional reform.

Before returning to academic life in Kyiv in 1990, he served as a military interpreter in the Congo, a formative experience that shaped his understanding of state fragility, international mediation, and the quiet mechanics of power. His distinctions include the State Prize of Ukraine in Science and Technology (2012) and the Order of Merit, Class III (2025). His recent work spans institution-building under pressure, wartime educational resilience, and the editing of Interdisciplinarity in International Relations, reflecting a career anchored in both scholarship and statecraft.

In this conversation, Kopiika reflects on what it means to lead Ukraine’s premier institute of international relations amid invasion, blackouts, and bombardment, while still insisting on intellectual rigor and institutional continuity. He describes how wartime necessity accelerated innovations that had long been academically discussed but rarely operationalized: hybrid teaching models, crisis-management planning, redundant digital systems, and dense webs of international academic partnerships that now function as strategic lifelines rather than symbolic gestures.

He frames Ukraine’s path toward European Union accession not as a prize to be seized in the near term but as a generational project of legal, political, and cultural transformation. At the same time, he maps the cognitive and professional architecture of wartime diplomacy—scenario planning, coercive negotiation, alliance management, and narrative construction under pressure. Kopiika also makes the case for a pragmatic “govern, don’t ban” approach to artificial intelligence in the classroom, arguing that the goal of higher education in an age of permanent crisis is not to produce compliant technicians, but strategists capable of thinking clearly when systems fail and stakes are existential.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What has the experience been of teaching through a war?

Valerii Kopiika: I will not hide that the panic of the first days affected everyone. However, there was something comforting in the way both the student and faculty communities supported each other despite everything. The online communication tools, which had firmly entered our lives during the COVID period, didn’t disappear; instead, these chat groups, whether course-related or not, with or without instructors, became spaces of support and mutual assistance.

Offers of evacuation from students whose homes were in safer regions, help with transportation, and simply warm words – all of these became invaluable assets to our institutional community despite the horrors of war. In fact, under such conditions, we resumed academic activities in April 2022 in response to requests from both students and faculty to act. Again, we had experience with remote work during the COVID-19 pandemic, so the tools were already well-established. We saw continuing education as our contribution to future victory, so we could not compromise on quality.

Despite shelling and blackouts, we are finding new approaches and implementing non-standard methods, moving Ukrainian education closer to European standards by relying on the experience and dedication of our instructors and the thirst for knowledge of our students. Therefore, to briefly answer your question, I would say that what allowed us to preserve academic standards was the institute community’s desire to make a worthy contribution to the future of a free and capable Ukraine.

Jacobsen: Which adaptations should persist postwar as best practice for resilient higher education?

Kopiika: The war has forced Ukrainian universities to become remarkably agile. In just a few weeks, they learned to survive and function amid bombings, power outages, and overall uncertainty. Some of these wartime adaptations should become permanent features of Ukrainian higher education.

Online platforms have been extremely helpful. And digital tools aren’t just temporary solutions; they are instruments of accessibility and resilience. Hybrid learning models, combining in-person and online components, allow displaced students, students abroad, and even those serving in the armed forces to remain connected to their studies.

We’ve also learned that digital infrastructure needs redundancy and security, including cloud-based systems, backup servers, and protected data storage. In the postwar context, we should also develop and institutionalize flexibility and embed crisis-management units within governance systems.

Before the war, few rectors thought about evacuation plans, bomb shelters, or cyber defense. Now every university manager knows what ‘resilience planning’ means. This knowledge should not fade away.

Global academic solidarity helped Ukrainian universities a lot. Partnerships with foreign institutions provided platforms for displaced scholars and students. We shouldn’t treat this as temporary humanitarian aid; it’s the foundation for long-term academic diplomacy. Joint degrees, shared curricula, and collaborative research can anchor Ukraine firmly within the global knowledge ecosystem.

Ukrainian higher education has accumulated an extraordinary amount of practical experience. It’s vital to keep this knowledge.

For us, for the Institute of International Relations, wartime also brought some – partly unexpected – outcomes. The very fact that the number of freshmen grows each year proves the resilience of our higher education system. Also, this proves how many youngsters see themselves invested in a) becoming IR professionals in different fields and b) rebuilding Ukraine in the near future. It seems wartime is an appropriate breeding ground for diplomats, analysts, and professionals in international law, business, and economics.

For an undefined postwar future period, the main task is retaining people. This applies both to students and educators. Second, it continues to build on our unique expertise in wartime teaching and learning, as well as to apply it to real-time challenges. Third, yet no less important, is expanding our network of cooperation with partners abroad – both from the EU and the West, as well as from the Global South. We have seen unprecedented interest and support from many educational institutions in recent years. Preserving these essential ties is crucial.

Jacobsen: European Union integration is a long, procedural undertaking even in the best of circumstances. In wartime, the process becomes exponentially more difficult. From your perspective, what sequencing of accession steps makes the most strategic sense for Ukraine while the war is still ongoing, and which reforms realistically need to precede others?

Kopiika: European integration, the prospect of becoming part of the European space, is one of the reasons why we are fighting against the aggressor. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that this is one of the reasons why Russia is waging this shameful war against us. Despite all the challenges, we continue on this path, and the latest European Commission report on Ukraine’s progress toward integration shows that we are making quite successful strides. Whether we will become part of the EU during the war – that is a question to which no one has an answer.

I would say, probably not. However, that does not mean the journey is not worthwhile. Because we are changing thanks to the challenges of this path. We are changing our perspectives, orientations, and priorities. In the context of scientific integration, we are actively collaborating with EU partners, the academic community, and, given the specific nature of our institution, with diplomats both in Ukraine and abroad. I notice that one of our current tasks is to overcome the complex of inferiority, as we have much to share with our colleagues and are ready to become an integral part of the European educational space.

Jacobsen: War makes diplomacy complex. What concrete skills should be prioritized to train wartime diplomats?

Kopiika: Ukraine’s got a unique experience in diplomacy during a war. We also have a unique experience in teaching future diplomats.

We’re already aware that wartime diplomacy demands a somewhat different set of skills. When a state faces an existential threat, diplomacy must combine crisis management, coercive negotiation, alliance maintenance, and moral legitimacy under extraordinary pressure.

Wartime diplomacy is much about managing risks. Thus, strategic thinking is necessary. It implies understanding the military balance, the mechanics of coalitions, the potential of sanctions, and global security trends. A diplomat at war should possess a highly developed scenario planning.

Like normal peacetime diplomacy, wartime diplomacy is rooted in negotiation, but often under coercive and distributive conditions. Knowing how to negotiate is a must. In particular, it’s about the critical assessment of Ukraine’s own experience in negotiating, dealing with mediators and third parties, and trusting promises.

Maintaining broad international support is vitally important for a country in war, and that is a focus of diplomacy. It is challenging and demands enhanced skills in communication, building narratives, and understanding the strategic interests of partners.

In wartime, diplomacy becomes sharper. Training wartime diplomats requires more than traditional protocol or etiquette; it requires strategic foresight, coercive negotiation, alliance maintenance, legal argumentation, and emotional resilience.

Jacobsen: What deals should Ukraine deliberately court to protect strategic autonomy goals?

Kopiika: It is indeed unfair that Ukraine must make compromises to achieve its strategic goals. As a country fighting for its independence and territorial integrity, we should not be forced to choose between maintaining our autonomy and integrating into international structures or making critical deals.

However, given the geopolitical situation, we must understand that some compromises may be necessary. This does not mean abandoning our strategic objectives, but at certain stages, we may have to make concessions to ensure our security, stability, and development. Therefore, to preserve strategic autonomy, Ukraine will need to carefully select agreements that do not undermine its core interests, while simultaneously supporting its progress on the international stage.

Jacobsen: ESIIR embraces ChatGPT Edu with a “govern, don’t ban” stance. What guardrails and assignments have proven effective for training analysts?

Kopiika: The LLM revolution we have witnessed over the past few years is indeed a remarkable shift in the global educational landscape. On the one hand, access to up-to-date models and their frequent use in classrooms are essential for an imminent AI-powered future. On the other hand, the overreliance on LLMs is not something we strive to see among students. The educators’ task transformed alongside such swift technological progress.

Now, the interaction with those models focuses on hard skills, while in-class lessons and discussions are mostly focused on soft skills. Many educators have adopted and adapted their teaching materials and assignments to the changing circumstances. Short answer to your question: fewer old-school written assignments and more interactive tasks, a faster pace, and better structuring of curricula. However, with all the perks, it is of utmost importance to continue training professionals who can keep up with the pace of change, not just ChatGPT operators.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time and this opportunity, Valerii.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Ukraine’s Technologists and Artists are Rewriting the Country’s Future

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/19

Davis Richardson serves as CEO of America-Ukraine Strategic Partners (AUSP), a firm that links Ukraine’s growing defense-tech sector with U.S. capital and industrial expertise. He is also a limited partner at Green Flag Ventures, which backs dual-use Ukrainian startups such as Falcons and Swarmer. Richardson previously founded Paradox Public Relations, co-producing the award-nominated “Preserving Art in Crisis/Kyiv Art Sessions,” a diplomatic and cultural initiative spotlighting Ukrainian creativity under wartime strain. His career now spans investment, security, and cultural diplomacy, and he regularly works with policymakers, investors, and universities to advance deeper U.S.–Ukraine cooperation. AUSP is part of the U.S.–Ukraine Business Council, and Davis’ commentary has appeared in several outlets.

In this interview, Richardson sketches a capital-centered strategy for Ukraine’s defense-tech future: draw in American investors, pair high-performing Ukrainian firms with U.S. partners, and prepare for consolidation as the current glut of drone hardware gives way to more selective demand. He points to software innovators such as Swarmer, which recently secured a $15 million Series A, along with RF and electronic-warfare actors like Falcons, Himera, Kara Dag, and Teletactica. On policy, he observes that President Zelensky’s meeting with President Trump did not yield Tomahawk cruise missiles and argues that deeper industrial integration ultimately matters more than headline-friendly “drone deal” tallies. He also stresses the need for cultural resilience, drawing on Paradox PR’s Preserving Art in Crisis campaign. Drones now shape outcomes across the battlefield, yet officials have not released data on the lives they have saved.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You’ve worked with a large number of clients in different areas. What is front and center in the work you’re doing regarding the defence needs of Ukrainians?

Davis Richardson: A primary focus right now is attracting investment into Ukrainian defence-technology companies. I oversee America-Ukraine Strategic Partners (AUSP), a private entity launched last year, where I serve as CEO. I’m also an LP in Green Flag Ventures, which has invested in several dual-use Ukrainian defence-tech companies—Swarmer, Himera (secure radios), Kara Dag (AI drone detection), Teletactica (EW-resistant communications), and, most recently, Falcons (RF direction-finding/EW).

At AUSP, we’re seeing larger financial institutions take a genuine interest. JPMorgan Chase recently announced a $1.5 trillion “security and resiliency” initiative over ten years, including up to $10 billion in direct equity and venture investments across defence, frontier tech, energy, and advanced manufacturing. Banks we speak with in New York are moving into dual-use and defence. Over the next year, I expect substantial investments and some consolidation in the United States. In my view, there’s currently an oversaturation of drone-hardware companies, and larger primes will likely acquire many of them. Our main objective in Ukraine is to keep facilitating partnerships between strong Ukrainian companies and U.S. investors, and to match them with suitable partners for expansion and joint ventures.

Jacobsen: What about drone software? It evolves much faster than hardware, though hardware is advancing quickly on both fronts.

Richardson: On the software side, there’s tremendous innovation. Swarmer recently raised $15 million in a Series A round; it builds software to control swarms of AI-enabled drones and is one of the most interesting companies in the space.

U.S. investors led their most recent round. Regarding Washington, President Zelensky met President Trump and discussed Tomahawk missiles alongside a potential “drone deal.” Reporting indicates Zelensky even floated exchanging Ukrainian drones and technology for Tomahawks; there has been no U.S. commitment to provide Tomahawks so far, and figures reported in the media refer to broader prospective packages rather than a concluded “$35 billion drone deal.”

Zelensky described his own outlook as “realistic” after the meeting. Stepping back, the U.S. and Ukrainian defence sectors have a lot to offer one another, and industrial ties are deepening through investment and joint projects.

Jacobsen: Do we have any estimates or indications of how many Ukrainian soldiers’ lives have been saved because of drones?

Richardson: There isn’t a reliable official count of the number of soldiers’ lives drones have saved. What we do have are credible analyses and UN or think-tank reports showing that drones now account for a large share of battlefield effects and can reduce risk by replacing some manned tasks, such as reconnaissance, strike, resupply, and casualty evacuation. But quantifying “lives saved” specifically isn’t something authorities have published.

When you look at Ukraine’s overall defence—and the fact that this remains a David-versus-Goliath struggle—a large part of its success stems from Ukrainian engineers and the new methods of defence they have pioneered. Without that ingenuity and given that Ukraine lacked a large defence base before 2022, you can see how dramatically things have changed through initiatives such as Brave1 and other government programs. These efforts have transformed Ukraine into a significant defence ecosystem.

One reason Ukraine has become such an inspiration in this fight for freedom is the technology developed since 2022. And it’s not just Russia they’re fighting. Russia has reportedly sent North Korean conscripts, and there have been credible reports of Cuban fighters as well. China is studying these methods of war and financially supporting Russia’s war machine, while Iran has moved its Shahed drone production into Russia over the past year. It is an entire axis. Without Ukraine’s technological capabilities and the ingenuity of its engineers, this would be a very different story.

Jacobsen: There are reports of Indian nationals being tricked into joining the war, some of whom return, but many do not.

Richardson: Yes. Prime Minister Modi appeared at the rally that China’s president held alongside Vladimir Putin. And President Trump was right—he congratulated them as they openly conspired against the United States and its allies. It is very much an axis.

The United States has always been a slow-moving beast. Alexis de Tocqueville remarked long ago that the U.S. is often the last to enter a conflict, but when it does, it commits fully. He observed this in Democracy in America, written not long after the nation’s founding. There’s a longstanding tension in American political culture: the desire for independence and non-intervention versus the moral drive to do good abroad. Historically, the United States has generally been a positive force, though credibility was lost with Iraq and Afghanistan, creating hesitancy about direct involvement in newer conflicts.

But there is precedent for this pattern, and we’re now seeing strong indicators from the Trump administration on Russia policy. The U.S. Treasury, under Secretary Besant, recently imposed another round of sanctions on Russia. Negotiations also include Tomahawk missiles and the proposal to unfreeze Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s defence. President Trump is correct that some European countries fund Ukraine’s defence while simultaneously buying Russian oil and energy—that contradiction remains unresolved.

So while European rhetoric and photo ops with Ukrainian leaders appear supportive, the practical question stands: why keep buying Russian oil, and why not unlock frozen Russian assets? If they are serious about defending Ukraine, they need to put their money where their mouth is. That’s one thing President Trump has accurately identified.

Jacobsen: Information warfare is hardly new, but its reach today is unmistakable. Russian propagandists push narratives through traditional media, and Western podcasters and influencers sometimes amplify them without scrutiny, becoming useful conduits for those messages. The ecosystem stretches across video games, news cycles, and opinion platforms. There is the familiar state-driven machinery, yet I’m referring more specifically to intentional campaigns operating beyond Russia’s borders. How do you frame digital accountability in that environment, particularly when confronting coordinated propaganda? And are there practical OSINT tools that ordinary citizens can rely on to cut through the noise?

Richardson: Accountability is the keyword you mentioned, and we think about it constantly. When someone promotes propaganda—knowingly or unknowingly—or spreads disinformation, nobody likes to admit they were, as you called it, “useful idiots.” Nobody likes to be corrected, either. One of the failures of recent U.S. administrations has been treating disinformation as an industry—something to be studied, fact-checked, and regulated. Fact-checking is essential, but given how quickly information spreads online, verifying every false statement or running AI to monitor every political speech in real time just isn’t realistic.

What I’d opt for instead is this: when someone claims something is disinformation, we should look at how we build cultural resilience. Through my firm, Paradox Public Relations, we’re working with media partners to strengthen cultural infrastructure, because culture is where a nation’s historical identity lies. It’s something no one else can define for you, and that debate has to come from within the country itself.

One example is our Preserving Art in Crisis media campaign, done with ArtShield and the Ukrainian organization Dom Masterclass. The idea is simple: what is the point of defence if there’s no culture left to defend? We’re focused on ensuring the voices truly representing Ukraine are amplified and accurately portrayed in global and social media, with the infrastructure necessary to sustain them.

There’s significant debate around disinformation, but I think there’s a way to step around it—through “show, don’t tell.” If someone repeats narratives aligned with Russia’s interests, the question becomes: what does the ideological counterpart look like, and why aren’t certain Ukrainian voices gaining traction in the press? That’s the real challenge—ensuring the truth is not only spoken but also seen and supported.

Jacobsen: In conversations around your work, I often hear this idea of living between two worlds. Mass communication technologies have accelerated cultural drift in every direction, yet we continue to rely on the old vocabulary of “East” and “West.” It raises the question of what those labels actually capture. The so-called West often presents its values as universal—you see that especially at the UN—while other systems remain more rooted in local traditions. Ukrainians I’ve interviewed note recurring blind spots in Western reporting and analysis, and the reverse holds as well. From a broadly Ukrainian standpoint, what does Western journalism and research tend to understand accurately, where does it fall short, and what isn’t being highlighted at all??

Richardson: I agree with you. The term “the West” has been used by many European and U.S. interests to otherize people. But what does it really mean? Countries like South Korea and Japan are part of what some experts call the liberal international order, yet they’re often excluded from that Western label. It’s a vague construct we use to divide, and we need a new vocabulary. If I’ve used the term “the West” in interviews before, I’ll apologize—it’s outdated language.

The underlying ethos worth preserving is the idea of individual sovereignty and civil liberties—the right to live your life as you choose—versus the kind of state collectivism seen in governments like China and Russia. What we still call “the West,” for lack of a better term, is rooted in protecting the individual as the foundation of society. Freedom requires that individual rights be protected and that people be able to self-select into their own communities.

Another imperfect term I’ll use is capitalism. One of the great benefits of a global free-market system is the ability to choose not only the communities you identify with but also those where you find solidarity and peace. In Russia, if you offend the wrong oligarch, you can be cast out entirely. In parts of the Middle East, if you fail to interact with a member of a ruling family, your place in life can be permanently limited.

By contrast, in the United States, you get second chances. You can make mistakes, and if your idea is good and you execute it well, there is still a meritocratic system that rewards you. That is ultimately what Ukrainians are fighting for. Under the old Soviet system, if you offended the wrong power broker, it could ruin your future. The Maidan and Orange Revolutions were about the freedom to choose your communities and reject monopolistic control.

There’s a great deal to admire in that. The U.S. continually reinvents itself, and what seems shocking in the present often has historical precedent. At America-Ukraine Strategic Partners, we believe the values that drive Ukrainians are the same ones that founded the United States. I sometimes say—controversially—that Ukrainians and Americans have more in common than Ukrainians and Europeans, because both understand that freedom isn’t free; it demands constant sacrifice. Both nations were born through revolution.

If both sides can genuinely understand that and align around it, then everything we’re building will have been worth it. We’re working on several initiatives I’m optimistic about: strong partnerships with the Kyiv School of Economics, Taras Shevchenko University, and multiple Ukrainian and U.S. manufacturers. We’re now at the stage of connecting those pieces.

You’re also starting to see the tides turn in Ukraine. They’ve just developed the Flamingo, a long-range ballistic missile, and there have been deep strikes inside Russian territory that are underreported in global—and especially Russian—media. It’s entirely possible that in five or ten years, Ukraine could become an economic superpower, and the United States may increasingly depend on Ukrainian innovation and production.

We want to play our small role in making that future possible. We believe in both countries—and in what they can achieve together.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Davis.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Why Europe Still Can’t Decide What Winning in Ukraine Means

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/18

Taras Kuzio is a UK-based political scientist and one of the foremost international authorities on Ukraine and post-Soviet politics. His academic path spans a BA in Economics from the University of Sussex, an MA in Soviet and Eastern European Studies from the University of London, a PhD in Political Science from the University of Birmingham, and a postdoctoral fellowship at Yale University. Over the years, he has held posts at major institutions, including the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Johns Hopkins University’s Center for Transatlantic Relations, and the NATO Information and Documentation Centre in Kyiv.

Kuzio has written and edited a wide body of work on Ukrainian nationalism, corruption, and the evolution of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. His most recent books—Putin’s War Against Ukraine: Revolution, Nationalism, and Crime, and Russia and Modern Fascism: New Perspectives on the Kremlin’s War Against Ukraine—build on decades of study into Kremlin ideology and Ukraine’s political trajectory.

Mark Temnycky is a Ukrainian-American analyst and journalist whose work centers on American, European, and Eurasian security affairs. He is a Nonresident Fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center and a regular geopolitics contributor at Forbes. Before entering journalism full-time, he spent nearly seven years as a U.S. defense contractor supporting the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment. His commentary and reporting appear across leading outlets and policy forums, and his portfolio of articles and media reflects a steady focus on Ukraine, European security, and transatlantic defense debates.

In this conversation, Kuzio and Temnycky examine whether Europe’s evolving long-war posture amounts to a coherent strategy. Their answer is ambivalent. They describe a continent fractured in its response: the Baltic states and Poland are rearming with urgency, while Germany and France move slowly and are encumbered by political and legal constraints. They argue that Western policy since 2014—rooted in misread signals from Moscow, misplaced fears about Ukrainian politics, and the aftershocks of Afghanistan—helped create conditions that encouraged Russian escalation.

Putin’s worldview, they contend, blends nineteenth-century imperial nostalgia with a modern authoritarian system built on corruption, mobilization, and public acquiescence. Meanwhile, the West still hesitates to articulate a clear goal of Ukrainian victory. Ukraine continues to innovate technologically, from drones to long-range strike systems, to raise the costs for Russia and compress the war’s timeline as 2026 nears. Yet both analysts note that time, political will, and a unified strategy remain the defining variables of the conflict’s next phase.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Is Europe’s de facto long-war posture strategically coherent?

Taras Kuzio: It depends on how you define Europe. Is Europe the EU, or is it NATO?

Jacobsen: Yes, it’s the EU broadly, but NATO more specifically.

Mark Temnycky: Currently, as the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia continues into what will soon reach its four-year anniversary in February, the Europeans have reacted slowly. Countries such as the Baltic States and Poland understand that, with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, they are next if the Ukrainians are unable to defeat the Russians. Those countries have bolstered their defenses and capabilities while maintaining stronger relations with Ukraine.

Countries such as the United States, Germany, and France have been slow to react and have imposed self-restrictions on Ukraine’s ability to strike back against Russia’s invasion. As President Trump completes his first year in office, and as President Trump, Secretary of Defense Hegseth, and other senior officials in the Trump administration continue to push the Europeans to do more for Ukraine, the Europeans are increasingly realizing that they simply do not have the capability to supply Ukraine in a way that would also allow them to defend the European continent. That’s telling.

Everyone knows what has been happening over the last four years. Everyone knows what’s at stake and what’s necessary, but for some reason, the Europeans are not able to move at the pace they should be right now.

Kuzio: There’s a problem in talking about the term “Europeans,” because there isn’t really such a unified category. I say this as someone from Britain, because many countries in Europe do not care about the war in Ukraine—for example, Spain, Portugal, and Italy. And I say this as someone with an Italian mother: Italy has one of the biggest economies in Europe and spends hardly anything on defense. It’s somewhere near where Canada is.

Europe is a mixture of countries, and we have to take our hats off to Donald Trump. This is coming from someone who does not like Donald Trump, but because of his haranguing and threats, Europe has finally had to increase its defense spending. Europe was essentially free-riding on the United States, as Canada was for many years. Canada is among the bottom five NATO members in defense spending. That pressure has finally produced some results, with new targets of 3.5% defense spending and 1.5% related expenditures, for a total of 5%.

When Russia first invaded Ukraine in 2014, only five NATO members were spending the required 2%. That did not include two of the Baltic states; only Estonia did. It has been a peculiar period. I would take it back to 2014, because between 2014 and 2021, European policy was a complete disaster—an utter disaster—which helped Russia prepare and launch its full-scale invasion. The Ukrainians are paying the price today for those terrible past policies.

In the U.S., this is not just about Republicans or Trump; it’s also about the Democrats. The last U.S. president to support Ukraine’s membership in NATO was George W. Bush. Obama, Biden, and Trump—so both Democrats and Republicans—have opposed Ukraine joining NATO. This has left Ukraine in a gray zone, which is a temptation for imperialist powers like Russia.

There’s also the current Secretary General of NATO, Mark Rutte. I say this as someone who lived in the Netherlands for 6 years—he was the Dutch Prime Minister before his current job, and during that time, he supported the construction of Nord Stream after 2014. Now he’s on a different wavelength, as it were, but where the hell—what the hell were they thinking before 2022?

Every Western country before 2022 opposed and vetoed sending weapons to Ukraine because they pretended it was in their interest to classify it as a civil war rather than Russian military aggression. That was their way of avoiding responsibility.

Regarding Europe, there are undoubtedly many positive developments since 2022. But why did it have to take a full-scale invasion? Why did it take Russia’s invasion for the EU to recognize Ukraine as a European country finally? This is the first time that the membership door has been opened to Ukraine—it happened in 2022.

In 2014, what was on offer was integration, not membership. So yes, there are positive aspects to this. The EU—or Europe, if we include the EU, the United Kingdom, and Norway—has provided more military, economic, and financial aid to Ukraine than the U.S., even under Biden.

In that sense, this has been very positive. The EU has also changed dramatically, with greater influence from Eastern Europe—the Baltic States, Finland, and Poland. The current foreign minister of the EU is Estonian, which is good because the Western Europeans were terrible. The French and Germans, in particular, were terrible.

To give you an example, I know Poroshenko well in Ukraine, and during the period from 2014 to 2021, the Western Europeans—and probably the U.S. as well—were telling Poroshenko to forget about Crimea. They said it was lost forever. Crimea was not included in the Minsk Agreements.

What changed fundamentally in 2022 was Russia’s miscalculation, with consequences for both European and U.S. policy. Russia expected those so-called “Little Russians,” as they called Ukrainians, to welcome the Russian army as liberators. That didn’t happen.

They also expected the West to be timid in its response, as it was in 2014. The Western response in 2014 was a joke, let’s be frank. That was not the case this time. Russia miscalculated, and that’s why it had to expand its war to bring in China, Iran, and North Korea—because it became far larger than expected. Russia thought it would be in Kyiv within a few days.

What’s surprising to me as an analyst, and I’m sure to Mark as well, is the degree to which practically everyone in the West—including all the think tanks in Washington, the so-called “beltway bandits”—got it wrong. The RAND Corporation and others, all funded by the U.S. government in various ways, expected Ukraine to be easily defeated.

This was evident in the spring of 2022, when we were all biting our nails, wondering how it would end. Eventually, Ukraine pushed the Russians out of the Kyiv region, and only then did the West—including the U.S.—begin sending normal weapons. Before that, it was only Javelins, Stingers, and NLAWs.

Temnycky: It’s a real mix—a massive question, by the way. What’s also essential is the prior year, 2021, when the Afghan central government rapidly collapsed.

Many analysts in the West, and the United States specifically, believed that the Afghan military forces, given the amount of assistance provided by the U.S., would be able to fend off the Taliban. What happened instead, in the summer of 2021, was that the Taliban more or less took over the entire country within hours.

As Taras mentioned, analysts got it wrong with Ukraine just as they did with Afghanistan. There was a great deal of hesitancy from the United States, NATO, the European Union, and other collectives around the world when Russia invaded Ukraine. Because of what had happened in Afghanistan, they assumed Russia—being so much stronger in landmass, military capabilities, weapons, and economy—would cause Ukraine to fall quickly as well. That is why they were hesitant to provide Western aid; they did not want the Russians to gain access to advanced Western weaponry.

Kuzio: You’re right—Afghanistan. I keep forgetting about Afghanistan. It reminded me, and I’m old enough to remember, of the disastrous withdrawal from Vietnam, when helicopters were being pushed off boats and people were running to the American embassy. It was nearly as chaotic.

This viewpoint of Ukraine was fed by decades of Western academics and think-tank analysts over-focusing on regional and linguistic divisions in Ukraine. This totally exaggerated and, in many ways, reflected a Russian or Moscow-centric view of Ukraine as a fragile, artificial entity.

They also exaggerated the corruption issue. I do not mean to belittle corruption in Ukraine. Still, the West has always been hypocritical about it—focusing only on where the money is stolen (Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, or elsewhere) and never on where the money ends up, which is the United States and Western Europe. There’s a reason why London is nicknamed Londongrad or Moscow on the Thames, and why Delaware, Biden’s home state, produces the most offshore companies that allow tax evasion.

All of this fed into a false image of Ukraine. And let’s remember, most of the so-called experts on that part of the world—whether in think tanks or academia—are Russianists. They still hold the arrogant belief that they are experts not only on Russia but on the entire former USSR, which is nonsense. They are not, but they think they are.

By the way, this viewpoint continued into the Trump administration. Mr. Witcoff, for example, recently claimed to President Zelensky in Washington that Russian speakers are simply Russians, so what’s wrong with letting Russia have that region? This thinking fails to grasp that, if you apply that logic broadly, then the United States should join Canada, or Canada should join the United States; Austria should join Germany; Ireland should join Britain; and all of America should go back to Britain. Since when has language been the determinant of identity? It isn’t always the case.

I have always been frustrated by how so many Western experts exaggerated these divisions within Ukraine, which, of course, exist in every country. I lived in Canada for many years, and everyone hated Toronto. It’s the same as everyone hating London in Britain or New York and California in America. That kind of internal rivalry is not unusual, but in Ukraine it was exaggerated to an entirely different level. Ukrainians had to pay the price for that perception and had to prove they were different.

One of the strangest aspects of all this, regarding Russia, is that we have people—so-called experts at the RAND Corporation—who receive huge sums from the U.S. military, saying that Western military aid would have no impact because the Russian army has been reformed and is superb. I want to stare them in the face and say, “You do realize that Russia is a mafia state. It’s not simply corrupt; it’s a mafia state.” This is what U.S. diplomats have said—you can find it on WikiLeaks, in one of the leaked U.S. diplomatic cables dating back to 2010. If Russia is a mafia state, that means everything is corrupt. Everything. That includes the military.

And thank God the Russian military is totally corrupted, because that’s one of the reasons Ukraine is doing well on the battlefield. But this reality was completely ignored. To me, it’s a no-brainer. I’ve always been frustrated by this Western ignorance, laziness, and incompetence. I often call it academic orientalism—writing about Ukraine using Russian sources.

Jacobsen: I wanted to touch on something that came up in the pre-talk—the idea of a “black swan,” and the extent to which many analysts, as mentioned earlier, fail to understand Putin’s obsession with Ukraine.

You brought up the point, Taras, about how long Russia can continue to lose soldiers and sustain a declining economy as the cost of this obsession. So, to start with, to what degree is Putin obsessed with Ukraine and Ukrainians, and how much longer can this obsession, in terms of cost, last? Mark, do you want to take this first?

Temnycky: Certainly. Scott, there are two important things to understand, which many people still don’t realize. The first is a statement Putin made publicly: that the greatest tragedy of the past century was the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second is his desire and obsession to be remembered in Russian history as someone like Peter the Great or Catherine the Great.

He has said this publicly, written about it on the Russian Federation’s government website, and had it published in various news outlets around the world.

If you’re the international community dealing with someone who has this level of ego and narcissism, it’s dangerous. I still can’t understand the idea of negotiating with Putin to end the war when he’s made it very clear that he believes Russia and Ukraine are the same. He thinks Ukrainians are not an ethnic community, that their language is fabricated, merely a dialect of Russian. You can’t reason with someone like that.

With that in mind, the only way the war will end is through something similar to what has happened before in Russian history, such as the First Chechen War in the early 1990s, when Russia suffered enormous losses, with casualties exceeding a million, and the economy was severely impacted. Or look at the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which also caused major financial hardship and the destruction of much of their equipment. The Russians suffered casualties there as well.

Over the last four years of the invasion, we’ve also seen a few protests inside Russia against the war. The roughly one million men who fled the country during Putin’s conscription calls have not spoken out against the regime or the invasion. That tells us something about how things have unfolded over the last several years—about Putin’s mindset and the Russian public’s passive support for the war.

Kuzio: There’s simply no debate that Putin is obsessed—with big capital letters. To give you two examples: first, watch Putin’s interview with Tucker Carlson. Carlson was flabbergasted and completely confused when Putin started talking about. Putin went on about Kyivan Rus—bringing out maps and documents, having them translated for Carlson. I’m sure Carlson never read them. Putin talked about Kyivan Rus and Bohdan Khmelnytskyi, while Tucker clearly wanted to discuss the contemporary period.

A second example involves Putin and Trump in Alaska. There’s a great Financial Times report on that meeting. No one initially understood why Trump canceled the lunch and ended the summit early. Apparently, it was because, once again, Putin went on a rant about Kyivan Rus, about Ukrainians and Russians being one people, and so on. You can imagine Trump listening, clueless about what Putin was talking about. Trump, after all, has bragged about never reading books. So he basically said, “I’m out of here. I’ve had enough of this.”

That’s two examples. Putin is absolutely obsessed. As Mark mentioned, there are book series, billboards, and education policies portraying him as the new “gatherer of Russian lands.” By “Russian,” he means Eastern Slavic lands. He sees himself as the modern version of Peter the Great, Catherine the Great, Stalin, and then Putin. That’s how he envisions his place in Russian history, at least since 2012.

The downside of all this is that very few people—beyond a small group in Europe, especially Western Europe, and in the United States—seem to grasp it. They just don’t get it. The only way to understand Putin’s mindset is to realize that we live in the 21st century, but Putin lives in the 19th. It’s completely lost in translation, as those Alaska and Tucker Carlson examples show.

The Poles understand this—Sikorski, for example, gets it completely. The Balts and the Finns get it too. But beyond that, I don’t think many others do.

On the question of Russians and the war, there’s been an ongoing debate. People like Mark, I, and others have said that this is a war by the Russians against Ukraine. It’s not Putin’s war—it’s Russia’s war. But many Russophile academics, think tankers, and journalists in the West argue otherwise. They say, “You have to differentiate between the Russian people, who don’t support the war, and the Russian leadership.” That’s not true.

It might have been true in 2014—indeed, Ukrainians hoped so then—but not today. There are countless examples proving otherwise. You can find them online. I saw one recently: a young, intelligent woman in Germany who’s lived there for 18 years was interviewed on the street, and she was spouting pro-war views.

One reason Prime Minister Netanyahu in Israel remains pro-Putin—and refuses to help Ukraine—is because many of his voters are Russian Jews who watch Russian TV all day. They are pro-Putin and tend to support the far right in Israel. Viktor Medvedchuk is one of those types. You find them in Israel and in Brighton Beach, New York.

To give one clear example of how the Russian diaspora behaves, they’re either burying their heads in the sand like ostriches or openly supporting the war. Look at my country, England.

During the Cold War—Mark probably doesn’t remember this—but I’m sure it was the same in the U.S. and Canada. Ukrainians, Poles, and Balts would protest outside Soviet consulates and embassies nearly every weekend. That was certainly true in London. I took part in many of those, including hunger strikes—though we took a few breaks to go to the pub. I don’t think beer counts as food, especially when you’re a teenager.

During the Cold War, Britain had the largest Ukrainian community in Western Europe, with about 30,000 people. That’s not true today, but it was then. Now, in England, there are around 150,000 Russians. I cannot recall a single time they’ve held a demonstration outside the Russian Embassy.

You can’t blame that on Britain being an authoritarian state. Inside Russia, yes—it’s dangerous to protest; you can get ten years in prison for something minor. Recently, musicians performing on the streets of Moscow were arrested. But in places like Britain, Armenia, or Georgia—where many Russians now live—they’re free to protest. Where are they?

So it’s simply not true to say Russians don’t support the war. They may support it for different reasons, but they do support it. The so-called Russian opposition is no better. Navalny’s wife, for example, is terrible on the war. Khodorkovsky is somewhat better. Kasparov is the best of the Russian émigrés. They’re a mixed group, and I’ve tried to pin them down on key questions—such as whether they support the return of all Ukrainian lands occupied by Russia.

On Crimea and the Donbas, many of them hedge or avoid the question. That’s a major problem.

As for black swans, we could spend an entire podcast on that. Sometimes I feel the West is a bit too optimistic about Ukraine. Politicians will always be politicians—they congratulate themselves and say, “Look how much we’re doing to help Ukraine.” But I’d be interested to hear Mark’s view, because the West doesn’t actually have a coherent policy on this war.

The West has never come out and said, “We want Ukraine to win and Russia to lose.” Individuals, yes—like Sikorski in Poland—but not the collective West. Without that stance, what does it mean? Are we simply helping Ukraine to fight to the last Ukrainian? Is that the policy?

Russia could probably outlast us. Economically and socially, it isn’t easy to predict. Yes, stagnation matters, but some countries endure stagnation for long periods. Look at Mexico to your south; stagnation doesn’t necessarily mean collapse. Possibly it will—but who knows.

Casualties are another issue. I saw a Russian military blogger recently admit that the enormous casualty numbers will come back to haunt them. I’m continually stunned—and I collect this kind of material—by how poorly Russian soldiers are treated by their officers. They’re treated like dirt, like something scraped off the bottom of a boot. I’m baffled—why do they put up with this? And yet they do. Then they go into battle knowing they’ll probably be killed.

Kuzio: It’s very odd and strange. You can explain it in many ways, but ultimately, there’s no respect for human life in Russia. Nevertheless, it’s baffling. It truly is. They do horrible things to Ukrainians—nearly 200,000 documented war crimes—but they also do similar things to their own soldiers. That’s how Russia operates.

There is no respect for dignity or human rights inside Russia. As we’ve written in our new book, Russia is a fascist dictatorship. But anyway—Mark, any follow-up thoughts?

Temnycky: Strange, right? Two quick comments on policy toward Ukraine. There have been numerous statements by former President Biden and various European leaders that they will “support Ukraine for as long as it takes.” Of course, that’s encouraging and important, especially given the scale of aid Ukraine has received over the past four years.

But very few have come out publicly and said, “We want the Russians to lose, and we want the Ukrainians to win.” That’s a big deal.  On the one hand, you could argue that’s effectively what the international community is doing by providing Ukraine with half a trillion dollars collectively in defense, humanitarian, and medical aid. This support has helped Ukraine push back against the Russian Federation’s invasion.

However, during those four years, there were many restrictions on what the Ukrainians could do with that aid. While men and women needed to defend their country for several months at the beginning of the war, they were not allowed to defend themselves properly. Only after Ukraine proved to Western governments that it could hold the line did the flow of meaningful aid begin.

It’s as if the Ukrainians have been forced to prove themselves repeatedly—unlocking additional capabilities like a video game: the more experience you gain, the better the equipment you receive. That delay has hurt Ukraine’s ability to win.

As the war has progressed, Western leaders have continued to make public statements about the types of aid they plan to provide. By the time those deliveries occur, the Russians have already adapted—moving key assets and capabilities out of Ukraine’s striking range. This makes it much harder for Ukraine to deliver decisive blows.

For example, there’s an ongoing public debate about whether Ukraine will receive long-range Tomahawk missiles. That’s significant. If Ukraine had those capabilities, it could strike deep into Russia—targeting ammunition depots, weapons factories, vehicle plants, and even oil refineries. That’s one reason the Ukrainians have relied so heavily on drones—they can be built domestically and deployed without external restrictions.

On the one hand, Ukraine receives messages of solidarity—“We support you, here’s aid to help you continue fighting”—but on the other hand, there’s no definitive plan for what happens next.

Part of this, as Taras was saying, stems from a false understanding of Russian culture and history. Some academics, think tankers, and government officials may even be afraid of what it would mean if Russia were to lose. I don’t think it would be as dramatic as another Soviet collapse, with new countries breaking away—but it would certainly transform the balance of power.

It doesn’t make sense. I’m a firm believer that if Ukraine had received the weapons it needed at the start of the war—and if the restrictions had been lifted earlier—as long as Western allies had properly trained Ukrainians on how to use that aid, the war would already be over.

There’s no question that historians will look back on this period and say the missed opportunity was in the autumn of 2022, when Ukraine kicked the Russians out of several regions.

Kuzio: Continuing from that point—yes, historians will absolutely write about this. In fact, the entire period from 2014 to 2021 is a complete disaster zone for Western policy. International relations are fundamentally about sending signals, and the West has repeatedly sent signals of weakness—first in Georgia in 2008, then in Crimea in 2014.

After 2022, this slow, drip-drip policy of supplying weapons to Ukraine—by both the Biden administration and Germany, the two major fearmongers about a potential Russian collapse—also sent signals of weakness to China. As a result, by 2023, China began supporting Russia much more directly.

In the autumn of 2022, after Kharkiv was liberated, the Russian army was in panic mode—it was fleeing. Ukraine could have advanced all the way to the Black Sea. At that time, Russia only had about 170,000 troops inside Ukraine. That’s an incredibly small number for such a large-scale invasion, based on their delusional belief that “little Russians” would welcome them as liberators from the so-called Nazis.

For comparison, the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact invaded Czechoslovakia in 1968 with a quarter of a million troops, and Czechoslovakia had only 10 million people. Ukraine had over 40 million.

But in late 2022, the U.S. administration and Western Europe were slow and unwilling. Many in the Biden administration were terrified of Russia’s perennial nuclear threats. By the summer of 2023, when Ukraine launched its counteroffensive, it was too late. Russia had been given ten months to mobilize, which it did—sending hundreds of thousands of new troops and increasing its occupation force from 170,000 to nearly half a million.

Russia also built fortifications—the so-called “Viking lines”—and laid countless mines. The Ukrainian offensive was doomed from the start. Russia had been granted breathing room by Western weakness.

It’s as if the West is content to let Ukrainians die—as long as the war remains inside Ukraine and doesn’t spill over into NATO or EU territory. It’s a darkly comical and irrational situation.

If you look at NATO today, it would likely be defeated by Russia—not because of military inferiority, but because of a lack of political will. Ironically, the strongest political leaders in Europe today are women, not men—draw your own conclusions from that.

The U.S. is no longer a reliable partner. I wouldn’t depend on it. The primary factor that could change the balance in any future conflict with Russia is Ukraine itself. Ukraine now has the most experienced army in Europe and one of the most innovative and capable defense sectors in the world.

Yet NATO wants Ukrainians to train them in drone warfare—but heaven forbid Ukraine actually join NATO. It makes no rational sense whatsoever. But that’s the absurd reality we’re living in.

To give you an example: Poland is one of the countries most hyped about the Russian threat, yet nineteen drones were fired into Poland, and they only shot down four. Thank God those were not armed drones. The Poles then begged the Ukrainians to come and help train them in countering drones, yet the Polish president, Andrzej Duda, is a Ukrainophobe—he opposes Ukraine joining NATO or the EU. If I were Zelensky, I would tell him to take a hike until he changes his stance.

We live in a bizarre world. EU sanctions against Russia’s energy sector have been largely ineffectual. Last year EU members paid more to Moscow for energy than they provided in financial support to Ukraine. The biggest impact on Russia’s energy sector has come from Ukrainian strikes against refineries—apparently about 160 this year—and from Trump’s latest sanctions. Those, not the EU’s measures, have had the greatest effect.

Jacobsen: Regarding Ukrainians’ desire for the war to end quickly and Europe’s slowness due to a de facto long-war posture, what is a realistic assessment as we move into 2026, say, the first two quarters?

Temnycky: The first thing is understanding the Ukrainian resolve and morale. Ukraine’s neighbor has been trying to erase the Ukrainian language, history, and culture for roughly 400 years. Despite what Ukrainians endured under the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, Ukraine’s language, history, and culture survive—and the country remains independent. That is the biggest success story of Russia’s first invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and its full-scale in 2022: Ukraine is still an independent state, and that is now permanent. It is committed to joining the West, aspiring to EU and NATO membership.

Despite the hardships Ukrainians have endured, they want the war to end because they do not want to be constantly bombed. Almost everyone knows at least someone killed in the war, whether a soldier or a civilian. Yet many Ukrainians—around 76 percent according to an August poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology—believe the war cannot and should not end on Russian terms. That means continuing to fight and defend themselves. A slogan that has circulated since the full-scale invasion began in 2022 captures this: if Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine will no longer exist; but if Russia stops fighting, the war will end. That mentality persists.

Kuzio: Ukrainian leaders likely think: to hell with Western patience and slowness—we do not want this war to drag on forever. Prolonged war means refugees never return home, ongoing destruction of the country, and more civilian and military casualties. One of the biggest tragedies is the impact on children: many cannot get a proper education and are traumatized. Ukrainians must find ways to make the war costly for Russia—we have already seen targeted campaigns against Russia’s energy sector.

But there are other ways as well. To hell with Tomahawks, to be quite honest—Ukraine’s domestically produced missiles are, according to experts, as good as, if not better than, the Tomahawk, which is an older American system. To hell with the Taurus missiles the Germans promised but have not supplied. Ukraine is building its own long-range missiles; production is increasing.

The Danes led early on, and other countries copied them—the British and some Scandinavian states have provided financial assistance for Ukraine to build weapons inside the country secretly. Estimates vary, but somewhere between 40 and 60 percent of what Ukraine uses on the battlefield is produced domestically. This month, Zelensky authorized some exports of those weapons to raise revenue. Many of these weapons are not only cheaper than Western systems but, in some respects, better.

One of the funniest aspects of this war is how Western drone makers, whose products performed well in Afghanistan and Iraq—where the opponents fought with Kalashnikovs—found those same systems often ineffective in Ukraine. You end up with expensive “white elephants” that the Pentagon buys, and now it’s realizing it must change its mindset. We need to adopt strategies and technologies developed in Ukraine. Many Western companies already use Ukraine as a testing ground for weapons and joint ventures; that trend will increase.

That means Ukraine no longer has to ask Germany or the United States for permission to launch long-range strikes—these will be Ukrainian missiles. They also use British and French systems: the British and French have been willing to supply Storm Shadow missiles for strikes inside Russia, the kinds of systems the Germans and Americans have hesitated to provide.

Ukrainian leaders must be thinking that they need to make the war increasingly costly for the Russians—bring the war home to the Russian public—while continuing to inflict heavy losses on the battlefield. That combined pressure may eventually crack the Putin system or at least moderate his demands and bring him to the negotiating table. That’s something Trump has never understood: how to get Putin to moderate maximalist demands. He does not grasp the necessary steps.

So you have a clash: Western lack of coherent strategy, which by default risks “fighting to the last Ukrainian” (bad for Ukraine), versus Ukraine’s insistence that this must end quickly. They will pursue everything they can. I suspect we will see more audacious actions—like that remarkable strike in the Russian Far East when trucks opened up and launched swarms of drones. Expect more operations of that sort.

Jacobsen: Mark and Taras, thank you very much for your time today.

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Ottawa Ratchets Up Pressure on Russia

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/15

Canada has announced a fresh round of sanctions against the Russian Federation, tightening pressure on Moscow’s war machine as the full-scale invasion of Ukraine grinds on. On November 12, Canada’s Foreign Minister Anita Anand unveiled new measures under the Special Economic Measures (Russia) Regulations, blacklisting 11 entities and 13 individuals tied to the Kremlin’s aggression, repression, and hybrid warfare.

Since 2014, Canada has now sanctioned roughly 3,300 individuals and entities over Russia’s assault on Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. The targets range from officials complicit in grave human rights violations against Ukrainians to companies and intermediaries that help sustain the war effort—financially, logistically, and in the information space.

The most prominent additions in this round are Russia’s military intelligence units GRU Unit 74455 (GTsST, better known as “Sandworm”), GRU Unit 26165 (GTsSS, often referred to as “Fancy Bear”), and GRU Unit 29155. GTsST is widely regarded as one of the Kremlin’s most notorious cyber-attack arms, serving as a direct instrument of state power. GTsSS has been implicated in a series of high-profile intrusions and hacking campaigns with an espionage focus. GRU Unit 29155, for its part, has been linked to covert operations, sabotage, and assassination plots in Europe and beyond.

Key individuals listed include Dmitry Sergeyevich Badin and Igor Yuryevich Chaika. Badin, a GRU officer from Unit 26165, has become one of the better-known faces of Russian state-backed cyber operations. Chaika is seen as part of the broader political warfare toolkit that the Kremlin uses to shape narratives, cultivate proxies, and undermine adversaries.

Ottawa continues to characterize Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as “unprovoked and unjustified.” The stated objective of the new penalties is to “increase the economic costs” of the war for Moscow by striking at energy revenues, logistics, and financial enablers. More than symbolism, the aim is to weaken both conventional military capacity and the hybrid infrastructure—cyber, information, and irregular tools—that Moscow relies on.

This round of sanctions zeroes in on actors involved in deploying and developing drone technologies, as well as companies and networks that supply the cyber infrastructure underpinning Russia’s hybrid operations against Ukraine. Several liquefied natural gas (LNG) entities have been designated, reflecting how energy revenues continue to bankroll Russia’s campaign. In a significant move against the so-called “shadow fleet” used to obscure oil and fuel shipments, 100 Russian-linked vessels have been listed in this package.

“Canada remains unwavering in its commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and its people, who are forcefully defending their rights in the face of Putin’s corrosive and aggressive actions,” Anand said. “Canada will continue to intensify pressure through sanctions in coordination with allies and partners until Russia puts an end to its unjustified invasion of Ukraine.”

These measures are explicitly tied to broader G7 efforts to ramp up economic pressure on the Russian Federation. Similar sanctions have been rolled out by the United Kingdom, the United States, and the European Union, particularly against Russia’s shadow fleet. In total, Canada has now sanctioned more than 400 such vessels involved in moving goods and property for the benefit of Russian interests. G7 capitals have coordinated closely on these listings to close loopholes and make evasion harder.

As the war drags on with no political settlement in sight, Ottawa’s message is that sanctions will not only persist but intensify—tracking the evolution of Russia’s battlefield tactics, its financing channels, and its hybrid campaigns beyond the front lines.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Vrinda Grover on Holding Russia Accountable for Crimes in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/12

Vrinda Grover is an Indian human rights lawyer practicing before the Supreme Court of India and, since June 2023, a member of the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. She previously served as Chair of the Board of the International Service for Human Rights, a position she will hold through 2025. Her litigation and advocacy center on accountability for human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions, torture, and sexual violence. Grover earned her LL.M. from New York University School of Law and was named to Time magazine’s 2013 list of 100 most influential people in the world. She has advised UN mechanisms and civil society coalitions in India and abroad on advancing victim-centered justice.

In this interview, Grover discusses evidence linking Russia’s coordinated short-range drone attacks in southern Ukraine to crimes against humanity. Investigations indicate the deliberate targeting of civilians, homes, and first responders along a 300-kilometer stretch of the Dnipro River’s right bank, generating widespread fear and forced displacement. Grover outlines documented war crimes in Zaporizhzhia Oblast, including deportations and transfers, and details the Commission’s rigorous evidentiary standards, limited UN resources, and collaboration with Ukrainian and international courts. She emphasizes the pursuit of victim-centered justice and the ongoing investigation into systematic violations committed by Russian forces.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Southern Ukraine has seen a coordinated campaign of short-range drone strikes, described by investigators as crimes against humanity—acts such as forcible transfer and murder. What patterns point to an organized state policy rather than isolated incidents?

Vrinda Grover: We have been investigating short-range drone attacks on civilian populations for some time. The Commission’s investigations have now found that along almost 300 kilometres of the right bank of the Dnipro River, covering the Oblasts of Kherson, Mykolaiv, and Dnipropetrovsk, short-range drones are being used to target civilians and civilian objects, as well as protected categories such as first responders, ambulances, and fire brigades. Our investigations establish that these short-range drones are operated by military units of the Russian Armed Forces from the left bank of the Dnipro River.

The very nature of these short-range drones allows the operators and military units to see, via live camera feeds, that the drones are targeting civilians, including residential areas and civilian objects such as hospitals, markets, and civilian energy infrastructure. This demonstrates an intentional element in their attacks.

The sequenced nature of the attacks also reveals deliberate intent. For instance, a drone may first target a particular house: the first explosive makes an opening in the roof, and the second explosive is dropped immediately afterward, detonating inside the house and setting it on fire. The deliberate nature of these drone attacks on civilian objects is evident from such patterns. Moreover, when first responders attempt to intervene, to protect or save someone in distress or in need of urgent assistance, vehicles such as fire brigades and ambulances, which are clearly and visibly marked and protected under international law, are also targeted to prevent them from providing aid.

This modus operandi shows a clear, coordinated effort to target the civilian population. It demonstrates a coordinated state policy. We have verified this through documents and statements collected from victims, as well as publicly available videos posted on Telegram channels, all of which point to coordinated actions by the Russian Federation and its authorities. Therefore, we conclude that this constitutes a crime against humanity of murder and forcible transfer, targeting civilians and civilian objects.

These attacks have spread terror among civilian populations living in the affected areas. They have made life unbearable, leaving people with no choice but to flee. Thousands have been forced to abandon their homes, amounting to a crime against humanity involving the forcible transfer of civilian populations.

Jacobsen: Your findings show that thousands of Ukrainian civilians were forcibly transferred or deported, with Zaporizhzhia Oblast especially hard hit. What evidence distinguishes these acts from incidental wartime displacement, marking them instead as war crimes or crimes against humanity?

Grover: At present, we have concluded a war crime. The Zaporizhzhia Oblast, which is now under the temporary occupation and control of the Russian Federation, has been a focal point of such forced transfers. We have been documenting this pattern of forced transfer since the beginning, as the Russian Federation has temporarily occupied various parts of Ukrainian territory. Earlier, in 2022 and 2023, we found evidence of the forced transfer of Ukrainian civilians to territory controlled by the Ukrainian government.

Now, from the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, we are finding that civilians are being deported from a checkpoint, where they are directed to cross over into Georgia. In this process, we find various entities of the Russian Federation coordinate their actions. Persons, particularly those believed to have shown or expressed allegiance to the Ukrainian government, are detained or arrested, and some are subjected to torture. Often, at very short notice, they are then transported in convoys to the checkpoint from which they are directed to cross into Georgia.

During the house searches that precede these arrests and detentions, their documents are frequently confiscated. Some individuals are given new documents, while others are left without any. They are forced to leave behind their families, their homes, their work. We have concluded that this constitutes a war crime.

Jacobsen: Legal classification matters. Some acts constitute crimes against humanity, others war crimes. What realistic pathways exist for accountability—through national courts or international mechanisms?

Grover: As far as legal classification is concerned, the Commission makes a legal determination based on its own investigations. The cases that we present, the conclusions that we make, and the findings that we present are based on independently gathered and corroborated evidence obtained through multiple sources.

It is only when the Commission finds evidence of a modus operandi —a concerted, coordinated set of actions by authorities of the Russian Federation, whether by the armed forces or other state entities —directed against a civilian population, and showing a pattern of widespread and systematic violations that indicate a coordinated state policy.

It is then that we make a legal determination of crimes against humanity. In some instances, under our 2022 mandate, our initial findings may indicate a war crime. However, as we continue investigating, the pattern of coordinated actions pursuant to a state policy emerges, and the Commission then concludes that crimes against humanity have occurred. In our previous reports, we have concluded the crimes against humanity of torture, enforced disappearances by Russian authorities, and in our latest October report, for the murder of civilians by short-range drone attacks, as well as the forcible transfer of population through spreading terror by drone attacks, along the right bank of the Dnipro river by Russian armed forces.

In terms of accountability mechanisms, in Ukraine, under the Office of the Prosecutor General, a very large number of crimes are being investigated and prosecuted. Trials are ongoing. Additionally, there is the International Criminal Court.

The Commission’s evidence and findings are made available, with the consent of victims, following a victim-centred approach throughout our investigations and documentation processes. Our findings, investigations, and evidence are provided both to domestic authorities and to international judicial forums, and both are in communication with the Commission.

Jacobsen: For clarification—some international media reports on war crimes are accurate, others less so. Which publicly stated or implied claims has the Commission reviewed but found insufficient evidence to establish as part of a consistent pattern qualifying as a war crime?

Grover: The Commission relies exclusively on its own investigations. There are other bodies conducting investigations and documentation. There is, of course, a lot reported in the media about this ongoing armed conflict. However, we report only on matters that we have independently investigated and corroborated, including through witness testimonies.

There are challenges. The Commission, being independent and objective, examines violations by both parties. We have sent over 30 formal communications to the Russian Federation since the start of our mandate. However, regrettably, the Russian Federation has not responded to any communication.

For instance, allegations have also been made by the Russian Federation, including claims regarding drone attacks, which we have attempted to investigate. However, we are unable to conclude our investigations due to a lack of access to the territories and documents, concerns about the safety of witnesses, and the absence of a response from the Russian authorities. Without access, we are unable to make findings or draw conclusions regarding such allegations.

If something appears in the media that we are already investigating, we take that into account, but our capacity is limited. We are a small Commission in terms of resources and staff. As you may know, there is a severe liquidity crisis at the United Nations. Due to budget constraints, the Commission’s staff and investigative capacity have been significantly reduced. For example, we, the three Commissioners, are now visiting Kyiv after a year because of a lack of resources. Our investigators, of course, regularly visit Ukraine to conduct on-site investigations.

Therefore, we cannot investigate all the violations. We investigate thoroughly and rigorously, in accordance with the evidentiary standards of scrutiny we maintain. We do pursue every allegation made in the public domain. We follow specific patterns of violations, as documented in our previous reports, that include torture and enforced disappearances. We have documented conflict-related sexual violence, sexual and gender-based violence, against both men and women in detention. We have concluded that it is a war crime against male detainees and prisoners of war held in detention. So, we have been investigating a range of human rights, international humanitarian, and international crimes. The Commission’s investigations also identify certain entities and authorities that have committed these violations. It is an ongoing process.

Jacobsen: Despite the liquidity crisis and limited staffing under your mandate, and drawing on recent missions and field interviews, what emerging priorities are shaping the next report—regional or oblast focus areas, specific victim groups, or evolving weaponry trends?

Grover: I will refrain from enumerating the Commission’s future priorities, as that is presently an internal discussion. So, you will excuse me for not elaborating on that at present.

However, I can say this: during the present visit of the Commissioners to Ukraine in November 2025, we met with victims, listened to their concerns, and heard firsthand the challenges they continue to face. We also interacted with NGOs working across a range of issues.

During this visit, we also met with Ukrainian authorities, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ombudsman, and the Office of the Prosecutor General. In addition, we met with members of the Diplomatic Corps in Kyiv.

We have thus engaged with a broad cross-section of individuals and institutions to understand their concerns and identify the issues. As I mentioned, our investigators conduct both remote and field investigations. That work will continue as we prepare our next report, scheduled for March at the conclusion of the current mandate.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time. I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Ukrainian Scientist Rewiring Our Understanding of the Brain

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/12

Prof. Oleg Krishtal is a Ukrainian neurophysiologist and a pioneer in ion-channel research at the Bogomoletz Institute of Physiology, part of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Trained in molecular physics, he has led the Department of Cellular Membranology since 1982 and served as the institute’s director from 2011 to 2021.

A foundational figure in modern ion-channel physiology, Krishtal conducted the first intracellular perfusion of a nerve cell (Nature, 1975), first described acid-sensing ion channels (ASICs), and identified ionotropic ATP (P2X) receptors in mammalian sensory neurons. A member of both the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Academia Europaea, his department investigates membrane proteins in neurons, networks, and organs—research that illuminates the biology of pain, synaptic signaling, ischemia, and neurological disease.

In this conversation, Krishtal explores his pioneering work on ASICs and P2X receptors, emphasizing their critical roles in brain function, ischemia, epilepsy, and pain. He describes his lab’s advanced electrophysiological methods—from patch-clamp recordings to in vivo EEG and ex vivo preparations that connect cellular mechanisms to behavior. Krishtal also discusses collaborations with Ukrainian chemists and plans for international partnerships to develop ASIC-targeting therapeutics.

Finally, he reflects on the challenges of conducting neuroscience in wartime—repairing equipment, preserving samples, and adapting under constant disruption—illustrating how persistence and ingenuity keep scientific progress alive amid extraordinary adversity.

The following interview was edited for clarity and length.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s start with your research program before turning to the challenges of working through a war. What are your lab’s main scientific goals for ASIC and P2X receptor studies looking ahead to 2030?

Oleg Krishtal: We will focus on the study of ASICs—their pharmacology and physiological roles. Interest in ASICs has grown steadily. Forty-five years after their discovery, it is now clear that members of the ASIC family are expressed in nearly every mammalian neuron, both in the brain and the periphery. They participate in numerous functions, though the list is far from complete. The few pharmacological tools currently available suggest that targeting ASICs may aid in conditions such as brain ischemia, epilepsy, pain, and multiple sclerosis. More recently, inhibition of ASICs has also shown promise against jaundice.

Despite their involvement in many physiological processes, ASIC knockout (ASIC⁻/⁻) animals remain viable, making these channels appealing targets for the development of effective yet safe pharmacological agents. We collaborate closely with Ukrainian chemists—world-class experts in chemical synthesis, computational chemistry, molecular dynamics, and rational drug design. Our current work is supported by the National Research Foundation of Ukraine, but we aim to establish large international consortia with colleagues across the EU, UK, and the United States.

Several small-molecule ASIC inhibitors have previously advanced to the point of clinical application, yet all ultimately failed in trials. We believe that a multidisciplinary approach and new molecular strategies can change this outcome.

Jacobsen: How do ion channels on the cell membrane and those at the nuclear envelope together form a unified model of how neurons function?

Krishtal: Channels located on the cell membrane are responsible for information processing—electric excitation and synaptic transmission. Some also serve “housekeeping” functions. Because acid–base balance is a key aspect of homeostasis, it is plausible that ASICs play an important role here as well, though this remains to be investigated.

Channels at the nuclear envelope primarily regulate the transport of molecules, including genetic material. Together, both channel systems act in concert to ensure proper neuronal function.

Jacobsen: Which disease areas do you see as the top priorities for ASIC and P2X receptor research?

Krishtal: At the moment, ischemic damage—not only stroke but also jaundice, which can irreversibly harm the brains of newborns—is our main target for developing ASIC pharmacology. Our preliminary findings also place epilepsy high on the list. Data on the pathological role of ASICs in multiple sclerosis are still limited, but existing evidence is highly significant and may guide new approaches to this devastating disease.

Moreover, many studies suggest that local acidosis resulting from inflammation accompanies a broad range of brain disorders—not only neurological but psychiatric as well. The role of ASICs across such pathologies warrants intensive investigation.

Jacobsen: What are the core methodologies driving your lab’s work today—patch-clamp recording, fast pH imaging, genetic reporters, or others?

Krishtal: Our laboratory is primarily focused on electrophysiological research. We are among the leading manual electrophysiology labs in the world. Using various patch-clamp configurations, we study ion-channel activity in cell nuclei, a wide range of acutely isolated mammalian cell types, and established cell lines.

We have developed automated systems for pharmacological studies of ion channels, allowing experiments with extremely small quantities of test substances—as little as 200 µL per concentration point—making it possible to study peptides isolated from diverse venoms. We also conduct ex vivo experiments on acute brain slices and isolated nerve fibers using the skin–nerve preparation model.

Recently, we incorporated in vivo recordings of nerve-fiber activity and intracranial electroencephalography (iEEG) in freely moving animals. These techniques require advanced surgical and anesthetic skills, and we are proud that roughly 95 percent of animals survive the implantation of brain electrodes.

Unfortunately, financial constraints—exacerbated by the war—have limited our ability to expand into molecular biology, optogenetics, and advanced imaging.

Jacobsen: How do you connect single-cell findings to behavioral outcomes in your animal models?

Krishtal: We build this link through a multi-level experimental strategy combining electrophysiological, pharmacological, and behavioral approaches. At the single-cell level, we use patch-clamp recordings to identify specific ionic mechanisms and drug responses in neurons expressing ASICs or other ion channels of interest. These data allow us to characterize how pathological or pharmacological interventions alter cellular excitability.

To connect these findings to system-level and behavioral outcomes, we extend our studies to ex vivo and in vivo models. Ex vivo brain-slice preparations bridge isolated cell responses and network activity. In vivo, we perform extracellular recordings of central neural activity and intracranial EEG monitoring in freely moving animals to assess how modulation of ASICs and related targets affects seizure susceptibility, sleep, and other functions. Ex vivo skin–nerve preparations enable us to measure primary nociceptor signals, providing a physiological readout of pain stimuli.

By integrating cellular and tissue electrophysiology with behavioral measures—nociceptive thresholds, locomotion, cognitive performance—we can directly correlate cellular biophysics with observable behavior. This integrative design helps identify causal relationships between molecular mechanisms and functional outcomes, strengthening the translational potential of single-cell data.

Jacobsen: What day-to-day adjustments have allowed your lab to keep working during the war? And how have power outages, Internet loss, and supply disruptions affected your experimental timelines?

Krishtal: Our team must be brave, cautious, and inventive. Scientists often take on tasks beyond their expertise—repairing equipment, caring for experimental animals, safeguarding vital samples and data representing years of work, and more. The winter is only beginning, but the lessons from last year—a very difficult one—taught us a great deal.

Jacobsen: Which practices developed during the war do you expect will continue once it’s over?

Krishtal: These are less “practices” than adaptive capacities that have developed rapidly. We believe in the resolve and strength of our people and remain deeply grateful for international support.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time, Oleg.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inside Ukraine’s Fight Against Kremlin Lies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/07

Olena Churanova is a Ukrainian journalist, fact-checker, and editor at StopFake.org, where, since 2016, she has fought Russian disinformation and trained others in digital verification. She is also a senior lecturer at the Mohyla School of Journalism at NaUKMA, where she teaches media literacy and data journalism to both students and educators.

Her earlier roles include serving as a media expert with EUvsDisinfo, working at the Institute of Mass Information, and reporting for the Ukrainian Service of Voice of America. In recent years, Churanova has developed practical guides on verification in the age of AI and delivered public talks on detecting deepfakes and misinformation across Ukrainian and international platforms.

In this interview, Churanova dissects the realities of fact-checking amid war. She calls for stronger coordination among fact-checkers, institutions, and tech platforms to accelerate responses and blunt disinformation. Western funders, she argues, should enforce journalistic standards and deny support to groups that indirectly aid Russia’s military. Her survival rules are simple but essential: regulate emotion, verify sources, and resist impulsive sharing. Accuracy, she reminds, still trumps speed; transparency sustains trust.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In April, you spoke at the Council of Europe. You noted a need to strengthen efforts to counter disinformation. Fact-checkers are key to this, particularly those in Ukraine. What policy changes would make a fact-checker’s job easier?

Olena Churanova: During wartime, it is very important to maintain effective communication with various institutions in the country, the government, the army, and companies responsible for the most popular social platforms among Ukrainians. Accordingly, such policies should establish cooperation between fact-checkers and representatives of platforms where disinformation is potentially spread, create a platform for communication among representatives of various institutions in the country and fact-checkers, and work with government agencies to ensure they understand the importance of cooperation and respond more quickly to requests, etc.

Jacobsen: You spoke to why some outlets still launder Kremlin narratives. What criteria should Western funders use to avoid rewarding disinformation?

Churanova: Certain criteria must be established for granting funds to such opposition groups, and if this concerns the media, then the media’s work must comply with universal journalistic standards. The criterion that they are Russians and they are abroad should not be the main one. Another vital component should be the absence of any contributions or donations to the Russian occupation army.

Jacobsen: Your guide, entitled “Surviving Social Media Chaos,” gives survival rules. Which three rules most reduce susceptibility to fakes or deepfakes?

Churanova: In my opinion, it is about controlling one’s emotions and consciously consuming content on social media so that when a person feels outraged or surprised, they learn to stop and analyze why they felt that way and whether that was the purpose of the content. Secondly, it is, of course, paying attention to the sources. Where did this information come from, who disseminated it, and can this source be trusted? And thirdly, it is better not to comment than to write or share something that you will later be ashamed of. This is not only about media ecology —the fact that you can stop the spread of fake —but also about respect for others who share the same information space with you.

Jacobsen: Everything can potentially be fake. What’s a good triage for suspected AI audio/video?

Churanova: First, analyze where exactly this audio-video began to spread, in what context, and whether authoritative media outlets wrote about it. The second step is to examine the audio-video in detail—check for any desynchronization on the face, strange or unnatural details, unusual pauses and intonations in the background, and how accurate the text is. The third step is to use special tools to analyze such suspicious content, such as AIorNOT, Attestiv, Hiya Deepfake Voice Detector, and others.

Jacobsen: What parallels exist between the Western Balkans and Ukrainian info-ops?

Churanova: One significant parallel is the initiator and author of such operations, and that is the Russian Federation. The core, long-term goal is to sow distrust in the EU and NATO. In Ukraine, this is done by discrediting military aid and reforms; in the Western Balkans, it is done by exaggerating corruption and instability to halt or reverse NATO/EU accession. In both regions, information operations heavily rely on weaponizing historical, ethnic, and religious divisions to create internal strife, often using narratives of “genocide,” “oppression,” or “liberation.” Both regions see the cultivation of local political and media actors who willingly or unknowingly amplify pro-Russian narratives, presenting them as legitimate local political discourse.

Jacobsen: How do you balance speed with verification without amplifying accidental fog of war errors?

Churanova: There is no such thing as a perfect balance when it comes to debunking fake news during wartime. However, the standard of timeliness will still suffer because the priority is to provide verified and reliable facts, not speed. The verification process itself should sometimes be accelerated, without accuracy suffering as a result.

Jacobsen: With AI-heavy search results in 2025, which OSINT techniques outperform LLM summaries?

Churanova: Nevertheless, with the help of OSINT technology, people are better able to determine geolocation, see AI hallucinations, and apply contextual understanding to content verification, all of which are clear advantages.

Jacobsen: How can fact-checking become dysfunctional, either in false positives or being too slow for efficacious responsiveness?

Churanova: False positives can damage public trust in fact-checkers, as affected individuals or groups may feel unfairly targeted, and the audience may become more skeptical of all media outlets. If fact-checking is too slow, it cannot keep pace with the viral spread of disinformation, especially on social media, where false claims may reach millions in minutes. Therefore, it’s essential to emphasize accuracy and transparency in our work.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Olena.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inside UNOPS’ Effort to Rebuild Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/05

Mykhailo Turianytsia serves as a Communications Officer with UNOPS in Ukraine, where he helps spotlight the organization’s recovery and resilience projects aimed at restoring essential services and improving living conditions amid war.

UNOPS’ priorities range from repairing schools and equipping underground shelters to strengthening health systems through new medical equipment and infrastructure upgrades. The agency also supports municipal heating networks with critical energy equipment and advances humanitarian mine action through training and capacity-building. These programs seek to uphold decent living standards in communities across Ukraine—safeguarding access to education, healthcare, and warmth; ensuring safe movement; and enabling the reclamation of productive agricultural land.

Turianytsia’s work bridges the technical and the public. He collaborates with media and partners across Europe and Central Asia to clarify procurement, delivery, and impact, helping translate the complex language of engineering into public understanding and donor accountability.

He points to the World Bank-administered Ukraine Relief, Recovery, Reconstruction and Reform Trust Fund (URTF) as a core driver of UNOPS’ RePOWER initiative—providing critical heating equipment and power-grid repairs that keep Kharkiv’s clinics, homes, and schools functioning through brutal winters. That effort is now expanding by $116 million to reach six additional cities. Through RELINC, UNOPS has delivered 18 modular bridges to sustain vital road logistics amid ongoing threats to Black Sea shipping.

Projects funded by the European Union and Japan are repairing schools and constructing underground shelters—15 already completed in Kharkiv, with more underway. Meanwhile, humanitarian mine-action programs are scaling up via a $15 million Netherlands-funded effort and VR-based risk-education partnerships with the State Emergency Service. Across every project, UNOPS emphasizes sustainable, SDG-aligned, non-duplicative, end-to-end delivery.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: As temperatures drop, Kharkiv faces another winter of strained utilities. What impact have UNOPS’ heating deliveries had on stabilizing clinics, households, and schools across the city?

Mykhailo Turianytsia: Your question relates to a project we have been implementing with funding from the Ukraine Relief, Recovery, Reconstruction, and Reform Trust Fund (URTF), administered by the World Bank.

This project, called RePOWER, delivered critical heating equipment in its first stage to Kharkiv to help repair damaged sections of the district heating grid and replace heat generation capacity lost due to Russian attacks.

The impact is straightforward. Clinics, households, and schools will be heated and remain heated as winter approaches. In a country like Ukraine, where winters last several months, district heating is a regular utility service, much like electricity or water supply. In Kharkiv, the coldest month, January, averages around −7 °C (19 °F), with typical daily highs near −2 °C (28 °F) and lows near −7 °C (19 °F). During extreme cold spells, temperatures can drop even lower, making unheated buildings unsafe.

The international assistance ecosystem works to ensure people stay warm over winter. For example, OCHA-managed funding has supported firewood distributions for vulnerable households in rural areas, while projects like RePOWER focus on urban systems such as Kharkiv’s district heating network.

Kharkiv is Ukraine’s second-largest city, so this is a significant undertaking. As of early November, the RePOWER effort has been expanded with an additional 116 million US dollars to strengthen heating resilience not only in Kharkiv but also in six other cities—Chernihiv, Kremenchuk, Kryvyi Rih, Mykolaiv, Slavuta, and Sumy—under World Bank support implemented with UNOPS. Public updates describe implementation timelines extending into 2026–2027, reflecting multi-year delivery.

Jacobsen: Which regions did the modular bridge projects prioritize, especially in reconnecting communities and restoring children’s access to schools?

Turianytsia: This question relates to another URTF-supported project, RELINC—Repairing Essential Logistics Infrastructure and Network Connectivity. UNOPS delivered 18 modular bridge systems, which were handed over to Ukraine’s Agency for Restoration for nationwide deployment based on need and urgency. These modular systems can be installed much faster than traditional bridge construction methods.

Most of these bridges are being used to support key overland logistics routes—an understandable priority given ongoing threats to Black Sea shipping and repeated strikes on port infrastructure, which have increased reliance on rail and road cargo.

For both imports and exports, many domestic shipments also rely on roads. Bridges are focal points where a road crosses a river or forms a critical intersection. When a bridge goes down, it can have serious consequences.

At the local level, communities might find themselves in situations where people have to risk their lives to get to work, school, or the local market. On a national scale, transport routes become longer and less efficient—what once took eight hours to ship might now take twelve. While the impact is local, it also has significant nationwide implications.

Jacobsen: How do you define the scopes?

Turianytsia: This is a good question. UNOPS—the United Nations Office for Project Services—is all about implementing projects. In a project, there are usually two sides. One is the donor —the source of funding. This can be a foreign government, a multilateral organization, or a development bank. They have resources they wish to direct to assist a country such as Ukraine.

On the other side, there are national partners. These can be central government ministries, regional administrations, or local communities. They may have an urgent need to address quickly or a long-term development goal. As a UN entity, we act as the link between these two sides.

We stay in touch with national partners to understand their needs and priorities, and with the donor community to know what resources are available. Our role is to match resources with needs.

Now, this brings us directly to your question—how do we set scopes? It is always a negotiation. In Ukraine, we are fortunate to work with a capable government that, even amid war, remains effective at defining its priorities, goals, and objectives. For everything from emissions reduction to energy modernization to heating services, some national-level frameworks and strategies guide local communities.

We coordinate with those communities. They usually have a good sense of what they need and are in constant dialogue with other actors—it is an entire ecosystem. Some larger communities conduct formal needs assessments, examining factors such as population density, vulnerability, and the condition of existing infrastructure.

Through several rounds of dialogue, the original list of needs is refined into a well-defined project—complete with scope, timeline, and implementation activities.

Many factors come into play, including timing. We have to balance the urgency of the need with the time required to complete all our procedures before a project can begin. We also strictly avoid duplication—one of our taboo words. We do not want to implement something that UNICEF, UNDP, or another agency is already handling.

Through these rounds of collaboration, we arrive at focused projects that we are confident will produce tangible, positive impacts.

Jacobsen: What safety features are you providing for Kharkiv’s students and teachers?

Turianytsia: We currently have several projects underway in Kharkiv. One of them, called School Repairs in Ukraine, is funded by the European Union. As the name suggests, we are repairing schools and building underground shelters so that children can continue attending classes even during aerial threat alerts.

In the city of Kharkiv, significant progress has already been made—we have worked on 15 schools so far.

If you include the broader region, there are another 17 sites. As we speak, four more schools are being repaired and equipped with shelters. There are also repairs underway on their above-ground structures. Under another project, funded by the Government of Japan, we are also constructing three underground shelters at three schools.

The peculiarity here is that local authorities identified these schools as so-called hub schools, meaning they will receive children from other schools that are unable to operate. We have already provided the city with three additional school buses to ensure children are safely transported to these new learning locations.

That is the situation for Kharkiv, but I hope you do not mind if I also mention another city—the southern city of Mykolaiv. There, we are working on four schools in Mykolaiv and the surrounding region, equipping them with shelters as well.

One of our flagship projects is in downtown Mykolaiv, where we are restoring a school that is also a cultural heritage site, originally built in the 1860s. It was damaged by a missile strike in 2022. We are helping to restore it to its original design while also constructing a shelter beneath it so that children can return to school and study safely.

Jacobsen: How are new equipment and training programs paired with child-focused risk education to prevent casualties around schools and playgrounds?

Turianytsia: This question touches on an area we have not yet discussed—mine action. It is a significant priority for Ukraine and for UNOPS in Ukraine. You have probably seen the statistics: officially, about 25 percent of all Ukrainian land is considered potentially hazardous.

In simple terms, that means some form of military activity or shelling took place on that land, leaving it possibly contaminated with unexploded ordnance or landmines. These areas are recorded in a national system managed by the Government of Ukraine, and they are physically marked in the field with warning signs indicating danger—signs that say, in effect, “minefield, do not approach.” Such land cannot be productively used; it is effectively off-limits.

To return that land to safe, productive use, several steps must take place. First, a survey must be conducted to confirm whether hazardous objects are present. If the land is deemed safe, it can be released for use. Where threats are found, certified mine action operators must enter and clear the area through humanitarian demining.

This process is highly time-consuming and resource-intensive, as personnel must go over the land—literally square meter by square meter—using metal detectors. When an explosive object is found, it is safely removed and destroyed elsewhere.
There is an additional complication that is important for context: a large portion of the hazardous land currently lies under Russian occupation or near active combat zones. That means it cannot yet be surveyed or cleared.

So, in practical terms, there are three main ways the international community can support Ukraine in this effort. First, by funding surveys and clearance operations directly. Second, by providing equipment and training to existing mine action operators to expand their capacity in the long term. Moreover, third, by increasing public awareness—educating communities about the risks so that people do not put themselves in harm’s way.

In your question, you mentioned reducing casualties around schools and playgrounds. Fortunately, Ukraine does not have schools or playgrounds operating within contaminated areas. The government and local authorities have been diligent in cordoning off those sites. Therefore, when we talk about risk education, we are referring more to awareness campaigns—teaching children and families what to do if they encounter suspicious objects, and reinforcing safe behaviour in areas that could be at risk.

Risk education focuses on teaching people—especially those in rural communities—how to recognize warning signs of hazardous areas they must avoid. For example, they learn what visual indicators suggest the presence of mines or unexploded ordnance. Moreover, if someone accidentally enters an unsafe area or encounters a dangerous object, such as a mine or an unexploded shell, they are taught what to do: how to backtrack safely, how to contact the proper authorities, and, most importantly, never to touch or approach it.

When we talk about how expanding operator capacity and risk education intersect, I can give you a concrete example. We are currently implementing a 15-million-US-dollar project funded by the Government of the Netherlands. Under this initiative, we are procuring equipment for a Ukrainian government mine-action operator. This support enables them to establish a new team—or, as they call it, a battalion—of over 400 mine-action specialists who now have both the equipment and training to conduct humanitarian demining.

Our assessments also indicated a need for on-the-job mentoring, as many of these personnel are new to mine action work. Therefore, we have paired them with experienced professionals who accompany them in the field and guide their day-to-day activities. Ukraine is new to large-scale humanitarian demining, so this hands-on mentorship is essential as they build experience.

At the same time, under a separate project funded by the European Union, we are supporting another government agency—the State Emergency Service of Ukraine—by providing cutting-edge virtual-reality (VR) technology and training. Using this immersive equipment, their specialists can visit Ukrainian schools to teach children about the dangers posed by explosive remnants of war. The logic here is sustainability: rather than UNOPS conducting the school sessions directly, we empower a national entity to continue this work for many years.

The State Emergency Service already has the capacity to fund and maintain these positions in the long term. What they needed was the initial investment—VR equipment, training, and program design—to establish the initiative and get it moving. Overall, our primary goal is twofold: first, to ensure that mine-action operators have the tools, training, and knowledge to safely clear land; and second, to make sure the public is sufficiently informed and cautious so that people do not endanger themselves or their children.

Jacobsen: When it comes to rebuilding, how do you determine which facilities to restore first—especially those vital to children, like hospitals and schools?

Turianytsia: UNOPS remains in constant dialogue and coordination with central government ministries and local communities. As a UN entity, our overarching framework for all projects is guided by the Sustainable Development Goals. Remarkably, we have spoken this long without mentioning them yet.

Typically, the process begins with discussions with local communities, who identify their most urgent needs. We then prioritize facilities with the most significant cross-cutting impact—that is, those that enable multiple other services or social functions. For example, this logic led us to support the district heating grid in Kharkiv, since reliable heat supply underpins healthcare, education, and general well-being.

Educational facilities are a clear priority because they affect not only children’s access to learning but also teachers’ livelihoods and parents’ economic stability, enabling them to return to full-time employment. Beyond that, reopening schools has significant mental health benefits. It allows children to socialize with their peers again—something many Ukrainian students have been deprived of since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.

That is how we approach prioritization. If we are speaking specifically about children, they are not UNOPS’s sole focus—that would primarily fall under UNICEF, and I understand you have already talked with Toby about that. However, as a UN entity, we naturally view children as a key constituency, since investing in their education, health, and safety is ultimately an investment in Ukraine’s future. A generation properly educated, cared for, and protected will be able to advance the Sustainable Development Goals that guide our collective mission.

Jacobsen: Which UNOPS procurement safeguards are most relevant during wartime?

Turianytsia: I am glad you brought that up. Procurement is one of our core service lines. Globally, UNOPS procured goods and services worth 1.7 billion USD last year. We even administer the United Nations Global Marketplace (UNGM)—a unified procurement platform used by 32 UN entities. Procurement is truly our area of expertise, including in emergency and conflict-affected settings.

When operating in a country at war, such as Ukraine, there are two main imperatives. The first is urgency—many needs must be met immediately. We saw this during Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, and again in 2023 after the destruction of the Kakhovka Dam. On a local scale, every aerial strike or attack generates new, pressing requirements. Urgency compels us to act fast, to deliver as soon as possible.

However, there is always a second imperative: integrity. As a UN entity, we are bound by strict internal policies and by donor requirements to ensure transparency, competition, and value for money. Whenever we purchase from the commercial market, those three principles must be upheld to the extent that is practical and reasonable under the circumstances.

In practice, even amid wartime conditions, the overwhelming majority of our procurement in Ukraine follows open, public procedures. We post tenders on the UNGM platform that we manage ourselves. Open tendering is essential not only for transparency—any member of the public can see our awarded contracts and suppliers—but also for achieving value for money. When the entire business community can compete, we are far more likely to obtain the best quality at the most reasonable cost.

These safeguards—transparency, open competition, due diligence on all suppliers—are deeply ingrained in how we operate. They ensure that even in emergency contexts, our work remains accountable, efficient, and aligned with international standards.

We conduct due diligence to ensure that all suppliers meet ethical and professional standards. They must not appear on any sanctions or block lists. UNOPS maintains a zero-tolerance policy for fraud, corruption, or unethical behaviour. In that sense, our operations are designed to run cleanly and transparently.

One more point related to your question: at UNOPS, we recognize that procurement itself—our interaction with the commercial market—is also a means to create positive social impact, beyond the specific project being delivered. In Ukraine, for instance, we regularly integrate sustainability criteria into our procurement processes. If a business demonstrates a genuine, practical commitment to gender equality, occupational health and safety, or environmental sustainability, that supplier is given preference over those that do not. Through these mechanisms, our procurement work indirectly advances the Sustainable Development Goals.

Jacobsen: Outside of procurement, what about the next step, the distribution process?

Turianytsia: That is an excellent clarification. When we say “procurement,” we mean end-to-end delivery. UNOPS ensures that the goods and services we procure actually reach their final recipients. For example, if we purchase a generator, it does not stop at a warehouse. Delivery to the beneficiary site, installation, and operational readiness are all part of the same service package. Our scope is comprehensive and clearly defined, ensuring full accountability from purchase to handover.

Jacobsen: How do these programs align with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child?

Turianytsia: The answer is simple: as a UN entity, everything we do must align with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Nothing we implement can directly or indirectly harm children. By default, children are among the key beneficiaries of our work, and their rights are consistently advanced through our projects.

To summarize, our three principal service lines in Ukraine are: procurement of goods and services, infrastructure repair and construction, and mine action. Each of these areas—whether through safer environments, restored education and health facilities, or improved community infrastructure—supports the well-being and rights of children.

Mine action creates secure spaces for communities to live and learn. Infrastructure projects, such as housing and heating restoration, ensure comfort and access to essential services. Procurement ensures that these needs are met efficiently and transparently. Collectively, these efforts help Ukrainian communities not only recover but thrive, creating a supportive environment for children to grow.

Even if not every project explicitly mentions children, a closer look shows that their welfare is central to our work—either directly or indirectly.

Jacobsen: Thank you, Mykhailo. It was great to meet you. I appreciate your time and expertise.

Turianytsia: Excellent. Thank you, Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

1605: Monsters

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Medium (Personal)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/01

There’s a question.

Do I keep creating the monsters,

or do I attract them,

or both?

Neither is interesting,

what is interesting,

both intrigue,

and do not bother.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

1604: Vine Deloria Jr. (Standing Rock Sioux)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Medium (Personal)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/01/01

1969: “But Indians have been cursed above all other people in history. Indians have anthropologists.”

1969: “The American public feels most comfortable with the mythical Indians of stereotype-land who were always THERE.”

1969: “Most of us don’t fit this idealized figure since we grunt only when overeating, which is seldom.”

1969: “When asked by an anthropologist what the Indians called America before the white man came, an Indian said simply, ‘Ours.’ ”

1969: “Seen a more devious but hardly less successful war waged against Indian communities.”

1973: “American Indians hold their lands — places — as having the highest possible meaning, and all their statements are made with this reference point in mind.”

1973: “This dilemma over the nature of history occurs and will occur whenever a religion is divorced from space and made an exclusive agent of time.”

1973: “The task of the tribal religion is to determine the proper relationship that the people of the tribe must have with other living things.”

2001: “In this comparison Indian knowledge provides a predictive context in which certain prophetic statements can be made.”

2001: “It is permissible within the Indian context to admit that something mysterious remains after all is said and done.”

2001: “Real knowledge creates politeness in the personality, and one can see this trait in many wise non-Indians.”

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

1603: Joy Harjo — Muscogee (Creek)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Medium (Personal)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/31

1983: “Remember the sky that you were born under.”

1983: “Remember you are this universe and this universe is you.”

2015: “The world begins at a kitchen table.”

2019: “Memory is a living being that moves in many-layered streams.”

2019: “A word, depending on where it’s placed, and at what time, can change everything.”

2019: “We need something to counter the hate speech, the divisiveness, and it’s possible with poetry.”

2019: “We are human beings, not just people who have been created for people’s fantasy worlds.”

2020: “I don’t work well with an agenda for poems.”

2020: “I find out things by writing sometimes.”

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

1602: Accumulated Noise

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Medium (Personal)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/31

So much of life is accumulation of noise.

Find the silence,

to get a signal.

everpresent.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

1601: All Signal

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): Medium (Personal)

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/20

The depravity isn’t a mistake,

and then you hear echoes:

“farben works are still intact.”

To widen the window,

I smell trouble incoming,

and sulfur.

Fun.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1590: Tron, Sports Money, Epstein Files, X, and Measles

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/31

How have the Tron movies each been disappointing in a universal way and in their own way?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner start with why the Tron films disappoint: the concept works, but 1982-era graphics limited what could be shown. Rosner pivots to sports and reality TV as owner-friendly machines—long seasons, brutal physical costs, and prize structures that feel stingy. They then jump to politics and media: the DOJ’s planned review of 5.2 million Epstein-related pages, document-dumping as ‘papering the opposition,’ and how narratives get laundered through bad-faith outrage. Finally, they dissect X’s post-Musk misinformation economy and connect vaccine denial to the U.S. measles surge, arguing the harm is preventable. In plain terms. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I do not have much to say about Tron except that this is the third in the series.

Rick Rosner: They have all been disappointing. 

Jacobsen: So here is the question: How have they each been disappointing in a universal way and in their own way?

Rick Rosner: The idea was perfectly reasonable — humans manage to build a cyberspace and then go into it. Maybe the first one was disappointing because the technology was barely there. Tron came out in 1982, when video games and computer graphics were still pretty primitive for what they were trying to show, so the tools for making video games and for portraying cyberspace on screen were limited.

Let us talk about college football for a second. Sports in general, and maybe game shows also.

The owners make the money. Athletes are highly paid, but considering the value they generate for the owners, they are barely fairly paid, if at all. Game shows are even worse. On Wwipeout, you have 24 contestants competing, and only one of them wins $50,000; the rest go home with bruises and memories.

The rest of them get the shit beaten out of them because it is an obstacle course where, if you are knocked off the course — and everybody is — you fall 15 to 20 feet into the water. People get fucked up, and it is brutal and miserable. On cooking shows like Chopped, only one person wins. They win just 10 grand, which is a considerable line item in the show’s budget, but not a big share of the total.

An episode of Chopped likely costs in the range of tens to hundreds of thousands of dollars to make — hard to know without insider figures — but if you estimate around $70,000 for an episode, the $10,000 prize is about 14% of the budget, which still seems chintzy. Only one person walks away with money. On some shows nobody walks away with money. On The Great British Baking Show, nobody wins money — the winner gets a cake stand, flowers, the title, and whatever opportunities come after.

Maybe if you stay on the show long enough, toward the end, you get a deal for a cookbook or something, but that does not come from the show itself.

In sports: when I was a kid, a college football season felt like eight or nine games.

Now it is generally 12 regular-season games, and with the expanded postseason, top programs can play several additional games. College football is possibly more brutal than pro football because the players play with more abandon. It is a lot of games for a sport that beats the fuck out of you.

The NFL went from 12-game regular seasons decades ago, to 14, then 16, and now 17 games. That is a lot for a sport that beats the fuck out of you.

Baseball has always been ridiculous. It was a 154-game season for a long time, and since the early 1960s it has been 162 games. At least it is not as physically destructive as football, but that is a long fucking season. It is great for the players who get to set records across a whole season, but it is a lot — all in service of the profit.

You have teams worth a billion dollars. Hockey and basketball both have 82-game seasons, and those are physically punishing sports. The main reason the seasons are so long is so the owners can make a lot of money.

It is not entirely fair to the players, and it is annoying. I am a bad fan, but even as a fan I do not want to track a team across 162 games over a seven-month season and then the playoffs. In baseball, the playoffs are ridiculous because baseball is maybe the most random — the most dependent on chance — of all the major sports. Over 162 games you might get a pretty clear idea of which teams are best, and then you mess it up with a single-game wild card play-in, then a three-game series, then a five-game series, and then two seven-game series.

Somebody did a study and only about one-third of the seasons end with the best team winning. People like the excitement and the unpredictability, but it still feels like nonsense that the best team only wins the championship about one-third of the time.

You could set up systems that let the best team win more reliably. You could declare the champion at the end of 162 games — probably the fairest approach. Or you could take the best American League team and the best National League team and have them play the World Series, which is how it worked about 70 years ago.

Jacobsen: News item: The United States Department of Justice is going to review 5.2 million pages of Epstein files. Thoughts on this? They will need hundreds of lawyers or offices to do it. The DOJ under Pam Bondi is going to work very hard to obscure anything bad about Trump. One way they are doing that is by presenting “5 million documents.” Is it really that many, or did they bring in a huge amount of extra material to obscure the worst parts and make them harder to find?

Rosner: It is called papering the opposition. In a legal action, if you are up against a big, powerful firm, they can bury you during discovery by delivering truckloads of documents, hoping you do not have the time, staff, or insight to find the two damaging pages hidden among hundreds of boxes. Something similar is going on here, where they hope the worst material…

Anything bad about Trump gets lost in the five million documents they claim they are going to release. Even in the smaller releases, they put out a photo of Bill Clinton in a swimming pool with (maybe) Ghislaine Maxwell — I forget — but he is in a swimming pool, and the implication is that he is on Epstein Island doing bad shit. Someone used photo recognition, and that swimming pool is not on Epstein Island — it is in Abu Dhabi at a fancy hotel. It has nothing to do with Epstein Island. I am not even sure Ghislaine Maxwell was there. It is designed to damage Clinton by association. It is bullshit. Clinton never went to Epstein Island. He flew on Epstein’s plane a lot. I do not know why — Trump flew on Epstein’s plane a lot too. I do not know why. Maybe rich people just borrow each other’s planes. I do not know.

But they will continue. Trump and the DOJ will continue to distract people from the damaging material in the files. The longer it goes on, the more MAGAs and right-wing pundits try to normalize what happened with Trump.

She got hired by CBS for two years and then Fox hired her again because she previously worked for Fox. She sued Roger Ailes for sexual harassment. Her name starts with a K and it was not coming to me. She was one of the moderators for Trump’s first 2016 presidential debate. She has been seen as a voice of reason. She is no longer a voice of reason. Her most recent comment was that she does not care if Trump got “a little handsy” with some of the girls.

Jacobsen: Megyn Kelly.

Rosner: There you go. They are going to draw this out. They are going to paper the room. They are going to give people an excuse structure for finding nothing gross about what Trump did.

Then they distract with stories like the massive child-care fraud case in Minnesota. They claim Somalis ran a multimillion-dollar scheme where they received millions of dollars and no children were cared for, and that Governor Tim Walz and Biden did nothing. Even though this has been prosecuted for years. There were whistleblowers for years. People were caught. Something like 70 people have gone on trial. The ringleader is not Somali. She is a woman named Amy Bock, who is just a regular white woman. People call her a “Karen” because she fits the stereotype.

The outrage over that is, among other things, racist. It is a distraction. Liberals counter by saying: what about the billions in PPP fraud — the big business loans that went out during COVID when businesses claimed financial stress?

The loans never had to be paid back if they were big enough. If you got a loan for $100,000, $200,000, or a million, you somehow did not have to pay it back — the loan effectively became a grant. Lance got a similar PPP loan for six or seven grand. For some reason, Lance, a tiny businessman, has to pay back the whole thing, probably with interest.

Trump has also been pardoning and giving clemency to massive fraudsters who defrauded people out of hundreds of millions, and in some cases more than a billion dollars. The pardons and clemencies mean they are no longer legally obligated to pay back the victims.

The whole thing is annoying, at the very least.

Jacobsen: News item: Tatiana Schlossberg, granddaughter of JFK, has died of a rare form of leukemia. Any thoughts? 

Rosner: Just one. There was a guy on Twitter — William something, I do not know his last name — who tweeted that it was the vaccine, and if they had gotten her to him, maybe he could have fixed the “vaccine damage” using ivermectin.

I looked him up. People are going to say anything, and countless idiots will believe them. This guy was a doctor — he is no longer legally permitted to call himself a doctor because he lost his license. He is Canadian. He lost his license and the right to use the term “doctor,” but he still treats people somehow.

A lot of the anti-vaxxers are making a lot of money off it — with bullshit treatments, with nutritional supplements. There is an entire anti-vax industry where people make really good incomes off idiots. It is sad about Schlossberg. She was only 35, and she died of cancer — the way people do.

But every time a celebrity dies now, the scammers and grifters claim they “died suddenly” of “turbo cancer” or “vaccine damage.” They tweet this garbage out to — and Musk, before Musk, the worst purveyors of misinformation — and not just the worst, but thousands of people pumping bullshit onto Twitter. Many of them were suspended for spreading bullshit. Now, under Musk, he has brought them all back, and it is a free-for-all. All the good people have left — not all, but 95% of the good people have left.

Because X is a shithole of people spreading bullshit and hate, including Musk himself. Musk gets more unhinged every week on Twitter. White supremacists tweet constantly. Whenever a Black guy gets caught doing something heinous — or even if they are not exactly caught, but have just been painted as heinous

Musk throws it up there — things about how the white race is being replaced and that people need to act. Most of Musk’s posts now are white-supremacist talking points, and he gets away with it because he owns the platform. He was willing to spend around $44 billion to buy Twitter — now X — and lose most of it. If he tried to sell it today, he might recoup a third of what he paid, but he has so many billions that he does not care. He would rather have a megaphone to broadcast white-supremacist nonsense and make the place a gathering point for assholes.

Earlier last week, someone tweeted that a significant number of people on X can be presumed mentally ill because they believe genuinely delusional things. There are a not insignificant number of sincere flat-earthers on X now.

I am sure there are plenty of insincere flat-earthers who are just trolling, but to sincerely believe, at this point in human history, that the Earth is flat means you are a lunatic and your brain is not working right. But you do not have to be a flat-earther to be unhinged on X — you can be delusional in eighty other ways.

You can find peers, or people pretending to be peers, who will validate your delusion — either because it makes them money, because they think it is funny, or because they are just as deluded as you are.

A few years ago, before Musk, Twitter was a fun place where funny people — and I was among them — tossed jokes back and forth. You could read hundreds of jokes a day. Now those people are gone, and it is just a shithole.

Jacobsen: What parts of the current Twitter are positive?

Rosner: In addition to being fun, Twitter used to be a fast — not entirely reliable, but not entirely unreliable — source of breaking news.

Some breaking news was fake, like a celebrity death that was not real, but generally the news moving across Twitter was legitimate and arrived ahead of other sources. If you were careful and double-checked things, you could get news minutes — sometimes half an hour or forty-five minutes — before it appeared anywhere else.

What good that does, I do not know. People like knowing things first. Carol usually beats me to news — she tells me something she saw on her feeds before I see it. Or I tell her something I just saw, and she has already seen it.

There is a certain satisfaction in being the first to know something. But.

That kind of thing still happens on X sometimes, but it is swamped by the annoying, dishonest, braggy MAGA content.

It is nice when bullshitters get ratioed — when the remaining people on X who are not full of shit turn their attention to someone being a lying asshole and pile on. It does not usually stop them from being a lying asshole. Less than 10% of the time does someone caught lying take down their tweet. But it is still nice to see 99% of the comments under that tweet saying, “You are full of shit — here is what the truth is, and here is a link that confirms it.”

Those are the remaining things about X that are still okay.

Jacobsen: Measles cases in South Carolina have risen to 2,276 according to the state health department. Any thoughts?

Rosner: Nationwide there are around 2,000 cases. And it is completely unnecessary. We had measles eradicated until anti-vaxxers decided that measles is harmless and you do not need to vaccinate your kids, and we started losing herd immunity.

If more than 95% of kids are vaccinated, you have sufficient herd immunity. Once it drops under 90%, measles can proliferate because it is highly contagious. It can kill people; it can debilitate people. It does not have to kill you immediately — it can damage your immune system and you die of something else six months later. Out of 2,000 cases, maybe you will have 10 or 12 deaths.

Anti-vaxxers can say, “That is just the cost of being a kid. Some kids die.” But they did not have to die. Two thousand kids did not need to get sick. Out of those 2,000, hundreds did not need to have their immune systems compromised, or have their hearing damaged — or whatever else measles messes up — leaving them at risk of getting sick later.

Anti-vaxxers are bad at math, statistics, and empathy, and they have a bunch of ignorant talking points. One is, “It is only 2,000 cases and measles mostly does not kill you.” They always have dumb shit to say about every aspect of this. Some of those arguments would disappear if the number went from 2,000 cases to 20,000, and instead of 10 or 12 deaths, 100 kids died. Then some arguments would disappear — but they would invent new ones.

One argument is that before vaccines, people got measles and got better and it was fine. That is bullshit — it damaged a lot of people. There are cynical pundits and medical scammers, including RFK Jr., who supply the dumb arguments. They probably do not even believe them — they just feed them to the gullible.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1589: Dave Chappelle, Leverage, and America’s Permanent Disorientation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/30

What does Chappelle’s “leverage” reveal about power, comedy, and our increasingly disoriented public life?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks for quick thoughts, and Rick Rosner riffs on a new Dave Chappelle Netflix special as a lesson in leverage—insight plus access. He praises Chappelle’s connective storytelling, contrasts it with MAGA access without understanding, and cites a devastating AIDS-cure setup that ends in blunt deflation. Rosner says Chappelle has earned slower, perspective-first comedy, then widens to modern disorientation: post-iPhone “lost generations,” endemic COVID cognitive effects, and propaganda. He closes with Archimedes as metaphor and notes late-night’s collaborative leverage, pointing to Jon Stewart and Jimmy Kimmel as sharp insiders with teams, who turn daily chaos into workable sense.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Any quick thoughts? 

Rick Rosner: I just watched the new Dave Chappelle special on Netflix. I kept thinking about leverage—the mix of insight and access. Chappelle is exceptionally smart and perceptive, and his life has given him exposure to an enormous range of people and experiences.

You saw how he wove John McCain, Martin Luther King Jr., Nipsey Hussle, Stevie Wonder, and even that 1990s holistic AIDS doctor into a single narrative. He connects them in a way that generates understanding rather than just references. I found it admirable and instructive, and it made me sad that the country is politically dominated by people with little insight.

At the end, they show a montage of Chappelle with a huge range of cultural figures—from Sean Combs and Paul McCartney to Bill Murray, Madonna, and Quincy Jones. I could probably identify two-thirds or maybe three-quarters of them, but the precise number is not the point. The point is that Chappelle has access and perspective. MAGA politicians and Trump have access, but not insight.

That is what frustrates me: power in the hands of people who neither understand the world nor want to. Chappelle has listened to everyone and drawn meaning from it. Trump’s skill set is persuading people to give him money, manipulating them, and avoiding consequences. Chappelle is the opposite—he once walked away from extraordinary power and success because it conflicted with who he was. Someone driven purely by wealth and celebrity would not have done that. He later returned to the spotlight, but only after years abroad shaping his own worldview.

Trump’s instinct is transactional: finding another angle, getting another hundred million, pushing boundaries until someone stops him. It is exhausting to know that Trump is president and Chappelle is not.

Jacobsen: What was your favorite joke from the special?

Rosner: The one that hit hardest for me was the story about Charlie Barnett, one of Chappelle’s mentors, who was dying of AIDS. Chappelle recounts taking him to a doctor named Sebi—an alternative practitioner who claimed to cure AIDS holistically and who fought off government lawsuits over those claims. Chappelle says, “You’re not dying on my watch,” and brings Barnett to Sebi. Then he adds: “And three months later, Charlie Barnett was dead of AIDS.” The timing, the delivery, and the brutal abruptness made it the most powerful moment for me.

It earned a huge laugh because Chappelle sets up this narrative about a supposedly miraculous AIDS cure, connects it to the conspiracy theories around Nipsey Hussle’s murder—since Hussle was making a documentary about that doctor—and then punctures the fantasy by admitting the doctor could not save his own friend. That deflation is the essence of the joke, and the special builds toward it for nearly twenty minutes. It is the most memorable part for me as well, even if I thought the special overall was weaker than his strongest work.

If what you want is nonstop laughs, this special is not that. Chappelle basically tells the audience: brace yourselves, this is going to take twenty minutes, stay with me. He even pauses to ask whether people are bored. It reminded me of how Lenny Bruce stopped chasing laughs near the end of his career—not because he transcended comedy, but because he was falling apart under pressure, harassment, and addiction. Chappelle is not falling apart. He is choosing to stretch form, braid stories, and deliver fewer jokes in exchange for perspective. I think he has earned the right to do that because the narrative itself is compelling and reflects the world he inhabits, which is increasingly the world the rest of us inhabit too.

Near the end, he tells the audience that all we can do is outlast “the orange motherfucker,” and the delivery works because it comes after this long, labyrinthine buildup. The whole thing feels difficult to perform—thousands of words held together without losing the audience—and I imagine he repeated that structure dozens of times before taping.

What I also enjoyed is how Chappelle weaves in the Puffy Combs material. He talks about Combs being prosecuted and how Chappelle keeps getting invited to places where he fears he is about to stumble into one of Combs’s infamous “freak-offs”—events where young women were allegedly subjected to coercive sexual situations. Chappelle plays the tension between curiosity and revulsion: maybe he once would have gone along, but now he loves his wife, wants nothing to do with that world, and would get out immediately. The joke is that every time he thinks he is about to witness a freak-off, he instead encounters something that expands his understanding of how people and power work.

That pattern—being close enough to the worst of the world to see it clearly, yet still extracting meaning from it—reminds me of Darwin. Darwin had insight, but he also had access: five years circling the globe on a ship because the captain needed company to keep his mind stable. Opportunity plus insight equals leverage, and Chappelle has both. He keeps finding himself near the machinery of power and vice, and instead of drowning in it, he returns with sharpened perspective.

I liked the special. Maybe part of it is that it flatters me to like it. I am a sucker for work that makes me feel like I am seeing connections, understanding something larger. After that, I started watching Eden, the Ron Howard film with Jude Law, Sydney Sweeney, Ana de Armas—big ensemble cast. It is about people who fled Germany in the late 1920s and early 1930s to escape what they saw coming and to build a community elsewhere.

With Eden, early in the film someone says, “The world has gone mad. It is 1929.” And historically, the world really did feel that way. A decade earlier, the Spanish flu infected hundreds of millions of people worldwide and left many with lingering neurological and psychological effects. You had a postwar boom, then a global economic collapse, the rise of fascism in Italy in 1922 and then across many countries, and eventually a second world war ending with atomic weapons.

Whether or not the flu literally altered people’s minds on a massive scale, the social and political conditions were enough to make populations behave irrationally. And that sense of disorientation is even stronger now.

People refer to the cohort after World War I as the “Lost Generation”—the artists and writers disillusioned by the war, often gathering in places like Paris. I think every generation since the iPhone is becoming its own lost generation, because the digital world disorients us constantly.

The world was already too complex for individuals to grasp a century ago, and it is vastly more complex now. Most Americans feel insecure and displaced, and that feeling is not confined to America. The pace of disruption is relentless. People who claim to feel perfectly centered are often performing certainty they do not possess.

Humanity as a whole is living in permanent disorientation and disruption. And barring some radical change in how our systems and technologies interact with us—and how we interact with them—I do not see that easing.

It is going to be the norm. COVID has not helped; it is now endemic and affects cognition, and propaganda does the same. I do not know if there was ever a point in history when our brains were better suited to handle this level of complexity, but here we are. As my late mother-in-law used to say while struggling with dementia, “a lot of things are going on.” She said it to excuse memory lapses, but she was not wrong.

One more thought connecting back to Chappelle and leverage. Archimedes said that with a place to stand and a fulcrum he could move the earth. He was talking about the physics of levers, though the line works metaphorically too. I described leverage as insight plus access. Chappelle has leverage: his mind is the lever, and his exposure to the world is the fulcrum. He may not be able to move the world, but he can analyze and interpret it more effectively than most people.

And he is not the only one. In that photo montage at the end of the special, you see him with Jon Stewart and Jimmy Kimmel. Those guys also have leverage: they are sharp, they meet everyone, and their jobs require them to understand what is happening. They have to produce material every day, so they are motivated to stay culturally literate, and they hire teams of smart people to help them. Late-night comedy is too large and fast-moving to do alone.

I doubt Chappelle uses writers in the same way most stand-ups do. But late-night hosts rely on collaborative leverage: ten or twenty writers generating angles and jokes constantly. Kimmel reportedly contributes a significant portion of his own material, which is unusual for someone producing at that scale and quality. Others, like Craig Kilborn according to industry stories, would simply show up and read jokes written for them.

Award-show hosts and late-night anchors routinely work with teams who generate a thousand joke ideas and winnow them down to the best few dozen. That collective effort deepens understanding because you are surrounded by perceptive people whose job is to help you refine your engagement with the world. Kimmel has a staff of more than two hundred people, many of them highly capable, and their entire project is to dissect the world four nights a week. That is an enormous source of leverage in making sense of things.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1588: Zelensky’s Mar-a-Lago Optics, Trump’s Putin Signals, and the Donbas Deadlock

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/30

How do the contrasting receptions of Zelensky and Putin shape perceptions of U.S. alignment, and what do they imply for any peace deal involving Donbas?

Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner for preliminary thoughts on Ukraine. Rosner highlights optics: Zelensky’s Mar-a-Lago meeting with Trump versus Putin’s earlier red-carpet reception in Alaska, read online as Trump admiring power and leaning toward Russia. Jacobsen summarizes public reporting on peace-talk momentum, proposed security guarantees, and a 20-point plan, while noting territorial issues—Donbas and Zaporizhzhia—remain unsettled and require Putin’s consent. Rosner doubts Putin will concede, questions whether Ukraine would surrender Donbas, and turns to Trump’s increasingly blatant use of power, controversial pardons, family business gains, and institutional limits signaled by midterm risks and many retirements inside his own party.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Before we get to the news item, what are your preliminary thoughts on Ukraine?

Rick Rosner: Zelensky went to Mar-a-Lago to meet with Trump. The optics of that visit drew a lot of attention online—people immediately compared how Zelensky was received in Florida with the very public red-carpet welcome Putin received in Alaska earlier this year.

When Putin arrived for the Alaska summit, Trump rolled out a red carpet and greeted him personally on the tarmac. The image was unmistakable: an indicted Russian president under international sanctions receiving full honors and a U.S. presidential welcome. Many observers interpreted this as a signal of respect for power. Putin projects strength; Trump admires strength; when Trump sees someone he considers powerful, he treats them more favorably.

Many people online are reading the contrasting receptions as Trump leaning toward Putin’s side in the war. At the same time, Trump has recently granted controversial pardons to high-profile figures convicted of major financial fraud and drug trafficking, which critics argue contradicts his claims of being tough on crime.

I do not have insider information beyond what is publicly reported, but Trump has clearly become more direct and unapologetic in how he uses presidential power. That cannot continue indefinitely. Realistically, he has a bit over three years left in this term, and he could lose the House in the midterms if public opinion continues shifting against him. Any comments?

Jacobsen: According to public reporting from the Mar-a-Lago meeting, Trump said the U.S. and Ukraine are “getting a lot closer, maybe very close” to a peace agreement, but the status of territory—especially the Donbas region—remains one of the major unresolved issues. Zelensky said the U.S. and Ukraine have essentially agreed on security guarantees and most points of a 20-point peace plan, while confirming that territorial questions, including Donbas and Zaporizhzhia, remain unsettled. Putin would also have to agree to end the war. It cannot be unilateral. He could stop the war immediately if he chose to.

Rosner: Zelensky or Trump?

Jacobsen: Putin. He started the war, and he could end it.

Rosner: He does not appear willing to make meaningful concessions at this stage.

Jacobsen: The argument is that the war would end if he chose to end it.

Rosner: Is the expectation that Zelensky will give up the Donbas?

Jacobsen: Publicly, Zelensky continues to state he will not give up Ukrainian territory. Since early 2022, Ukraine has supported UN resolutions and advanced peace proposals requiring the full withdrawal of Russian troops from all internationally recognized Ukrainian territory and the reversal of annexations. His official position remains the restoration of all occupied areas.

Rosner: Putin is unlikely to agree to that outcome. That is about as far as my insight into Putin, Zelensky, and Trump goes. With regard to Trump himself: he is seventy-eight, and he was never known for sustained intellectual discipline. He is not unintelligent, but he is mentally undisciplined and has reinforced the same habits for decades. He will likely keep acting in increasingly blatant ways until the midterm elections or the remaining institutions capable of restraining him slow him down.

He has issued highly controversial pardons to prominent figures, many of them convicted of major white-collar crimes.

He is also involved in business arrangements that have significantly increased his family’s reported net worth. Much of that reported growth is connected to complex financial and cryptocurrency-related ventures, which critics argue could shift substantial financial risk onto outside investors. He appears set to continue pursuing whatever benefits him until one of the forces capable of restraining him actually does: the courts, sustained lawsuits, midterm election outcomes, or declining approval ratings pushing members of Congress to distance themselves.

A historically high number of members of the House and Senate—more than fifty—have announced they will not seek reelection. Many are retiring; others are pursuing gubernatorial runs. Seeking a governorship offers more political independence from Trump, while remaining in Congress involves constant proximity to his influence and demands.

The high rate of retirements is widely viewed as a bellwether of political discouragement and institutional fatigue within his own party. It is an indicator of the broader strain the current administration places on the system.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1587: Why Rick Rosner Wants to Die by Cryonic Preservation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/30

If you had to die, how would you want it to happen?

In this conversation, Scott Douglas Jacobsen asks Rick Rosner how he would choose to die if given the option. Rosner explains why he intends to undergo cryonic preservation, a speculative procedure in which the body is cooled to liquid-nitrogen temperatures after death, replacing water with cryoprotective agents to avoid tissue-destroying ice crystals. He describes vitrification, advances in organ preservation—such as rabbit kidneys that regained function after rewarming—and the immense challenge of scaling the process to human brains. Rosner acknowledges that full revival has never been achieved but sees cryonics as the best available attempt to preserve identity for a future medicine capable of repair.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: If you had to die, how would you want it to happen?

Rick Rosner: I would choose cryonic preservation. I would be rendered unconscious, and my blood would be replaced with preservation fluids. Cryonic preservation is a very uncertain attempt at future revival, but if nothing better exists, I intend to pursue it. In the procedure, they cool you to very low temperatures, typically eventually to around −196 °C when you are stored in liquid nitrogen, which is about 77 degrees above absolute zero. They wash out your blood and much of the water in your body because water forms ice crystals as it freezes, and those sharp crystals can puncture cells and destroy tissue structure.

They remove as much water from the body as possible and replace it with mixtures of cryoprotective agents—chemicals such as glycerol and other polyols—that reduce ice formation and allow cooling without crystallization. As your temperature continues to fall, the aim is for these solutions to vitrify: to turn into a glass-like solid at temperatures below roughly −120 to −135 °C, instead of forming ordinary ice. Your bodily fluids are replaced in carefully controlled steps as you are lowered to the final preservation temperature. The long-term hope is that, in the future, the process could be reversed, you could be rewarmed, and advanced medicine could repair whatever originally caused your death—but that part remains speculative; no human or large mammal has ever been revived from whole-body or whole-brain cryonic preservation.

There has been real progress in organ vitrification. I have not followed the field closely in recent years, but 21st Century Medicine in Fontana, California, has pushed the boundaries of what is possible. The process they use is vitrification rather than traditional freezing. Freezing produces ice crystals; vitrification produces a glass-like solid without crystalline structures. Glass has a disordered molecular arrangement, which is what you want, because crystals create sharp structures that damage tissue. Vitrification is about lowering the temperature until the tissue becomes solid while avoiding crystallization.

That company has successfully vitrified and transplanted rabbit kidneys. In one well-known case, a rabbit kidney was perfused with a vitrification solution, cooled to around −130 to −135 °C, rewarmed, and transplanted back into a rabbit, where it provided life-supporting function as the animal’s only kidney for weeks before the animal was euthanized for study. A rabbit kidney is about two inches across. Their long-term goal is to apply similar principles to something roughly eight inches across, which is about the size of a human brain. If you can vitrify a brain without ice formation or catastrophic cracking, you have at least preserved the organ most essential to identity. A brain has roughly sixty-four times the volume of a rabbit kidney—volume scales with the cube of linear size—so the temperature has to drop evenly throughout the entire organ. If it does not, fractures form, and a cracked brain is effectively useless for any imagined revival.

They are working on larger and larger volumes that can be cooled uniformly. Volume matters. It is relatively easy to freeze two-dimensional structures without cracking them, because the cooling can reach the entire surface evenly. For example, people have been able to freeze irises for a very long time; they are small and essentially flat. The challenge with three-dimensional structures is reaching the interior and ensuring that the center cools at the same rate as the exterior.

Given no better alternative, that is how I would choose to die: by being preserved.

About ten years ago, when I last looked into this, the only celebrity who publicly supported cryonic preservation was Simon Cowell, which made sense because he did not mind being seen as unpleasant or arrogant. At the time, many people considered cryonics a strange, selfish, and unnatural decision. He reportedly said he intended to do it, then seemed to withdraw the statement, and may have later reaffirmed it—I am not certain. I do not know whether any other celebrities have openly supported cryonic preservation in the past decade.

It remains a technology with no confirmed successes at the level people hope for. It is nowhere near achieving revival of an entire human being.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1586: How Veteran Bouncer Rick Rosner Caught 6,000 Fake IDs and Protected Underage Patrons

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/30

How do you catch fake IDs as a bouncer?

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with former bouncer Rick Rosner, who worked the doors of bars from 1980 to 2005 and intercepted roughly 6,000 fake IDs. Rosner describes how bar culture shifted from cheap drinks and in-person hookups in Boulder and Los Angeles to today’s online social scene. He explains how changes to U.S. drinking-age law reshaped access, and how his job required vigilance not only to stop underage drinking but to protect young women with limited experience discerning predatory behavior. Rosner recounts chaotic nights catching dozens of fake IDs and navigating tensions between nightlife and neighborhood norms.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do you catch fake IDs as a bouncer?

Rick Rosner: I worked the door at bars from 1980 to about 2005, and I caught around 6,000 fake IDs.

The bar business has changed, and IDs have changed, as has the reason people go to bars. In the eighties, bars were where everyone went to try to hook up.

Alcohol was cheap. During happy hour, if they had two-fers, you could buy two bottles of beer in Boulder, Colorado for a dollar. Sometimes they had four-fers where you could get four drinks for the price of one with well vodka. You might be able to buy four cranberry-and-vodkas for two or three dollars.

Now a single artisanal cocktail might cost you $19 in Los Angeles.

People generally do not go to bars to try to get laid anymore. Some people still go to clubs, but most hooking up now happens online. Back then, bars — at least the ones I worked in — were more crowded than most bars are now. I worked in a beer garden called Anthony’s Gardens at the Hilton Harvest House in Boulder.

It was a five-acre beer garden with several bars set up both outside in the garden and inside the building. On a Friday afternoon in the summer, 2,000 people would come to get drunk, hit on each other, and sometimes do cocaine. There was a lot of cocaine. On football Saturdays, when there was a game at Folsom Field, the University of Colorado’s football stadium in Boulder, we would have around 10,000 people spilling into the garden when the game ended.

Colorado cared about underage people getting served; you could get in real trouble. Other states were more lenient. New York City, for example, has always seemed relatively easy for underage people compared to many other places in America.

But Colorado was reasonably strict. Los Angeles, where I did most of my door work, was especially strict, particularly because of one bar I worked at — Mom’s Saloon — which was in a wealthy neighborhood in Brentwood, Los Angeles, across the street from Mezzaluna Trattoria, the San Vicente Boulevard restaurant where Nicole Brown Simpson often dined and where her friend Ron Goldman worked as a waiter. They were both there on the night of June 12, 1994, before they were murdered outside her nearby home. The neighborhood hated having a semi-dive bar nearby where people could dance, and they were constantly trying to get it shut down. Undercover cops would come in and try to catch underage drinkers.

We had to be extremely conscientious. Catching fake IDs was my favorite part of working the door. At the bars where I worked, maybe one person in ninety was trying to get in with a fake ID. On a busy night in a bar that held a couple hundred people, like Mom’s Saloon, I might catch five fake IDs — sometimes more. Once, we were called in as a substitute security crew for a bar near Pepperdine after the entire security staff walked out in a mutiny. They called in a bunch of people from the Sagebrush Canteen to cover for the night. Apparently that bar had been letting in a huge number of Pepperdine students with terrible IDs, because I caught thirty-eight fake IDs that night. I think that was my all-time record for a single shift. It was chaos; all these people — maybe ten percent of the crowd — were trying to get in with fake IDs.

Rosner: Their customers suddenly were getting turned away. There is a clear reason you do not want to let underage people into bars. The most immediate reason is that you do not want them getting drunk and driving or doing something dangerous. The assumption is that younger people are more likely to make reckless decisions.

In the 1980s and earlier, some states in the United States served 3.2% beer to people 18 and older while reserving full-strength alcohol for those 21 and over. Colorado was one of those states. I started working in a beer bar where you only had to be 18.

But in the mid-1980s, President Reagan signed the National Minimum Drinking Age Act, which pressured every state to raise the drinking age to 21 by threatening to withhold federal highway funds. As a result, the entire country shifted to a drinking age of 21, and it has remained that way ever since.

The logic was that you do not want a 16-year-old to be drunk, because they will do reckless things compared to a 21-year-old. But I think something even more important than the drinking is that an underage girl cannot tell who the dangerous people are in a bar. A 19-year-old girl who is excited about being in a bar might get picked up by a complete loser who could be dangerous.

We have talked about this before. The beer garden I worked in was enormous — five acres, which is about 200,000 square feet — with a perimeter close to a quarter of a mile. People figured out ways to sneak in. We caught a lot of fake IDs at the entrances, but people also found ways around the edges.

I would walk through the bar, and I knew who the creeps were — the guys who never went home with anyone night after night. They radiated a kind of unpleasant energy. But every once in a while I would see two or three of them clustered together, and I knew that at the center of that group would be an underage girl. She lacked the protection or discernment to recognize creeps. She would be happy to be talking to these guys who might look acceptable on the surface if you were inexperienced — like the guy who showed up in the same shirt every night: a shirt with a laced leather front, showing off his chest.

It looked unusual even then — this was decades before Game of Thrones — and it was especially creepy once you realized that was his only “going out” shirt. That guy and a few others could not talk to women over 21, because someone with more experience could quickly tell something was off. But a 19-year-old would not necessarily see that yet.

So I would find the young woman at the center of the cluster, check her ID, and often kick her out. Sometimes she did not have ID at all, and sometimes she would show me something fake.

You see the problem now.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1585: Air Bud, John Oliver, and How Streaming Residuals, AI, and Tax Credits Are Breaking Hollywood Writers

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/28

What does a joke about Air Bud reveal about the collapsing economics of Hollywood writing in the streaming-and-AI era?

In this exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen steers Rick Rosner from Air Bud banter into a grim Hollywood autopsy. Rosner calls the John Oliver bit ridiculous, then notes British Columbia’s affordability and versatility for U.S. stand-ins. He argues studios chase tax credits, leaving Los Angeles scrambling. Strikes recur because profits are defended while pay structures change. Streaming, he says, slashes residuals to pennies, while season orders shrink and writers’ rooms vanish quickly. AI accelerates job loss, replacing teleprompter and cue-card work and threatening to undercut talent protections. Despite frustrations, Rosner reflects on his long run at Kimmel, with darkly comic resignation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your fascination with air? Also, did you see any of the sketches of John Oliver?

Rick Rosner: Yes.

Jacobsen: What is your fascination with Air Bud? And second, what is your opinion of John Oliver’s commentary on Last Week Tonight, where he does a full five-minute sketch about Air Bud and how ridiculous it is?

Rosner: It is fucking ridiculous. Even more ridiculous is that they have made more than a dozen of those movies in that universe, with Air Bud and then his heirs excelling at a number of different sports.

I am not very interested in Air Bud, except when he is president. I do not think they have made a movie where he is president, but that is the joke, because obviously a dog would be a better president than our current president.

I am more interested in Jesus playing sports than Air Bud. There are a number of little statues showing Jesus playing basketball with kids, because Jesus loves everybody—especially kids and lambs—and he is always with you when you are playing junior hockey or basketball.

But the topic is this: you said that Air Bud was filmed in your hometown, just down the road in the brambles along the riverside. They like filming there because it is cheap to shoot in Canada, and British Columbia is the part of Canada closest to Hollywood and is temperate because of the coastal current, whereas much of the rest of Canada is a frozen wasteland for a good part of the year. Vancouver and the surrounding area are nice and can easily pass for America, and Air Bud and its spin-offs were shot around Greater Vancouver and places like Port Moody and Fort Langley. They use British Columbia a lot, and they use Toronto extensively to pass for New York City.

But the real topic is how fucked Hollywood is right now for writers and other talent.

I just read a long article in Harper’s detailing the many reasons why Hollywood is fucked if you are a writer. For a hundred years, Hollywood has been trying to fuck the talent—fuck over the talent. Those efforts led to the formation of the Writers Guild, which strikes regularly. They had a major strike in 1960, another in 1988, one in 2007–2008, and one in 2023, plus others in between—so roughly every fifteen to twenty years there is another big one as conditions and media change.

During the latest strike, and every time before, the producers—the people with the money—claimed that the industry was changing too fast for them to reach any agreement that would give writers and other talent any share of the profit, because the profits might go away. The profits never simply vanish, although they have been under pressure: the global box office dropped around ten percent to roughly $30.5 billion in 2024, and the North American box office is still more than twenty percent below its 2019 peak.

Movie theaters are fucked in the sense of being badly hurt. COVID and streaming nearly killed them: cinemas were shut, global box office fell by billions in 2020, and even now box office has not fully returned to pre-pandemic levels, though there has been some recovery. They sputter along, mostly catering to kids’ movies, which gives families something to do. I cannot remember the last time Carol and I paid to go to a movie.

It may have been before COVID. We’ve got everything we want via streaming, and we also have the kiss-ass opportunities for people in the guild and people in the TV Academy who can vote on things. We get invited to special screenings.
So we do go to movies in fancy screening rooms. It’s part of soft bribery to get us to vote for their projects for the Emmys and Writers Guild Awards. But yeah, the industry is pretty fucked.

This latest strike was writers trying not to be fucked by streaming—and actors too—because both unions, the SAG-AFTRA and the Writers Guild, went on strike. There was another guild that struck earlier, I think that’s producers. I don’t know. They came to an agreement early, which kind of fucked the other two unions that went on strike.

Anyway, the two issues are: you’ve got to keep AI out of the business, which will be impossible, because you can use AI to replace talent. The agreement reached is, okay, you can use AI in limited instances as long as a human gets paid for the work at some point. So the agreement reached will be the agreement breached, because AI will become pervasive and it’ll fuck a lot of people.

Seventy years ago there was a fight over the use of orchestras for movie scores. They would bring in an orchestra to do the score, and then sometime in the 1930s they reached the point where they could use pre-recorded orchestral music for the score. The work for live musicians dried up, and there was some kind of strike or something, and an agreement was reached that you had to use live musicians even when you didn’t have to. I don’t know how much of that agreement survives. I mean, they will use an orchestra from time to time, like in a Star Wars movie, but I don’t think anybody is really sweating live musicians anymore, or movies’ obligation to live musicians.

Seventy years, a hundred years after that agreement, it’ll probably be the same thing with AI: it’ll just get all in there and there’ll be some token payments to people. If they use your image as an extra, if they continue to dress it up in different outfits, for all of eternity, and some version of your face appears in 70,000 productions over the next few centuries, at least you will have gotten paid an extra $200 for that back in 2027.
So anyway, things are fucked. Production since the strike in LA dropped 40 percent in the year after the strike ended.

And I think production dropped another ten percent the year after that. Los Angeles has been slow to throw as much money at productions through tax breaks as other states like New Mexico. Albuquerque is the perfect location for Breaking Bad—and, yes, because Albuquerque has a meth problem—but they didn’t choose Albuquerque for that reason; they chose it because New Mexico offered them a huge amount of tax breaks. Georgia does the same thing, and so does North Carolina.

I do not know what the exact situation is with Canada, but overall it is just cheaper to shoot there. Los Angeles dragged its feet and was complacent, assuming productions would stay here because this is where the studios are. No: the studios took their productions elsewhere. Only recently has the state government begun to open its purse strings, but nowhere near enough. So production has gone away.

AI is taking away jobs among talent and crew. All the cue-card people—the people who hold up the cards with the lines—and the people who type into the teleprompter are being replaced. You do not need people transcribing into the teleprompter; AI can do the transcription. So Carol knows two people who have lost their jobs around that kind of work.

I think I mentioned that when I was working during the golden age—getting paid real money—I was making a few thousand dollars a week writing for TV. 

So: a few thousand dollars a week, and then a few hundred dollars every time they reran one of the Kimmel shows, which they did every week. Most talk shows tape four shows a week, and the Friday show is a repeat. That residual money helped pay for our house and helped put our kids through college.

Recently, I started getting residuals again. Normally, I would get a few checks a year—thirty or forty bucks—for something running somewhere. But recently we started getting inch-thick avalanches of checks because apparently somebody started streaming Kimmel—probably not Netflix, I would have noticed that—but maybe on YouTube or some other streamer.

But instead of the checks being for three hundred and fifty dollars, they are for three cents. Literally two and three cents. Carol took in a stack of checks more than an inch high—more than a hundred checks—and they totaled seven dollars. That is the kind of residual writers get from streaming now.

And we talked about the short writers’ rooms. Back in the golden age of the networks, a season order for a show was twenty-six episodes, which kept you employed for eight months at a salary that was enough to tide you over until the next season or until you found your next job. Now series orders are six episodes, eight episodes—and you are done in two months, or even one. They do not keep you around for production. And good luck getting another writing job.

Writers now: it used to be that one successful series that ran two, three, four years would get you a house in Encino—enough salary for the down payment and mortgage—and you would get work frequently enough to keep making those payments. No more. If you are a writer starting out now, you have two roommates, you are working for DoorDash at night, or you are waiting tables. I saw it again and again in stories about how fucked writers are: the people who can afford to write now are people with rich parents. People are saying that writing in Hollywood has become a career for the wealthy.

Things are fucked now, and I was lucky to have been employed when I was employed. The people working on Kimmelnow are still lucky as hell. I was unlucky enough not to be indispensable, and unlucky enough to keep wanting publicity for my stupid IQ and myself, hoping that would lead to other opportunities—which pissed them off over at Kimmel. But overall, I was lucky. I wrote on that show for nearly twelve years.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1584: AI Growth, Human Cognition, and the Myth of Consciousness as Excellence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/27

Can AI surpass “good enough” human cognition while reshaping industries and creative work through uneven quality and relentless growth demands?

In this conversation, Rick Rosner dissects the economic and cognitive assumptions driving today’s AI discourse. He explores how growth narratives allow tech companies to justify high valuations, even amid uneven profits, and why AI is used to reduce labour while often producing error-prone work requiring human correction. Rosner critiques the term “AI slop,” arguing it obscures the difference between careless and conscientious use of generative tools. He then challenges what he sees as misplaced reverence for human cognition. For Rosner, consciousness is not exceptional but evolutionary, clumsy, and replicable — a level of thinking artificial systems may one day match.

Rick Rosner: People who run companies are happy to be convinced that AI allows them to let go of a large number of employees and save a significant amount of money. That is happening and will continue to happen.

He also explains that, as Doctorow notes, a growth company can be valued using a P/E ratio—the price-to-earnings ratio.

The price of a normal company — say, a chain of auto shops or auto supply stores across America — should sell for a reasonable multiple of its annual income. Let us say this is a stable business. It is expected to neither explode nor collapse. It is going to continue, growing at a steady pace that the market anticipates for decades to come. So an auto-parts store or chain should perhaps sell for a multiple in the mid-teens of annual earnings; call it about 14 times annual earnings in this example.

A company that has one hundred million dollars in annual earnings could be reasonably priced at fourteen times that amount — 1.4 billion dollars — divided by the number of shares outstanding. That applies to an established business. A growth business like Nvidia might sell for something on the order of several dozen times annual earnings, because investors expect much faster growth than for a mature chain of auto-parts stores.

A growth company might also, for long stretches, barely make a profit or even run losses. For years, a company like Uber fit that description: it spent a long time losing money while still being valued very highly, and reported its first full-year profit as a public company only in 2023. For a long time, the honest answer to “Has Uber ever made a profit?” would have been: “I don’t fucking know, probably not yet,” which is precisely the point about how growth stories can dominate valuation.

Such a company can sell for a very high multiple — fifty, seventy times earnings or more — because people think the sky is the limit, that the company can keep growing more or less indefinitely. Even though it has annual sales of one billion dollars now, ten years from now it might have yearly sales of twenty billion dollars. You want to get in on the ground floor, and you are willing to pay a high P/E for the stock.

Doctorow explains that once the growth story disappears and people decide that a company has become mature — like the auto-parts company — its P/E drops from fifty to fifteen, which means you have just lost about seventy percent of the company’s value, assuming earnings stay the same. So AI companies have to continue to hype their products to show that they are still growth companies, that they have not come close to reaching their mature potential. That means they are always pushing to sell new applications.

I agree with that part of his argument: AI purveyors will relentlessly seek new ways to make new claims, new fields in which they say AI can render large numbers of employees redundant.

I also accept Doctorow’s argument that, in many cases, they replace good human work with poor AI work — work that needs to be checked by humans, which is more tedious, and whose errors are harder to find. 

Stupidly, AI can leave all sorts of backdoors and other vulnerabilities that humans have to find. In specific ways, finding those errors is more complicated than having a human write the original code in the first place. So that is a mess.

But I think “slop” is the wrong term because it doesn’t differentiate between the quality use of AI and lazy use of AI. Do you think that is a reasonable criticism of the term “slop”? It is a colloquialism meant to convey an idea, but the spirit of what you are saying is generally correct. I have seen poor AI work, and I have seen work that you could almost consider conscientious — where someone has sat down, worked with the AI, and removed the obvious nonsense.

What do I look at? Midjourney has a daily sampler of work. You can look at short clips — 2 seconds, 5 seconds — of video generated from human verbal prompts and interpreted by the AI. Some examples are purely illustrative and not meant to replicate reality: stylized animations that resemble magazine illustrations, animated for video. Because they are not aiming for realism, there are fewer opportunities for obvious nonsense.

In videos that do try to replicate reality — for example, a model walking down a runway — if you look closely enough, you can still find bits of nonsense. Two years ago, everyone joked about hands having the wrong number of fingers. Now fingers are mostly corrected. Instead, you might find bad physics or joints that do not move in ways human joints move. You have to look harder, but you can still find nonsense in almost every clip that purports to be realistic.

However, a conscientious user of AI can go through many iterations until the obvious nonsense has been designed out. You could end up with AI-generated work that matches the quality of a quarter-million-dollar shoot for a television ad.

He is a smart guy who understands tech. He does not think the tech is that good or that it can become that good. He can make a great argument, but I do not buy it. The error people make when they say AI cannot be as good as, or better than, human cognition is in calling human cognition good.

By saying AI cannot live up to human cognition, I mean that human cognition is pretty good—or that consciousness is too special.

Let us assume consciousness will eventually be fully understood, because you should not be able to use “consciousness not being understood” as part of your argument. So if you want to claim consciousness is special, you almost have to default to the idea that it has so many ingredients — or one special ingredient, like quantum neurons — or that it is so precisely balanced that even if we eventually figure it out, human consciousness remains too excellent to be surpassed by mechanical consciousness.

That is the part I do not buy: that human consciousness is excellent. Consciousness in general is something that will evolve given the right, not uncommon, circumstances.

You have a complex environment. You have organisms that already have brains that are more specialized than the eventually arising, more generalist brains.

I argue that brains are an advantage at any level of complexity. Anytime you can have a brain — or evolve a more complex one — it offers an advantage if you can keep it within your physiological budget. It cannot be so expensive to grow and operate that it harms the animal. But if you can build a brain cheaply and evolve it relatively cheaply, it is an advantage to have one.

Now, maybe there is a limit on that — a reasonable biological limit.

There is a biological limit to the human brain. One limit is that you cannot build a head so large that it kills every woman trying to give birth because the head will not fit through the vaginal canal. Human heads are already so big that the pelvic bones have to separate in the middle, and the skull of a newborn is made of plates that can be compressed so it fits through the birth canal. It already takes a lot of engineering to fit our big heads out of there. That is a limit on skull and brain size, at least until birth.

There may be another limit: would it really be enough of an advantage for us to walk around with giant “brainiac” skulls — Mars Attacks–style heads with basketball-sized brains? I do not know. But in any case, given a variety of environments and organisms, the evolutionary push is going to be for bigger brains, and those brains are going to be conscious.

My argument is that they will be conscious, but also bad. Consciousness is not especially noble; it is often clumsy. It will not take much for AI to achieve those clumsy levels of cognition.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1583: Holiday Flights, Coughing Cabins, and Aging Bodies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/26

What was the biggest lesson Rock Rosner learned from travelling during the holidays, and how did the experience shape his views on health risks in crowded spaces?

In this candid and wide-ranging exchange, Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner discuss the hazards of long-haul flights during peak travel season and the importance of taking illness seriously in confined spaces. Rosner recounts returning from England on an 11-hour flight that evolved from silent to symphonic coughing, with his wife later contracting COVID. He reflects on masking, asking for seat changes, and the timing of travel near holidays. The conversation then shifts—from European toilet mechanics to the risks of penile enlargement procedures—showing Rosner’s mix of medical curiosity, humour, and personal experience with health anxieties, aging, and travel.

London and Flights

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How are you? How was London? How was the flight?

Rick Rosner: London was good. Dulverton was good. That is where the in-laws live. It is this little town, a couple of hours west of London. On the flight back, did you ever see World War Z?

Jacobsen: No.

Rosner: It was not comforting. Nobody was coughing at the beginning of the flight. It was an 11-hour flight. By the end of the flight, dozens of people were coughing. I know COVID numbers are down compared to this time of year in the previous years we have had COVID. I was thinking it was mostly flu or RSV (respiratory syncytial virus) on the plane. I do not know what the fuck it was, but Carol now has COVID. I am wearing a mask. She is wearing a mask. She is reluctantly taking Paxlovid, which can give you a terrible taste in your mouth. A lot of people get diarrhea, but in people at higher risk, it can shorten the time that you have COVID and reduce the risk of severe illness and complications. I am urging her to finish the course of treatment. There you go. I think she wants to stay around with an intact brain to see what happens with our daughter for the next 15 or 20 years.

Jacobsen: What was your big lesson from this trip?

Rosner: The lady behind me was coughing a lot. I finally turned around and gave her a mask. I think that is the way to go, because I wasn’t direct with the kid coughing next to me on the last flight I took, and I got fucking COVID. You want to shut that shit down if you can. This time, before I gave her the mask, I asked the flight attendant if I could change seats, and she found me a different seat away from all the coughing. That was six hours in—five hours in—and over the next four hours, everybody started fucking coughing. The lesson is: that was December 23rd. Do not fly that close to Christmas. The plane will be full, and the holiday contagion will be underway.

We flew to London on December 9th, and that flight was good. It was a midweek flight. It was not too busy. We could stretch out. We had lots of seats around us. By flying there and back before Christmas, Carol says we saved $1,500.

If you are taking a long-ass flight, or even a shorter one, fly midweek. A Tuesday will be less crowded than a Saturday or Sunday. You might get extra seats, which can help you stretch out, and fewer people to infect you with shit. Do not fly close to a major holiday when people like to travel, because you are going to have a full plane and sick people—rotten tomatoes.

We can talk about sitting in England. How many flush buttons do Canadian toilets have?

Toilets in the West

Jacobsen: One. A quarter-turn lever.

Rosner: Same as most American toilets.

Jacobsen: Yours is the same.

Rosner: Yes. European toilets have two buttons. One is bigger than the other, and they generally overlap. I assume one is for pee and one is for solid waste. I think that if you press one button, you get a light flush just for pee, and if you press both buttons at once—because they touch—you get a heavier flush for solid waste, but I never fully figured it out.

I know it is simple technology, but I never really took the time. On the other hand, I was not too bothered about not knowing exactly how it worked. What is bothersome is that many European toilets do not drop waste directly into the water. It lands on a dry surface, then slides into the water, leaving a skid mark that isn’t washed away when you flush, even with the bigger flush. You have to scrub out the toilet. It is not as comfortable for me as American toilets.

I used to assume Japanese toilets were even less comfortable, with squatting over holes in some places. Maybe that is wrong now, because Japan is known for high-tech toilets—such as heated seats, bidet functions, sensors, and health-monitoring features. So perhaps not Japan. But there are places in East Asia—Vietnam comes to mind—where traditional squat toilets are still standard.

I do not know. My wife once took me along on a business trip when she was working for Giorgio Beverly Hills across East Asia: Hong Kong, Bangkok, and three other cities. All the places we stayed were designed for Westerners, with regular toilets, so I do not really know firsthand. Anyway, I like my house.

Worst Trave Experiences

Jacobsen: What is the worst travel experience you have had? After you answer that, my question will be: what was the worst travel experience you have had?

Rosner: Worst travel experience?

Jacobsen: Actually, in two parts. One, something went wrong with your body. Two, something went wrong with the trip. They can be separate or the same.

Rosner: I do not know. I have been lucky not to get seriously sick while travelling, although the last trip before this one was for my nephew’s wedding in Providence, Rhode Island. There is no direct flight from Providence to L.A., so we had to change planes in Chicago. On the Chicago-to-L.A. leg, I was sitting next to a kid who coughed for four hours, and then I got COVID. That is the sickest I have ever been related to a trip. I did not like that.

I have been nervous about something else: the dentist wants to pull a tooth, and I like having it. It is far enough back that if they pull it, they will leave a space. Even if I wanted to replace it, I had another tooth replaced once after it cracked. To replace a tooth, they remove the bad one and fill the socket with donor bone material. Somebody donates their body to science, and among the things that can happen is that their bone is used for grafting.

A surprising thing about donating your body to science is that your skin can also be used in penile enlargement procedures. They remove the cells and keep the extracellular matrix—the structural framework—because your body would reject the donor cells, but it accepts the matrix. It is kind of like a chain-link fence or the mesh that holds oranges together: an intercellular scaffold. They take a piece of that—probably from the thigh or back—wash out the cells, keep the matrix, and use it as graft material.

If somebody wants a girthier penis, they can slice it lengthwise, remove the internal tissue, wrap the extracellular matrix around the inside a few times, put it back into its covering, sew it up, and if everything goes well, the body grows connective tissue and skin around the matrix. So instead of having a penis with a circumference of about one and a half inches, now it has a disturbingly girthy circumference of, say, two and a half inches.

Unless there is a mishap, when I worked on The Man Show, we reported on penis enlargement, and the surgeon—or someone familiar with the procedure—said that sometimes the matrix collapses like a worn-out sock and bunches up at the end of the penis, leaving you with a dumbbell-shaped result. That is not good.

But we were talking about what happens when you donate your body to science. For surgical use, another thing they can do is take your bone, grind it up, and pack it into your jaw where the tooth socket is, filling the socket. Then they give it a couple of months, and your body grows bone around the particulate graft. It takes the material that is packed in there and incorporates it into solid bone. After that, they drill a hole into it, insert a screw, affix a porcelain tooth to the screw, and then cap it with more porcelain. The whole process takes about 6 months and costs about $3,000.

So I want to keep this tooth, even though it is cracked. The dentist always wants to pull it, saying it could go bad at any time. Sometimes it sends sharp twinges, and I am always afraid it will fail on a trip, where I would have to find a dentist in London or Belgium—but so far that has not happened.

I can tell you about other ways people try to make their penis longer, and some lunatics do all of them. The easiest method targets the suspensory ligament—the tendon that, especially in younger people, makes an erection point upward at a healthy angle of about forty-five degrees. As you get older, the angle lowers. The visible portion of the penis protrudes outward from the body, supported by that ligament, but there is also internal penile length: if five or six inches protrude externally during an erection, there may be several additional inches inside the body. The whole structure does not start exactly where the penis exits the body. For good leverage, part of the erectile structure is inside the body, and it is held in place by the suspensory ligament—a tendon that runs from the pubic bone down to the top of the penis. It anchors and elevates the external portion of the penis. The ligament provides a cantilever effect: it pulls the penis upward using the leverage of the internal section of the erectile tissue against the pubic bone.

The simplest way to make the penis appear longer is to cut that tendon. You will never have an erection that points upward again because there is no ligament to hold it up. You get a downward erection. It becomes longer because some of the internal portion drops outward when the ligament is cut. The main visual benefit is when it is flaccid—locker-room length, basically. When erect, it may also look longer because more of the internal shaft has descended outside the body, but at the cost of elevation. They snip a tendon, and you get extra visible length, at the expense of angle.

Another thing people do is attach weights to the penis. They try to sleep with the weights attached in a pulley system while lying on their back: weights connected to the end of the penis, the rope going over the foot of the bed, giving ten pounds or so of tension for eight hours. If you train yourself, you can do that, and if you do it night after night for months, the penis is supposed to stretch. That is a lot of work. Again, we covered all this on The Man Show in a report about different enlargement methods. People actually do this stuff.

There is also a method where you masturbate for hours every day, distending the penis repeatedly and manipulating it in ways meant to maintain the expansion. That is called jelqing. People do that.

I would guess the most effective non-surgical method—though I have not personally researched outcomes—is the vacuum pump. And you do not want to put your penis in a household vacuum cleaner because you will end up in the emergency room. There is too much suction, the tube is the wrong size, and you can cause serious injury.

But there are hand-operated vacuum pumps you see advertised in porn circles. I am guessing those might actually work, and that they do so by causing controlled micro-injury. You create a vacuum. It pulls your penis into the cylinder. It ruptures and tears tiny portions of the tunica albuginea—the fibrous chamber that fills with blood—because an erection is essentially a hydraulic system. The penis fills with blood, and a valve-like mechanism compresses the veins to trap the blood inside. That is what makes an erection firm.

If you use a vacuum pump over a period of months, creating tiny tears in the tunica—the fibrous structure that holds blood during an erection—the tissue stretches as it heals. You are stretching and slightly tearing it, and when the tears heal, it gets a little bigger. I assume that after doing that for months, you end up with a bigger penis. That is everything I know about that method.

Is there another procedure where they add a length of your own skin to make it longer? I think so. I forget. The report on enlargement we did was about twenty-five years ago. But that also sounds like a ticket to a lot of pain, months without sex, which defeats the point of wanting a bigger penis. Anyway, that is everything I know about penises.

Wait—more recently, I think there may be a way to use laser treatments to create localized damage that heals with additional tissue growth. I do not know. There are many ways to try to do it, and a lot of them are stupid, especially since what…

Jacobsen: Gen Z does not even care about sex anymore.

Rosner: That is so true.

Loss of Visual and Auditory Acuity

Rosner: How long are we going with this one? When did you start noticing your visual acuity was going down? When did you start noticing your auditory acuity was going down?

Jacobsen: My wife notices my auditory acuity for me. She has been complaining about it for at least five years, probably longer.

What happened—sorry, I lost the picture for a second. She finally made me get a hearing aid a few months ago, and it is a little helpful. It stopped working on the trip, so we are going to get it fixed. I worked in a lot of really loud bars for years, and I damaged my hearing with firecrackers as a kid. So it is not surprising that I have some hearing loss. Plus, people lose their hearing with age.

As for visual acuity, I have worn glasses since third grade. I have been nearsighted since then, and it has not gotten worse in about 30 years. I am lucky that way. My nearsightedness is roughly 3.25 to 3.5 diopters, which is not bad. I also developed astigmatism about twenty years ago.

Astigmatism, nearsightedness, and farsightedness each mean that the focal point—where the eye focuses light—is outside the correct range on the retina, the back of the eye where images are processed. No matter how the ciliary muscles try to adjust the lens, the focal point stays out of range. You need corrective lenses to bring that focal point into the correct zone.

Jacobsen: Some people, like my wife, kept getting more and more nearsighted for decades until she reached about eight diopters, which is severe. That level of nearsightedness usually means the eyeball is significantly elongated—not flattened—and that stretching increases the risk of retinal damage because it places more tension on the tissues at the back of the eye, including near the optic nerve.

If you are nearsighted, you may sometimes see a ring of light when you have a cold, cough, or sneeze, which is the elongated eyeball briefly tugging on the retina. If the tugging is severe enough, you can get a torn or detached retina, and surgeons have to go in and repair it—nowadays often with laser or cryotherapy, though “sewing” is a fair metaphor. That risk is much higher at eight diopters than at three. I am lucky that way.

Astigmatism is a distortion in the curvature of the cornea or lens. You no longer have a single focal point; the focal lines do not converge precisely, so a simple spherical lens cannot correct it fully. The optical correction needs to match the uneven curvature in your cornea with a cylindrical component in the lens to bring those stray rays back toward a point.

The good thing is, if you have a relatively low degree of nearsightedness and astigmatism, there are regions of your visual field that still come into focus. When you look at the moon with both nearsightedness and astigmatism, the central moon is still there, but you also see overlapping ghost images—multiple offset versions. But inside that blur, some fragments are sharp. The astigmatism gives you enough variation that you can extract detail. It is not one uniform blur; there are pockets of clarity.

If I had to, I could drive without corrected vision in an emergency. I know I could. I would not want to drive at night, where I would have to read street signs—that would be difficult—but in daylight I could manage. My vision has not gotten worse over the past 30 years, and in a few practical ways, it has gotten better.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ask A Genius 1582: London’s Built Spaces, Class Legacies, and Contemporary Antisemitism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Rick Rosner

Publication (Outlet/Website): Ask A Genius

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/26

How does London’s historic architecture and class-shaped urban design intersect with contemporary Jewish anxiety and the rise of online antisemitism in the mid-2020s?

In this exchange with Scott Douglas JacobsenRick Rosner describes wandering London’s neighborhoods, noting its compact housing, serious gym culture, and richly constructed public architecture that contrasts sharply with cramped domestic spaces. He reflects on class legacies embedded in the city’s layout and how shifting mobility blurs traditional accent boundaries. The discussion turns to rising antisemitism, where Rosner critiques coded online hatred and its normalization. Jacobsen highlights global Jewish anxiety amid escalating rhetoric and polarization. Both acknowledge that while London feels pleasant and even reassuring in daily encounters, broader cultural currents—AI, antisemitism, political instability—shape an increasingly uncertain social landscape ripe for scrutiny.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Tell me about London. 

Rick Rosner: Right before I left, Lance sent me an email saying, “Let’s experiment. Try wearing a yarmulke. Let’s see how you’ll be treated in the future when they take over.” I do not buy it—his math is bad. He is worried about the wrong things. Everyone should be worried about something, but we should be more worried about AI than religious issues.

We have been walking all over London—miles a day. We pick a part of London we have not visited before, go there, and walk around. Can you still hear me? Yes? There is a video of it. In any case, everyone is fine. I am not getting a bad vibe. I do not need to wear a yarmulke.

Friday is the main congregational prayer day for Muslims, right? Whatever the day, I went to the gym late Sunday evening. I go to a gym that is open 24/7—not like an American gym at 10 p.m. on a Sunday night, which would be closed, and if it were open, nearly empty. This place was busy, mostly with Muslim men. It did not feel as if they were being trained for jihad. They were training for the same reasons everyone trains, especially young men. That was reassuring.

One difference between gyms in Los Angeles and gyms in London is that people here work out seriously. Very few sit on equipment staring at their phones. It is not shocking, but it is surprising. In Los Angeles, I often go to the gym, and every machine I want is occupied by someone who is barely using it—just sitting there on a phone, maybe doing a set every four minutes. That happens far less here.

We are staying in a bed and breakfast—an Airbnb. More than a quarter of London’s homes were built before 1919, and roughly another fifth between 1919 and 1944, despite major wartime bomb damage and later rebuilding. The housing stock is old.

The places are small. The space we are staying in is maybe 90 square feet, which is the owner’s entire dwelling. Many homes are 600 to 800 square feet. In a decent neighborhood, they might sell for more than $1,000 per square foot; in particularly desirable parts of London, more than £1,000 per square foot.

Jacobsen: How are you enjoying the scenery?

Rosner: London is a delightful city. The residential streets—row house after row house—can become tedious, but if you go to different neighborhoods and walk the high streets, there are treats everywhere: coffee, layered pastries, everything.

The English also like to split their apartments. They call them flats, though they are rarely on one level. Many places are arranged across multiple floors. In America, the same amount of space would be laid out on one floor: two bedrooms, a bathroom, a small living room, and a combined dining room and kitchen. Here, they split that same space across two floors. It seems slightly perverse, but there is a lot to look at.

The English seem more generous in their institutional architecture than in their domestic architecture.

What I mean is this: you can walk past a row of 120-year-old houses that now sell for £600,000 or £700,000. Over the years, owners have pushed out walls and attics to gain tiny amounts of extra square footage—maybe 200 or 250 square feet—negligible by American standards.

Then you walk from those row houses to an elementary school built around the same time, and the school has 20-foot ceilings. The building is three stories tall—over 60 feet—and features enormous windows, beautiful cornices, and stonework.

People lived in cramped houses, paying little rent, but their children attended schools with soaring ceilings and monumental staircases. Every city and every era carries unconscious ideas about how space should be structured. In England, class has always been central, and the spaces people inhabit reinforce class distinctions.

That said, it produces some spectacular business and institutional spaces. You see buildings like Barker’s department store on Kensington High Street. The current Art Deco building was begun in the late 1920s and 1930s, construction was interrupted by the Second World War, and the final phase was completed in the late 1950s. It is an Art Deco juggernaut—several stories tall—with dramatic vertical fins that extend upward and outward. It is a beautiful, sweeping building, constructed to sell dry goods.

Jacobsen: What about the accents? Have you noticed distinguishing markers in British accents as you walk around and interact with people?

Rosner: No. We have not really encountered strong Cockney accents—the kind with pronounced dropped consonants and glottal stops. I imitate it occasionally because I am an idiot—that is what idiots do. One sentence I have tried out is, “Jeffrey bought a horse, and it cost twenty-three thousand pounds.” You heard me say that, and she moved away from me.

But no, I do not notice sharp accent divisions. Class divisions have been disrupted, partly because it is the mid-2020s and mobility—both geographic and social—has mixed things more than in the past.

Jacobsen: What do you mean by that?

Rosner: I do not think that when you ride the Tube or walk through neighborhoods, you see the pure, unmistakable examples of aristocracy that you might have seen in the 1950s or 1960s. Back then, you would walk past grand townhouses rather than rows of subdivided houses. The idea of aristocratic space is still there, except now these homes cost two million, three million, even six million pounds—beautiful white townhouses of around 3,000 square feet across three or four floors.

But if you saw the people who live in them walking down the street, I am not sure you would immediately know they live there. Or maybe I have not paid enough attention.

I would like to know more. I would like to better understand England. It seems like a lovely place to live, especially compared to some of the more unpleasant aspects of contemporary America.

Rosner: What about the Jewish community there?

Jacobsen: Jews everywhere are anxious right now. There have been recent arrests here related to extremist slogans, and communal leaders have said that enforcement matters. But the larger point is that Jews around the world are not responsible for the policies of the Israeli government.

At the same time, many Jews—especially Reform or American Jews—have historically been comfortable staying somewhat removed from Middle Eastern politics. That does not mean they should be indifferent to rising antisemitism, including when it is amplified by influential figures and major online platforms.

You do not really go on Twitter, right?

Jacobsen: Not much, article posting board. Online discourse has become more extreme, more racist, and more openly antisemitic. In the United States, political polarization has intensified that trend. Even before the current Gaza war, antisemitic hate crimes were already rising. Since then, the atmosphere has become more heated, more hostile, and more explicit.

Political instability tends to amplify racism, and racism rarely expands without a corresponding rise in antisemitism. So conditions are likely to worsen before they improve.

Do you think the character of antisemitism has changed recently?

Rosner: Yes. It is less disguised. Online, people describe themselves as “noticers,” claiming they are just pointing things out. What they are actually doing is reviving classic antisemitic conspiracy theories—that Jews control global systems or are inherently evil.

They post constantly, and it is difficult to sanction them because they use coded language, misspellings, or euphemisms to evade moderation. That makes the antisemitism more blatant and more persistent.

It has also become more violent. There have been serious attacks internationally, and hate crimes have already risen significantly, even before the current war. The anger is not confined to a single incident or region—it is diffuse and growing.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 24: Trump’s 28-Point Ukraine ‘Peace Plan’

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/12/01

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this Everywhere Insiders 24 interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Tsukerman about the Trump administration’s leaked 28-point “peace plan” for Ukraine. Tsukerman argues that Donald Trump wildly exaggerates claims of having stopped “major wars,” confusing symbolic ceasefires and limited skirmishes with real conflict resolution. She contends the draft plan, shaped by Kirill Dmitriev and Steve Witkoff, is riddled with “Russianisms,” sidelines professionals like Sergei Lavrov, pressures Volodymyr Zelensky, and, in effect, rewards Vladimir Putin. The result, she warns, emboldens pro-Russian actors, undermines U.S. credibility, and recycles failed Gaza-style reconstruction ideas onto Ukraine’s very different war and Ukraine’s long-term security.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We are back for Everywhere Insiders 24. The big news is the controversial 28-point peace plan submitted by the Trump administration for Ukraine’s consideration. There have been statements — even from the head of Virgin Air — suggesting that this is essentially a Russian peace plan: the concessions mirror what Vladimir Putin wanted, more or less, if not exactly.

About this peace plan from the president who claims to have stopped more than half a dozen wars by his own accounting, what is your geopolitical take on this proposal as a peace plan, and can you contextualize it into the broader mythos of “I have stopped eight major wars”?

Irina Tsukerman: Let’s start with the part about “major wars,” because many of those so-called wars were at best skirmishes, and many of them are not finished. Soon after pauses and ceasefires, tensions have returned to various levels. In some cases, the “wars” were largely symbolic. In others, they were literally ceasefires. He did not stop the wars. The Gaza conflict is definitely a ceasefire and not the end of hostilities — not even close.

The Azerbaijan-Armenia “war” was not a war in the sense he implies. It was a diplomatic breakthrough, part of an ongoing direct diplomatic process. So he didn’t stop a war there either. The wars and various counter-terrorism operations and hostilities that he points to were essentially over before his second term began. He had nothing significant to do with bringing them to an end.

He’s conflating skirmishes, temporary ceasefires, and ongoing diplomatic processes. He may be credited with contributing diplomatic capital, but that’s not the same as stopping a war. It’s a totally different category of diplomacy.

Leaving that aside, this 28-point plan — described in the media as possibly Russia’s desperate move to preserve its gains in the face of rising economic disaster at home — is controversial in many ways. It was leaked, possibly with the assistance of Kirill Dmitriev, who apparently met with the Trump administration’s envoy Steve Witkoff. Some claim the leak was deliberate. Regardless, it leaked at an early-draft stage without formal approval from many parties.

Another issue is that the draft contains numerous “Russianisms” — phrases and terms that suggest non-native English origins — indicating that whoever drafted or passed it on the American side may not have thoroughly edited it. At various points, members of the administration (including Marco Rubio) apparently tried to walk back the characterization of it as a finalized “plan” rather than a draft. But the fact that Ukraine was reportedly threatened with cuts to weapons and intelligence access if it didn’t adopt this draft by a deadline suggests the administration took it seriously.

It’s unclear why the administration is doubling down on something they themselves say was not ready for public presentation. It does not make anyone look particularly good.

Another point: this has been a one-sided deal negotiated between Dmitriev and Witkoff without input from many professional diplomats on either side. For example, Sergei Lavrov (Russia’s foreign minister) seems to have been sidelined. But note: there is no credible confirmation that several individuals “officially disappeared” or “died on an Aeroflot flight” as described — that part appears to be anecdotal, unverified, and should not be stated as fact.

So yes: Lavrov appears less prominent in these negotiations publicly; Rubio is active, but as far as available records show, he is not clearly part of the core Russian-side talks. 

These two “geniuses” came up with this plan—mostly, I suspect, Dmitriev and whoever advised him. Witkoff put his stamp of approval on it. Ukraine was never consulted in the process. It was apparent what Ukraine’s response would be. But before this plan was fully leaked to the public, one U.S. official apparently told journalists that they were confident peace between the two nations would be concluded by the end of the week based on it. It was going to be “the greatest peace.”

The funny thing is that it wasn’t even Trump; Trump at that point hadn’t seen the plan. There seems to be a level of absolute delusion among members of the Trump cabinet and assorted others that rivals whatever they accused Obama’s and Biden’s State Department officials of. If they think, based on this plan and after everything that’s happened, that Ukraine is going to simply put down its weapons, reduce its military, and go along with whatever, they’re living in a fantasy.

Whoever thought that, given Ukraine’s constitution, official position, and popular opinion, they would go along and sign off on this plan must be out of touch—or on something substantial. It’s unbelievably delusional.

What’s alarming is that the administration seems to believe it has significant leverage over Ukraine when it clearly does not. Yes, they can do damage. If they follow through with threats to cut off remaining weapons and intelligence, that would hurt Ukraine in several ways.

First, Ukraine needs accurate intelligence to conduct both defensive and offensive operations. Any weapons are better than none, even if they’re not entirely reliant on the U.S.; additional support remains vital because they have shortages of everything. But the reality is that they cannot afford to further reduce their military. They’re running out of personnel.

The major controversy in Ukraine—other than the ongoing energy and corruption scandals—is that authorities have had to conscript people directly from the streets because there aren’t enough to serve. Meanwhile, Russia has been sending waves of troops, along with mercenaries and even deceived recruits from Africa. We’re talking about a massive demographic mismatch.

The United States is increasingly biased in favour of Russia. Whoever is signing off on this plan from the U.S. side is clearly trying to favour Russia. There’s no other way to put it.

But there’s a different and equally damaging nuance to this whole fiasco. Even though it’s clear Ukraine will not accept this plan, there’s an informational angle. The message being sent is that the U.S. is easily manipulated into supporting Russia’s position — that it was never fully committed to Ukraine and never truly changed its stance, despite some tactical adjustments here and there. At the end of the day, under the Trump administration, it will always side with Russia. The U.S. cannot be counted on to take Russian aggression seriously. That’s the bottom line.

Jacobsen: That kind of messaging — does it embolden other pro-Russian actors internationally?

Tsukerman: Absolutely. Political actors favouring Russia across Europe and elsewhere are likely to feel emboldened by this. It’s a huge moral victory for Russia, which is precisely what they were hoping to achieve.

What’s even worse is that the administration, after claiming this leaked plan was not ready for public release, is now scrambling to enforce it. We know this from J.D. Vance’s phone call with Zelensky today. The bottom line is that Zelensky rejected the plan. He refused to betray Ukraine — and rightly so. He has no mandate from his own people to accept it. It would be an existential disaster if he did.

That said, Zelensky acknowledged that the level of pressure from the U.S. places Ukraine in a difficult position — either alienate its staunchest supporter or become utterly dependent on the Europeans, who have their own logistical and delivery problems. The third option, capitulating, would send a disastrous signal to Russia: that despite being the aggressor, despite committing horrific war crimes, and despite suffering significant losses, they managed to persuade the U.S. to side with them anyway.

The recycled narrative that’s been reintroduced — one we thought was buried — is that Zelensky doesn’t have the cards to win the war. We’ve heard this before, including back in February during the catastrophic meeting between Zelensky, Trump, and J.D. Vance. The same players are now recycling the same talking points from more than six months ago, despite all the evidence of what works and what doesn’t. And yet they’re returning to what clearly doesn’t work.

Jacobsen: Does Trump actually want to stop this war? Does he want peace, or does he want to hand Russia a victory—guaranteeing that Russian aggression across Europe will only grow?

Tsukerman: It looks more like the latter. Russian aggression is visibly increasing; it’s literally happening this week. Russian spy ships have been engaged in suspicious operations involving underwater cables in Europe and even attacked British forces with laser weapons. That’s an act of war—not a provocation, not an ambiguous drone sighting, but an attack. It may not have been lethal, but it was deliberate and potentially damaging.

The British response was restrained but insufficient. They warned that continued incidents would provoke a response, but they did nothing immediately, which only invites further aggression. The bottom line is that this is happening precisely because Russia feels free to expand without serious pushback from anyone—including the United States, which has traditionally been the global policeman in such situations. This so-called peace plan is taking advantage of that moment.

Right now, the U.S. continues to play for peace-building optics rather than results. We’re also seeing a striking lack of creativity. What’s particularly interesting is that Trump keeps recycling his diplomatic playbook even though it hasn’t worked. You cannot apply the same set of actions to completely different geopolitical contexts.

For example, Trump previously approached North Korea and offered to develop the coastline in exchange for denuclearization. Kim Jong-un rejected it outright. Then Trump moved on to propose a reconstruction plan for Gaza. Now Gaza is again in chaos, and Hamas remains in control. J.D. Vance even admitted there is no way to disarm Hamas.

So the U.S. has said it will proceed with reconstructing Gaza while the conflict is still ongoing, focusing on zones currently under Israeli control. The problem is that Israel cannot control those areas indefinitely without either declaring permanent occupation—which would trigger significant international backlash—or repeating the same mistakes that led to its withdrawal from Gaza in 2005.

Unless a permanent international stabilizing force is introduced, Hamas will inevitably return to those areas once Israeli forces withdraw—just as it has done in regions currently outside Israeli control.

What we’ll end up doing is wasting money on reconstructing something that a terrorist organization will immediately corrupt. And guess what? The Gaza reconstruction plan is now being refurbished for the Russian–Ukrainian context, and the results will predictably court disaster in much the same way as allowing Hamas to remain in power — perpetuating conflict indefinitely.

This is what we’re seeing: Trump, who claims to be a bold visionary thinker and political leader unafraid to challenge the status quo and push the boundaries of traditional diplomacy, is simply repeating the same old tropes. There’s no innovation — it’s a cut-and-paste approach from one geopolitical disaster to another.

You can’t do that. First of all, Gaza is not Ukraine. Hamas is not Russia. Despite superficial similarities between those entities, these are different wars, with distinct strategic realities, even if the moral dimensions — acts of aggression and ideological hatred — appear similar.

The other issue is simple: why try something that hasn’t worked? Why not wait to see whether the Gaza scenario achieves its stated objectives before duplicating it elsewhere? Especially when what has already worked — aiding Ukraine militarily against Russia — has demonstrably pressured Moscow.

Trump himself has admitted that Ukraine can win the war, that it can inflict severe damage on Russia, and that Putin has been deceiving him all along. So why revert to policies that fail, even in their original context?

Each time this recycled strategy reappears, it becomes less effective and more damaging. The pattern keeps worsening.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

Jacobsen: All right, we’re at the 30-minute mark. Let’s do one more segment, then we’ll turn to the Canadian topic.

Tsukerman: Right. Islamic State-linked rebels have killed 69 civilians in eastern Congo attacks — excuse me, 89 civilians. According to the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Central African Republic, MONUSCO, the Allied Democratic Forces were responsible for attacks in several locations, including North Kivu Province, between November 13 and November 19. At least 20 women and an undetermined number of children were among the victims.

Jacobsen: The rebels also attacked a health center operated by the Catholic Church in Biambuay, killing at least 17 people, including women who had gone there for maternity care, and setting fire to wards that still had patients inside. This was a small massacre. What are your thoughts on this?

Tsukerman: It’s essential to draw attention to the parallels between this horrific incident and Russia’s systematic attacks on maternity wards in Ukraine. Those assaults have been somewhat less deadly in terms of immediate fatalities, but equally devastating in their destruction of infrastructure. Comparing ISIS-linked terrorists to Russia is not a compliment to either. One is a non-state actor known for brutality; the other is a member of multiple international bodies and maintains diplomatic relations with much of the world, less than before, but still significant.

So the next time various leaders start talking about human rights, we should ask why they continue to engage with a country that behaves like a terrorist organization.

Leaving that aside, it’s also notable that the Trump administration has not reacted to this attack, even though it targeted a Christian community, after previously threatening to intervene in Nigeria to deal with terrorists there. Admittedly, the attacks in this case were not against Catholics specifically, but against everyone indiscriminately.

We’re seeing the same pattern of weak, corrupt local governments unable to manage terrorist insurgencies. We’re also seeing almost no response from international forces of any kind. There are rumours that Macron is planning a return to West Africa on a diplomatic tour, but that’s unlikely to stop the continued rise of terrorism. At best, he might reestablish trade and military ties, but France wasn’t particularly successful against these groups before. It managed to contain them better than the pro-Russian juntas backed by Wagner and other Russian entities, but it didn’t eliminate their influence.

What we’re witnessing is the natural outcome of allowing proliferating ideological extremism, sectarian violence, and government corruption to go untreated. People fail to grasp that in today’s globalized world, such problems can’t be contained. They don’t remain confined to Nigeria, the Congo, or Africa in general. They generate refugee crises, humanitarian disasters, artificial famines, and ultimately the spread of extremism and terrorism into the West.

For now, Western security services have succeeded mainly in intercepting weapons flows and disrupting homegrown, amateur ISIS-inspired cells. But if the scale of violence and recruitment multiplies tenfold, will they still be able to act as effectively? I’m not so sure. As terrorist networks become more sophisticated, better organized, and more capable of infiltrating intelligence systems, the flow of information could start moving both ways.

Tsukerman: We’re seeing a long-standing problem. Horrific incidents are taking huge numbers of human lives, and the public largely ignores them because most people have written off Africa — and the humanity of Africa. Yet human security is becoming one of the most critical dimensions of modern security thinking. Without addressing that factor, we won’t see progress in developing effective counter-terrorism strategies or in stopping the global flow of extremism.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

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This Gay Week 10: How Trump’s Anti-DEI Crusade Fuels Global LGBTQ Backlash

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/30

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPostThe AdvocateBillboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

In this wide-ranging, darkly funny conversation, Bouley and Scott Douglas Jacobsen dissect how Trump-era “anti-DEI” doctrine is reshaping U.S. foreign policy and fueling anti-LGBTQ legislation from Ghana to Eastern Europe and beyond. They track corporate retreat from Pride funding, Pride festivals collapsing on artists and small vendors, and American evangelicals exporting homophobic campaigns across Africa. The pair highlight resistance too: Moldova’s fragile pro-EU opening, a Dominican court’s decriminalization ruling, and Josh Newberry breaking silence on male rape stigma. Threading through is Bouley’s insistence that biblical ethics demand empathy, not persecution, and that global backlash signals both danger and progress.

Interview conducted November 21, 2025, in the afternoon Pacific Time.

Karel Bouley: So today, during this great week, we’re starting with an oxymoron from the moron-in-chief of the United States of America.

It’s the infringement on human rights that are the opposite of what are defined as such. According to reporting from the State Department, new U.S. rules say that countries with diversity policies — countries that recognize diversity — are infringing on human rights.

We are in the theater of the absurd, where the U.S. president, who yesterday called for the death of Democrats, told people not to follow illegal orders. “Don’t follow an illegal order” seems self-explanatory — but whatever. He’s also worried that the Epstein files will come out, but they won’t, because he launched an investigation the Friday before the vote.

That means they don’t release any files if there’s an ongoing investigation — and there is, because he launched it. So those documents will not be forthcoming. As far as I know, there are no gay people in them, no trafficking of young boys. Epstein was clearly a one-gender kind of guy. The new rules state that countries enforcing race or gender diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) will now be at risk of the Trump administration deeming them infringers of human rights. The State Department issued new rules to all U.S. embassies and consulates compiling its annual report. The instructions deem countries that subsidize abortion or facilitate mass migration as infringing on human rights.

That means Ireland, France, and Canada — you are all now considered infringers. The changes, which the State Department says are intended to stop “destructive ideologies” — meaning racial and gender equity, diversity, and inclusion — have been condemned by human rights campaigners who argue that the Trump administration is redefining long-established human rights principles to pursue its ideological goals and impose them on other nations. 

It’s a huge shift in Washington and in the State Department’s foreign policy and how it treats other countries. A senior State Department official said the new rules were “a tool to change the behavior of governments.” Donald Trump is trying to change the behavior of governments that do not agree with his anti-DEI policies. He is doing that by labeling them as infringers of human rights. Nothing has made sense in eleven months now.

Urza Zeya, a former senior State Department official who runs the charity Human Rights First, said the Trump administration was weaponizing international human rights for domestic partisan ends. Again, no surprise there. Will other countries respond to this? Will they care? Will it change anything in their relations with the United States? We don’t know yet.

In other words, we don’t know if there’s going to be some financial or political risk once they’re labeled as infringers of human rights. But we’ll see. I don’t think Canada, Ireland, France, the U.K., or any civilized nation is going to change its DEI policies — policies their people support — based on what Donald Trump wants, given that he’s unraveling quickly and his party is distancing itself from him more every day. He didn’t get the Epstein vote he wanted. He wanted those files blocked, but senators said no. Democrats won in the last election a few weeks ago. He called for an end to the filibuster and told his party to end it. They did not.

There are many signs of his unraveling, and his approval rating is now the lowest of any sitting U.S. president in modern history. It’s down to 34%, which means, basically, the Confederacy has a higher approval rating. The Coast Guard was recently instructed that swastikas, Confederate flags, and nooses were no longer considered hate symbols and were no longer banned.

However, overnight there was enormous backlash from both parties, and today they reinstated the policy affirming that, yes, those are hate symbols. You think a swastika might be considered hateful? His approval rating is at an all-time low. His party is fracturing — he even lost Marjorie Taylor Greene. How much lower can you get?

So will other countries also respond in kind — meaning, will they simply ignore him now? We’ll see. But a story that says new U.S. rules label countries with DEI policies as infringing on human rights boggles the mind. How could that story even be written?

Jacobsen: The twenty-eight-point peace plan is another example of his growing isolation from the European continent, outside of Russia. 

Bouley: Generally speaking, we’re seeing that happen again. This morning, it was announced that his so-called Ukrainian peace plan — I was watching the BBC — is being rejected by most European countries. They say, “You’re giving Vladimir Putin everything he wants.” But of course, that’s because they’re buddies in a special kind of way. Brokeback Moscow.

The next story — we reported on this a bit earlier — is about Manchester Pride not being able to pay its bills. Now another one, Party in the Park, was scheduled to take place at Trinity Park in Ipswich, U.K., in July. It promised a lineup of over a hundred stalls, food, entertainment, and funfair rides. Right before launch, they pulled the plug.

They said they didn’t have the funding they thought they were going to get, and there were other reasons, but they left all the vendors and artists stranded. They are now the second festival to do this — first Manchester Pride, now Party in the Park in Ipswich. Sam Arbonne, the founder, was contacted by the BBC and asked if the money he’d been paid would be refunded.

He simply said, “We prefer not to discuss it.” I’ll take that as a no. 

Jacobsen: Many of these vendors are regular people, so a thousand pounds or euros is a significant chunk of money for the month.

Bouley: As an entertainer myself, I’ll tell you — if you’ve booked a gig that’s supposed to pay you fifteen hundred pounds or euros, and that gig falls through right before the event, especially in July — the peak season for LGBTQ entertainers — you’ve already turned down other gigs. It’s too late to rebook something that close to the date. You’ve lost that money, and they are not owning up to it.

Graham Thurston — who sounds like someone from a sitcom — is the events and estate manager at Trinity Park. He said the event was canceled when the outstanding balance required to pay the venue wasn’t paid. Typically, when you book an event, you pay fifty percent upfront and fifty percent right before the date, so the venue gets its money. He likely paid the deposit but didn’t have the rest when it was due.

While ticket holders were reportedly able to get refunds, traders who paid anywhere from one hundred to one thousand euros for a plot were not. You pay one thousand euros hoping to make five or ten thousand at your booth, so not only are you losing that income, you’re also out the thousand you spent for the spot. Many of these people rent tents, equipment, and more — it adds up fast.

It’s a very sad thing. It’s the second major festival to fail to pay, and it’s part of an alarming trend that’s emerging.

Jacobsen: When did you last see this happening in the Western context?

Bouley: This past year, since Trump took office. Before that, either LGBTQ organizations didn’t make commitments they couldn’t keep — meaning they told artists upfront, “We can’t pay you; come if you want” — or they paid only the top two or three headliners. Let’s say Grace Jones, who does Pride festivals — they’d pay Grace and maybe one or two others.

Then maybe a couple of artists under Grace, and everyone else was expected to donate their time — because they’re gay, and “don’t you want to donate your time to the festival?” Festivals in America, first, don’t normally make that kind of commitment, and second, up until Trump, had the funds to pay artists through DEI funding, grants, and other sources. Once Trump took office, that money dried up immediately. It didn’t trickle — it stopped.

Corporations, the minute Trump took office — as we’ve discussed — saw that they no longer had to pay to be nice to the gays. So they cut their funding immediately. Several Pride organizations in the United States had to either cancel their festivals, scale them back, or tell entertainers they couldn’t pay them. But they told them in advance; they didn’t wait until the day of the event and say, “Oops, guess what?” That’s the difference. In America, this has been happening since Trump.

I don’t know if this is happening in the U.K. because of Trump, but as we see, he’s trying to export his hatred — and some of it is sticking. I was going to send you a story, but didn’t, about another African nation — one of now thirty — that are officially anti-gay. I saw an incredible short documentary showing that Africa didn’t used to be anti-gay.

Everyone assumes Africa has always been this way. No — most African nations didn’t care. First, they had bigger issues to address, and second, it wasn’t on their radar. They didn’t concern themselves with the private lives of their citizens. But for the last thirty years, the religious right in America has spent vast sums exporting their hatred to other countries.

They’ve been sending people, making financial investments, paying individuals and governments to be anti-gay. Evangelicals and other anti-gay groups in America — including the authors of Project 2025 — have intentionally exported their hatred to African nations. It was a deliberate effort, not a coincidence. They decided years ago that they wanted African nations to be anti-gay.

And now they are. Most turned that way because it was profitable — not because their people were anti-gay. Typically, Africans themselves are not anti-gay. The average person isn’t. But their governments — that’s a different story entirely. So yes, that’s not good.

Let’s go to Ireland, shall we? I love Ireland. Been there many times. Enoch Burke is returning to prison. Who is this man?

He’s an Irish teacher with what I call the J.K. Rowling disease — a serious problem with trans people. He and members of his family, according to Justice Cregan in Ireland, have engaged in a deliberate, sustained, and concerted attack on the authority of civil courts and the rule of law.

Why has he done this? Because Mr. Burke was ordered to stay away from a school — Wilson’s Hospital School in County Westmeath — and has refused. He was told not to trespass there for three years. The court described his actions as a “fanatical campaign.” He was dismissed from the school for gross misconduct after refusing to follow the school’s direction that a transgender student be addressed appropriately.

“They/them.” That was the hill he chose to die on. He refused to address this student as “they/them.” He did not recognize being transgender as real. Subsequently, the school deemed that misconduct. He also acted out during school religious services and other events, voicing his objections to transgender identity in a disruptive and aggressive manner.

He would attend religious services or other school functions and loudly, obnoxiously object to transgender inclusion, deliberately misgendering students. He has been fined about 225,000 Irish pounds — roughly 198,000 British pounds — of which about 40,000 has been paid through automatic deductions from his teacher’s salary.

The justice stated that despite his time in prison and despite the fines, he continues to defy the court order. He’s the Donald Trump of Ireland. In August 2025, members of his family confronted the chair of the Education Authority, and the court did not take kindly to that either. He is a transphobe promoting his agenda, and the courts of Ireland are trying to stop him.

More importantly, they’re trying to keep him away from the school where he’s caused so much disruption. He refuses to stay away; he refuses to stop spreading anti-trans rhetoric. So, they’ve said, “Fine — have a good time back in jail.”

I wish we could jail all transphobes, by the way. I’d enjoy that. I watch a lot of Law & Order: SVU because I love Mariska Hargitay. One of the recurring themes on that show is that men can be raped.

This is something rarely discussed because there’s an even bigger stigma around male rape victims. People often say, “How can a man be raped if he gets aroused?” But that’s a biological response — you can be physically stimulated without consent or desire. It doesn’t mean you’re enjoying it. The body can respond involuntarily.

Men, of course, can also be raped in other ways and can experience sexual assault or unwanted advances. There’s a major stigma around that. In many cultures — including some African ones — if a man is raped and reports it, he is blamed for it, the same way women once were.

A gay lawmaker named Josh Newberry decided to challenge the stigma surrounding male rape victims. He went before the House of Commons on International Men’s Day and told his story. He wanted to break the silence around this issue. Bravo to him. I’m sure many members of the House of Commons were squirming in their seats, uncomfortable, but he did it.

He shared that he was raped ten years ago after having his drink spiked. He hoped that, by speaking out, he could raise awareness in the U.K. and globally. I’ll add that in West Hollywood two years ago, there was a big campaign after a string of similar assaults. At one club, The Abbey, gay men were waking up in alleys nearby with no memory of how they got there.

Authorities discovered they had been sexually assaulted. A sting operation eventually caught the perpetrators, who were spiking drinks and taking victims into nearby alleys. No one knows how many men were attacked, largely because many never report sexual assault — especially in other countries, where stigma and shame remain enormous barriers.

Nations like Russia, Chechnya, several across Africa, Ukraine, and others — this is why it was important for Josh Newberry to go into the House of Commons, put this on the record, and maybe help other victims who’ve been struggling with this. No matter their country, they might now feel encouraged to come forward and report that they were assaulted or raped — or both.

Good for him, truly. It happened on International Men’s Day, raised awareness, and ruffled quite a few feathers. Speaking of Ukraine — Moldova is right next to it. You’ve got Ukraine on one side, Romania on the other, and Moldova wedged right in the middle. There’s some hope there lately.

Moldova may be on the verge of advancing LGBTQ rights because a pro-EU Party of Action and Solidarity won in September’s parliamentary election. However, the LGBTQ community of Moldova is still waiting for that promised progress. They’re trying hard to get that EU-aligned party to follow through on its campaign pledges.

The capital city, Chișinău, is the largest city and home to a large queer community. But activists there say LGBTQ people outside the capital, especially in rural areas, face bullying and discrimination. They want protections for everyone, not just for those in the western and urban regions.

By the way, in a 2024 study by Moldova’s Equality Council, 80% of respondents said they did not want a queer person living in their neighborhood. That’s a steep uphill battle. The community really needs government help to overcome the stigma. Homosexuality was decriminalized in 1995 — thirty years ago — but society has been very slow to catch up.

Since September, activists have been hoping for tangible rights — legal recognition of gender identities, same-sex marriage — and they’re still pushing. They’re rallying the Party of Action and Solidarity to advance legislation during the new parliamentary session, which just opened and runs another year.

Jacobsen: Now, shifting to the Dominican Republic. The Constitutional Court there has issued a landmark ruling, striking down the ban criminalizing same-sex conduct within the country’s police department and armed forces.

Manuel Mechíaeo, director of the Human Rights Observatory for Vulnerable Groups, said, “No one should be discriminated against — not only within the ranks of the police and armed forces, but in general.”

On the other side, Feliziano Lassane, spokesperson for the country’s main evangelical organization, said, “What the country is experiencing in terms of morality, values, and principles is concerning. Allowing such depravity publicly and legally sets an unequivocal precedent that is not in line with what we have aspired to for the Dominican Republic.”

So, as expected, this ruling has sparked deep disagreement. This one seems like a bit of a softball. 

Bouley: I do wonder — are there really that many gay people in the forces? How many, exactly, are in the security services? But they do paint their faces and wear cute uniforms, so perhaps that’s part of the draw. Still, it’s great that the Constitutional Court struck down those provisions in the Code of Justice that criminalized consensual same-sex conduct by officers.

I’d be curious what percentage of officers identify as LGBTQIA+. But the larger issue is about the right to serve openly in government institutions — whether in the U.S. or Canadian military, the police, or, in this case, the Dominican Republic’s national police and armed forces.

We’ve made progress here in the United States. We’ve come a long way since “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” Then Trump took office. We went right back to discharging trans service members and pushing queer people back into the closet.

In the Dominican Republic, religion still plays a major role — though not necessarily more than in the U.S. or elsewhere. Ireland, for example, is 80% Catholic and totally accepting; they’ve got gay Gardaí over there, trust me — I’ve been there. So this ruling is good news, because any pushback against bigotry is a good thing. It won’t be easy, though.

I imagine that if you’re an openly gay member of the national police or armed forces in the Dominican Republic, it’s still not going to be easier tomorrow, just because it’s now decriminalized. As we mentioned with Moldova, being gay has been legal there since 1995, yet 80% of the country still says they don’t want a queer neighbor. This ruling is progress — but full acceptance will take years.

It’ll take time for the national police and armed forces to integrate and truly accept LGBTQ people. In our own country, I remember watching Boots and thinking, “We’ve come so far.” Had I seen it before Trump retook office, I would’ve said, “Those were dark days, and we’ve grown past them.” But now, watching it in the era of Trump, it feels like we’re sliding right back.

The Dominican Republic’s progress fits into a broader trend. Peru, Ecuador, and Venezuela have also eliminated discriminatory laws that criminalized same-sex conduct by officers. Does that make things easier there? Not necessarily. Human Rights Watch found that discrimination and bigotry persist — but at least now, they can’t be arrested for it.

Remember, if you watch Boots on Netflix, there was a time when our own military jailed people for years simply for being gay and serving. Now they won’t be imprisoned, but that doesn’t mean they’ll be greeted with open arms.

Jacobsen: This has been a long story, and I’m sure you’re well aware of it. 

Bouley: Basically, Ghana has introduced an anti-LGBTQ+ bill that also penalizes allies — that’s the big new element. It reminds me of the Briggs Initiative in California when I was in high school. That was the one that got Anita Bryant a pie in the face.

I saw Harvey Milk debate the author of the Briggs Initiative when I was fifteen. It was in Long Beach, at Jordan High School. Later in life, I was inducted into the Harvey Milk Memorial Park for my contributions to the gay community, and it felt full circle — because when I was fifteen, I saw Harvey Milk and thought, “I could do that. I could be out. I could be gay.”

The Briggs Initiative said schools had to fire gay teachers, and other teachers were required to report them. If they didn’t, they’d be fired too. The bill in Ghana is disturbingly similar. Ghana has bigger issues to deal with, and gay rights were not at the top of their list. Some outside organization — maybe an American Christian group or Trump-aligned entity — likely pressured them into this.

The president has pledged to sign a bill that penalizes not only LGBTQ+ people but also their allies. That echoes exactly what the Briggs Initiative tried to do in the late 1970s here in the U.S. It’s dangerous — dangerous rhetoric and a dangerous law.

It’s going to create a humanitarian crisis in Ghana — not that one doesn’t already exist — but especially for gay and lesbian people and their allies. What does “ally” even mean here? If your family supports you, does that make them criminals too? If you’re gay and your family accepts you, are they now prosecutable for that? It’s absurdly broad.

The danger is that the law is trying to scare people into not accepting gays. It’s not just about outlawing homosexuality — it’s about outlawing tolerance. If you accept gay people, you’re an ally. If you open a business that’s welcoming to queer people, you’re an ally. The goal is to stop not only gay people, but anyone who might be kind or supportive toward them. That’s impossible to enforce.

Once this law is signed — and it will be — it’s likely to cause a major outflow of gay people from Ghana. If you’re gay in Ghana, the safest thing to do may be to leave. This law continues a long, ugly pattern that traces back to British colonial laws.

“Make Ghana Great Again,” apparently — meaning a return to the 1800s. The Christian Council of Ghana is pushing this under the banner of “family values,” but there’s no love in that kind of Christianity. It’s Christian hate. They want to codify marriage as only between a man and a woman, gender as fixed at birth, and “family” as the foundation of the nation — as if gay people don’t come from families or can’t create them.

If I were the leader of Ghana and I was truly worried about gay people, I’d tell straight people to stop having sex — because we’re not reproducing ourselves. Straight people make gay people, so maybe they should look to the source.

They claim this bill is consistent with Ghana’s “tradition of peace, tolerance, and hospitality.” It’s not. It’s a regression — a step back into colonial bigotry dressed up as morality.

This bill flies in the face of Ghana’s international human rights obligations. However, the president of Ghana clearly doesn’t care. Ghana, culturally, has historically been an accepting place — a society that celebrates diversity, inclusion, and community strength, much like Hawaiian culture does. That’s part of Ghana’s identity. But this Christian organization has come in and said, “We’ll have none of that.” 

Jacobsen: I should point out that I’ve interviewed Alex Kofi-Dankor at least twice over the past few years. He runs LGBT+ Rights Ghana, a major organization advocating for LGBTQ Ghanaians. He and others face regular harassment and the constant threat of violence for organizing openly.

Bouley: This bill is going to justify and amplify that harassment — giving people a legal excuse to persecute their fellow Ghanaians. Human Rights Watch has reported extensively on this. One of their findings was that the second Trump administration’s right-wing policies had direct international impacts — including in Ghana and across Africa.

Just four days after Trump was sworn in, his administration cut over 90% of USAID and State Department foreign assistance programs, including PEPFAR — the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief — which had provided testing and lifesaving treatment to millions across the Caribbean and Africa. As a result, clinics in cities like Accra have run out of medication and shut down.

Meanwhile, American conservative evangelical groups — the same ones I mentioned earlier — have spent years exporting their hatred abroad. Organizations like the American Center for Law and Justice and Family Watch International, both with ties to the first Trump administration, have been lobbying for anti-gay laws in Ghana, Uganda, and other African countries.

According to Bloomberg and the Institute for Journalism and Social Change, seventeen U.S. conservative groups spent $5.2 million in Africa in 2022 alone — a 47% increase from 2019 — to block LGBTQ rights. 

Jacobsen: And keep in mind, the currency conversion makes that money go much further. 

Bouley: Five million U.S. dollars in most African nations translates to enormous influence — you can buy a whole continent’s worth of bigotry for what would barely fund a congressional campaign in the U.S.

That’s why they do it. In the U.S., $5.2 million won’t buy much political traction. In Africa, it can finance anti-gay campaigns in thirty countries. These American evangelicals, who love to quote Scripture and claim moral superiority, have apparently forgotten their own book.

Christ himself never mentioned homosexuality. None of the Ten Commandments say, “Thou shalt not be gay.” It never came up in the Sermon on the Mount. There are no biblical roots for anti-gay sentiment. Even as an atheist, I’ve studied the text closely — and it says the opposite: “Judge not, lest ye be judged. Love thy neighbor as thyself.”

The Leviticus passages they love to quote have long been shown to be mistranslations. The Bible, as a source of anti-gay hatred, simply isn’t one.

It’s the opposite, really. The Bible says to love everybody. It says not to judge anybody. It says that if someone offends you, you should turn the other cheek. The Bible’s core principles are about diversity, equity, and inclusion — Christians just keep getting that part wrong.

Jacobsen: Do we have any more stories for today?

Bouley: No, that’s about it — aside from Dick Cheney’s funeral, which was quite a hoot. He was anti-gay, then pro-gay after a relative came out. He opposed gay marriage until suddenly he didn’t. 

Jacobsen: Growth? 

Bouley: I call it bullshit. Dick Cheney — if Satan has a dais in hell, the people to his right and left, one of them’s going to be Dick Cheney. The man was a horrible human being — shot his friend in the face, launched two illegal wars because Bush wasn’t smart enough to do it himself, and spent a decade in contempt of Congress refusing to testify about Iraq and Afghanistan.

He was a horrible man. Yes, I know it’s not polite to speak ill of the dead, but don’t worry — I said the same things while he was alive. His record on gay rights was awful, absolutely awful — until his daughter, Mary Cheney, came out as a lesbian. Suddenly, that changed everything. But it does show that even the most staunch conservative can change their stance when it’s someone they love.

This Gay Week with Scott and me. Thank you all for joining us on this whirlwind cavalcade. Don’t worry — the world will keep spinning, and it’s going to remain a very gay place. So there’ll be more stories next week.

Jacobsen: It’s the gayest place on earth where we are.

Bouley: Even that asteroid headed toward us is gay. It keeps changing its tail. It’s a pretty gay asteroid. 

Jacobsen: Make up your mind where you’re going to land! 

Bouley: Are you going to have a tail, or not? Are you glowing green, or are you glowing purple? 

Jacobsen: For the love of God — fine, have socks of different colors. Let’s go!

Bouley: I don’t even sort my socks. My niece once told me, “When you’re old, think of all the time you’ll save if you never sort your socks.” She was right. I just throw them all in the drawer and wear whatever I want. See you next week. Au revoir.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

POVAHA’s Victoria Kobyliatska: Gender-Sensitive War Reporting and Women’s Leadership in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/29

Victoria Kobyliatska is a Ukrainian journalist and editor-in-chief of POVAHA, a campaign and media platform that challenges sexism in politics and the media. Her work spans gender equality, feminism, and gender-sensitive journalism, including training for reporters and editors. She has authored publications on women’s experiences during Russia’s war against Ukraine and on preventing sexual and gender-based violence. Kobyliatska supports the “Ask a Woman” expert initiative developed via the POVAHA platform and co-founder of the organization “Womenactive”, which was created to strengthen the influence of women in Ukrainian society. She is also editor of the allied platform Women Are 50% of Ukraine’s Success, focused on political representation and media standards. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Kobyliatska, editor-in-chief of POVAHA, explains why war reporting must center accountability for Russia’s gender-based crimes and align with international humanitarian law. She urges precise, non-sensational headlines, survivor-first protocols, informed consent, and careful anonymization. Kobyliatska highlights The Kyiv Independent’s investigation ‘Rape as a Weapon of War,’ rising documentation—368 conflict-related sexual violence cases by July 2025—and women’s leadership, from soldiers to Nobel laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk’s rights work. She critiques newsroom gaps: women are 58% of staff yet 51% of management and 30% of expert quotes. Tools like Ask a Woman and formal editorial policies embed gender-sensitive journalism in Ukraine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Russia wages war against Ukraine. Women are impacted often in gendered ways. Therefore, Russian-based gendered crimes against Ukrainian women require accountability. How should this framing shape headline writing and accountability language, and the real lived stories of women in war?

Victoria Kobyliatska: Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine has a clearly defined gender dimension. Sexual violence, persecution, and other forms of gender-based crimes are not random consequences of hostilities but deliberately used tools of genocide, intimidation, and control.

That is why the media coverage of these crimes needs to take into account that these are not just “tragic stories” but serious violations of international humanitarian law. Such understanding must shape an ethical approach to coverage and the language of journalistic materials.

Ethical coverage of war crimes is not only about language but also about respect for the experiences of women who have survived the war. They are not only “victims” but, first and foremost, people who are fighting for justice. The journalist’s task is to give voice to those who usually do not have one — without distortion and without exploiting pain, to bear witness to crimes rather than reproduce trauma.

There are key requirements that the media are recommended to follow:

  • accurate headlines to avoid oversimplification, devaluation, and clickbait in sensitive topics (“Russian soldiers under investigation for war-related sexual violence,” rather than “Ukrainian women tell horrific stories of rape” — the focus is on the responsibility of perpetrators, not on emotions or any information about survivors);
  • appropriate vocabulary (using terms such as “war crime,” “crime against humanity,” “violation of international humanitarian law,” rather than “drama,” “sex scandal,” or “horrific story”);
  • avoid retraumatization (there must be informed consent for publication, respect for the preferred choice to remain anonymous, carefully prepared questions to avoid causing pain or triggering repeated trauma; graphic images, sexualized photos, or emphasis on emotional details must not be used).

The media do not cover this topic very often, as it is difficult to find women willing to testify and talk about cases of sexual violence committed by Russians. But, for example, there is The Kyiv Independent’s documentary investigation“Rape as a Weapon of War” about sexual crimes committed during the Russian occupation of Kyiv and Kherson regions in early 2022. Two women shared their stories with journalists, which made it possible to identify the soldiers who raped them and their commanders. In one case, the team reconstructed the crime scene, undercover contacting several civilians and military personnel in the occupied Donetsk region to clarify key details. The communication between the survivors and journalists in this case was so trusting that one of the film’s protagonists, during a public screening in Kyiv, gave up her anonymity and told her story.

Jacobsen: What are some of the most noteworthy narratives told by Ukrainian women in war so far, known to you?

Kobyliatska: The stories of Ukrainian women during the full-scale war are not only testimonies of suffering. Among them there are stories of solidarity, resistance, and leadership that shape Ukraine’s image in the world. I would highlight three key areas here. These are the stories of women who survived sexual violence committed by Russian soldiers, the stories of women who took up arms to defend Ukraine, and the stories of human rights defenders, lawyers, and volunteers.

As for the first category, these are mostly anonymous testimonies. However, they are detailed enough to understand the scale of the problem — and sometimes even to identify the perpetrators.

As of July 2025, the Prosecutor General’s Office recorded 368 cases of conflict-related sexual violence, 232 of which concern women.

Recently, organizations of women who survived Russian captivity and conflict-related sexual violence — SEMA Ukraine and Numo, Sisters! (Let’s do it, sisters!) — prepared a joint submission to UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Alice Jill Edwards. They collected testimonies of survivors and statements from lawyers defending their rights. These are voices that must be heard at the international level. The submission demonstrates that conflict-related sexual violence in Russia’s war against Ukraine is used as a form of torture — a tool of humiliation, control, and terror (the full document can be found here).

There are also the stories of female soldiers who fight on equal terms with men — as commanders, snipers, drone operators, artillerywomen. This is crucial because they rewrite the narrative of war, making women subjects rather than objects of storytelling. Yaryna Chornohuz, a poet, is among them a combat medic, marine, and intelligence officer. She has been at war since 2019 and often travels abroad to advocate for supporting Ukraine with weapons.

Another important dimension is that of human rights defenders who document war crimes. For example, Oleksandra Matviichuk, head of the Center for Civil Liberties, who, together with her team, has been recording Russia’s crimes since the first days of the invasion. Her story is significant because it combines women’s leadership, legal precision, and humanism. This very work helped the Center receive the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize.

All these women are united by their strength to speak out. And it is they who explain to the world what Ukraine is fighting for — and what enormous price we are all paying for our freedom.

Jacobsen: What are important interview protocols, verification steps, and anonymization standards, to best protect survivors while serving the public interest in reporting?

Kobyliatska: I have already spoken about the key requirements for the war reporting in media and covering those affected by it. When highlighting the principles of interviewing survivors, I believe it is important to ensure the safety of the interviewees. For example, in the occupied territories, women have united in the resistance movement Zla Mavka” (Angry Wood Nymph). They use tools such as leaflets, posters, stickers, symbolic actions, and information manifestations to show that people in the occupied territories continue to resist. But they do this anonymously for safety reasons. When communicating with members of the movement, this must be taken into account, because even seemingly minor details can make a person identifiable to the enemy.

Informed consent is also crucial. A person must understand in which outlet and what exactly will be published, and must agree to it. This is especially important when it comes to personal, traumatic, or dangerous topics. In October 2022, there was a major prisoner exchange during which 108 women returned to Ukraine. A journalist from “Povaha” interviewed one of the women who had spent about five years in prison due to a fabricated case by the Russians. Before publication, we removed from the text all mentions of settlements and any information that could have endangered the woman. All the more so because, at that time, her children were still in the occupied territory, and negotiations were underway to have someone take them out and bring them to their mother.

That is, minimizing identifying data, using agreed pseudonyms and general descriptions, as well as protected visual content (concealing faces). When we speak about sensitive journalism, the goal of the journalist is to give voice to survivors, to serve the public interest while ensuring the safety of the interviewees and avoiding additional harm.

Jacobsen: Women in Media examined gender balance in Ukrainian newsrooms. What is the current state of gender balance in Ukrainian newsrooms?

Kobyliatska: As far as I know, Women in Media will conduct their research for the third consecutive year. The situation has not changed much compared to 2023–2024. According to the latest data, work in the media remains a field where women constitute the majority: 58% compared to 42% of men. At the same time, only 51% of managerial positions are held by women. Overall, the situation with expert commentary is disappointing, since only 30% of such comments in the news belong to women, while men dominate among speakers in television analytical programs.

Very few newsrooms have gender equality policies or mechanisms for reporting violations of these policies. For example, only 3% have policies aimed at promoting women’s leadership. The situation in regional media is worse than in national or capital-based outlets.

This means that the presence of women in the media does not necessarily translate into influence or equality in decision-making. In the context of war, this imbalance is especially significant, since it is the media that shape narratives — and gender sensitivity in newsrooms is crucial to ensure that war coverage is balanced and reflects women’s experiences without reproducing gender stereotypes.

Jacobsen: POVAHA and partners called out sexist content. Did the intervention make changes, or has this been a punctuation of a longer-term intervention?

Kobyliatska: Povaha was established in April 2014. We began to counter sexism at a time when almost no one in Ukraine even mentioned it. Moreover, people often did not know the meaning of the word “sexism” and asked whether it had something to do with sex.

Since then, the campaign has achieved significant results, raising the issue of sexism in the media to the national level. However, this was not a one-time “effect” but rather a long-term, systematic effort to transform the media environment. Changes are already happening, but it is still far from being considered a solved problem.

We advocated for the abolition of banned professions (until 2017, Ukraine had a list of more than 450 professions prohibited for women — restrictions that had existed since Soviet times). We also joined the advocacy campaign for the ratification of the Istanbul Convention. It was challenging and not always effective, as these initiatives faced strong resistance and triggered the emergence of anti-gender movements in the country.

Another area of Povaha’s work is gender-sensitive journalism. We conducted training sessions for journalists on how to maintain gender balance, avoid stereotypes, and communicate with women who have experienced violence without retraumatizing them. We also created a database of female experts for the media, Ask a Woman, so that journalists could seek comments from women specialists in various fields.

For several years in a row, we presented the anti-award “Tse Yaitse” (This is an egg), recognizing public officials who made sexist statements. Another nomination of the anti-award was for media outlets that failed to meet standards and tolerated sexism.

After the start of the full-scale invasion, we began writing extensively about women in the military, the work of women volunteers, and the wartime experiences of women. We spoke out against a well-known TV channel that released a calendar featuring naked female journalists as a way to raise funds for the army. This initiative sparked wide discussion about whether such methods are acceptable for charity purposes. In our opinion, it discriminates against women, and such content is unacceptable.

Unfortunately, we are currently facing financial difficulties, so the campaign has suspended its activities.

Jacobsen: “Ask a Woman” (2015-) expands expert sourcing. What editorial nudges, assignment checklists, producer prompts, and so on, move usage from optional to routine? Gender equity matters. Resources like this can move things to a healthier balance. 

Kobyliatska: For the use of databases like Ask a Woman to become a systemic practice, media outlets need to formalize it not merely as a matter of goodwill, but as part of their editorial policy. When a newsroom has a document that explicitly states that every publication should strive to ensure a balance of expert voices by gender, this principle becomes part of everyday work.

A policy is an official and publicly documented text that provides clear guidance for the internal processes of an editorial office (for example, principles of balancing expert voices, avoiding sexism and gender stereotypes).

This is by no means a novelty for Ukraine. The organization Volyn Press Club has been encouraging the creation of editorial policies with a gender component for many years. Training sessions are held for regional media outlets, and they receive mentorship to develop editorial policies that directly establish commitments to gender balance (in the selection of experts, newsmakers, and within the editorial team).

In addition to regional outlets, national media have also begun adopting editorial policies. This has been facilitated by the organizations Women in Media and the Commission on Journalism Ethics. Over the past year alone, gender equality policies have been introduced by Ukrainska Pravda (Ukrainian Truth), Rubryka (Heading) and Suspilne (Public).

When media outlets have an effective editorial policy, consulting expert databases such as Ask a Woman becomes a habit — not something optional or occasional.

Jacobsen: Women in Media connects a large peer network of journalists. It links ZMINA, JurFem, Ukrinform, and others. How does that network accelerate change? 

Kobyliatska: Women in Media is just one of the NGOs focused on supporting women working in journalism. The other organizations you listed are more human rights–oriented (Yurfem is a community of female lawyers who advocate for gender equality, and ZMINA is a Human Rights Center, one of whose areas of activity is the protection of women’s rights). Ukrinform is a media outlet, a news agency.

Returning to Women in Media, it is a large network of women working in the media who support and strengthen each other. I follow the work of this organization closely. They have many important initiatives. In particular, I have participated in several of them: a retreat for women in media and a reimbursement program for childcare expenses (the cost of a nanny, clubs, or camps).

I also know that Women in Media is promoting the creation of children’s corners so that journalists can take their children with them to conferences or media events and leave them in a special childcare space where they will be looked after. This is a very good and inclusive initiative. It gives women the opportunity to do their work with peace of mind and to know that their children are safe and cared for during that time.

Jacobsen: Women are, indeed, 50% of Ukraine’s success (and pride). Which lessons on political representation coverage, candidate profiling, and debunking gendered narratives should be adopted more?

Kobyliatska: “Women are 50% of Ukraine’s success” is the name of a social project aimed at activating and supporting women in public and political life, balancing the representation of women and men in key positions to help create a truly European model of society. It was mainly an information platform, but we also held training sessions for female politicians. This project is now also suspended due to a lack of funding.

Regarding the approaches of the media and the political representation of women, the topic of elections is irrelevant for Ukraine and will remain irrelevant for a long time because the war is ongoing, and no elections can be held during wartime. Activists and volunteers are encouraged to enter politics, but it is unknown how and when this will happen. Therefore, we work with those women who are already members of parliament or work in local authorities

In training sessions, we always emphasize that when working with this topic, journalists should avoid stereotypes and misogyny and should not discriminate against the female politicians they are writing about. However, unfortunately, a woman can still be asked in an interview who she left her children with or who cooks in her family. Men are not asked such questions. I always talk about the “mirror test”: if you want to ask a woman something and have doubts about whether it is a discriminatory question, think about whether you would ask a man the same thing. If not, then you should reconsider the question and ask something else.

I think editorial policies on gender equality would be very useful here because they set clear rules when everyone in the newsroom knows that sexist descriptions, comments about appearance, family status, or “feminine traits” should be avoided. Talk about professionalism and experience, not about gender. It would also be good if the media prepared more materials about successful female politicians, stories of overcoming barriers, and women’s initiatives in communities. They should use storytelling that shows women as subjects of action, not as exceptions or “victims of the system.” Although slowly, this is already happening — because if we compare the media approaches that existed 10 years ago with what we have now, the progress is quite noticeable.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Victoria.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 23: G7 Sanctions, Venezuela, Nigeria, Sudan, Authoritarian Regimes, Western Power

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/29

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this episode of Everywhere InsidersScott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Tsukerman on G7 sanctions on Russia, U.S. pressure on Venezuela and Nigeria, and genocidal violence in Sudan. Tsukerman explains how symbolic sanctions, inconsistent U.S. policy, and proxy actors from Russia to the UAE blunt accountability while civilians pay the price. She links cultural “openings” under authoritarian regimes, such as Iran, to psychological control rather than real reform. Across cases, Jacobsen and Tsukerman trace a through line: absent strategy, selective outrage, and weak institutions enable atrocities, leaving vulnerable communities with little protection or meaningful recourse under international law.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is Everywhere Insiders, I think episode 23. We are almost at the halfway point of our collaboration—at least on this series. I believe it is the longest of the recent experimental weeklies, so thank you very much. We are going to cover a few things. This is local, but I think it is also international, obviously, with the G7. We had the Foreign Ministers’ Summit here. I was in attendance as an independent journalist, but with International Policy Digest. The oversized item was the sanctions on the Russian Federation—on, I think, 13 individuals and 11 entities. Since the original 2014 regulations came into force, Canada has now sanctioned more than 3,300 individuals and entities connected to Russia and related theatres under the Special Economic Measures framework. So, quick thoughts: what are your opinions about the state of the G7 and the approach they have taken at this meeting?

Irina Tsukerman: I am glad there is finally some united front on this one issue. The G7 has not been particularly high-profile under Trump, in part. He is not a big fan of multilateral formats in general and in part because he has focused heavily on bilateral or “mini-lateral” initiatives. Larger gatherings—unless they are very high profile and fit his narrative—have not been a priority. So the G7 has been in a kind of holding pattern: not collapsing, but not driving the agenda the way some other blocs have. There is bilateral engagement between the United States and other G7 members; some of it is positive, while some is less so. But at least the fact that this sanctions package came together sends a signal of coordination, even with Trump in office. 

On the other hand, how much will it change the situation on the ground? Anything is better than nothing, but Russia has proved highly resilient, even with a damaged economy, in sustaining its military campaign. It has adopted low-tech, attritional methods that do not require a flourishing economy. Ukraine, for its part, has suffered from a shortage of personnel in key areas like Pokrovsk and lacks Russia’s population base. 

Another issue is that political and budget fights in the United States have repeatedly slowed or complicated assistance. A federal funding freeze can delay forms of foreign aid, and there have been separate, explicit decisions from Trump and his advisers to pause or reduce some support to Ukraine. In 2025, for instance, some munitions deliveries were paused, and reporting has linked part of that initiative to the Pentagon policy shop led by Elbridge Colby, though Trump himself has also been directly involved in freezes. It was not that the Pentagon, on its own and without authorization, used a shutdown as an excuse; instead, a combination of budget brinkmanship and policy decisions created a stop-start pattern of support. 

You mentioned other U.S. developments. Washington is now openly threatening military intervention in Nigeria, with Trump describing it as a response to the killing of Christians and ordering the Pentagon to prepare contingency plans. At the moment, however, this remains rhetoric, planning, and political pressure—there has been no actual U.S. combat deployment. Many analysts and Nigerian voices see this as political theatre more than concrete policy so far. If it ever turned into a real deployment, it would raise legal and diplomatic questions about host-nation consent, a UN mandate, or congressional authorization, especially without explicit Nigerian support, as for Venezuela and Nigeria vis-à-vis the United States, the Maduro regime is widely viewed as a regional and international problem. 

U.S. prosecutors have charged Maduro and senior officials with narco-terrorism, alleging collaboration with drug-trafficking networks and groups such as the FARC, which the U.S. designates as a terrorist organization. Analysts also document links between elements of the Venezuelan state and Hezbollah and other Iran-aligned networks, framing Venezuela as a hub where organized crime and terrorism intersect. Venezuelan intelligence services have a record of abuses at home and have been accused of running espionage networks abroad, including across Latin America, contributing to perceptions of broad sabotage and interference. And Maduro has actively relied on Iran, Russia, and China—military, intelligence, and economic support—particularly as U.S. sanctions and U.S. military pressure have intensified.

All over the Western Hemisphere, there is no question that his presence alone—his engagement with those foreign actors—is a direct violation of the Monroe Doctrine, and there is no question that he is an exceptionally malign and completely illegitimate actor. The problem is not that the United States is trying to find a way to remove him; the problem is that what they are doing actually gets in the way of eliminating Nicolás Maduro. Rather than targeting this dictator—who is responsible for catastrophic, artificial economic collapse inside the country, who appears on numerous sanctions lists for corruption, human rights abuses, and repression of opposition movements, and whose government has triggered one of the most significant refugee crises in modern history—the United States has focused on attacking alleged drug-transport vessels. Some of them may indeed be connected to narcotrafficking, and some may not be.

The United States has never presented evidence, even in internal congressional briefings, that satisfies the burden of showing that this escalation is security-related, much less that it meets the standards for any extrajudicial use of force. Historically, when the United States carried out extrajudicial drone strikes, they targeted active terrorist organizations. The United States has indeed designated some cartels as terrorist organizations. However, it is not clear whether the alleged drug transporters would even fall under such designations, much less whether transporting drugs alone would constitute an imminent danger to U.S. citizens that could justify pre-emptive action. Given that there is no evidence these vessels were criminal, terrorist, or otherwise hostile actors, it is entirely possible that at least some of these strikes violated international law. That has created significant setbacks for public support of these operations and has generated unnecessary bipartisan polarization around something that should be straightforward. 

Opposing Maduro ought to be an easy bipartisan win. Another issue is that international partners have begun limiting intelligence sharing out of concern that their information could contribute to unlawful attacks. This includes Colombia, whose relationship with the United States is already strained for unrelated reasons, and even the United Kingdom, one of Washington’s closest security partners. The fact that these countries, all of which consider Maduro illegitimate and believe he should face intense pressure, are nonetheless deeply concerned sends a clear message that the United States is not approaching this correctly. Washington is not only lending credibility to Maduro’s narratives inside Latin America and generating anti-American sentiment, but also undermining international support for any future coordinated plan to pressure or potentially remove the regime, if that is, in fact, the plan. 

As of now, it is unclear what the United States intends to do. What we do know is that the Trump administration informed Congress that it does not currently have sufficient legal justification to carry out strikes on Venezuelan territory, despite widespread speculation. If this is what they are willing to admit publicly, it is obvious that any serious military action is unlikely in the near future. Unfortunately, all of these benefits go to Maduro and his supporters. It undercuts the opposition and diminishes the possibility of a peaceful, orderly transition should a viable framework for Maduro’s departure emerge. It also raises the risk of repeating past failures—such as the poorly executed covert operations against Fidel Castro. If the administration is planning similar operations, it should at least learn from history and avoid attempts unlikely to succeed. Unfortunately, from what I am hearing, there was at least one attempt to abduct Maduro or a senior member of his administration.

That went horribly wrong and caused public embarrassment, so that also does not bode well for any long-term plan to remove him from power. It is interesting: reports indicate that certain veil-related restrictions are easing while political crackdowns are intensifying. They are facing economic and political strain. Executions have surged to their highest level since 1989, and nuclear talks remain stalled. 

Jacobsen: I want to focus on something more cultural than geopolitical—how people are being allowed to relate to one another. There are women in jeans and sneakers and men in cafés, reportedly with some Western music. I am curious what “Western music” means here: is it music from the 1990s, or is it contemporary? Are they listening to Mary J. Blige or Kendrick Lamar, essentially? What are your thoughts on the loosening—however limited—of social restrictions that had previously been rigidly enforced in Iran? The question is: what are your thoughts, less on the geopolitics of stalled nuclear talks—which, if stalled, present nothing new—and more on the easing of some social restrictions amidst intensified repression? For example, executions are now at their highest since 1989. What do you make of this duality: cultural opening alongside escalating crackdowns? 

Tsukerman: It is not necessarily contradictory. In fact, this pattern has existed before. The Islamic Republic has always paired fear-based domestic control with just enough limited breathing room to prevent the situation from exploding into widespread uprisings. It is not liberalizing. It is not shifting its anti-Western ideological stance. In schools, in particular, there are significant restrictions on learning English and on exposure to any Western historical or cultural perspectives. 

Educational policy has become even more explicitly focused on indoctrinating younger generations into anti-Western attitudes, based on the regime’s historical lesson that if you do not indoctrinate them early, they grow more liberal—and that becomes a threat. What the regime is doing is managing two tracks at once: slowly shaping younger children into a more ideologically rigid, anti-Western mindset, while giving the current generation—those who grew up with VPNs and access to outside culture—just enough superficial cultural freedom to prevent them from becoming politically mobilized. The goal is to keep them distracted from their grievances and the intolerable nature of their circumstances. It is a form of manipulation—almost a psychological operations design—using harmless cultural openings to divert attention away from political rebellion.

The goal is to make them believe the situation is somewhat manageable without changing anything that matters to the regime. What matters to the regime is not what matters to the general public, particularly those who are not politically active. The objective is to prevent them from becoming politically active or joining groups seeking change. The crackdowns are the other side of this—essentially a carrot-and-stick approach. If you are a law-abiding citizen who behaves and does not violate restrictions, you are given a bit more room to enjoy life. If you are politically active or perceived as a threat, even if you are not actually a threat, the regime takes a stringent approach to demonstrate that it means business. It reinforces that deviations from the allowed practices will not be tolerated. The regime is exercising more control now than previously, when it was less consistent and less predictable. 

Jacobsen: In Nigeria, there is a different issue that sits outside the usual Western commentaries. Witchcraft accusations remain widespread. In the West, witchcraft is usually viewed as a recreational or symbolic practice—people go to festivals, form covens, or treat it as a subculture. It is not socially consequential or life-threatening. In many parts of Nigeria, older women can be killed, and the sick or infirm can be further harmed due to superstition. Thousands of Nigerian children are now being accused of being witches. Many are abused or abandoned by their families. Pastors and witch doctors charge fees for exorcisms, creating layers of exploitation from charlatans. Aid groups are moving in to support children through school and university, and Nigerian aid organizations appear to be scaling up efforts to help children accused of this entirely fabricated crime. What are your thoughts? 

Tsukerman: The reason it is not a significant issue in the West is that most people who identify with witchcraft do not believe in its supernatural power. For them, it is a social or spiritual activity, and to the extent they do think, it is protected under the First Amendment as religious expression. As long as it does not cause harm or violate any laws, there is no reason for social concern. In Nigeria, however, many people genuinely believe witchcraft has a supernatural impact. That belief creates fear. Part of this stems from poor education, limited government reach, corruption, weak institutions, and the failure of authorities to protect citizens. Another part comes from deeply ingrained cultural, tribal, and—though to a lesser extent—religious traditions and superstitions.

Much of this is a tribal practice. Religions generally condemn witchcraft, but most do not actually believe it exists. When religious belief is paired with cultural and tribal norms, it creates a powerful combination of social prejudice. It also becomes a convenient tool for eliminating people you dislike for entirely unrelated reasons. If you envy someone, you accuse them of witchcraft. If you want to take over a farm, you accuse the owner of witchcraft. If you have a dispute with a neighbour, a witchcraft accusation can prompt others in the community to injure, punish, or kill them, removing the “problem” for you. 

It is often difficult to determine how much harm arises from genuine fear and ignorance and how much from people deliberately exploiting superstition to settle grudges or gain material advantage. Education is crucial. Reducing the influence of these beliefs requires active engagement, best practices, and community-level support explaining that witchcraft does not exist and that supposed rituals cannot harm anyone. When Christian communities facing jihadist attacks appeal for help, they receive international attention because there are significant Christian populations abroad who advocate for them. Children and adults accused of witchcraft have no such global constituency. Outsiders may believe witchcraft is real and avoid involvement, or they may not know the victims exist. No established transnational networks are advocating specifically for victims of witchcraft accusations. As a result, this issue receives far less international support than other human rights violations of similar severity. 

Jacobsen: The last topic is Sudan. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) are advancing eastward amid an escalation of the civil war. The most recent figures I saw were at least 150,000 people killed so far, with approximately 14 million internally displaced. There was international outrage over the large-scale killing of civilians in El Fasher. Amy Pope, head of the International Organization for Migration, has also reported that up to 50,000 people have been displaced from Kordofan in the past two months. It is a horrific situation. Any general thoughts? 

Tsukerman: Unfortunately, after the massacre in El Fasher—which many observers classified as indicative of genocidal intent—there was another similar incident in the same area, prompting renewed international outcry. RSF has been accused of attempting to wipe out portions of the population in Darfur and other regions on sectarian and racial grounds. There has been increasing pressure on the UAE and other countries believed to be supplying weapons to the RSF for geopolitical, security, or economic reasons. Other actors, including Russia, have been playing both sides of the conflict, further contributing to the devastation.

The humanitarian and human rights crisis is intensifying. There have been attempts to reach a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and to establish humanitarian corridors. Recently, the parties agreed to a humanitarian truce, but it is unclear whether it had any meaningful effect on the delivery of aid to civilians or on providing medical assistance to those affected by the massacres. As far as I know, conditions on the ground did not significantly improve. It is also unclear how long the truce was intended to last or whether it has already been violated. What we continue to see is the RSF gaining territory politically and militarily, while the overall situation inside Sudan remains unchanged. 

The United States has attempted to provide mediation through talks in Washington, but there is no dedicated envoy or task force focused solely on Sudan. The current special envoy for Africa—who is Trump’s in-law, Boulos—has experience living in Africa as a businessman but lacks the specialized geopolitical background needed to address each conflict independently. There is, therefore, a severe shortage of resources and expertise. Regional actors with strong interests in the outcome—such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia—have tried their own mediation efforts, but they often lack credibility with one side or the other and cannot independently resolve the crisis. Because Sudan is not treated as a top priority compared to higher-profile conflicts like Ukraine or Gaza, international attention and resources have been limited.

There has not been a sustained international focus on Sudan as there has been on other conflicts. Media coverage is increasing now that the Gaza conflict appears to be in a holding pattern. There is still internal activity there, unfortunately, but it is perceived as less active. That shift in attention, along with the shock over the massacres, has contributed to renewed international interest. Still, in terms of actual policy, this has not translated into much beyond additional U.S.-backed diplomatic efforts. There has been no overwhelming international pressure: no major UN resolutions, no serious attempts to deploy peacekeeping forces, and no significant African Union pressure on the warring actors through substantive initiatives. We are seeing a self-perpetuating conflict, with minimal intervention from those interested in ending the war.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina.

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This Gay Week 9: Global LGBTQ Crackdowns, Digital Lifelines, and Radical Family Support

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/28

Karel Bouley is a trailblazing LGBTQ broadcaster, entertainer, and activist. As half of the first openly gay duo in U.S. drive-time radio, he made history while shaping California law on LGBTQ wrongful death cases. Karel rose to prominence as the #1 talk show host on KFI AM 640 in Los Angeles and KGO AM 810 in San Francisco, later expanding to Free Speech TV and the Karel Cast podcast. His work spans journalism (HuffPostThe AdvocateBillboard), television (CNN, MSNBC), and the music industry. A voting member of NARAS, GALECA, and SAG-AFTRA, Karel now lives and creates in Las Vegas.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Bouley, they track a “gay week” in global news, from China’s removal of Blued and Finka to Kazakhstan’s “LGBTQ propaganda” law and Qatar’s entrenched repression. Bouley contrasts hookup-app culture with their role as lifelines where queer spaces are scarce, and warns about state surveillance and extremist violence. He skewers Catholic hypocrisy, U.S. moral panics over Epstein and “groomers,” and Western homophobia exported abroad. Yet the interview closes on hope in families like Robert De Niro’s, showing how public, unconditional support for trans kids can counter rising hate and model meaningful allyship publicly.

Interview conducted November 14, 2025, in the afternoon Pacific Time.

Karel Bouley: This week with Scott and Bouley: gay news from around the world. Let us start with China.

Apparently, they do not want their gay citizens to date, because they have removed two of the country’s most popular gay dating apps from Apple’s App Store and from several major Android platforms in mainland China. I had never heard of these apps, but I have never been to China. They are called Blued and Finka. I do not know if those are Chinese words. I also cannot imagine a gay person saying, “I found you on Finka.”

The apps were unavailable on the app stores yesterday and remain unavailable today on Apple’s China App Store and on several Chinese Android app stores. Users are having trouble downloading them from those platforms. However, if you already have the apps on your phone in China, they still function. In addition, they remain available for download from their official websites, even though they are no longer listed in the major app stores. The companies behind the apps have not released any public statements or detailed explanations for their removal.

In a statement to Wired, Apple said, “We follow the laws in the countries where we operate,” and explained that, based on an order from the Cyberspace Administration of China—known as the CAC—it had removed the two apps from the China storefront only. Apple operates a separate app store for China, which I did not know until reading this story. Still, it makes sense given China’s specific rules and its censorship of digital content.

As a result, many popular foreign apps such as Facebook, Instagram, and other Western social media platforms are blocked in mainland China and therefore unavailable to ordinary users unless they use circumvention tools. International dating apps such as Grindr and Tinder are also blocked. Blued, founded in 2012, is the country’s most widely used dating app for gay men, with more than 40 million registered users worldwide. In recent years, it has expanded into live streaming. However, it is still primarily considered a gay dating app. In 2020, Blued’s parent company, BlueCity, acquired Finka.

Homosexuality is legal in China; same-sex sexual activity was decriminalized in 1997. So it is not the case that these apps were removed because being gay is illegal. However, after several decades of economic opening and partial social liberalization, open displays of LGBTQ identity have increasingly been pushed underground again. LGBTQ civil society organizations have been forced to close, and Shanghai Pride—the country’s largest Pride event—was suspended in 2020 and has not resumed.

In September, an Australian–American horror film titled Together was digitally altered for screenings in China: a gay couple in a wedding scene was changed into a straight couple by using AI to replace one of the male characters’ faces with a woman’s. The backlash was strong enough that the film’s wider release in China was postponed.

Bouley: There is no indication yet on whether Blued and Finka will return to the Chinese app stores, since there was no advance notice of their removal and no clarification on the duration of the measure. The living space for sexual minorities has been shrinking over the past few years in China. One founder of an LGBTQ community organization in China said that hearing about the removal of Blued and Finka from the app stores “caught him off guard,” because even the remaining online spaces now feel insecure. He also noted that apps like Blued contribute to social stability and harmony by helping people connect, so their removal is difficult to understand.

It is not clear why the apps were removed or whether this will be a permanent move. Chinese authorities have not issued a public explanation, nor have they said whether the removal is reversible. One WeChat user wrote that Blued “made countless people realize for the first time that they were not alone; it brought a group from the margins to being seen,” capturing how vital these platforms have been as lifelines for many LGBTQ people in China. The Cyberspace Administration of China could not be reached for comment.

For now, if you already have the apps on your phone in China, they still work. You cannot download them from the leading app stores, and it is uncertain whether that situation is temporary or permanent. Two questions remain hanging in the air: what exactly triggered this specific crackdown, and what kind of digital space, if any, China is willing to leave for LGBTQ people in the future.

Jacobsen: In North America, presumably, you have made some prior commentary that apps can be a little bit dicey and unsafe at times—terrible actors. Akin to the Pokémon Go incidents, where someone sees a Pokémon, wanders into an alley, and then gets beaten, threatened and robbed. It is analogous, in a way.

Bouley: To the first part of the question, yes, I would imagine that in a country where homophobia is not only rampant but also almost state-sanctioned, some bad actors would feel emboldened, or might even feel it is their duty, to go and “find the gays.” I have never used—well, I am on Scruff, and I got on there when it first started. I really have not updated my profile in a very long time. I do not go on there. If I get a notice that someone has messaged me, I will read their message. I usually do not respond.

I always say, “You order pizza online, not men.” It has always been a safety concern for me, and I am a public figure. Now, Andy Cohen has openly said that he uses all the gay apps—Grindr, Tinder, Scruff and all of those. If he chooses to put himself in that kind of risk, that is his business. He is not the smartest of queens anyway. I am not a fan. I am really not a fan of Andy Cohen’s.

Because I am also a public figure who says controversial things, I tend to stay away from such apps. Also, it is depressing, because it appears everybody in the world is in an open relationship, which is—well, every person on there says “partnered but open relationship.” It is a sad statement. So I do not use them. But in a country like China, yes, I personally, here in the United States, would feel uncomfortable and unsafe in China.

There have been a few times when I have been either in rural America at a Republican convention or in another country, and I have launched the apps to see if there are gay people around. When I was in the west of Ireland—in a tiny little town, Portmagee, right on the far western tip—I thought to myself, there cannot possibly be any other gay people here in Portmagee. I launched the app, and sure enough, within ten miles, there were five queens—farmer Irish queens. It was fun to talk to them and ask, What is it like for a gay person in the west of Ireland?

So, have I used these apps as a way to communicate with gay people? Yes, because in some rural places, where you would be shocked that there are gay people at all, the apps give them a way to connect. In China, I can easily see why a gay person would rely more heavily on an app like this—because it is far easier than trying to find a safe gay space. As gay bars disappear in the United States, they are certainly not multiplying in China.

Safe gay spaces in China, particularly rural China, are probably few and far between, and the apps function almost like a gay bar—a safe space to meet and talk. We tend to look at these apps differently depending on the country. In America, they are basically hookup apps. In other countries, they tend to function more like social apps because there are no in-person spaces for queer people to meet. They serve different purposes in different countries. This is actually a blow—no pun intended—to the gay and lesbian community in China, because it takes away a safe space. Even if there is some debate about how “safe” these apps truly are, they have been a place for people to meet and talk.

I would also fear, in a country like China, that the government would be watching and taking notes about who is gay and who is not. So even though being gay is legal there, they have followed Trump’s lead in tightening the grip on the gay community. I would be hesitant to use this app in China anyway. But I am not Chinese. If I were Chinese, and this were my only safe space, I would probably still use it. And they still can, as I said—you cannot download any new updates or new versions. We will see whether anyone challenges this and what ultimately happens.

But yes, in answer to the first part of the question, I would imagine there is increased risk in China, not only from bad actors but also from the government itself, which may be watching and collecting data on who is gay. Not that governments elsewhere do not do that. In Florida, it has now become a felony to say you are gay on state-owned land. They literally made it illegal to say you are gay on property owned by the state. You could be on a sidewalk—technically a crosswalk—and if you say you are gay, you could be committing a felony because the Department of Transportation owns it.

I am not saying that the government in this country is not using apps to find gay people; they very well might be. But I think a government like China’s is even more likely to do so. The safety issue there is twofold: danger from bad actors and danger from the state itself.

Jacobsen: I am often reminded of the cultural imposition that surrounds these debates in North America and many religious communities. They will balk at Pride parades and say, “We do not want your lifestyle”—as they call it—”imposed on us.” I have always reflected on that and thought: they are so close to understanding the irony. 

Bouley: My answer to that sort of thing is that, growing up, I had their lifestyle imposed on me. It was in every movie, every television commercial, every car ad—everywhere. It was so omnipresent that now I actually get a little uncomfortable when I see gay representation in media, simply because I never saw it.

I was watching a gay film—Boots, I was watching Boots—and I got a little uncomfortable during the gay scenes. And I thought, “Why am I uneasy?” Because you never see this. You never see an open, happy representation. And even then, we were not especially open and happy; we were closeted and alcoholic, but that is another story. Those kinds of excuses I have heard my whole life, and they are just that: excuses. People are looking for justification for their bigotry. If you look hard enough, you can always find a reason for bigotry.

Speaking of which, the Royal College of Psychiatrists is facing member backlash over a partnership with Qatar—or Qatar, depending on how you want to say it, one of the most mispronounced words of 2025, by the way. More than 150 psychiatrists have signed a letter condemning contracts to host exams in countries with well-documented human rights abuses.

The Royal College of Psychiatrists partnered with Qatar’s state healthcare provider, Hamad Medical Corporation, to host international exams in Doha, enabling psychiatrists from across the Middle East and beyond to apply for membership in the organization. The decision to hold clinical exams in a country with well-documented human rights abuses—and in which same-sex relationships are criminalized—prompted more than 150 psychiatrists from leading UK hospitals and universities to sign a letter to the president of the college.

A commercial relationship with Qatar’s public health system—a de facto branch of the government—risks significant reputational damage to the college, the letter states, which was sent in September. Women are denied equal rights in numerous areas, there is no legal protection for domestic abuse, and same-sex sexuality remains legally subject to the death penalty in Qatar.

So they are upset that the college plans to hold exams in a country where it is illegal to be gay. I think it is well-meaning on the part of the Royal College of Psychiatrists in Great Britain, but it won’t change anything in Qatar.

I always say this: sometimes you win battles by going into the enemy’s camp. If the Royal College of Psychiatrists can bring in members who may currently be opposed to LGBTQ rights, maybe they can shed some light, spread some knowledge, and soften those attitudes. It is a fine line. Sometimes you win by going into places you are not supposed to go. Perhaps by recognizing these psychiatrists and allowing exams to take place in these countries—but without changing your stance, because the Royal College of Psychiatrists is not going to change its stance on LGBTQ people—you can still create some small openings to accommodate those people in Qatar. So perhaps by holding firm to their position that being LGBTQ is not a mental illness, they may influence some minds. We will see. It is encouraging that these 150 psychiatrists signed a letter condemning the decision to host exams in a country with severe human rights violations.

Qatar is not a safe place to be gay. There are LGBTQ people there, but they remain deeply closeted. Another story with international implications has been circulating in the news. On my birthday, November 7, the Supreme Court of the United States declined to take up Kim Davis’s claim that her rights were violated when she refused to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples. She was challenging the legality of same-sex marriage itself. The Supreme Court declined the case. That does not guarantee they will never revisit same-sex marriage. Still, it means this particular case did not meet their criteria. The lower court ruling stands.

The lower court found her liable, and she now owes substantial damages.

Jacobsen: What is the public opinion, in reliable surveys, toward same-sex marriage?

Bouley: Sixty-seven percent of Americans now support same-sex marriage. Even more—according to a recent Gallup poll, about 71 percent—believe the law should remain in place even if they personally oppose same-sex marriage. Many think the matter is settled, the law is established, and society has not collapsed. Support has held steady or increased over the past five years. A decade ago, opposition was higher than support. That has reversed.

Jacobsen: Gretta Vosper, the atheist minister of the United Church of Canada at West Hill United in Ontario, said she felt she was dragging the Christian church into the 21st century. These laws seem to do the same work.

Bouley: And speaking of turning back the clock, the UK High Court is hearing a challenge over guidance for single-sex toilets. The court is reviewing guidelines issued by the Equality and Human Rights Commission on which public or workplace toilets transgender people should use. The Commission issued—and later withdrew—interim guidance in April. It stated that in places with male and female toilets, they should be used based on biological sex.

Lawyers challenging the guidance argue that it is legally flawed and overly simplistic. The earlier guidelines were withdrawn, and now the High Court is determining what the policy should be.

Under the withdrawn guidance, a trans woman—a biological male who identifies as a woman—would be expected to use either gender-neutral facilities or men’s toilets, but not women’s. The guidance was issued shortly after the UK’s highest court ruled that “woman” is defined by biological sex under equality law.

The Good Law Project and three anonymous plaintiffs argue that the guidance has created a climate of fear for transgender people. They are asking the court to reconsider. A written judgment will be issued at a later date, and advocates hope the court will remove the emphasis on “biological sex.”

And say that if you are a trans woman, or if you identify as a woman, you may use the women’s restroom. We will see. We do not know what the court will decide, but at least the April guidance has been rescinded. New guidance is being developed.

Jacobsen: Did we talk about Kazakhstan two weeks ago?

Bouley: We did. At that time, the proposal was before their parliament. Since then, it has passed. Kazakhstan now prohibits the distribution and possession of what it calls “LGBTQ propaganda.” It is not limited to distributing material; simply having pro-LBGTQ content in your home is prohibited.

Despite the term “propaganda,” which would logically apply to both anti- and pro-LGBTQ messaging, the law only targets pro-LGBTQ material. Anti-LBGTQ messaging is untouched and effectively encouraged. The law is now entirely in force.

As I have said many times, if you are gay in Kazakhstan, leave if you can. There is no economic pressure on the government, no diplomatic pressure from the United States, and none from surrounding nations. The law will almost certainly stand.

Sometimes governments pass anti-LBGTQ laws primarily for symbolic reasons, to appease a conservative base. In some countries, these laws are selectively enforced or barely enforced at all. Jamaica, for example, historically criminalized same-sex activity only for the receptive partner—an absurd and invasive distinction—and enforcement was inconsistent. Authorities typically used the law as a tool of harassment rather than consistent prosecution.

We do not yet know whether Kazakhstan will enforce its new law aggressively. There have been no reported arrests for mere possession of LGBTQ-affirming material so far. But the government now has a legal mechanism available if it chooses to use it.

In more positive news, Northern Ireland—part of the United Kingdom—is now offering the long-acting HIV prevention injection. This injectable form of PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis) has been approved in the United States and several other countries. It significantly reduces the risk of HIV transmission when taken as prescribed.

Jacobsen: Would highly homophobic governments restrict access to this new treatment?

Bouley: They already do. Many governments in Africa are so homophobic that they restrict or obstruct HIV medication entirely, and people die as a result. That is not speculation; it is well-documented.

However, in many non-Western nations, HIV is not primarily seen as a “gay disease.” In much of sub-Saharan Africa, it is associated with heterosexual transmission, drug use, and lack of access to healthcare. Women make up a significant portion of new HIV cases because men acquire HIV from multiple partners and transmit it to their wives or other partners. The global perception of HIV differs sharply from the Western stereotype that dominated early coverage in the 1980s.

In so-called “civilized” countries, HIV is often mischaracterized as a gay disease. In sub-Saharan Africa—where HIV has existed for decades and where the highest burden still exists—it is not viewed that way. It is understood as a sexually transmitted infection affecting men, women, and heterosexual couples, and it has also spread through contaminated blood products, especially during periods when screening systems were inadequate. Blood screening is now widely implemented, but was not always reliable in earlier decades.

It varies by country. In Russia, for example, HIV prevention is difficult to access because authorities continue to frame HIV as a “gay disease,” despite overwhelming scientific evidence to the contrary.

In Northern Ireland, however, people can now access the long-acting HIV-prevention injection known as Cabotegravir—informally called the “Cabla-jab.” It is administered every two months and offers an alternative to daily oral PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis), which uses antiretroviral medications, including drugs in the same broad class as protease inhibitors.

The injection works by maintaining a protective level of antiretroviral medication in the bloodstream. If a person is exposed to HIV while protected, the virus is unable to establish an infection. Studies show it is 97–99% effective.

Countries that have adopted PrEP—whether in pill or injectable form—have seen dramatic drops in new infections. I have chosen not to use it personally. My late husband was HIV-positive, and I never contracted HIV because safe sex works. Not everyone tolerates protease inhibitors well—they are potent drugs. Paxlovid, the COVID-19 antiviral, is also a protease inhibitor; that is why it is prescribed only for brief periods. Cabotegravir is a different drug, but the principle is similar: a potent antiviral that alters how the virus replicates.

The good news is that Northern Ireland now joins England, Wales, and Scotland in making this injectable option available. That is six shots per year instead of taking pills every single day.

Jacobsen: Anything else?

Bouley: Plenty. Since you mentioned Kazakhstan, it is worth noting that its new anti-LBGTQ “propaganda” law closely mirrors Russia’s. It uses nearly identical wording. Historically, the Central Asian states—the “stans”—have followed Moscow’s ideological lead, at least until geopolitical winds shift. Afghanistan, for instance, was within the Soviet sphere until suddenly it was not.

In Russia, authorities recently found an LGBTQ travel agent guilty of “extremism.” They are aggressively prosecuting LGBTQ individuals and organizations. In one bizarre case, a court even issued a posthumous ruling: 48-year-old Andrei Kotov was declared guilty after he was found dead in a Moscow pretrial detention center. Officials claimed suicide—a claim as dubious as many government explanations for in-custody deaths.

For the record, the Epstein scandal had nothing to do with gay men. The problems in that story run in very different directions.

Another trend: some global LGBTQ travellers skipped Pride in the United States this year. A demographic review following the major Pride events showed a decrease in international attendance. Canadian participation dropped 23%. Many Canadians typically visit New York, Chicago, or other U.S. cities for Pride. Still, this year they chose not to travel. The same pattern held for visitors from Mexico and several other countries. Travel hesitancy, political climate, and safety concerns all play a role.

Jacobsen: Benitez—did we cover this person? 

Bouley: No. 

Jacobsen: ABC News weekend anchor joins Catholic Church, reaffirming faith with husband by his side. Quote: “I found the Ark of the Covenant—capital A, capital C—in my heart, stored there by the one who created me… exactly as I am.”

Any thoughts on this? 

Bouley: He is delusional. I have always wondered why gay people choose to be members of the largest child-raping institution in the world, which is what the Catholic Church is. And more importantly, I have always wondered why they want to be Catholic when the Catholic Church does not really accept them. They have made some advances, and the current pope has made some positive statements, but ultimately, they do not fully accept gay people. At the end of the day, that is the truth.

You can find other religions. Many religions are LGBTQ-accepting. So when people like Geo Benitez say, “Look, I am Catholic and I am doing it with my husband and it is such a great thing,” it feels like they are just trying to make the cool kids like them. They see the Catholic Church as the cool kids—probably because they were raised in it—and they want to belong to that group so severely that they are willing to look the other way.

And if you are in the Catholic Church and you are gay, you are looking the other way. Because no matter what advances have been made, they still will not perform same-sex marriages. Some priests have rebelled and done it, but the pope has not endorsed it. He says you can welcome same-sex partners into the church, you can bless their marriages—but you cannot perform them. So they still do not accept gay people. They still see it as a sin. Even though they have softened that stance, I think they have done so mainly because their numbers are dwindling. The Catholic Church needs people to join. I believe they have softened their stance on “the gays” to get more of us in the door.

If you are gay, you should find another church.

Jacobsen: The United Church of Canada—like I mentioned before—has been at the forefront of this. I mentioned Gretta Vosper. Her journey from non-theist to openly atheist caused a national scandal when they considered defrocking her. And yet the church remains openly LGBTQ+ friendly. When I had pansexual friends in Fort Langley, where I grew up, Trinity Western University was there. They tried to open a law school and were denied because of a mandatory covenant banning LGBTQ relationships, banning premarital sex, and so on. The concern was the discriminatory effect on future graduates.

A friend of mine who attended Trinity Western—basically the Canadian equivalent of going to Liberty University—found that he had to search for a church that was friendly to him as an LGBT person. In that sense, UCC fills a critical need. 

Bouley: Is the UCC Church international? 

Jacobsen: I believe it is. The United Church of Canada is a branch of it in a sense. They have long been at the forefront of progressivism. In the 1930s, they ordained the first woman minister.

Bouley: Here we had Reverend Carl Bean. I met him—a fabulous man—and sang with him in his choir. He was also the founder of MCC, which we used to call the Metropolitan Community Church, which later became the Universal Community Church, UCC. They created these churches because gays were not welcome anywhere.

I have always said, “If you are gay and you still want to believe in the Christian story, then go to UCC.” They accept you. They were performing domestic unions before marriage equality. Why not just go to them?

Sometimes, as a gay person, you feel the need to fight your way into spaces or organizations that exclude you. I certainly had to fight to get into radio and television. I did not say, “They do not want me so that I will give up.” There are times to push your way in. But there are also times—like the military—where I have never fully understood why gay people wanted to join. They did not want us there. In a sense, we were lucky: we did not have to serve.

Yet some say, “I want to serve my country.” Then join the Peace Corps. Join something else. You do not have to join the military to serve. Sometimes gay people try to join groups simply because they were excluded, not because they genuinely need that group. The Catholic Church, the military—if you are gay, you do not need them. They need you more than you need them.

The military needs bodies. If they want to expand their ranks, then be fair: allow trans people, allow gay people. The same applies to churches. If the Catholic Church truly wants numbers and claims to be accepting and loving, then perform same-sex marriages, allow baptisms for children of same-sex couples, and grant the same rights that every other Catholic has.

And now a story that shows what these policies and cultural attitudes produce. In Weirton, West Virginia, a man was sentenced to five years in prison. He and his landlord were on scaffolding outside the building where the tenant lived. The landlord blew him a kiss, and the tenant threw him off the scaffolding.

Thirty-six-year-old Michael Bezozi II pushed his landlord off the structure in April 2024 after complaining about loud music. The landlord owned the building. Bezozi threw him off because he felt entitled to do so, and because he did not regard the landlord’s sexuality as legitimate or worthy of respect. That is the daily reality of homophobia.

Another topic today—unrelated to sexuality but everywhere in the news: the Epstein files. Megyn Kelly is arguing that Epstein was not a pedophile because the girls were 15 and 16. Gay people tend to be hyper-aware of age-of-consent laws. And to be clear, she is technically correct: pedophilia refers to attraction to pre-pubescent children. Fourteen- and fifteen-year-olds are post-pubescent.

But flip the scenario. If Epstein had trafficked boys, and sixty-year-old men had been sleeping with fifteen-year-old boys, the national outrage would be deafening. The attempt to soften the impact because the victims were “almost legal” girls is repugnant. These are the same people insisting that trans adults are a danger to children, and that drag queens should not read to kids.

But now they are saying that 15- and 16-year-old girls are “not so bad” as victims, that it is somehow less horrific for older men to sleep with them. That might be the most despicable thing that faction has done this week—and I say “this week” because every week brings something more disgusting.

For Megyn Kelly to say, “Well, it was not that bad, they were barely legal, Epstein was not a pedophile,” is absurd. This is the same political faction that calls every gay person a pedophile. I am called “pedophile” in my comments by MAGA supporters every day because the GOP and MAGA have branded gay people as “groomers” and “pedophiles.” Yet people within their ranks were sleeping with 14- and 15-year-old girls, and now they argue it is “not as bad.”

So yes, she is technically correct that pedophilia refers to attraction to pre-pubescent children. Epstein was not a pedophile by definition—he was a statutory rapist. And gay people are not pedophiles either. I would love to hear her make that distinction publicly, but we will not see that.

Here it is: Megyn Kelly saying Epstein may not have been a pedophile because the girls were 14 and 15. Well, maybe gay people are not pedophiles either, Megyn. Hello.

Jacobsen: I can already see Jon Stewart tearing that apart with a simple comparison.

Bouley: Here is something positive to end on. Robert De Niro’s trans daughter went public this week, describing her father’s constant support, kindness, and protection. Jamie Lee Curtis has done the same for her trans child. Pedro Pascal has openly supported his trans sister. It matters when public figures double down on their love when trans kids need it most. Hearing trans kids say, “My family is supporting me,” is powerful. So to Robert De Niro, Jamie Lee Curtis, Pedro Pascal, and every other public figure supporting their trans children or siblings—kudos. That will be the bright spot of the week.

Jacobsen: This gay week. That is right. Thank you for your time today. 

Bouley: I will see you next week. Travel safely.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Forcible Transfer of Ukrainian Children: Dr. Kateryna Rashevska on International Crimes, Genocide Criteria, and Repatriation Barriers

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/28

Dr. Kateryna Rashevska is a Ukrainian international law scholar and legal expert at the Regional Center for Human Rights in Kyiv, and a PhD in international law at Taras Shevchenko National University. She specializes in international crimes against children, accountability for deportation and forcible transfer, and post-war reparations. Rashevska helped author submissions to the International Criminal Court on crimes committed against Ukrainian children by Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova, contributing to ICC arrest warrants, and has worked on a UN General Assembly draft resolution on repatriation of deported children. She advises multiple Ukrainian and international bodies on humanitarian law implementation and genocide-related crimes.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Rashevska speaks about the deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children by Russia. She details the legal prohibitions under international humanitarian law, the genocide threshold under Article 6(e) of the Rome Statute, and the evidence used in ICC submissions that helped lead to arrest warrants for Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova. Rashevska explains the mechanics of Russia’s re-education system, the obstacles to repatriation, and the emerging UN-based mechanism to secure children’s return.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: To start, up to international legal standards of claims, what makes the forcible transfer and deportation of Ukrainian children an international crime?

Dr. Kateryna Rashevska: In accordance with Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the protection of civilians in time of war, the deportation and forcible transfer of children are absolutely prohibited. No reservations or derogations are permitted, and the Russian Federation, as the successor state to the USSR, is legally bound by this prohibition. At the same time, under a very narrow set of conditions (imperative security, military or medical reasons), the evacuation of children may be permissible. The line between forcible displacement and evacuation is clear. To understand why Russian agents are suspected specifically of deportation and forcible transfer, it is necessary to outline the IHL provisions that Russians violated:

– the displacement of children took place to the territory of the aggressor State or to occupied territory without coordinating these actions with the protecting power (which Russia continues to evade appointing) or with the ICRC;

– Ukraine, as the State of nationality of the children, was not notified of such displacement; in the case of orphans, Ukraine did not give consent for such evacuation, although IHL requires this from its competent authorities;

– in many cases there were no legal ground for such displacement;

– the Russian Federation did not make efforts to properly identify the children (there is no Russian registry of “evacuated” children) or to ensure their family reunification. Notably, President Putin’s order to establish an Interagency Working Group intended to facilitate such reunification was issued only on 16 May 2023, that is after the ICC arrest warrant;

– the Russian Federation did not return the children to their previous places of residence once the circumstances justifying their displacement had ceased. According to statements by Maria Lvova-Belova, at least 380 Ukrainian children were placed in Russian families, and another 400 remain in Russian shelters;

– the Russian Federation is deliberately and unjustifiably delaying the repatriation of Ukrainian children, creating not only factual barriers but also legal ones. One of the most significant is the imposition of Russian citizenship through Putin’s decrees, along with the imposition of corresponding obligations, including military service.

Jacobsen: What is the legal threshold for labeling as genocide?

Rashevska: The deportation and forcible transfer of Ukrainian children exhibit the objective element of genocide—namely, the forcible transfer of children from one group to another, as defined in Article 6(e) of the Rome Statute of the ICC. At the same time, crucial to establishing genocide is demonstrating the perpetrators’ intent to destroy, in whole or in part, the protected group through such acts.

This immediately raises several questions. What criteria should be used to confirm that the forcibly displaced children belong to the Ukrainian national group—citizenship, the presence of identity documents, self-identification, the position of their parents? Furthermore, one must answer how, by deporting and forcibly transferring Ukrainian children, Russian agents are destroying the Ukrainian nation. From this perspective, close attention must be paid to the purpose behind these acts.

In practice, the aggressor state is using Ukrainian children — instrumentalizing them, sometimes even weaponizing them — to serve multiple goals. They’re trying to fix their own demographic crisis. They’re rebuilding a standing army, destroyed by Ukraine in 2022 — and in doing so, becoming a new threat to regional peace and security. They’re using children in propaganda, trying to legitimize their crimes — remember the narratives they used to justify the full-scale invasion. They’re manipulating the issue of returning children, shaking Ukrainian society from the inside. And through re-education and forced russification, they’re planting a long-term time bomb — even if some children are eventually repatriated. And that, in turn, demands a serious reintegration policy from our side.

Today, Russia has abducted at least 19,546 children. Around 90% are still under its control. Some quick demographic math shows that — depending on fertility rates — in just two generations, Ukraine could lose between 150,000 to over 700,000 people. And Russia? It gains that same number.

Jacobsen: You helped build ICC submissions on crimes against children. What evidence is decisive in such cases?

Rashevska: The most compelling evidence comes from the testimonies of the returned children and their family members, combined with open-source information, NGO reports, and investigative journalism. It is also crucial to watch and listen to what the suspected perpetrators say and how they behave. Their statements often contain critical inconsistencies, distortions, or outright lies, which help establish not only the facts but also intent.

At the beginning of this work, we primarily relied on OSINT analysis and cross-checking information. After the return of larger groups of children from Russian control, the evidentiary toolkit has become much more diverse, although not everything can be disclosed in order to prevent the destruction of valuable evidence.

Jacobsen: Russia’s long-standing effort to “re-educate” Ukrainian children continues to evolve. How? 

Rashevska: The Russian Federation has been consistently implementing a policy aimed at the complete transformation of the educational space in the occupied territories of Ukraine, with the purpose of assimilating Ukrainian children, eradicating their cultural and national identity, and subordinating them to the value orientations of the aggressor state. The violations documented by myself and the Regional Center for Human Rights include the forcible Russification of the educational process, political indoctrination, the militarization of educational content and leisure, restrictions on the use of the Ukrainian language, the imposition of Russian citizenship, violations of the rights of Ukrainian educators, and the replacement of Ukrainian teaching staff with citizens of the Russian Federation through the colonization of occupied territories.

Moreover, tens of thousands children are systematically taken to re-education camps, where, since 2025, the stay programs have been standardized at the initiative of Putin’s United Russia party in order to strengthen the militarization component. Children are trained as if they were young soldiers, with the aim of encouraging them to link their future to serving in the Russian Armed Forces. We have managed to document 164 camps where such re-education takes place: in Russia, Belarus, and the occupied territories of Ukraine.

The policy of re-educating Ukrainian children is destructive for peacebuilding efforts, as violations of academic and artistic freedom, linguistic rights, as well as the falsification and distortion of historical facts, the degradation of the individual, and the denial of the right to self-determination of an entire nation lead to further degradation and fuel open conflict. The evidence we have gathered — including regulatory documents, official statements of officials, and the factual testimonies of affected children and their families — demonstrates a deliberate policy that contradicts international humanitarian law, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and other international obligations of Russia.

Jacobsen: What are the main obstacles families face retrieving children deported to Russia or Belarus?

Rashevska: The return of Ukrainian children is carried out by public organizations, charitable foundations, and volunteers in partnership with government agencies through the BKB UA Initiative. For example, one of the first organizations to start working on the return of Ukrainian children from the Russian Federation and the temporarily occupied territories was the international charitable organization Charitable foundation SOS Children’s Villages Ukraine. As early as February 2022, the organization facilitated the actual evacuation of family-type orphanages, in particular from Donetsk and Luhansk regions and Kharkiv region, and the reunification of families separated as a result of hostilities.

The main obstacle in the process of returning ‘status’ Ukrainian children is the consistent policy of the Russian Federation aimed at unjustifiable delay in their repatriation. Elements of this policy include:

  • Persistent refusal to send the list of deported and forcibly transferred Ukrainian children to the Central Tracing Agency of the International Committee of the Red Cross.
  • Imposing Russian citizenship on children by the decision of the head of an institutional care facility, in violation of the best interests of the child.
  • ‘Scattering’ children across the territory of the Russian Federation, particularly in regions several thousand kilometers away from their country of origin.[1]
  • Inclusion of children in the Federal Data Bank of Orphans through their actual place of residence, which allows their adoption and establishment of guardianship by Russian citizens but complicates identification by Ukrainian authorities.[2]
  • Forcible transfer of at least 380 Ukrainian children to foster care[3] and 78 to adoption,[4] with probable changes to their personal data.
  • Political indoctrination and inducement to refuse repatriation through bribery or threats.[5]

According to the Russian side, the process of returning a child takes from one to three months.[6] Representatives of Ukraine also confirm the considerable length of the process.[7] To resolve the issue of a child’s return, Russia requires personal data of the child and information about the applicant (the child’s legal representative), as well as the probable place of stay in the territory under Russian control. Thus, the burden of finding the children rests entirely on Ukraine, while representatives of the Office of the Commissioner for Children’s Rights under the President of the Russian Federation decide whom to return, often citing the ‘absence/ of information about the child in the specified location.

Although states acting as intermediaries, primarily Qatar and the Vatican, as well as certain individuals providing good services (such as the U.S. First Lady Melania Trump), are currently involved in the process of returning Ukrainian children, the efforts mostly concern family reunifications rather than the repatriation of abducted young Ukrainians, whom the Russians continue to refuse to release.

Jacobsen: You have proposed a unified legal mechanism for returning deported children. What would be the  mechanism?

Rashevska: The concrete steps to create such a mechanism include:

Diplomatic Pressure: it involves joint diplomatic efforts at the UN level to compel the Russian Federation to adhere to at least its obligations under Article 78 of the Additional Protocol (I) to the Geneva Conventions. This entails promptly providing comprehensive lists containing the names and whereabouts of all Ukrainian children who have been unlawfully deported or forcibly transferred by Russian agents and who crossed the border of the RF including with adults. 

UN General Assembly Resolution: The next crucial move is to adopt a resolution in the UN General Assembly outlining international obligations regarding the repatriation of Ukrainian children. This resolution will clearly delineate the requirements for Russia, Ukraine, and the States Parties of the Geneva Conventions, in accordance with Article 1 common to them.

Legal Mechanism Creation: Building upon the adopted Resolution, it is imperative to establish a unique legal mechanism for the return of Ukrainian children. This can be achieved by appointing a neutral third party to mediate and oversee the negotiation and implementation of a series of binding international treaties between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. 

Individualized Approach: It is crucial to ensure that any agreed-upon mechanism for the return of Ukrainian children incorporates an individualized approach. This involves conducting independent and impartial assessments of the best interests of each child, as determined by a customized return plan.

It is important to emphasize that certain elements of the proposed mechanism have already been implemented or are being developed at the state level. For example, the aforementioned mediation and good services. In addition, President Volodymyr Zelensky has announced the adoption of a UN General Assembly Resolution on deported Ukrainian children, which is likely to be introduced by Kenya. At the national level, procedures have also been developed for the identification, return, and reintegration of children who were under Russian control.

Jacobsen: How have the UN bodies, the Council of Europe, and the EU responded to calls for accountable child repatriation?

Rashevska: To date, there is significant support for Ukraine’s efforts to return our children from under Russian control. For almost two years, the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, comprising over 40 states from various regions as well as the EU and the Council of Europe as organizations, has been active. At the level of the annual UN General Assembly resolution on the human rights situation in the occupied territories, calls have been made for the return of forcibly displaced children. In addition, the Russian Federation has been subject to a corresponding obligation under the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Ukraine and the Netherlands v. Russia. As mentioned, the ICC’s issuance of arrest warrants against Putin and Lvova-Belova has had a significant impact on accelerating returns, while sanctions imposed by the EU, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States in connection with crimes against Ukrainian children serve as an additional important lever of pressure on the aggressor state in this area.

Jacobsen: These crimes involve ‘adoptions,’ guardianship papers, new identities, and passports. How are these challenged in the court?

Rashevska: Such “documents” serve as evidence of a crime—specifically, the intent to Russify these children and keep them under Russian control permanently. At the same time, it should be noted that adoption in Russia is under secrecy; there are very few court decisions on adoptions available to us. Moreover, it is not precisely known how many Ukrainian children have had their identities altered through changes to their names, surnames, dates, or places of birth. Each case requires a full investigation to obtain documentary confirmation of these facts.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Kateryna. 

[1] https://verstka.media/special/hochudamoy/?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR1K24MAu2M43ISkuDpPswPKbG2s7DHrVnQkMOtH8PhYylUNYSf1-M-ZPKE_aem_AQiBY7ruI66YHSuATfGwrbSYvrhdexAyVvkS_FjaoraiPdRweXf1f6bTGgqNM3R-J8DJ3VNEpx0gWb6Lp2oRJUBv 

[2] http://www.bryanskobl.ru/docs/ombudsman/child-report-2023.pdf, p. 101

[3] https://deti.gov.ru/Deyatelnost/documents/258

[4] https://meduza.io/feature/2024/03/11/oni-mogut-nachat-protivodeystvovat

[5] https://grivna.ua/publikatsii/ya–zagublena-dusha:-istoriya-vikradenogo-hersonskogo-pidlitka-yakogo-povernuli-z-rf-ale-e-pitannya 

[6] https://deti.gov.ru/uploads/magic/ru-RU/Document-0-258-src-1705931603.6543.pdf

[7] https://censor.net/ua/resonance/3464787/ombudsman_dmytro_lubinets_vkradenyh_z_ukrayiny_diteyi_rosiyany_namagayutsya_perevyhovaty_v_dusi_russkogo

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Gordon Guyatt on EBM’s Evolution: Core GRADE, AI-Assisted Appraisal, and Patient-Centred Practice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/27

Professor Gordon Guyatt is a Canadian physician, health researcher, and Distinguished Professor at McMaster University, widely recognized as the pioneer of evidence-based medicine (EBM). He coined the term “evidence-based medicine” in 1991, fundamentally transforming how clinicians worldwide evaluate research and make patient care decisions. Guyatt has authored or co-authored thousands of influential papers and is among the most cited health scientists globally. He has also led the development of the GRADE framework for grading evidence and guidelines. His leadership, mentorship, and prolific contributions have profoundly shaped modern clinical epidemiology and guideline development, cementing his legacy in global health research.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Outside of epidemiology, was there a discipline in medicine that was an early adopter of EBM? A field that was relatively friendly to it — maybe had some challenges, but nothing foundational — so its acceptance and use of the EBM model was easier?

Prof. Gordon Guyatt: Within medicine, it was general internal medicine — or perhaps more broadly, general medicine — that was the quickest to adopt it. Surgery, much less so. Obstetrics and gynecology, less. Psychiatry, also less.

When you look outside of medicine but within the clinical health sciences — so, nursing, rehabilitation, and related fields — they have now fully integrated EBM principles into their training and practice. So, nursing and allied health fields picked it up not too long after medicine did. Clinical internal medicine was first. Other specialties were slower. Nursing and the rehab sciences came on board not much later. They have incorporated it well.

Now, I am trying to remember another field — I think you are recalling when we discussed resistance in certain areas. For example, there was some pushback in certain parts of oncology. They found it challenging to adapt, partly because we were also talking about GRADE at the time.

Jacobsen: Yes — that was the area I had in mind. There has been notable resistance in oncology and cardiology, correct?

Guyatt: Exactly. Cardiology has developed its system, which has led to its unique approaches. PJ Devereaux, for instance, works in cardiology and has been part of that context. Oncology has also been slower to adopt GRADE fully, although progress is being made.

Jacobsen: That is a good transition. The seven-part Core GRADE framework, which covers essentials, risk of bias, publication bias, indirectness, and translating evidence into recommendations, has now been published. What motivated the launch of the Core GRADE series at this time? What gap did you aim to fill?

Guyatt: I have been making the case for a few years now that, in various ways, the Clinical Evidence and Clinical Epidemiology worlds — which initially aimed to serve the audiences of systematic review authors and guideline developers, but also to help clinicians use medical literature — have become too complicated.

There is always a balance between methodological rigour and simplicity. There is always a trade-off, and one must try to find that balance. But we have lost that balance. As a result, instruments for assessing the risk of bias, for example, have become much too complicated.

GRADE itself has become overly complex and no longer exceptionally well-organized, which makes it difficult for many users. First, we published a series of papers in The BMJ aimed at clinicians. That was a six-part series. It went well.

People still use it. Then, we initiated a series in the Journal of Clinical Epidemiology aimed at systematic reviewers and guideline developers. These individuals create evidence syntheses and then use them to develop guidelines.

The first fifteen papers or so covered the basics and were exceptionally well-positioned. There are now about fifty such papers — maybe between forty and fifty — in the Journal of Clinical Epidemiology. Additionally, numerous related papers have been written by individuals outside the GRADE Working Group.

Early on, we created the GRADE Working Group. I co-chaired it with Andy Oxman when we got started. Andy was the first chair; he and I worked closely in the beginning and collaborated on the first papers in the JCE series. Over the past fifteen years or so, I have been the co-chair of the GRADE Working Group.

However, another development over time has been that the GRADE Working Group has become increasingly bureaucratic. They keep producing new papers — some of which push the methodological frontier — but if you look at the whole body of work now, it isn’t easy to separate what the core principles are from the updates and refinements. Some updates are crucial, while others are so specialized that they are practically irrelevant for most users. It has become increasingly complex to keep track of everything — which is a significant problem.

I decided to address this. I concluded that what was needed was a series of papers that set out the essentials of GRADE — which we decided to call Core GRADE. I encountered quite a bit of resistance — or, more accurately, obstruction — from the leadership within the GRADE Working Group. They wanted me to stick with the increasingly bureaucratic processes.

So, I said, “Bye-bye.” I stepped down from the leadership of the GRADE Working Group. Then, with a group of colleagues — some of whom are still prominent members of the Working Group — I put together this new series of papers in The BMJ. This series outlines the essentials of GRADE, which we refer to as Core GRADE.

It is explicitly designed for paired comparisons — treatment A versus treatment B. It does not cover prognosis, diagnostic test accuracy, or network meta-analysis that connects A to B to C and so on. It is the fundamental GRADE approach for pairwise comparisons.

The goal is to offer a one-stop shop. If you read these seven papers, you have what you need. You do not have to wade through the now massive — and poorly organized — wider GRADE literature to find the basics.

We are happy with it. The initial reception seems reasonable. The final paper of the seven-part series was published just two or three weeks ago, so it is still early days to see how people will respond. However, the response has been positive so far.

Jacobsen: What about the uptake of Core GRADE in low-resource settings or among early-career researchers?

Guyatt: That is exactly who it is for. In low-resource settings, there are often fewer people with high-level methodological expertise. Likewise, early-career researchers might not yet have that expertise. These are the people who want to know: “What are the basics we need to do a good job?” This series is designed to provide that answer.

Jacobsen: On the articles about rating certainty of evidence — the risk of bias, indirectness, and so on — which do you view as more transformative for guideline developers, and why?

Guyatt: Transformative relative to what? 

Jacobsen: The risk of bias versus indirectness versus publication bias, and so on, having the most significant impact.

Guyatt: They are all important. I’m not sure if they are equally important, but there is not a huge gradient where one outweighs the other by an order of magnitude. The only one that is perhaps less impactful — because it is so difficult to sort out — is publication bias.

Publication bias happens when people conduct studies — usually with negative results — and then do not publish them. So we are left guessing: “What studies might be out there that we have not seen?” It is hard to know for sure. But apart from that, the other four reasons for rating down — the risk of bias, inconsistency, indirectness, and imprecision — are all significant.

Jacobsen: When we did one of our first interviews, you mentioned that some of PJ Devereaux’s work was going to be potentially impactful. I can not recall all the specifics of his research program at the time. How has his work progressed over the last two years?

Guyatt: Oh, PJ is remarkable. He now has eight first-author papers in The New England Journal of Medicine — not many people in the world can claim that.

One of the most transformative aspects of his work is that we now systematically look for asymptomatic myocardial infarctions — heart attacks — in high-risk patients undergoing surgery. After surgery, patients are often sedated or on pain medication, so they may not show the classic symptoms of a heart attack. They could have one and never know it unless you look for it.

Thanks to PJ’s work, monitoring for these silent events in high-risk patients has become standard practice. That is a genuinely transformative change in perioperative care. There have also been significant advances in how we manage these patients and in the treatment we provide once such events are detected.

Jacobsen: There is a lot of hype about AI these days. Is AI being introduced into clinical epidemiology or your evidence frameworks at all?

Guyatt: Yes. AI will make a significant difference in certain areas, although not all of clinical epidemiology. It will, however, greatly aid in image interpretation and pathology. For example, AI can help radiologists read X-rays more accurately or assist pathologists in interpreting biopsy slides with greater consistency and accuracy.

Another potential use is in prognosis, where patient characteristics are used to estimate the likelihood of outcomes. AI may help there. However, it will not resolve the fundamental issues with assessing treatments — because non-randomized observational studies will always have biases, regardless of whether AI is used or not.

However, in processing the evidence, AI can have a significant impact. For instance, it can already do quite reasonable risk of bias assessments. One project I am currently involved with is establishing a framework that enables AI to produce high-quality GRADE assessments.

This still requires substantial human input. First, the investigator must specify the question very clearly — using the Patient-Intervention-Comparison-Outcome (PICO) structure. Then, other guiding questions must be provided to direct how the AI should make its judgments.

Fortunately, in the end, you can prompt the AI to explain and justify all its decisions. It will produce a detailed justification for each decision point, allowing a human to verify that nothing has gone off track.

We are also examining how to present the information in a manner that ensures the AI makes the correct decisions — and defining the rules it should follow to do so. The Core GRADE series has been helpful in this process because it includes a whole set of algorithms and flowcharts: If A, then B; if B, then C, and so on. That is precisely the kind of logic you have to provide to large language models so they can handle these tasks properly. They need precise algorithms.

The algorithms we developed in Core GRADE have proven to be very useful. Ultimately, this will significantly streamline what is currently a time- and resource-intensive process.

Jacobsen: Do you think the most significant benefit will be saving the time of doctors and researchers?

Guyatt: It will save researcher time in my area — I cannot speak to basic science or other fields. But for us, it will make processing the evidence much more efficient. There is no question about that.

It has not arrived in a significant way to support our daily workflows yet. Honestly, I am surprised it has not — given all the other so-called miracles AI is achieving. But it will happen, for sure.

In terms of saving doctors’ time, the most significant gains I see are in interpreting images — radiology, pathology, that kind of thing. Another area is mental health: it is almost certain that if you cannot access a psychologist, you will be able to use a virtual psychologist who does a pretty good job. That appears to be emerging as a real option, which is quite extraordinary.

For example, in Canada, psychiatrists are covered by public health insurance. Still, psychologists are not — and psychologists are expensive. In places where psychiatric care is not covered, it is similar. So, in the future, it is pretty predictable: if you do not have much money, you will use a virtual psychologist; if you have more resources, you will see a human.

Jacobsen: That seems to lower the threshold for access to many services by the sound of it. So, looking at the early responses to your recent lectures and articles, you get two broad types of reactions: one group asking fundamental questions — equivalent to “What is your name?” or “What was it like when you first started?”— and another group praising you for being the leader and originator of EBM. In other words, a sign of how long you have been around and the influence you have had.

But as part of your academic and research life, you have mentored many people. Are there particular researchers you have trained who have, in turn, made a significant impact on your research — or even changed the way you think about specific questions and pursue new lines of work?

Guyatt: Interesting question. I thought you were going to ask about people who have made significant contributions — that would have been an easy list to give. In terms of people who have shaped my thinking, there are fewer.

The most innovative person in that sense, whom I trained, is Victor Montori, who is now a professor at the Mayo Clinic. In terms of ideas — particularly about shared decision-making and the burden of care that we place on patients — he has changed my thinking.

Jacobsen: Is his concept of Minimally Disruptive Medicine an extension of EBM? So, in terms of the burden we place on patients, Minimally Disruptive Medicine is exactly what Victor is advancing, right?

Guyatt: It is the core idea behind Minimally Disruptive Medicine. It is a nuanced approach. Minimizing harm is, of course, a central principle in both psychology and medicine. However, this is about operationalizing that idea in a very patient-centred, real-life manner.

It is not uncommon for patients to have multiple chronic conditions — multimorbidity is very common. Many of the patients I see have hypertension, diabetes, hyperlipidemia, osteoporosis — sometimes all at once.

So, they end up on anywhere from one to five medications for each condition. Add it up, and you might see someone on 15 to 20 different medications.

Jacobsen: Fifteen to twenty! That surprises me.

Guyatt: It is not unusual at all. A list of 15 or more prescriptions is routine for many older patients. On top of that, the same patient is also told to stop smoking, change their diet, and exercise — which, for many people, are more complicated than taking pills.

And if they do not manage to do all this, they are sometimes blamed for not “taking care of themselves.” Victor’s point is that we, as clinicians, often do not consider the cumulative burden of all these demands and how they fit — or do not fit — into people’s everyday lives.

Jacobsen: So, what Victor is doing is combining the principle of minimizing risk with the idea of preserving quality of life — and doing so practically, not just theoretically. How do patients typically describe this experience — for example, if they are on 15 medications and they are not someone like Ray Kurzweil, who takes dozens by choice? What do they say about having to make all these pills part of their daily routine?

Guyatt: That is a good question. And you are making me realize that I do not often ask it directly. It is a fair point. It is remarkable what patients tolerate. If they are non-adherent, we might find out indirectly. Sometimes, they show up. Yourealize they are not taking all their medications.

However, if it is truly impairing their quality of life, it does not always emerge spontaneously. I do not think I have ever directly asked someone, “How do you feel about having to take all these pills every day?” What often happens is that I will ask them to tell me what medications they are on, and sometimes they pull out a big plastic bag and start taking bottle after bottle out of it.

So, yes — that is the way it is. However, you make a good point: I should start asking patients more directly how they feel about it. 

Jacobsen: Maybe you should give them a simple, blunt questionnaire: “Does this make your life more dreary? Yes or no?” Is it five pills, or 10, 15, or 30? And somewhere, there has to be someone taking a couple dozen or more. Let’s switch gears to something a bit more research-focused. The 2025 network meta-analysis on diabetes management — could youwalk us through some of the key findings?

Guyatt: Sure. Over the last fifteen years or so, a significant methodological innovation has occurred. Initially, meta-analysis enabled us to combine all randomized trials comparing treatment A versus B and obtain the most comprehensive estimates for outcomes such as mortality, heart attacks, strokes, and side effects.

What emerged about fifteen years ago, with many refinements since then, is network meta-analysis. It allows us to do this not just for A vs. B but for A vs. B vs. C vs. D vs. E, F, and G. So now, we can compare multiple options simultaneously and get a clearer sense of the relative merits of all alternatives.

In diabetes, this is very relevant because there are many classes of medications. With network meta-analysis, we can show, “Here is how class A stacks up against class B,” and even compare different drugs within the same class — A, B, C, D, and E.

For many years, the pattern was that we had lots of drugs that were good at lowering blood sugar. Still, they did very little — or almost nothing — to prevent strokes, heart attacks, or premature death. There was a disconnect: We controlled blood sugar, but patients still died or suffered cardiovascular events at the same rates.

In recent years, though, two major classes of medications have emerged that are not particularly great at lowering blood sugar but do reduce strokes, heart attacks, premature death, and kidney failure. That has been a considerable change — now we have drugs that impact patient-important outcomes, not just blood sugar readings.

Jacobsen: In these network meta-analyses, are there any methodological cautionary notes you think should be included when people interpret the findings?

Guyatt: Not if it is done properly. Network meta-analysis is more complicated than a pairwise meta-analysis. There are more assumptions, more parameters, and more things that can go wrong. Therefore, the risk of error is higher if it is not performed carefully. But if you do it right, then there is nothing inherent to network meta-analysis that makes it less trustworthy by nature.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Gordon. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Tamar Gakharia on Nation-Building Finance and Georgian Resilience

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/26

Tamar Gakharia, CFO of CBS Group, has overseen $500 million in mergers and acquisitions spanning telecom, energy, and entertainment while shaping Georgian finance as a nation-building tool. Drawing on the resilience forged in post-Soviet collapse, she emphasizes balancing stability and growth through regulated industries and emerging sectors like telecom and fintech. Her story—recognized by Forbes and chronicled in a memoir—intertwines professional discipline, survival as a single mother, and dedication to empowering women in finance. She frames Georgia’s fragility amid great-power rivalries as a lesson in resilience, stressing cultural identity, financial stability, and strategic capital flows as foundations for national survival.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Gakharia on Georgia’s post-Soviet realities and the use of finance as a nation-building instrument. Gakharia explains small-state fragility amid great-power rivalry and the importance of cultural identity, regulated stability, and strategic capital flows. She details leading $500 million in mergers and acquisitions to retain domestic ownership, restructuring balance sheets, divesting weak assets, and investing in telecom and fintech while leveraging banks to channel foreign capital. As a single mother, she turned survival into disciplined practice. Recognized by Forbes, her memoir underlines a “strategy house” of KPIs—market share, EBITDA, ARPU, churn, and NPS—to transform Georgian telecom.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today we are here with Tamar Gakharia. She is the Chief Financial Officer of CBS Group, a major Georgian holding company with investments across energy, transport, real estate, consumer platforms, and telecommunications. She has led roughly $500 million in mergers and acquisitions across telecom, energy, and entertainment. As a Georgian with a post-Soviet background, what should people in North America understand about Georgia—both in the Soviet period and in the current war context?

Tamar Gakharia: The fragility of small countries like Georgia in great-power rivalries forces us to work under constant pressure. Georgia shows how small nations positioned between competing blocs become testing grounds for larger geopolitical struggles. Despite instability and recent wars in the region, our survival depends on cultural identity, faith, and traditional values. These provide resilience, which is essential for small nations.

Our history and identity give us the strength to resist hard power and sustain statehood against larger forces. After the Cold War, promises of security guarantees began to break down. Small states must survive without overreliance on patrons, which makes conditions even more difficult for businesses. Large powers should recognize that neglecting crises in smaller nations accelerates the erosion of the global order. Georgia survived the 1990s by relying on its identity and resilience.

In the 1990s, Georgia faced collapse, hyperinflation, and currency instability. Survival became both an art and a way of life—and a tool in business. International finance kept the state afloat, while leaders like me worked to empower domestic finance, because domestic finance enables nation-building. That was the foundation for my approach to building businesses and ensuring they remained national. The mergers and acquisitions I led were aimed at keeping capital inside the country. I bought out shares from…

Overseas owners were involved, and that is how I contributed to building domestic finance. The resilience and lessons learned from the post–Cold War order still affect Georgia and the region today.

Jacobsen: In business, especially with extremely large capital flows—say, from half a billion dollars in assets up to several tens of billions when operating at a national scale—how does this work in a smaller state? Especially in a context where alliances are shifting, not bilaterally, but with everyone pulling inward and focusing on their own issues, creating a kind of multilateral retraction of interests that shakes up the region.

Gakharia: Even in business, as in politics, there are always bilateral interests from different parties. I believe finance is a nation-building tool. Finance is not just about numbers; it is a vehicle for creating stability, opportunity, and transformation, and for recovering from conflict and collapse. In business, I tried to introduce as many tools as possible and to attract diverse sources of capital.

This was to create stability for future development, because money generates money, and the only stable financial institutions here have been banks. Banks became the vehicles for attracting foreign capital and transforming the financial markets. Working in banks gave me firsthand knowledge of how to secure financing and obtain lower rates for businesses.

I began restructuring the capital structure of the companies I managed. That helped reduce their burdens and secure funds for future growth. Brick by brick, I built stronger and healthier financial positions for these companies. I also divested from businesses that drained resources and invested in those with strong futures. As a result, our balance sheet speaks for itself.

This is the microeconomic level, but the same principles apply at the macroeconomic level. It is of paramount importance for our country.

Success depends on access to international finance, reducing burdens, and investing in sectors with a future. That is what happens in business as well. The right capital ratio keeps companies moving forward, and that is always on my mind.

That is my decision point when considering divestments, investments, mergers, or synergies. It always matters with whom I enter a merger or create synergies, because shareholders also matter. In small economies like Georgia, the influence of business on national development is significant.

Jacobsen: There is another aspect of your story—the balance between professional and personal life. At twenty-three, you were already a monk-like figure of discipline, rising as a financial star in Georgia’s capital-intensive industries. Years ago, Sheryl Sandberg, deeply involved with Facebook (now Meta) under Mark Zuckerberg, launched the Lean In movement in North America. Her book was pitched mainly to highly educated professional women, but the general message was resilience.

For you, in a post-Soviet context with more traditional values and a stronger emphasis on family compared to the West, how do you navigate parenting as a high-performing professional in the finance and business sector?

Gakharia: For me, survival had to become strategy. At that time, as a single mother with a demanding job and a turbulent personal life, the only way forward was to turn survival into a plan. Work became my anchor, my alibi. It kept my mind focused on providing for myself and my daughter.

In parenting, my goal was to be fully present wherever I was. If I was at work, I was 100 percent at work. If I was with my daughter, I gave her 100 percent of my attention. It was not the quantity of time but the quality that mattered. That quality was enough for her to understand that we were both in survival mode together.

Sometimes I had no choice but to keep her with me. She spent days and nights in the bank while I worked—crawling under tables, sleeping on desks, or resting in her car seat nearby. She was always with me, and that became part of our shared survival.

Survival mode defined our future. My daughter and I both felt, even at an emotional level, that my work had to speak for both of us. People noticed that resilience—the strength of two Georgian daughters—and they supported me when it mattered most.

Jacobsen: What inspired you to write your memoir and collect your story in one place?

Gakharia: In fact, the story began the other way around. Forbes proposed it. They found my story interesting—not just for Georgia but for the wider region. They also found the story of women in finance inspiring. That is how it began. What influenced my decision was a clear mission: to empower women, inspire emerging leaders, and contribute to building stronger, more resilient societies through finance, education, and storytelling. I believe sharing is powerful.

Jacobsen: What are the important vulnerabilities in the Georgian system today—areas that require protection, mitigation, or contingency planning? For example: grids, gas, or mobile core infrastructure.

Gakharia: While building portfolios for shareholders, I carry a double responsibility: to the companies and to the shareholders themselves. That responsibility guides my decisions. When I construct a portfolio, I always think about the ceiling and the floor.

For me, the “floor” is defined by regulated businesses. They may not offer much growth, but they provide stability during crises. Regulated businesses ensure predictable cash flows, a kind of financial pillow you can rely on. The tradeoff is capped profitability, since regulated sectors don’t allow for aggressive price increases.

On the other hand, I must also think about growth potential. This is where creativity matters—where I seek investments that offer higher growth opportunities. Telecommunications is one example, as is the financial sector, particularly fintech. Entertainment and other industries with emerging potential also fit this category. This mix allows me to balance the portfolio—stability on one side, growth on the other.

I am not afraid to improvise with new growth opportunities. That is how I navigate crises and overcome difficulties when they emerge. I always keep my hand on the pulse of the market. If I see that a portfolio company can be divested at its highest capitalization, I propose it. This is how I balance adverse market changes—by maintaining both stable, regulated businesses and higher-risk, higher-margin businesses in the portfolio.

Jacobsen: What about KPIs around companies like Nokia or Vodafone? What key performance indicators would show that, for instance, a Vodafone model outperforms going it alone or running a fully branded GV in terms of success rates and indicators of performance?

Gakharia: We define this through what I call our “strategy house.” Our main targets are revenue market share, EBITDA margin, active subscriber market share, and NPS (Net Promoter Score). These translate into the company’s vision—for example, in telecommunications, the vision is to lead Georgia’s telco future with digital-first, data-powered, personalized experiences.

This vision translates into the mission: giving people the opportunity to be closer to each other. From there, we define strategic pillars—such as market share growth, ARPU (average revenue per user) uplift, churn reduction, diversification of revenue streams into digital services, increased app engagement, and improved digital NPS.

We also focus on transforming the company itself—making decision-making more data-driven, increasing employee use of BI (business intelligence) tools, and embedding data-driven decision-making into the company’s DNA. That is how our strategy house is built, how our KPIs are structured, and how we leverage Vodafone’s global experience.

Our goal is to transform the Georgian telecom market for the future. Vodafone chose us as partners because of our core pillars: being data-driven, flexible, and working in ways that differ from other telecom companies. They saw an opportunity to share their knowledge, and with that knowledge, to transform customer experience and improve the lives of the Georgian people.

Jacobsen: Do you have any final pieces of Georgian wisdom, drawn from tradition, that you can share with readers today?

Gakharia: My book begins with the words: “One cannot build the Queen’s palace from the ruins of a henhouse.” These words were chosen deliberately. They capture the essence of the struggles Georgians—and Georgian women in particular—have faced to survive, to gain education, to move forward, and to secure the financial means to stand independently.

In this challenge, I see the parallel between my life and the life of my country: how step by step, stone by stone, and brick by heavy brick, we rise from ruins and claim a future worthy of dignity.

Jacobsen: Excellent. Tamar, thank you very much for your time today. It’s been a pleasure to meet you.

Gakharia: Thank you so much. I hope I covered all the topics you wanted. It was wonderful speaking with you, and I appreciate your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Lesia Khomenko on Art, War, and the Deconstruction of Heroism in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/26

Lesia Khomenko (born 1980, Kyiv) is a Ukrainian painter and educator redefining figurative traditions for a nation at war. A co-founder of the R.E.P. group and curatorial union Hudrada, she investigates Soviet-realist legacies and the visual politics of conflict. Her acclaimed projects, including Unidentified Figures and Perspektyvna, explore the shifting representation of soldiers and history in the digital age. Khomenko has exhibited internationally, with solo shows at Fridman Gallery and The Ukrainian Museum, and a major commission, Motion, at Kyiv’s Central Train Station. She is represented by Voloshyn Gallery in Kyiv and Miami.

In this conversation between Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Khomenko, Khomenko discusses the intersection of art, war, and memory in contemporary Ukraine. She explains the creation of her monumental 21-by-12-meter painting Motion for Kyiv’s Central Train Station, reflecting on fragility, duty, and visibility during wartime. Khomenko explores how Soviet monumentalism, myth, and propaganda shape her deconstructive artistic language. She also speaks about soldiers’ responses to her work, the tension between art and documentation, and the psychological impact of representing conflict in public and global contexts. The dialogue captures Ukraine’s surreal coexistence of beauty and devastation.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re here with Lesia Khomenko. She was born in 1980 in Kyiv. She’s a Ukrainian painter and educator whose work reframes figurative traditions for a country at war. As the co-founder of the R.E.P. group and the curatorial union Hudrada, she interrogates Soviet-realist legacies. I’m thinking of brutalist architecture, military optics, and the politics of visibility through series such as Perspektyvna and Unidentified Figures (2022). She has worked extensively in the United States. 

The war became full-scale on February 24, 2022, which overlaps with her 2023 solo shows at Fridman Gallery (Full Scale) and The Ukrainian Museum (Image and Presence). In 2025, PinchukArtCentre presented her survey Imaginary Distance and commissioned Motion, a 21-by-12-meter painting for Kyiv’s Central Train Station in partnership with Ukrainian Railways. `What inspired you to create such an enormous 21-by-12-meter painting in the first place?

Lesia Khomenko: I had always dreamed of working in a public space. This commission came from Björn Geldhof, curator of my solo exhibition at PinchukArtCentre. We had been discussing a public work from the beginning as an additional project to the show.

PinchukArtCentre collaborated with Ukrainian Railways, whose role has broadened because rail is essentially the only major nationwide transport infrastructure during the war; flights are suspended. Kyiv’s Main Station is a portal to Ukraine from abroad, particularly from the West. Ukrainian Railways wants to add functions to the station—making it more of a cultural hub.

They invited me to create the work, and it’s my largest piece so far. I was scared. It was ambitious on the curator’s part, but I immediately accepted the challenge—psychologically and curatorially.

Jacobsen: This is a big project, and you didn’t place it in Voloshyn Gallery, Miami. You placed it where it could be bombed. Do you feel a sense of fragility about the art being there?

Khomenko: Yes and no. The train station is a strategic location; there’s always danger. When there’s an alarm, staff go to the basement. I feel the fragility of it, but I feel the fragility of everything in Ukraine. There is danger everywhere.

For me, the public space itself is probably the most difficult in all of Ukraine because it’s so dramatic. People are leaving and returning; there are injured soldiers; families are meeting or parting. It’s a difficult place for artwork—especially work that isn’t propagandistic but critical. That was my main concern and challenge.

Jacobsen: Living in New York, you’ve probably come across the phrase “great man theory” in North American culture—and there’s a similar sensibility, in different language, in Ukrainian critical discourse and human history. It’s the false notion that history is anchored on a lineage of so-called “great men.” You, I think, do iconoclastic work regarding the last 12,000 years of recorded human history. Your work feels iconoclastic—countering the Christ-like or Soviet notions of heroic portrayals. Psychologically, how do you de-monumentalize heroic Soviet figures, and what started that process for you?

Khomenko: I began thinking about it right after I graduated from the Academy. We received a very conservative academic education, grounded in a figurative painting tradition. The Kyiv State Academy of Art, as it was called, was founded in 1917—the same year as the Soviet Revolution. It inherited a strong tradition of Soviet painting, and even after Ukraine gained independence, this figurative approach remained. The themes shifted somewhat toward a Ukrainian national idea, but the structure stayed conservative.

My practice, from the very beginning—about twenty years ago—started as an attentive revision of my own skills and background, exploring how I could be political through visual language. I wanted to understand how remnants of this monumental Soviet style could still be made relevant, and what I could express with it. Naturally, I began deconstructing the visual language and the representational tradition.

I also focused on the post–World War II period, which is crucial because that’s when a huge mythology arose around the “great victory” and Stalinist propaganda. My grandfather was a Soviet painter and a World War II veteran. When the annexation of Crimea and parts of Eastern Ukraine happened in 2014, I began comparing my generation’s experience as artists with that of my grandfather’s generation—how they conveyed their experience of war and how we could express ours using the language we inherited.

His generation was not allowed to share personal experiences; they could only present propagandistic images. The mere fact of being veterans lent authenticity, but much of it was mythologized—an early prototype of disinformation, or what we now call “fakes.” I became deeply interested in this through many projects, exploring questions like: Who represents whom? What is the language of representation? What is hidden, and what is revealed?

I conducted visual and formal experiments, including with subject matter. When the full-scale invasion began in 2022, I already had a body of artistic methods developed. I tried to apply those methods to the new context, but many stopped working. Some, however, evolved into new forms.

For example, the idea of the “unknown soldier” was part of Soviet mythology. It transformed into my exploration of today’s self-hidden soldiers—those who obscure their faces with pixels or blur the background of images for security reasons. Different wars bring different threats, technologies, weapons, and propaganda. I wanted to link this to past wars, especially World War II.

In Ukraine, that period remains extremely complex. I believe one of the missions of artists is to engage critically with history, particularly in postcolonial and post-Soviet contexts, where history was systematically distorted or destroyed in academic settings. Many artists of my generation work to re-examine and reclaim that history through archives. It’s both vital and deeply political work.

The idea of the unidentified figure connects to the way people now protect themselves in photographs. Photography has, in a sense, become another kind of weapon. Many things can no longer be photographed, especially near the front lines. I started to think about testimony and witnessing—there are so many witnesses now. This is the most documented war in history.

Jacobsen: Within that, is there still a space for art? Can art represent the war—or does the war represent itself through social media, diaries, and constant footage from phones and weapons?

Khomenko: That’s what interests me most. Art and documentation intertwine, but everything is still connected to the Soviet past. We are now living in a kind of culmination, a collision between the Soviet legacy and the future. The war is a mixture of Soviet-era weapons and very modern technologies—drones, digital surveillance, AI targeting systems. It’s a clash of historical periods; time feels as if it’s collapsing. The past meets the future.

Jacobsen: For those who don’t have the talents of a known artist like yourself, do you see your work as a job or as a duty during wartime—to use your art and ideas in service of something larger?

Khomenko: It’s both. Of course, it’s my job, but I also feel a kind of duty. It’s about visibility—about the visibility of Ukrainian culture.

Since I’m in New York now, I see that there’s an enormous competition for visibility—different identities are constantly negotiating for space and attention. Ukraine is just one small identity among many. In that context, I feel a certain responsibility to make our culture seen, though not in a propagandistic way. My work is critical, not promotional. I don’t judge within my paintings; I observe.

Art and culture play a crucial role. In Ukraine, we often avoid discussing this because there’s a hierarchy: the army and soldiers are seen as the most essential figures. Many people who once worked in cafés or as artists are now on the front line. They are the key figures in society now. I completely agree with that. So, to claim that art is a “mission” would sound a bit pretentious.

But working outside my local context has been a real challenge. In Ukraine, I lived all my life surrounded by people who knew my work. There was an intimate circle and a specific audience. You could experiment and make subtle, “micro” gestures.

When the war began and my work entered a global context, everything changed. It required a huge effort to build a universal visual language—something that could speak clearly and powerfully across cultures without being simplified. That’s the challenge I now face, but I find it an energizing one.

I like these challenges. They’re important. Every artist needs to be challenged in this way. To answer directly—it’s both yes and no. It’s my job, but not only that.

Let’s say it’s work. It’s a duty even without war; we don’t have weekends, we never retire. It’s a way of life. During war, it’s the same—only under much more difficult circumstances. So it’s work and lifestyle together.

Jacobsen: When people visit a gallery and see your portrayals of anonymous soldiers, there seems to be a lot of open space between each piece. Does that distance do something psychologically for the viewer? Do they project themselves into the anonymous figure? Does the spacing in the gallery create a kind of pause for reflection? When you’re walking through those quiet rooms, all you hear is the echo of footsteps—especially if people are wearing dress shoes, not sneakers. Though, I know Ukrainians love sneakers.

Khomenko: It really depends on where the exhibition is. For example, I’m showing this series in Ukraine in full for the first time this year, but I’ve already shown it in the United States several times. The perception is very different.

In the U.S., there’s a different attitude toward the army than in Ukraine. Since 2022, Ukraine has experienced a merging of civil society and the military—people help soldiers, volunteer, and see them as part of the same collective effort. In the U.S., attitudes toward the army and especially toward weapons vary a lot from state to state.

When I first showed this work in California, near San Francisco—in San Jose, in a small town—the exhibition was part of a festival, and my paintings were displayed in a public space. The curators placed them in an open pavilion with semi-transparent walls. They were very cautious because just a month earlier, there had been several mass shootings in the region. The public was understandably sensitive to images of weapons—especially machine guns.

So the attitude was complex. In the U.S., it’s always difficult to show work dealing with war and weapons. But I like presenting it here, confronting people with these questions—about weapons, violence, and war crimes. These are not just political issues; they’re moral and psychological ones.

In Ukraine, the reaction is different. People immediately recognize the imagery. Many soldiers post “thank you” selfies for volunteers, and civilians are used to seeing those photos. When people see my paintings, they often say, “After Lesia Khomenko, we can’t see pixelated soldiers the same way.” That’s very positive to me—when an artist can focus attention on the imagery of war itself, on the ways it’s represented, documented, and remembered.

Soldiers themselves often respond strongly to the work. They recognize it—it’s their world.

Despite the fact that my paintings are quite abstract, soldiers recognize and accept them. They can identify many details. With more complex works, like Battle in the Trench, some soldiers have even said the paintings triggered flashbacks. That kind of response from abstract work—it’s the best feedback I could imagine.

It’s remarkable how much distance the image travels: through media, the internet, then into painting, and finally into the exhibition space—and yet the sense of reality remains. Soldiers can still recognize their world within it. That’s very important to me.

I also wanted the figures to feel unsettling and life-sized. They’re not positive Soviet heroes or idealized icons. They’re semi-robotic—almost intimidating. Ukrainian soldiers can be frightening figures in their environment—emerging suddenly from a tree line or a trench. That power, that presence, is part of the work.

Jacobsen: Do you have any favorite Ukrainian quotes—either from the diaspora in English or from Ukraine itself—that capture how you feel about the country right now?

Khomenko: I’ve heard many, but one that really stayed with me from my last visit to Kyiv was: “Kyiv in the daytime is like Monaco, and at night it’s like Aleppo.” I think that’s true. It captures the surreal contrast of everyday life during war.

Jacobsen: You mentioned earlier the way people project themselves onto your images.

Khomenko: Yes, for example, I have a work shown in a train station where people descend on an escalator—it’s a very abstract image. In that public space, people recognize themselves in it. The painting isn’t directly about war; it’s more metaphorical, about history itself and the impossibility of fully capturing a historical moment.

Jacobsen: I remember those escalators in Kharkiv—two minutes straight down. The Soviet infrastructure is still there, still working, and now Ukrainians have filled those deep subway stations with art.

Khomenko: Yes, it’s a treasure. Deep stations are a kind of luxury now—they’ve become vital shelters. That old infrastructure is helping to save lives.

Jacobsen: Lesia, thank you very much for your time. 

Khomenko: Thank you for your questions.

Jacobsen: You’re very welcome. Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Omima Jabal and Sudan’s ERR: Neutral Aid, Nafir Solidarity, and Youth-Led Resilience

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/25

Omima Jabal, a Sudanese humanitarian leading the Emergency Response Room (ERR), a grassroots initiative providing critical aid during the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF)–Rapid Support Forces (RSF) war. ERR, originally focused on disaster relief, expanded post-war to include food distribution, medical aid, and civilian protection while maintaining neutrality. Jabal highlights the major challenges of volunteer security, funding shortages, and media neglect. Inspired by Sudan’s communal tradition, Nafir, ERR is a community-driven initiative. Despite hardships, Jabal remains hopeful, emphasizing diaspora advocacy, civil society restructuring, and youth leadership as key to Sudan’s future.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re here with Omima Jabal, a Sudanese humanitarian and community organizer leading the Emergency Response Room (ERR). The ERR, a grassroots initiative that existed before and during the ongoing war, provides essential aid amid the ongoing conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Jabal has been actively distributing food, medical supplies, and shelter to displaced civilians. She has participated in international discussions, including a panel hosted by the United States Institute of Peace, highlighting local responders’ challenges. Her efforts contribute to sustaining civilian resilience during Sudan’s crisis. What is the mission of the Emergency Response Room? What are its primary objectives?

Omima Jabal: Yes, thank you, Scott. It’s nice to be here. As I always say, any opportunity to talk about Sudan and advocate for my people and my country is one I will take.

To discuss the mission of the Emergency Response Room (ERR), we need to go back to its origins. Some ERRs were established before the war, while others emerged after the conflict began.

Before the war, some ERRs focused on promoting health services during crises such as floods and the COVID-19 pandemic. They also provided food and shelter services in response to natural disasters and humanitarian needs. That was the primary goal of the ERRs before the war.

After the war began, the ERR expanded significantly, covering more areas, and many new ERRs were established.

The ERR’s mission after the war is as follows:

  • Neutrality: We are a neutral body. This means we do not collaborate with or support any conflicting parties, whether SAF or RSF. Our focus is solely on humanitarian aid.
  • Humanitarian Aid: We provide food, medical services, and protection for civilians in war zones.
  • Service Continuity: Our objective is to ensure that essential services continue despite the ongoing conflict.
  • Food Security: We work to provide food through communal soup kitchens and the distribution of food baskets.
  • Protection of Civilians: This includes relocating civilians from active war zones to safer areas.
  • Mental Health Support: We provide psychosocial support through safe spaces, including Women’s and Girls’ Safe Spaces and Child-Friendly Spaces. These spaces offer critical mental health and emotional support for children, women, and girls affected by the war.

That, in simple terms, is the mission and objectives of the ERR.

Jacobsen: How did the ERR emerge from the resistance committees?

Jabal: There is a misunderstanding regarding this concept. We cannot say that the ERR emerged from the resistance committees, as each has a distinct mission. While resistance committees focus on political mobilization and advocacy, the ERR is strictly a humanitarian response initiative that remains neutral in the conflict. However, some individuals involved in grassroots activism may also contribute to humanitarian work through ERR efforts.

However, most of the ERR volunteers were originally resistance committee volunteers. After the revolution, the resistance committees primarily focused on political engagement, raising political awareness among individuals within their communities.

Yes, they did take on some administrative roles within their neighborhoods and localities, such as providing necessities like food and other essential services. However, the ERR is fundamentally different—it is a community-based organization.

As I mentioned, the ERR does not support any party in the conflict. Instead, it works directly with communities, aligning with local needs and providing humanitarian aid. That said, many of our volunteers were previously involved in resistance committees. Still, their role within the ERR is strictly humanitarian.

Jacobsen: What were the immediate challenges for the team?

Jabal: Oh, after the war started, in the early days, our primary focus was on providing meals. That was the most urgent need. We also prioritized basic healthcare services, such as distributing essential medical aid. However, as time passed, new challenges emerged. Some of the biggest challenges we faced included:

  1. Safe passage for aid deliveries – This was crucial, as active fighting made many roads inaccessible. Moving through these areas safely was a significant challenge.
  2. Volunteer security – In the early days, it was extremely dangerous for volunteers. Many were taken hostage, threatened, or even killed while attempting to provide aid.
  3. Scarcity of resources – Supplies were severely limited, making it difficult to meet the overwhelming needs of the displaced population.
  4. Lack of funding – In the early days, many international organizations and major donors withdrew their personnel from Sudan, effectively cutting off funding. The Sudanese diaspora became the primary source of financial support during this time.
  5. Internet and network blackouts – Communication was severely disrupted due to government-imposed restrictions and damaged infrastructure, making coordination efforts difficult.

These were the five main challenges we faced in the early stages of our response.

Jacobsen: How does the ERR coordinate with local organizations and communities?

Jabal: We cannot say that the ERRs “coordinate” with local organizations in a formal sense because they emerged directly from the communities themselves. The ERR is a community-based initiative involving all components and different groups within the local population. The needs are identified by the community itself self and then the fund is directed towards these needs, the ERRs are accountable to the community and very transparent, “monthly reports of spending shared through social media of meetings with the community”.

The idea behind the ERRs is rooted in a Sudanese tradition known as Nafir.

Nafir is a long-standing agricultural tradition in rural Sudan, where community members help each other during harvest. For example, suppose a farmer needs to harvest a large piece of land. In that case, the entire community will gather daily to complete the work collectively.

This same spirit of collective action drives the ERR. It is not a top-down organization but a grassroots movement built on solidarity, mutual aid, and local knowledge.

The ERR is deeply embedded in the community, involving all different groups and age demographics. For example, young people take on logistics and administrative tasks since they have the energy and mobility to move around. Women and older people prepare meals, care for children, and provide psychosocial support for those affected by the war.

So, rather than saying that the ERR coordinates with the community, it is more accurate to say that the ERR is part of the community itself. That’s it.

Jacobsen: Are food, water, and medical supplies being distributed amid the conflict?

Jabal: Yes, but it has been a significant challenge.

The ability to distribute aid depends heavily on the geographical location. The situation in Sudan is different based on the area e.g: Khartoum and Darfur. While the conflict involves the same warring parties (SAF and RSF), the realities on the ground vary greatly.

Distributing aid has been particularly difficult because the war zone has expanded over time. For example, when the conflict first broke out in Khartoum, the city of Wad Madani (Al-Jazira State) became a key supplier of food and daily necessities. However, as the war spread to Al-Jazira, these supply lines were disrupted, making accessing food and essential goods increasingly difficult.

Another major obstacle is the presence of checkpoints controlled by SAF and RSF. Moving supplies across different territories requires passing through multiple military-controlled zones, where fees or bribes may be demanded before goods are allowed.

Additionally, there have been no sustained ceasefires to facilitate humanitarian efforts. While negotiations have taken place, they have not resulted in any lasting truces to ensure the safe aid distribution.

Another financial challenge is that only one mobile banking application, Bankak, is currently functional in Sudan’s capital. This mobile money service frequently malfunctions due to poor service. In some cases, the government has deactivated the accounts of individuals receiving financial aid, further complicating access to funding for humanitarian efforts.

Despite these difficulties, people have found creative solutions. One notable initiative involved urban agriculture—a group planted vegetables near the Blue Nile to help support communal soup kitchens.

So, yes, it is incredibly challenging, but people are finding ways to adapt and survive.

During the fighting, infrastructure, including water stations, water pumps, and power stations, is often targeted. As a result, we have seen significant damage to these essential services.

As the ERR, we have successfully repaired and maintained some of these systems, but many remain non-functional today.

Regarding medical support, in early late 2023, several international organizations, including Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), began operating in the capital and other affected areas, providing medical services.

However, importing medicine, medical supplies, and other essential healthcare materials remains a major challenge.

Jacobsen: How do you ensure the safety of responders who provide aid?

Jabal: Ensuring the safety of aid providers in a war zone is extremely difficult. There are no fixed parameters or guarantees for protection. It depends on two key factors:

  1. Basic safety training – We provide basic self-protection training to volunteers. However, there is no way to predict what will happen in an active war zone.
  2. Community involvement – Volunteers working in active war zones are safest when the entire community is engaged. When a community takes responsibility for protecting volunteers, the risk is lower because security does not rely on a single individual but on collective support.

We do not have formalized safety protocols, which remains a major challenge. Early on, we attempted to gain recognition for aid providers to protect them from being targeted by SAF and RSF. However, this effort was largely unsuccessful.

When a volunteer is kidnapped or threatened, our response typically involves advocacy through social media. We raise awareness in the hopes that an international organization or a foreign body will speak out and apply pressure for their release. Internally, we have limited power to intervene.

We have urged the international community to officially recognize volunteers as humanitarian aid providers to increase their protection. However, the reality is grim—all our volunteers understand that they may never return when they deliver aid. It is a daily reality they have come to accept.

We have not established a clear protection protocol for our volunteers. When someone is kidnapped, we do our best to advocate for their release. If a volunteer receives a death threat, our best course of action is to relocate them to save states more.

However, this is another challenge—most of the protection funding we receive is designated for relocating people within Sudan (from one state to another). There are no dedicated funds for evacuating volunteers outside of Sudan, making it incredibly difficult to provide long-term protection for those most at risk.

Jabal: Those fortunate enough to secure protection funds often face new challenges. While relocating them may remove the immediate threat of death from conflict parties, they are frequently placed in a new environment without any financial or resource support to sustain themselves. So, their long-term safety and survival remain uncertain even after escaping immediate danger. Yes, it is a major challenge.

Jacobsen: How has the community responded? This question is linked to the previous discussion about ERR’s integration with the community. Instead of simply asking how the community responds, a more precise way to frame the question is: Since the ERR is deeply integrated into the community, how does this influence the community’s operational strategies?

Jabal: ERR’sIn the beginning, our primary focus was providing essential services—food, healthcare, and protection—but our impact has extended beyond those core services.

One of the biggest impacts has been on community cohesion.

For example, in shelters and internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, you will find people from different ethnic backgrounds and geographical regions living together. Over time, they have started to work together, care for shared spaces, and even engage in discussions about broader issues affecting their lives.

Additionally, displaced people have started interacting and integrating with host communities in non-active conflict areas. This has created new levels of social cohesion and even contributed to community peacebuilding.

Despite all the suffering caused by this war, one unexpected opportunity has emerged—it has allowed Sudanese people from different regions and backgrounds to interact, collaborate, and understand each other uncommonly.

Today, we no longer identify the  ERRs purely as a service provider. We also identify community needs and reallocate funds accordingly. So we are partners in the whole process.

We have placed a strong emphasis on localizing aid. This means that communities are now actively engaged in:

  1. Identifying their own needs – ERR holds regular meetings within communities to update them on available resources and listen to their needs.
  2. Discussing funding allocations – Communities decide how aid and financial resources should be distributed.
  3. Developing self-sufficiency – Instead of relying solely on external aid, people are learning how to organize, manage, and sustain resources locally.

In this way, the ERR is not just a relief organization—it is helping communities take control of their futures and strengthen their resilience in the face of ongoing conflict.

The community response has significantly influenced community operational strategies. Now, people are working within their areas, identifying their real needs, determining how to fulfill them, and deciding who to coordinate with.

Beyond the ERRs, community initiatives and independent groups operate in different regions. To be clear, ERRs are not present in every part of Sudan. Local initiatives step in to fill the gap in areas without an ERR.

As a result, there is now a growing level of coordination between different entities across Sudan—including community-led initiatives, national organizations, and ERRs.

This has affected local communities and reshaped Sudanese civil society as a whole. The ERRs, through community engagement, are helping redefine the role of civil society in responding to humanitarian crises.

We are working toward a more effective, organized, and self-sustaining approach—ensuring that communities can identify their needs, conduct local research, and create solutions from within rather than relying solely on external aid.

So, yes, this is how the ERR’s work has influenced broader community strategies.

Jacobsen: Who are the main international organizations or humanitarian agencies that consistently collaborate with the ERR or the community?

Jabal: We have partnerships with several international organizations, but before answering that question, let me explain how our coordination efforts have evolved.

About four to five months after the war began, we started working on a coordination body to bring together:

  1. National NGOs (nongovernmental organizations)
  2. International NGOs and aid organizations
  3. ERRs and grassroots community groups

The ERRs are considered an extension of the community itself.  Since we are not a registered organization, many international donors cannot directly fund us due to policy restrictions.

To overcome this challenge, we partner with national organizations, which serve as intermediaries between international donors and ERRs. However, all three entities—the ERRs, national NGOs, and international organizations—are part of the same coordination body to ensure transparency and efficiency.

One of our main priorities is advocating for the international community to rethink its funding policies to better align with the realities on the ground in Sudan.

For example, many international aid organizations come in with predefined agendas—such as focusing on food security—without fully understanding the specific needs of a given region.

However, the situation changes rapidly in Sudan, making applying rigid, pre-planned funding models impossible.

That is why this coordination framework is so important—it enables:

  • International organizations to adapt their policies and funding structures
  • National organizations to facilitate local aid distribution
  • ERRs to communicate urgent community needs in real-time

By integrating these three components, we ensure that humanitarian aid reaches the people who need it most rather than being dictated by preexisting international funding constraints. As I mentioned, the ERRs are shaping Sudan’s future. The leaders emerging from these grassroots efforts may play a key role in someday rebuilding Sudan.

Another significant aspect of our work is the redefinition of Sudanese civil society. Historically, Sudan has faced structural challenges in civil society organization, and we are now reidentifying and restructuring it to be more effective and community-driven.

In terms of international partnerships, we are currently working with four key international organizations such as (NRC, saverworld,  USAID,,etc) , working directly with the ERRs or through national organizations.

One of our former key partners, SaverWorld, also assisted in formalizing the Coordination Council, which helps align ERRs, national organizations, and international donors.

However, following the recent decision by the U.S. government, many of our major donors are no longer active. We do not know what will happen next, and everyone is uncertain.

This is particularly challenging because the situation on the ground is worsening, especially in Khartoum and Al-Fashir. These areas remain active war zones with extreme resource shortages, making aid delivery even more difficult.

Jacobsen: One question concerns Sudan’s media coverage, particularly in North America. From my perspective in Canada, media attention—across the political and social spectrum—has been largely focused on the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Palestine conflict. Why do you think there is such a significant gap in media coverage of Sudan’s crisis?

Jabal: That is a great question, and we know this issue. One major reason is the lack of centralized, reliable data.

Even after nearly two years of war, Sudan still does not have a comprehensive data collection system that tracks the full extent of the crisis. The available data is often fragmented—some statistics are collected for specific regions. Still, we do not have a single nationwide study that covers all of Sudan, including:

  • Khartoum
  • Darfur
  • Non-active war zones

Without this data infrastructure, journalists, policymakers, and international organizations will have difficulty assessing the true scale of the crisis.

Another major issue is weak advocacy channels.

The ERRs, national Sudanese organizations, and community-based initiatives lack capacity-building support. Many of us originally trained in different fields but had to step into humanitarian work when the war broke out. Because of this, our ability to advocate on an international level is still developing. Even though the impact is still very high. 

Without strong advocacy networks, Sudan’s crisis does not receive the same global attention as conflicts with well-established lobbying efforts.

For me, the two most important factors behind the lack of media coverage are:

  1. Data scarcity – The absence of a comprehensive, accessible record of Sudan’s war makes it harder to generate sustained global attention.
  2. Capacity gaps—Without dedicated training and support, Sudanese civil society and humanitarian workers struggle to bring Sudan’s crisis into the global media spotlight.

This is why we continue to work on strengthening community-based networks, improving data collection, and expanding our advocacy efforts—to ensure that Sudan’s war is not forgotten.

Data collection is difficult because the war is ongoing, and many active conflict zones remain. Even when we do manage to collect some data, it is often incomplete or inconsistent.

Despite these challenges, the ERRs have developed their data system, which includes:

  • Administration
  • Accountability
  • Responsibility
  • Transparency

This strong and effective system has contributed to the ERRs’ credibility and acceptance within different communities.

However, the data remains fragmented. Each geographical area maintains its records, and no centralized database consolidates all the information across Sudan.

For example, Khartoum’s ERR operates at a state level, meaning all seven localities coordinate together and share some data. However, even in Khartoum, we still do not have a fully accurate picture of the situation.

Jacobsen: Of the coverage that has been done—whether through formal international reports or media organizations that send journalists into the field or conduct remote interviews—what aspects of Sudan’s crisis do you think have been covered properly? Where do you see gaps in the coverage?

Jabal: The areas that have been covered well are food security efforts, including:

  • Communal kitchens
  • Food basket distribution

These efforts have continued throughout the war, making them relatively visible. Sudan still has many communal kitchens, and food distribution remains a major focus of humanitarian aid. 

However, one of the most underreported issues is the protection of volunteers and women’s needs.

The safety of humanitarian workers is rarely discussed, and there are no dedicated funds for ensuring their security.

As I mentioned earlier, when a volunteer receives a death threat, we struggle to relocate them quickly because we lack the financial resources to do so. The process often takes a long time, which places them at even greater risk.

So, while food security and health services receive some media attention, protecting aid workers is one of the crisis’s most overlooked aspects.

Jacobsen: How do you feel about Sudan’s future, particularly liberation, development, and rebuilding? What role do you see for the Sudanese diaspora in this process?

Jabal: I am optimistic, no matter how long this war lasts. It will end.

As I mentioned before, despite the tragedies and suffering, the war has also created opportunities for Sudanese people to connect and engage in ways that were previously impossible.

Under the old regime, Sudanese society was intentionally divided—with people placed into separate geographical zones to limit interaction and solidarity.

However, the war has forced us to break down those barriers. We are now talking to each other more, learning about each other, and building stronger relationships across different regions.

I also have hope in the Sudanese diaspora.

Although there are challenges, particularly the lack of unity within the diaspora, they have already contributed significantly to supporting communities inside Sudan.

The diaspora’s role will be critical in Sudan’s rebuilding and future development. They will continue to play an essential part in shaping the country’s next chapter. I am optimistic about the situation because Sudan’s civil society is being reshaped and continues to evolve.

We will see Sudan’s future leaders emerge from within this restructured civil society. Many of those involved in the ERRs today are youth, and we know that young people comprise the largest segment of Sudan’s population.

Right now, we have a great opportunity to redefine our response and focus on our communities to build the future we all envision for Sudan. So, yes, there is hope and opportunity. The Sudanese diaspora also plays a crucial role.

They were instrumental in providing financial support from the beginning of the war. However, the diaspora needs a unified mechanism beyond funding to coordinate its actions more effectively.

Their role extends beyond financial aid—diaspora members can also:

  1. Apply diplomatic pressure within their countries, urging their governments to support Sudan.
  2. Advocate for Sudan internationally, ensuring the world does not ignore the crisis.

If we, the Sudanese people, do not speak up about what is happening in our country, we cannot expect others to notice or act.

Jacobsen: Who impresses you the most in work similar to yours? Most people do not work in difficult conditions yet remain upbeat and committed. I assume you are working extensive hours each day. Who, within your context, impresses you the most? Comparisons between people’s lives and experiences are not always direct—like comparing apples and oranges. But in terms of your work and journey, who do you admire? Who inspired you when you were just getting started in this field?

Jabal: Oh, for myself? That is a very personal question. From my perspective, my journey began with the Sudanese revolution of 2018. Since I was a child, I have loved volunteering in my community. I have always believed that to create real change, you must start within your geographical area—your community.

After the revolution, I came from one of the poorest areas in Khartoum. We started a community development project that lasted over three years. Our main motivation was the memory of our friends who were killed during the protests and sit-ins.

We witnessed our friends being shot and killed right in front of us. Their sacrifice became our driving force. We wanted to honor them by improving our community, which is how we started.

I have always identified myself as a change agent for my community. Beyond that, my love for Sudan keeps me motivated. Despite hardships, I remain committed to seeing my country rise again. Being Sudanese is one of the greatest joys of my life.

Even though none of us choose where we are born, which identity we inherit, or which country we call home, I love being Sudanese. I take pride in my identity, and I cherish the opportunity to be Sudanese in this world.

When the war started, we thought our response was simple. We were trying to save our people. For me, it started in my neighborhood. I was there when the war broke out, and I looked at the people around me—the same people I grew up with, my neighbors, my family.

We decided to support and protect one another and to provide essential services for those in need. That was how it all began. At first, it was about helping the people closest to us—our families and neighbors. But now, I see it as something even bigger.

It is a way to pave the path for future generations. Being young Sudanese people was incredibly hard for our generation—it was challenging in every way.

Now, it is our responsibility to ensure that the next generation comes forward facing fewer obstacles than we did. They should have greater opportunities for development and more chances to shape Sudan’s future on their terms.

We must solve deep-rooted, systemic problems. We have started addressing and conversing about them, but the work is far from finished. We hope to see meaningful solutions soon. Many of us feel we have no choice—this is our responsibility.

I must contribute as long as I am educated, capable, and can help. It is that simple. What keeps us going is looking back at our colleagues and friends who are still in active war zones, risking their lives every single day to provide services.

That motivates us. Yes, this is 24/7 work, but we do it with happiness because we are helping. We are young people who love Sudan. I won’t lie—most Sudanese youth love Sudan deeply. They say it outright.

All of this comes from a place of love. It is that simple.

Jacobsen: It was wonderful meeting you, Omima. Thank you for the work you’re doing—I appreciate it. I’ll be in touch tomorrow.

Jabal: Oh, thank you, Scott. It was nice talking to you. As I’ve said before, whenever you want to talk about my people or country, I will always be happy to do so. The world needs to hear these stories. Thank you so much—I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Oleksiy Sai on Excel-Art, War, and ‘I’m Fine’ at Burning Man

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/24

Oleksiy Sai (born 1975, Kyiv) is a Ukrainian contemporary artist whose practice spans digital graphics, installation, and socially engaged projects. Trained at the Kyiv College of Arts and Industries and the National Academy of Fine Arts and Architecture, he is represented by Voloshyn Gallery (Kyiv/Miami). Sai pioneered “Excel-Art,” repurposing spreadsheet software as a visual language beginning in the mid-2000s. Since Russia’s war against Ukraine, his work has turned to witness and memory, including the “Bombed” series (2014– ). In 2024 he co-created I’m Fine at Burning Man from war-damaged street materials; in 2025 he presented Black Cloud, an immersive warning piece. 

Sai speaks under an active air-raid alert about making art from ordinary tools and extraordinary times. Known for Excel-Art—images built entirely in spreadsheets—Sai pivots from corporate critique to conflict witness. He’s represented by Voloshyn Gallery (Kyiv/Miami). In 2024 he realized “I’m Fine,” a 32-meter-long, 7-meter-high Burning Man installation assembled from bullet-scarred street materials to convey war’s scale, produced with allies including Vitaliy Deynega. Deynega founded Come Back Alive, Ukraine’s major military-support nonprofit. Sai also discusses “Black Cloud,” large-scale public work, and why contemporary art’s “language of experience” can carry truth further than information alone.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re with Oleksiy Sai, a Ukrainian contemporary artist whose practice spans digital graphics, installation, and socially engaged projects. Trained in Kyiv, he is represented by Voloshyn Gallery, which operates in Kyiv and has a space in Miami. Is the air raid alarm still going for the interview now?

Oleksiy Sai: We are under a state of alarm. There’s some danger. But honestly, we do nothing about these things. Sometimes when the bombing is too heavy, we move to the part of the apartment with thicker walls. That’s it. We never run to subway stations or shelters. 

Jacobsen: When I was in Dnipro, I started sitting in the hotel bathtub. It works. It’s practical. Some people just say, “Either I’m going to die, or I’m going to have a good night’s sleep and stay in bed anyway.”

Sai: It can protect you from broken windows. The most dangerous thing is the broken glass if a missile hits nearby. If it hits you directly, you’re done. 

Jacobsen: Some of these Iskander missiles are short-range ballistic or cruise missiles with heavy warheads; their effects can extend hundreds of meters depending on the warhead type and target. I was there when Poltava happened. More than fifty people died and over three hundred were injured.

We heard about it in the morning and were there within a few hours. 

Sai: I remember it well. I used to make videos from the war—very raw, like video art for politicians—and I have a lot of that material.

Jacobsen: So, why did Excel stop being a tool and become a medium—potentially in a McLuhan sense?

Sai: I can show you some pictures from Excel. I have some of them. They’re made entirely in Excel. I worked in an advertising agency to make a living in the ’90s and early 2000s. I was surprised by how strange the relationships between people were in offices. To me, it was a comedy. In our post-Soviet society, we were building work relations in business from scratch. It was funny.

I started making pictures in Excel because I thought that “bad” pictures made from an everyday office tool would connect to the medium people use daily. They would understand. And it worked. I began doing it out of irony.

Jacobsen: Sometimes the most effective construction material is irony—it’s very robust construction materials.

Sai: Yes. But soon I realized it wasn’t a criticism. It was simply a poor tool to make pictures but a good one to make people understand what they do in this program. People looked at the pictures—flowers, for example—and said, “Horror, horror.” That reaction was good for me. I still make Excel pictures because it’s fun for me to work this way. I love working with materials and tools that do not offer comfort.

Jacobsen: You were born and raised in the Soviet Union. What do you remember from that time?

Sai: I was born and raised in the Soviet Union, and I remember feeling that I wasn’t a part of it. That sense stayed with me for the first years of my life.

I remember the first revolution in 1991. I went to the meetings. I was a teenager, but I was absolutely happy that the Soviet Union was about to collapse. Then we were really outside the control of the state—most people were. And maybe that gap gave us something else: self-confidence. It felt like the state wasn’t something above us anymore; it was us. We could control it. That’s how we made these revolutions happen—because the state insulted our dignity, and we started to act.

It was violent, it was hard. Those months in the winter of 2013–2014, during what we call the Revolution of Dignity, were very difficult. You worked every day on the frozen streets. It wasn’t fun at all, but it was necessary. We never believed that Russia would go this far. We knew Russia was an enemy, but we didn’t believe it would start a full invasion. It was truly unexpected. I was very upset and wanted to help somehow.

I never had the idea to go into the army, but I volunteered. I did what I could to help, and my wife also volunteered. We were part of a community that was actively doing something about it. We didn’t serve in the army, but we contributed in other ways.

So the full-scale invasion was unexpected, but the years leading up to it were not. The invasion was unexpected, but the tension wasn’t. We just continued doing something useful. I had the advantage of being independent, so I could decide what to do myself. Sometimes I succeeded. I made things that had an impact.

Jacobsen: I grew up in a community of artists in a small town, and I think artists often share that feeling you described earlier—being apart from the mainstream, no matter the country. That seems universal. Hoping for the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, or later for dignity and independence for Ukraine during an unexpected war—both carry that same sense of striving for freedom. Even within the artist community, you seem to embody that independence. How would you describe the inspiration for I’m Fine?

Sai: I can’t really call it inspiration. It’s more of a result. We made it because we thought it was necessary. My friend Vitaliy Deynega—perhaps you’ve heard of him—founded Povernys’ Zhyvym (Come Back Alive), the largest charity foundation in Ukraine that has supported the army since 2014.

He—my friend Vitaliy Deynega—was the one who founded it. I’ve helped him since 2014, since the beginning of the war. One day, in 2023, he came to my studio and said, “Stop making these posters and doing the daily routine. Let’s make something big.”

During the first half-year of the full-scale invasion, I made whatever people asked me to make—posters for demonstrations, a lot of work. It went viral. It worked, but it wasn’t art. It was communication.

Both of us had been to Burning Man separately, but we knew the culture and the community. He said we needed to communicate with that audience, because it could spread information about Ukraine worldwide. So, we made one sculpture—it was called Phoenix. The next year, we decided to make I’m Fine. It was the result of thinking about what we could say—how we could communicate what was happening.

It was strange that they accepted it, because it’s so political and, in a way, ugly. But it works. From a distance, it looks funny; up close, it’s not funny at all. When you understand what it’s made of, you see the scale of the war. Because war in the news often looks distant—you can’t feel it. We wanted to make people see what we see, that the destruction is massive.

We gathered materials with help from the military. They gave us signs and debris from zones where nobody lives now—places under constant shelling. They sent us city signs from occupied territories, old and damaged. I wanted to show that this war is unimaginably big—bigger than people can imagine from the outside.

When you come close, you see only fragments—thirty meters of shredded metal, torn by bullets. People cried when they saw it. I can’t say it was something I wanted to make, but when I drew the sketch, I realized it would be expensive, difficult, and necessary. It had to be made. It’s not self-expression; it’s an expression of what we live through. For me, it’s communication more than art. But it worked.

Jacobsen: And people don’t always realize—you don’t need to go very far. You don’t need to be on the front line. You can walk through many cities for a day and see babushkas walking around, and then suddenly see a soldier with a bandaged arm, a missing hand. It’s very immediate for a lot of people. A significant minority of Ukrainians have at least one family member in the army, right?

Sai: Yes, that’s true. Even if not on the front line, they’re serving somewhere—logistics, leadership, technical work. Everyone does their part. It’s absolutely normal for men to serve now. We do have problems with recruiting, but the number of people in the army is still not large enough.

The chances of being called to the military are quite high. I’m okay with that. I’m confident. If I’m called, I will go. I don’t know how successful I’ll be in the army, but I’ll do my best.

Jacobsen: Do you think the language of expression has changed as the war has progressed, or has there been a consistent through line?

Sai: What I’ve realized during this full-scale invasion is that the language of contemporary art is very efficient. It gives you experience—something deeper than information. It’s not always clear for every viewer, but it can create a more complex understanding.

Take I’m Fine, for example. Through it, you can sense the scale of destruction, or from Alevtina’s paintings, you can feel the hypocrisy and lies of the Russian narrative. You can read an article and think, “Okay, now I know,” but when you see her small, chaotic images, you realize how frank they are. They truly convey what she thinks and feels. That’s what I aim for too—to be as clear and as imaginative as possible.

Jacobsen: Would you ever consider collaborating with people who aren’t artists—say, those who’ve been to the front lines? To convey their psychological landscape, maybe for an international audience, like through the Kyiv Miami Gallery or Burning Man—but also domestically, or even regionally, like in Lithuania or France?

Sai: We already have many artists in the army—friends of mine who are serving now. Our army is full of different people. They’re not professional soldiers; they’re ordinary people like us. There’s no real divide between military and civilian life anymore, except that they’re extremely tired, and they suffer deeply. Even those who aren’t on the front line—it’s still them. It’s still us. The army is not a good place to spend years, but it’s necessary.

I’ve worked with people in the army, and they’re not very different from anyone else. In fact, they often work better—they understand they need to act, to do something meaningful. Sometimes they’re even more collaborative. But I can’t really divide people into “civilian” and “military” anymore. It’s all very mixed now.

There are so many volunteers—it’s like a whole class of people living in between. And it’s not always peaceful work. When you do something for a soldier, you’re more or less involved yourself, even internally. I’m not sure if that fully answers your question.

Jacobsen: Here’s what I was getting at—maybe this is more precise. Do you feel lucky as an artist, to have the talent and outlet to express yourself, compared to those who might not have that?

Sai: No, I don’t feel lucky. I feel obliged to do this. I don’t think it’s a good time or place to live, but I want to make this place better. That’s what drives me. I don’t feel lucky, and I won’t use the results of these war years as any kind of advantage later. No. I just try to do whatever helps others—and myself—in this situation. That’s how it is.

Jacobsen: What’s your current big project that readers should know about?

Sai: The last one was another sculpture we made for Burning Man. It was called The Black Cloud—a warning piece, also about thirty meters wide. It was destroyed by the wind.

After that, we made another installation on the same spot, using the words “No Fate,” like Sarah Connor wrote in the Terminator movie. We used pieces of fabric, but then a huge storm hit. It was unexpectedly dangerous—we were lucky that all 70,000 people in Black Rock City stayed alive. Some were injured, and there was damage, but for that many people, it was okay.

The storm was massive. Our sculpture was destroyed, and now I’m just trying to return to routine work. I’ve built a small gizmo—it lets me draw using a screwdriver. Now I’m trying to do some simple, even stupid things—just to feel a bit of normal life again.

Jacobsen: Excellent. Enjoy the rest of your day, it was nice to meet you, and discuss your work.

Sai: Thank you. Bye-bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Bandana Rana on CEDAW’s Power: Nepal’s Progress, Implementation Gaps, and Tackling Gender Stereotypes (2025–2028)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/24

Bandana Rana (Nepal) is an elected member of the Committee for the 2025-2028 term. The three Vice-Chairs elected in February 2025 are Marianne Mikko (Estonia), Corinne Dettmeijer-Vermeulen (Netherlands) and Hong Mu (China). Rana is a former Vice Chair  (2019-2020) of the CEDAW Committee. Rana is a Nepali human rights advocate, gender equality expert, and current Vice Chair of the CEDAW Committee. With over 30 years of experience, she has led national and international efforts addressing gender-based violence, domestic violence, and legal reform, advancing women’s rights and inclusive representation in Nepal and beyond. Rana Rana discusses the significance of CEDAW as a global legal framework for eliminating discrimination against women. She outlines Nepal’s progress in enacting progressive gender equality laws and policies but stresses that implementation remains the primary challenge, especially in rural and marginalized communities. Rana highlights rising concerns such as technology-facilitated violence, conflict-related sexual violence, and persistent gender stereotypes. She also reflects on transformative milestones, including increased women’s political participation, recognition of LGBTQ+ rights, and the cultural shift in acknowledging domestic violence. Rana co-leads a CEDAW General Recommendation on stereotypes, emphasizing the importance of mindset change for progress.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are lucky to be here with Bandana Rana. She is the former Vice Chair of the CEDAW Committee from Nepal. You are focusing on CEDAW, an essential document. These kinds of documents within the UN often become part of larger movements, right? So, they are framed as such. What are you focusing on this round, either in terms of re-emphasizing or proposing additions to CEDAW?

Bandana Rana: It is essential to clarify what CEDAW is. It is a United Nations treaty—the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. It provides a legally binding international framework for countries that ratify it. As of today, 189 UN member states have ratified CEDAW, making it one of the most widely supported human rights treaties in the world. 

When a state ratifies CEDAW, it commits to eliminating discrimination against women in all areas of life. This mandate is broad—it encompasses ending discrimination in constitutional and legislative provisions, as well as in public institutions and national mechanisms dedicated to gender equality. 

It also addresses participation in public and political life, temporary special measures to accelerate equality, and discrimination in areas such as health, education, employment, marriage, and family life, as well as efforts to eliminate gender-based violence and harmful practices. Every four years, state parties are required to submit reports to the CEDAW Committee, which comprises 23 independent experts from around the world. 

We review each country’s progress through a constructive dialogue with the state delegation. However, our evaluation is not based solely on government reports. We also rely heavily on alternative or shadow reports from civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and NGOs. After the dialogue, we issue Concluding Observations—recommendations tailored to each country. 

These identify gaps and urge specific actions to be taken before the next reporting cycle. CEDAW is thus a powerful tool for ensuring state accountability. NGOs and grassroots groups often utilize our recommendations to advocate for policy changes, legal reforms, and improved implementation mechanisms. In many cases, including Nepal, these recommendations have led to tangible changes in the real world.

Jacobsen: Every country has its challenges. Some face specific issues more intensely than others. What are the most pressing issues currently affecting women in Nepal?

Rana: Nepal is a small, landlocked country in South Asia, classified as a least developed country, although it has made significant strides in recent decades. Nepal’s 2015 Constitution includes many progressive gender equality provisions, and the government has enacted laws addressing violence against women, child marriage, and gender-based discrimination. However, the main challenge lies in implementation. Although the legal framework is relatively robust, there is a lack of adequate and consistent monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. This makes it challenging to ensure that laws are applied uniformly and effectively, especially in rural and marginalized communities. Key barriers include patriarchal norms, limited awareness of legal rights, insufficient training of law enforcement personnel, and under-resourced government institutions. These factors all hinder the delivery of justice and services for women. So, while Nepal has many of the right laws and policies on paper, the real obstacle is ensuring that they reach the people they are intended to protect and that they are backed by political will and institutional capacity.

Rana: So that is one—and it is under-resourced as well. The kind of resources required for its effective implementation are not dedicated to it. However, when it comes to women’s issues, what is the biggest obstacle you are referring to? 

One is that, although we have 33.1% women in the federal Parliament—which is good progress—women’s underrepresentation in decision-making at other levels remains a significant issue. Violence against women is another, particularly with emerging forms such as technology-facilitated violence, cybercrime, and the increasing incidence of sexual violence against minors. So these are some of the significant problems we face.

Moreover, on top of that, we are a country that is still emerging from a decade-long armed conflict. We continue to face unresolved issues related to conflict-related sexual violence. There is a strong need for a victim-centric approach in concluding our transitional justice process. I would say that these are some of the most significant challenges we currently face.

Jacobsen: What about in the home?

Rana: Domestic violence is a significant issue. It is a serious concern. We have had a Domestic Violence (Crime and Punishment) Act since 2009, which many countries still lack. However, as I mentioned earlier, what is required is rigorous and practical implementation, along with necessary amendments that reflect the evolving challenges and needs. So yes, domestic violence remains a significant issue.

Jacobsen: You have been involved in this work for over 30 years. If you compare the situation when you started to now, what would you identify as some of the significant wins?

Rana: I see, comparatively—though I would not say it is entirely satisfactory—but compared to more than 30 years ago, when a group of us first began speaking out on domestic violence, it was groundbreaking. We were the first organization to address domestic violence publicly. 

Even our family members told us we were mad and insisted that there was no domestic violence in Nepal. It was seen as a private matter, something to be hidden behind closed doors. However, through persistent advocacy and public debate, we brought the issue into the open. 

Today, we even have a dedicated law on domestic violence. That is a significant change. Another change is that, back then, there was no space for public debate on violence against women. Women, in particular, were silenced. There was an authentic culture of silence.

However, now, even women in remote areas have a voice. They speak publicly and participate in debates about violence against women. Yes, exercising those rights is still a challenge. Reporting remains a problem. There is still not a sufficiently conducive atmosphere to report incidents easily. However, the process has begun. There are now many laws in place. Public discussion around sexual violence has also emerged. I mean, we never used to talk about incest or marital rape. Now we do.

One significant change is the recognition of sexual minorities’ rights. Nepal was the first country in Asia—and among the first globally—to formally recognize the rights of sexual and gender minorities. We even had a member of parliament representing the LGBTQ+ community. In that regard, our approach has become increasingly inclusive.

I would also note that we had our first woman president—something I never thought I would see in my lifetime. That may not have dramatically transformed governance in practice, but the symbolic significance matters: it reinforces the idea that a woman can lead the country. So yes, these are some of the significant changes I have witnessed over the years.

Jacobsen: Within that 31% political participation, who stands out?

Rana: We have a mixed electoral system—first-past-the-post and proportional representation. Through the proportional system, we have ensured that women are elected at a minimum threshold. Yes, our electoral laws help ensure that women hold 31% of parliamentary seats.

Under that proportional system, we have also ensured representation of women from Dalit communities, indigenous groups, and other marginalized populations. It is a very inclusive model. Initially, there were many regressive attitudes surrounding this. People would ask, “How can you take a woman from a rural area and place her directly into parliament when she has no political experience?”

However, I can speak from personal experience. I was the first woman ever nominated to the Press Council of Nepal. I was also the first woman appointed to the National Radio Executive Board. At the time, there were 13 members on the Press Council, and I was the only woman among them. I worried my voice would be silenced or ineffective. However, over time, I realized that I did not even need to raise gender issues explicitly. My presence alone prompted my male colleagues to speak on those issues, even before I did.

So sometimes, presence matters. Critical mass matters. Representation itself has power. Over the years, I have seen women with no formal background in governance—some of whom were salespeople or shopkeepers—become empowered, gain confidence, and effectively raise their voices in national discussions.

When we discuss significant progress, this inclusive political process stands out. We now have a diverse group of women represented in the political arena.

Jacobsen: Where have you seen the least movement?

Rana: I am distraught by the level of impunity around various forms of violence—especially domestic violence and, in particular, rape. The impunity is very real. It persists. Moreover, often, it is the victim who is sensationalized in the media and public discourse, rather than the perpetrator. That is where my most significant concern and frustration lie.

Jacobsen: Even when a country achieves very high gender equality—like Iceland or Sweden—domestic violence rates against women remain higher than expected. So, why do you think that might be the case?

Rana: One of the biggest stumbling blocks I have encountered in over 30 years of experience is the mindset—the persistence of gender stereotypes. These stereotypes are deeply embedded, not only in small or developing countries but also in the most progressive societies, where demographic indicators may show progress.

Even today, women face the glass ceiling. Look at how women are perceived as decision-makers versus how men are perceived—there is a stark contrast. So I would say one of the most significant barriers is harmful and entrenched gender stereotypes.

Within the CEDAW Committee, we are currently drafting a General Recommendation on gender stereotypes. General Recommendations are detailed guidance documents provided to State Parties on how to address specific issues under the Convention. I am co-chairing the drafting of this particular recommendation.

It stems from the understanding that gender stereotypes are a global challenge—one that all countries must confront, regardless of their level of development or ranking in gender equality.

So, perhaps I did not answer your question directly. However, I believe this is one of the root causes behind the persistence of domestic violence, even in highly gender-equal societies.

Jacobsen: Thank you.

Rana: Thank you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Joelle Casteix on Catholic Clergy Abuse: Coordination, Cover-Ups, and Real Reform

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23

Joelle Casteix is a leading advocate, author, and educator on child sexual abuse prevention and institutional accountability. A survivor of abuse at a Catholic high school in Southern California, she became a spokesperson and Western Regional Director with SNAP, supporting survivors and exposing cover-ups. Her book, The Well-Armoured Child(River Grove Books, 2015), equips parents to recognize grooming, build safeguards, and empower children without fear. A former journalist, Casteix lectures widely, consults on safeguarding policies, and writes about transparency, restitution, and reform. She champions evidence-based, survivor-centred change through public education, media engagement, and practical, accessible tools for families and institutions.

In this discussion with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Casteix explains coordinated Catholic clergy abuse through Orange County cases involving Eleuterio Ramos, Siegfried Widera, and Michael A. Harris, detailing settlements including $10 million to a single survivor in 2024 and prior awards of $5.2 million in 2001 and $3.5 million in 2024. She outlines why outcomes vary—evidence of diocesan knowledge, scope of abuse, and victim impact—and describes the 2004 $100 million global settlement’s grid for allocating compensation. Casteix exposes institutional gaslighting, misogynistic binaries, strategic transfers, and opaque data practices, while acknowledging limited reforms. Her central point: only transparency, external oversight, and survivor validation can counter reputational protectionism.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is an example of a coordinated clergy abuse case?

Joelle Casteix: One of the coordinated clergy abuse cases in Orange County involved a priest named Eleuterio Ramos, who was accused of sexually abusing children. His abuse led to multiple civil settlements; most recently, a California case involving Ramos and Siegfried Widera resulted in a $10 million settlement to a single survivor in 2024. Another set of cases involving Michael A. Harris—a former principal at Mater Dei High School and later founding principal at Santa Margarita Catholic High School—produced a $5.2 million settlement in 2001 to Ryan DiMaria and, separately, a $3.5 million settlement in 2024. 

Jacobsen: Why such differences in outcomes?

Casteix: Because the cases are still under protective orders, we do not know the full details. But generally, a higher settlement or verdict usually means there was much more evidence showing that the diocese knew—or should have known—about the abuse and failed to act. It can also depend on the extent of the abuse or the number of victims.

When the Diocese of Orange reached the $100 million global settlement in 2004, one of the most challenging tasks the attorneys faced was dividing the money among survivors. The diocese said, “Here is the money—now you figure out how to split it.” That is when they used the grid: How many instances of abuse occurred? What were the damages? How has each survivor been affected?

It is harrowing work. Unfortunately, our civil justice system has only one real form of punishment for wrongdoing—money. It is not a perfect system, but it gives survivors something tangible. Many have never been able to live their lives to their full potential. They have hospital bills, addiction issues, and decades of trauma. These settlements at least help them begin to rebuild.

Just as importantly, the process gives survivors validation. It provides proof—official documents and depositions confirming: “Yes, this happened. Yes, it was covered up. No, it was not your fault. Yes, it was illegal.” That acknowledgment is the most healing part.

If you ask many survivors, they will tell you, “I would not have settled. I did not want the money—I just wanted them to admit what they did.” The Church often denies it, even to your face. They will tell you, “It never happened,” or “You are crazy.” But when you have hundreds of pages of documents showing the truth, you finally have something undeniable.

Jacobsen: How does the Church internally frame these cases?

Casteix: As short-term liabilities. And this is just my opinion. The Catholic Church operates on what I call “geological time.” It thinks in centuries. It is run by men who have never had to feed a family or pay bills. Their understanding of money is limited to what appears on a ledger.

For most of its history—until maybe eight or nine years ago—the Church saw abuse survivors as temporary problems. The thinking was: “Yes, the kid was abused, but now the kid is a mess, a drug addict, a liar.” So they wrote that child off. Their loyalty lay with the priest, not the victim, because the Church had already invested heavily in that priest’s education, housing, and lifelong support. It was easier to protect him than to face accountability.

And priests are not exactly employable outside the Church. They cannot simply become plumbers or lawyers. So the institution doubles down on protecting them. Survivors, meanwhile, are treated as disposable—people to be vilified, marginalized, or discredited. The goal is to run out the statute of limitations, label them as enemies of the Church or even of Jesus himself, and move on.

Jacobsen: When the Church treats survivors as short-term liabilities, part of that seems to involve institutional gaslighting—essentially trying to convince victims that they are misremembering or exaggerating what happened. By “gaslighting,” do you mean that in the institutional sense?

Casteix: Yes, absolutely. Institutional gaslighting. The Church tells survivors things like, “You’re the only one,” or, “We found no evidence that anything happened.” I once had an attorney for the Diocese of Orange look me directly in the eye and say, “I went through your file—there was no evidence whatsoever that anything happened to you. I’m so sorry you feel that this happened.” That was the language: I’m sorry you feel that way, instead of I’m sorry for what we did.

They frame it as, “Let bygones be bygones,” or, “Things happened in the past, but let’s move forward.” It is a way to erase accountability. The gaslighting is intense, and they have done an equally effective job conditioning ordinary Catholics to believe that speaking out about abuse is wrong or disloyal to the Church.

When I came forward in 2003, other Catholics—even people I knew—wrote to me saying, “Joelle, how dare you do this? Are you even sure it happened?” Years later, some of those same people admitted, “The reason I was so mad at you is because I was ashamed about what happened to me. You made me face it.” The gaslighting operates on multiple levels: it isolates the survivor, controls the community’s perception, and protects the institution.

Jacobsen: In my research on evangelical denominations, I have noticed some of the exact mechanisms—pastors or leaders using coded theological language to stigmatize victims. For instance, a woman who speaks out against abuse might be labelled a “Jezebel” or referred to as “that woman,” which in their community is shorthand for someone deceitful or morally corrupt. To outsiders, it doesn’t sound very sensible, but within that theology, it signals that she should be shunned. Does something similar occur in Catholic settings?

Casteix: Yes. Absolutely. In the Catholic Church, women are stereotypically placed into one of two categories: the virgin or the whore. You are either the saintly mother or the fallen woman. There is no middle ground.

When it comes to abuse, this mindset becomes devastating. If you have seen The Keepers on Netflix—a six-part documentary—you know that many of those young women were sexually abused by priests in high school. But the Church did not see them as victims. It saw them as temptresses.

Abuse of boys was treated as abhorrent and sinful. Still, abuse of girls was rationalized—”at least he’s not abusing boys.” That is the mindset. I believe that there are far more female survivors in the Catholic Church than have ever come forward, precisely because they were conditioned to believe it was their fault all along.

Women are not empowered in the Catholic Church. They are not taught that they are equal or that their voices matter. So when abuse happens, it is easy for them to internalize blame: “The priest is the embodiment of God on Earth; if he sinned, I must have caused it.” That is the underlying theology that enables silence.

Women in this system are trapped in a binary—the virgin or the whore—and both categories serve to keep them powerless. It is not an easy place to be a female survivor of abuse in the Catholic Church.

Jacobsen: Not in the negative evaluation, the negative balance of “whore,” although certainly that is within the implication. Also, in popular culture in the United States, I am aware of the Madonna–whore complex that is colloquially discussed. But in terms of what women are supposed to be within the theology—and therefore the social gender roles derived from it—it is Mother Mary or Virgin Mary.

Casteix: Yes, right. A great point, yes.

Jacobsen: That duality. Then another might be the barren woman, the inverse of the mother.

Casteix: The Catholic Church—although they do not emphasize it as much now—has a long tradition of consecrated virgins. These are women who, and I had not even heard of this until I was an adult and visited Rome, dedicate their lives to God through a formal consecration ceremony. They are not nuns; they are everyday women who have jobs and lead normal lives, but they take vows of perpetual virginity. It fits neatly into that same mould of idealized femininity.

Jacobsen: I do not suspect that they are Ceausescu’s henchmen going in to check on whether or not they are having sex—or how do you confirm this label?

Casteix: It is a vow. You cannot confirm the celibacy of any person who has taken such a vow. You cannot verify it for men either.

Jacobsen: That is right. From the research with which I am familiar—for instance, Pokrov was active, and then Prosopon Healing compiled data to build a database further from them—there is enough evidence for a rough four-quadrant analysis. Anyone can be a victim, but statistically, based on verified cases and legal filings, pedophilic assaults tend to involve boys, while sexual assaults against adults are more often against women. Does that align with your understanding of how things have played out?

Casteix: I do not think there is sufficiently reliable data on that, because within the Catholic Church, there is such a repressed view of sexuality that priests will never be forthcoming about their relationships with adults. For example, there was a bishop in Santa Rosa, G. Patrick Ziemann, who was accused of coercing adult men into sexual relationships. One of them sued him, and all of them were adults.

Some studies suggest that around 80% of priests are not celibate. Still, many of them are engaging in consensual relationships with adults, so they are not committing crimes. Historically, the priesthood also became a refuge for closeted gay men. When I graduated from high school in 1988, I had three male friends who were gay but had not come out. They went to their priests for guidance, and the priests told them, “You should join the priesthood because you have to be celibate there.” So these poor kids were funnelled into that life. Two of them became priests and later left.

Once you are inside that culture, there is a kind of quid pro quo—it is “everybody’s doing it.” So I do not think we will ever have reliable data on whether men or women are victimized more in the adult sphere.

In the case of children, we have seen many different kinds of perpetrators. Some were what I would call omnisexual. Take Oliver O’Grady, for instance—he sexually assaulted boys and girls alike. Also, he had relationships with women to gain access to their children. He did not care about gender or age. Michael Baker did something similar: he groomed mothers to get close to their sons. That was how he cultivated access and control.

There’s another priest in the Bay Area who did the same thing. That pattern was familiar. You see these priests who are what I call the “omnisexual” types—they do not have a specific preference. Others, however, have a clear pattern or “type” and build entire communities around that access.

For example, in Orange County, we had Richard Coughlin, who abused prepubescent boys. To gain access, he founded a boys’ choir that operated for more than thirty years. The chorus still exists today, which is astonishing to me—people still send their sons there. And we are now seeing more survivors come forward, including women who were abused as little girls.

Especially in Southern California, where there is a large Latino Catholic population, the culture has made it even harder for girls to speak out. If a girl came forward and said, “Father so-and-so did something to me,” her mother might slap her across the face and say, “You’re sinful.” If a boy said something, the family might at least sense that something was wrong. So the reaction toward girls was very different.

That is why I do not think we have good enough data. We probably never will, because the people we would need data from—the Church hierarchy—are not honest brokers. It is not that they are insane; it is that no one in that system is going to fill out a form saying, “Yes, I prefer prepubescent boys,” or “Yes, I assault adult women.”

We regularly see cases of adults being sexually assaulted as well. There was a case in San Diego, where he invited a nineteen- or twenty-year-old woman to his rectory on New Year’s Eve and violently raped her. She went to the police and filed a report. The priest claimed, “There were lots of people there; I just patted her on the back.” Then he organized parishioners to protest the victim’s mother’s Bible study classes and had her brother expelled from the church. The District Attorney tried to prosecute, but the victim withdrew, even though the evidence was strong.

A few years later, I received an email from someone in Oklahoma City who said, “Hey, this priest is at our parish—we think it’s the same guy.” And it was. The Church had quietly transferred him out of San Diego and hidden him in Oklahoma. The bishop in Oklahoma City was reportedly furious—he had not been told the truth. The priest went on to assault women there as well and was eventually arrested.

The Church did not see it as a problem. Suppose the perpetrator had abused children or stolen money. In that case, they might have acted quickly to remove him or bury the story. But when the victims were women, it was not treated as seriously.

Jacobsen: Within the Catholic Church, the pattern is distinct and, in a way, easier to classify than in the Eastern Orthodox case. In Orthodoxy, even though Patriarch Bartholomew is considered “first among equals,” the churches are self-governing, decentralized, and more complex to map institutionally. The Catholic Church, by contrast, is pyramidal—hierarchical, centralized, and global.

Suppose an order comes from the top to conceal wrongdoing. In that case, the system ensures that the cover-up continues for decades, three, sometimes four generations of leadership. Much of this traces back to the era of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI), who led the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which handled abuse cases.

So, let’s say hypothetically that five out of every hundred priests commit acts of sexual abuse. If Church policy then transfers each of those priests to four new parishes, the apparent rate—based on observed incidents—would inflate to twenty out of every hundred priests, even though the actual number of abusers remains five. The institutional practice of relocation multiplies the harm and distorts the statistics.

If the Church had implemented meaningful canonical reforms and mandated external reporting—say, to independent civil authorities rather than internal ecclesiastical channels—it could have contained the crisis decades ago. Instead, its secrecy policy perpetuated systemic abuse and compounded the suffering of survivors.

Jacobsen: Is that basically what generally happened?

Casteix: So, I am not a data person. There are two people you should talk to about the data: one is Patrick Wall, and the other—ironically—is my husband. He was responsible for compiling a lot of that information.

The main data set comes from the John Jay College Study, commissioned by the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. They compiled and cross-referenced lists of known priest perpetrators and reports from dioceses across the country. At its peak, the study found that roughly four percent of priests had credible accusations of abuse. But when survivor networks and advocates expanded the dataset through lawsuits and archives, that number—based on identifiable, named individuals—rose to closer to 20% in certain dioceses. These were not anonymous complaints; these were named priests or priests flagged by their superiors as known problems.

The pattern of movement is one of the most evident warning signs. When a priest is ordained, there is usually a predictable career trajectory: their first parish lasts around five years, their second around seven, their third about fourteen, and so on. If someone deviates sharply from that pattern—say, they move every year or two, take unexplained leaves, or are suddenly transferred to obscure assignments—that is when advocates start to pay attention.

Survivors and watchdog groups often use the Official Catholic Directory—that enormous annual publication listing clergy assignments—to track these movements. It is now online, which makes it easier to map a priest’s history. Most priests follow a steady pattern: seven years here, fourteen there, maybe a short sabbatical. But then you will find the outliers—priests who bounce around erratically. That pattern usually indicates one of two things: they are either on the fast track to the Vatican or they are a problem being quietly moved.

So that irregular trajectory often tells us who the Church itself has identified as a risk. We cannot say with certainty, “This person is a perpetrator,” just by looking at the record—but we can say, “The Church clearly thought something was wrong.” Those men are often sent away to remote places—Guam, an Indian reservation, or Alaska—or quietly retired to isolated communities like San Dimas, with restrictions on being around children.

The data we have is not inflated. In fact, they are almost certainly underreported. When the first wave of cases came to light in the early 2000s, the peak appeared to be in the 1980s. But that was only because it takes survivors an average of thirty years to come forward. As time passes, the bell curve shifts—now the data show higher peaks in the 1990s and early 2000s. The Church tried to argue that the problem was unique to “the crazy eighties,” but that is simply false.

So yes, the actual numbers are higher. This is one of the most underreported crimes in existence, mainly because of complications with order priests versus diocesan priests.

Diocesan priests belong to a specific diocese and report to a bishop. Order priests—such as Jesuits, Franciscans, or Oblates—belong to religious orders with distinct chains of command and international mobility. That makes accountability harder. Survivors often only know a priest by his first name—”Father Mike” or “Father Steve.” If there are nineteen “Father Mikes,” identifying the right one can be nearly impossible.

So, the numbers are likely far higher than what is reported. The apparent decline in cases does not necessarily reflect fewer perpetrators—it reflects fewer priests. The pipeline has collapsed.

Not my generation, but the one before—those men were entering seminary at thirteen. That is part of a larger shift. Christianity itself is in decline, and the priesthood is no longer attracting young men. Those who do enter are often older, sometimes second-career seminarians. But yes, abuse still happens. The difference is that the pool of priests is smaller, and the institution’s capacity for cover-up—while not gone—has shrunk along with it.

Jacobsen: In religious organizations, is abuse increasing or decreasing?

Casteix: I do not know. I do some work with evangelical churches—the Southern Baptist Convention, for instance—and I can tell you this: anytime you have a hierarchical structure combined with a charismatic personality, you are prone to abuse. People often accuse me of being “anti-church.” I am not. Churches themselves do not make bad people.

Bad people are attracted to churches because those institutions provide instant credibility, instant access, and instant cover. The same applies to other environments. When people say, “Oh, there are teachers abusing children,” it is not because public schools are bad—it is because people with predatory inclinations seek out environments where they can access vulnerable populations. A person who wants to abuse children might think, “You know what would give me access? Becoming a gym teacher.”

So the real issue is not the church or the school—it is about training institutions to identify problematic personalities early and remove them before they cause harm.

The Catholic Church, oddly enough, has been forced to do this somewhat effectively simply because fewer people are entering the priesthood. The seminaries are empty; it is no longer a sustainable lifestyle. Many of the priests now being ordained are from Africa and Vietnam, where vocations are still growing. Even so, the Church is losing ground in Latin America, where large portions of the population are turning to evangelical Christianity.

So, the institution is changing, but problems persist—especially with volunteers, choir directors, and teachers within Catholic settings. They are protected by the same internal systems that once shielded priests.

For example, I was not abused by a priest. I was abused by a choir teacher at my Catholic high school, which was under the Diocese of Orange. He was protected by the exact mechanisms that protected priests—the same kind of confidential file, the same pattern of documentation, and the same layers of institutional silence. The only real difference between his file and a priest’s file was that the diocese withheld taxes from his paycheck. That was it.

Jacobsen: Where has the Catholic Church done well in addressing these issues—aside from what we already know they did wrong?

Casteix: That is a fair question. I do not know if I would call it “doing well.” Still, the Catholic Church was the first large organization to be placed under such intense public scrutiny. The scope of exposure forced them into a kind of institutional reckoning. Many people in the Church—perpetrators, enablers, and even those who were simply negligent—were exposed for committing terrible acts or making disastrous decisions.

As a result, other organizations under similar scrutiny, such as the Boy Scouts of America, have learned from those mistakes. They have studied both the Church’s best and worst practices to improve their own responses.

Jacobsen: Has the Church learned from this? 

Casteix: In some ways, yes. They now have policies and procedures designed to keep children safer than before. Programs like Virtus—which focus on awareness and prevention—exist to educate clergy, staff, and volunteers. But the Church remains deeply insular. They rarely invite outside experts or organizations to review their procedures or offer oversight.

I work with organizations that enter evangelical churches to teach practical safeguards—how to conduct background checks, design safe environments, and recognize red flags. The Catholic Church, by contrast, keeps these efforts in-house. If they opened the doors to outside professionals and allowed absolute transparency, not only would they become safer, but they would also rebuild trust with their communities.

So, the reluctance to let outsiders in—despite having improved internal mechanisms—is still part of the culture of secrecy. The Church could be a model for institutional reform, but only if it learned to share what it has learned—and to let others look honestly at the cracks still left in the walls.

Unfortunately, the Church is still litigating aggressively against survivors. I understand they have a fiduciary duty—a financial responsibility to protect Church assets—but they also claim to be a moral institution. You cannot claim moral authority while simultaneously re-traumatizing people you know were abused.

They are more open now, yes, more transparent—but that is a relative statement. They are better than they were twenty years ago, but I would still never feel comfortable sending my own child to a Catholic school or camp. They have not implemented the most basic safety protocols that any responsible institution should have in place.

If you walk into a well-run organization and ask, “What are your policies and procedures for protecting children from sexual abuse?”, the person in charge should be able to respond instantly: Here they are. They’re posted here, here, and here. Staff are trained regularly, and here’s the number to call if you suspect abuse. You can ask a teacher: Do you know the policy? And they’ll say yes.

But in Catholic schools, that infrastructure is often missing. Ask about reporting, and you’ll get, “Just come to me—I’m the principal.” It’s as if they’re still running on dial-up—metaphorically pulling out the old AOL disk and waiting for the connection. The culture is decades behind.

Will they make the pivot they need to make? Not anytime soon. But to be fair, we have come a long way since 2002, when the Boston Globe’s Spotlight investigation blew this open. Twenty-three years later, I never would have imagined we’d see even this level of exposure and reform. So progress exists—but it is slow, inconsistent, and far from enough.

Jacobsen: Let’s connect this to a broader question. If you look at the Larry Nassar cases, the #MeToo movement, lots of Hollywood cases, and the Catholic Church scandals—and even similar problems in the professional class of the handful of atheist organizations—what structural through-lines do you see?

Casteix: You always see the same architecture: a hierarchical system that prioritizes the charismatic personality over the welfare of the people it serves. Whether it is a priest, pastor, coach, or professor, the institution invests its energy in protecting that individual and the organization’s image, not the victims.

These organizations behave like corporations that only care about shareholders. But in this analogy, the shareholders are not the public—they are the institution itself and its power holders: the priest, the pastor, the principal, the president. Protecting reputation comes before protecting people.

You also see an ingrained belief that transparency is a flaw. Discussing abuse publicly terrifies these institutions because it risks exposure. So they suppress conversation, which allows the abuse to continue. You see fear, intimidation, and retaliation against survivors who speak up.

There’s also a hierarchical culture among children and young people in these systems. Look at the Nassar case: if you wanted to be a top gymnast, you learned not to complain. Speaking up meant losing your career. In Catholic schools, the student who complains is punished. In evangelical settings, the child who speaks up is told they are disobedient or unfaithful. Religious children often internalize this to mean, “If I complain, God will not love me.”

In secular institutions, the barrier is bureaucracy and the human tendency to avoid confrontation. People do not want to believe that someone they know—”Mike,” for example—could be a predator. So when a complaint comes in, the administrator says, “Mike, don’t do that again,” and Mike says, “Okay, I won’t.” And then, inevitably, Mike does it again.

It’s a universal human flaw: our wish to believe the best in others. In public schools, this dynamic has been devastating—principals not wanting to confront teachers, afraid of the fallout. They settle for a weak warning instead of accountability. “Don’t do it anymore,” they say. But without real consequences, the cycle repeats.

Jacobsen: So across sacred and secular spaces, the pattern is the same—hierarchy protecting hierarchy, and good intentions shielding evil.

Casteix: Until institutions start valuing truth and accountability over image and authority, this pattern will keep repeating—just with different uniforms. And then they think, “Okay, I’ll stop—or at least I’ll hide it better.” Those are the through-lines I keep seeing.

Jacobsen: Understood. Thank you so much for your time and expertise. 

Jacobsen: Excellent. Thanks so much, Joelle.

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Timothy D. Law on Zero Tolerance, Vatican Resistance, and Clergy-Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/23

Timothy D. Law is a Catholic advocate for survivors and accountability. A founding leader with Ending Clergy Abuse, he campaigns for a universal zero-tolerance canon law that permanently removes abusers from ministry. Law helped advance clergy mandatory reporting legislation in Washington State and has worked alongside Ugandan and Kenyan communities for decades. He and advocates met Pope Leo to press for enforceable reforms after years of Vatican resistance. Sanctioned by his archbishop for supporting reform, Law continues to serve at the parish level while challenging hierarchical impunity. His approach combines legal strategy, media engagement, and collaboration with survivor leaders.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Timothy D. Law traces the clergy abuse reckoning from the 1984–85 Gauthe case and Boston’s 2002 Spotlight exposé to UN scrutiny in 2014 and the 2018–19 crisis that forced a Vatican summit. He argues that policies without sanctions produce “no there there,” urging a universal canon law mandating permanent removal of abusive clergy. Law describes Vatican resistance, especially from parts of Africa and Asia, and recounts meeting Pope Leo, who acknowledged “great resistance.” He outlines poverty, church–state entanglement, and weak mandates as barriers, praises parish-level service, and champions transparency, civil investigations, and survivor-centred reforms, including Washington State’s clergy reporting push.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the history of your work?

Timothy D. Law: The first significant date is 1984–1985, when the Gilbert Gauthe case in Louisiana became the first widely publicized criminal trial of a U.S. Catholic priest for child sexual abuse; civil suits followed, and the scandal broke into national view.

The Church initially framed the abuse as the work of “a few bad apples.” The next major year is 2002, when The Boston Globe’s Spotlight reporting exposed systemic cover-ups in the Archdiocese of Boston and beyond.

Rome first minimized this as an “American problem.” However, one concrete result was that U.S. bishops adopted the Charter for the Protection of Children and Young People and companion Essential Norms—effectively a zero-tolerance policy in U.S. canon law for clergy who abuse a minor, requiring permanent removal from ministry. The Holy See granted formal recognition to those Norms in December 2002. To date, the Vatican has not mandated a universal zero-tolerance law; advocates continue to push for it.

After 2002, the next major year is 2014. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Committee against Torture (CAT) reviewed the Holy See. Both committees criticized the Holy See for prioritizing institutional reputation over child protection and issued recommendations that included: ending impunity for abusers and for cover-ups, mandatory reporting to civil authorities, greater access to files, and reparations. As a state party, the Vatican is expected to report periodically; another CRC report was due in 2017, and advocacy groups later complained about the lack of follow-through.

The next pivotal year is 2018, a perfect storm: Pope Francis’ troubled trip to Chile amid a national abuse crisis there; the Pennsylvania grand jury report detailing decades of abuse and cover-ups; and the Theodore McCarrick revelations that led to his removal from ministry in 2018 and laicization in 2019. These events prompted Francis to convene a global summit on the protection of minors in February 2019, which brought together about 190 participants, including the presidents of 114 bishops’ conferences. Survivor advocates were not official participants in the closed-door sessions, though survivor testimonies were presented to the assembly.

Two primary outcomes followed. First, on December 17, 2019, Francis abolished the “pontifical secret” for cases of clergy sexual abuse of minors, sexual violence, and child pornography offences—intended to allow cooperation with civil authorities and improve transparency. Observers welcomed the step but noted that other forms of canonical confidentiality still limit practical access to files in many places.

Second, Vos Estis Lux Mundi (May 2019, made permanent and expanded in 2023) established universal procedures for receiving and investigating allegations against bishops and religious superiors, and for handling reporting and case management. It is a procedural framework, not a universal zero-tolerance penalty law, and its effectiveness has varied from country to country.

Jacobsen: When these policies and announcements are made, what usually happens next?

Law: They make a big show of these things, and at the moment they sound terrific—full of potential. 

Jacobsen: I really love that phrase, “at the moment.”

Law: Because when the smoke clears, there’s no there there. The bishops face no real accountability. They can choose whether to follow the procedures, and there are no sanctions if they don’t.

There was no zero-tolerance law made part of this, so it was a toothless public relations effort. 

Jacobsen: If there’s no there there, then when our time comes, there’s no here here.

Law: Pope Francis is beloved by much of the world community, and people think he’s doing a great job. He talks about zero tolerance, but he wasn’t a canon lawyer—he’s more of a theologian, someone who gives statements and guidance. The current officials in charge of canon law could, in theory, put those principles into legal form, but they haven’t.

The Vatican often co-opts our language. They start using phrases like “zero tolerance” and other terms we use, but they don’t translate them into enforceable law.

Our goal has been to get inside the tent—to be part of the conversation and push for real change. We managed to get our foot in the door a year ago, in November, when we were invited into the Dicastery for Legislative Texts. I believe there are eight major dicasteries in the Vatican, and this one handles canon law.

We met with the president of the Dicastery and asked him directly: why no zero-tolerance law? They gave several responses, often contradictory. Some said, “We already have enough laws; we just need to enforce the ones we have.” Others said, “It’s cultural. We can’t have one law that fits the entire world. We’re a global Church.”

We pointed out that the Church does, in fact, enforce universal laws on issues like abortion or the death penalty. 

Jacobsen: Religion is a transnational movement.

Law: That’s true—but consistency should apply to protecting children as well.

They said that in some places, such as parts of Africa, attitudes toward sexuality differ. But one of our board members, Janet Aguti from Uganda, who runs a remarkable sexual violence awareness program there, told the Holy Father directly: “There is nowhere in the world where sexual abuse of children is culturally acceptable.”

The next significant milestone was our meeting with the Pope in October. We were genuinely surprised to receive the invitation. It was the first time in history that a Pope had met with a survivor activist organization. Usually, the Vatican arranges meetings only with hand-picked individual victims.

Jacobsen: What was the significance of your meeting with the Pope?

Law: Normally, the Vatican arranges private, emotional meetings between the Pope and individual survivors—what we call “kiss and cry sessions.” They generate much publicity but little systemic change. For a Pope to meet with a group like ours was different. More than half of our delegation are survivors of abuse, but we approached it as a professional meeting. We weren’t there to recount our trauma; we were there to say, “We need to be part of the solution. We need to be part of the conversation.”

We began by saying the Church must adopt a zero-tolerance policy. The Pope told us there is excellent resistance to such a law. That was new—previously, Vatican officials had claimed it wasn’t necessary. We knew the real issue was resistance, especially from bishops in Africa and Asia.

Jacobsen: That’s an interesting nuance. Why the resistance from those regions?

Law: The Pope acknowledged that Africa poses a serious challenge. He said many bishops there deny they have a problem, though he added, “I know better.” He told us that the days when he could sign a decree were over. He could, technically, do it, he said, but because of social media, if those under his authority aren’t willing to follow it, they’ll ignore it.

We understood that as an admission of a fundamental structural problem. Still, we said, if you can’t sign a universal zero-tolerance law now, then let us be in the room to help remove that resistance. Survivors and advocates have expertise that can help address cultural or institutional objections. The Pope agreed to that in principle.

What form that collaboration will take is yet to be seen. The question now is whether he meant it sincerely or was deflecting. He mentioned that we should meet with the Pontifical Commission for the Protection of Minors, and I thought to myself, “That’s a toothless commission.” If he’s relegating us to that body, it means he’s punting on the real issue.

That said, he seemed straightforward. He told us, “I won’t promise what I can’t do, but I hear you. Let’s try to work together.”

Notably, he also revealed something we hadn’t expected: he didn’t know that the U.S. bishops’ zero-tolerance policy had been formally recognized as canon law. He believed it was just a voluntary initiative by the American bishops. I said, “No, Holy Father—it’s an essential norm approved by the Vatican.” That was news to him.

The significance of that moment is enormous. It shows we’re not asking for something new or impossible. The U.S. has had this in place since 2002. For all our ongoing problems, the United States is probably the safest place in the world for children within the Church because of those protocols and the zero-tolerance policy. Our question to him was simple: if it works here, why not make it universal?

He said again that there’s strong resistance to that. Our reply was: “Let us help you remove it.”

Jacobsen: Do you have any further reflections on why Asia and Africa are regions of acute concern regarding clerical abuse and institutional resistance?

Law: Yes, and it’s essential to understand the historical pattern. This crisis has moved in waves. It began in the United States, then spread to Western Europe, and then to Australia. Now we’re seeing it emerge in South America, though resistance remains strong in Asia and Africa. Their time will come.

The main reason for resistance is the tight interconnection between Church and State in those regions. They protect one another. For over thirty years, I’ve been travelling to Uganda and Kenya. I first became involved through a group of Ugandan Catholic nuns I met by chance three decades ago, and since then I’ve worked with them on various community projects.

The faith of the people there is firm, and their bond with the Church is almost inseparable. The bishops are deeply intertwined with the government. Corruption runs deep. When abuse occurs, even if it causes an uproar locally, it’s quickly suppressed. The people don’t want to believe their priests or bishops could commit abuse, and civil authorities protect the Church. Cracks are forming, but the reckoning hasn’t yet arrived.

Jacobsen: Why do laypeople remain in denial? Why do secular institutions of the state protect religious institutions complicit in systemic or individual crimes?

Law: Poverty is the central factor. When I visit every other year, even for a few weeks, I see how profound it is. For many people, faith is their only constant. They literally depend on it to survive. If that faith were shaken, they feel they would have nothing left. They wake up thanking God they’re alive. A bowl of food is a miracle. The Church often provides that food, and that charity cements loyalty.

But the tragedy is that this dependency prevents systemic change. People won’t fight for functioning economies, infrastructure, or accountability. I’ve seen regions where farmers all grow tomatoes but have no roads to transport them elsewhere. If they had decent infrastructure, they could sell to markets beyond their village. Deep poverty, in that sense, serves both the Church and the State very well. It maintains control. It’s heartbreaking.

At the same time, I see how meaningful faith is to them, and I feel conflicted about challenging it. When I stay in village rectories, I see firsthand how priests live and work. Africa is overwhelmingly young—about 75-80% of the population is under 30. It’s a continent of children and youth. Priests there are overwhelmed by poverty. A single priest may serve 15,000 to 30,000 parishioners, all of them struggling. He has limited resources but access to some aid. That dynamic—scarcity and power—creates a dangerous imbalance.

Many priests in Africa are also principals of schools. Their parishioners’ children will do anything to get an education—literally anything. Some even resort to prostitution to pay school fees. With that kind of power and pressure, it’s not hard to imagine how widespread abuse can become in a system like that.

These are good people, compassionate people, but when you’re living under immense pressure and poverty, people cope however they can—through alcohol, drugs, sex. Abuse grows out of that environment. I believe that when the truth eventually comes to light, the scope of abuse in Africa will be ten times worse than anywhere else in the world.

That’s why the bishops are so resistant. Deep down, they know that if a universal zero-tolerance law were implemented, they would lose much of their power—and many of their own.

Jacobsen: On a broader level, this brings us to international ethics. There’s only one real place where nations have agreed—at least formally—to play by the same moral rules: the United Nations, through its human rights framework. That principle of universalism means the same ethical standards apply everywhere. You’re calling for a universal zero-tolerance law. Why is it crucial that such a standard exist?

Law: It’s essential to call it a law, not a policy. The Church keeps saying it has a “zero tolerance policy.” But a policy is optional—it can be ignored. A law is binding. A law means that if you sexually abuse a child, you must be permanently removed from ministry. No exceptions.

That removes discretion from the bishops and shifts power toward the victims. That’s the fundamental struggle here—who holds power.

Of course, even if the Pope were to sign such a law, that wouldn’t be the end. It’s not a cure-all. It would still have to be enforced. But it would be the critical first step—the Achilles’ heel. Once that domino falls, everything else follows: full disclosure, independent review, perhaps even a truth and reconciliation commission. That’s why they’re so afraid of it.

When we met with the Pope, he was caught off guard. We were scheduled for a 20-minute meeting—it lasted about an hour. We began with a statement explaining who we were and what we were asking for, then introduced ourselves. The Pope was warm and personable, and the tone throughout was professional and respectful on both sides.

We got the Pope’s commitment to work with us. As the meeting was wrapping up, I debated whether to ask one last, pointed question. Finally, I did. I said, “Holy Father, you don’t have to answer this, but I must ask: why can’t the U.S. zero-tolerance law be made universal throughout the Church?”

He hesitated, fumbled a bit, and then said there was “great resistance” to it. That’s when he made the statements I mentioned earlier—the ones acknowledging the opposition, particularly from Africa and Asia. His response revealed just how aware Church leadership is of the potential consequences such a law would have for them.

Jacobsen: You were, shall we say, rather bold in asking that. It got right to the heart of the issue—universalizing a law that already exists in America.

Law: Yes, and his acknowledgment of resistance was significant news. From that moment, we decided to focus our efforts laser-like on this single goal: establishing a universal zero-tolerance law. We believe it’s the one thread that, once pulled, could unravel a culture of impunity.

Jacobsen: The slow progress raises a question. Is this delay simply because the Catholic Church is vast and bureaucratic—a 2,000-year-old institution with layers of canon law to navigate? Or is it more self-serving—an attempt to shield itself from exposure? Could it even stem from lay resistance or people protecting their own crimes under the cover of faith? What’s really driving the inertia?

Law: That’s a complex question. In one sense, things haven’t moved slowly at all. If you look at the last forty years, child sexual abuse wasn’t even a topic of public conversation. Now it’s part of global discourse. The clergy abuse crisis in the Catholic Church helped catalyze broader social awareness. Movements like #MeToo and increased attention to institutional accountability all owe something to the exposure of these crimes.

We now have a safer Church in many regions, and many other organizations—religious and secular alike—have adopted safeguarding protocols inspired by these reforms. So, in that respect, progress has been real. Every time we speak about this, every time you interview this one, it has a ripple effect. It makes the world a bit safer.

That said, we’re dealing with an institution that instinctively protects itself. It’s a self-preserving organism, and no one likes to confront such horror within something they love. Many good people have left the Church over this, leaving behind those who prefer to look away or trust that the hierarchy has it under control.

I may be the only person in our organization who still actively practices Catholicism. I still attend the same parish where I was baptized seventy-six years ago. I love the Church. I believe deeply in its spiritual message. But the hierarchy—since its earliest days—has always been susceptible to corruption. Power is intoxicating, and it corrupts. It always has, and it always will.

This issue affects different parts of the world in various ways. In Africa, for example, the people are not demanding accountability from their bishops. So yes, it’s both leadership and laity that allow the system to persist. It takes a few activists—people willing to keep pushing, to keep prodding the institution—to create a movement. Change happens, but it tends to occur in bursts rather than gradually.

We’ve seen this pattern before: 1985, 2002, 2018—each year marking a significant crisis or revelation that forced the Church to respond. My view is that if we’re in the room with a “shovel-ready law,” ready to be enacted, then when the next scandal inevitably breaks, they’ll call us. They’ll say, “We have to do something. We’re losing people. Let’s move on to this law.” Unfortunately, it often takes a catastrophe to create momentum. That’s why we have to be present and prepared when that moment comes.

Jacobsen: Why is the movement so catastrophe-driven?

Law: Because the survivors and advocates—people like us—are motivated by conscience, not power. We believe what we’re doing serves the good of both victims and the Church. The hierarchy knows what it must do—be transparent and accountable—but it won’t act voluntarily. It takes public outrage and those catastrophic shocks to jolt them into reform.

A pope would never have convened a global summit on clergy abuse or publicly acknowledged it as a worldwide crisis if not for the convergence of scandals that came to a head in 2018. That was a perfect storm—years of revelations building until he had no choice but to respond. It’s human nature, unfortunately.

Jacobsen: Within the theology itself, shouldn’t they fear God’s wrath for allowing such evil?

Law: I don’t think it works that way. I believe God gave us intelligence to solve our own problems. It’s our responsibility to use that—to act justly and fix what’s broken.

Jacobsen: Where has the Church done well, on the other hand?

Law: Well, credit where it’s due. The Apostle Paul wrote that before God, there is no male or female, rich or poor, that we are all equal in His eyes and share a common humanity. That idea—radical in its time—helped transform the world. It inspired the foundational ideals of equality in the modern era. You see echoes of it in the American Declaration of Independence: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” That philosophical lineage traces back to Christian thought.

Throughout history, the Church has also founded universities, hospitals, and charitable institutions. The impulse to love, to serve, and to care for humanity is deeply rooted in the Church’s teaching. It’s just that the institution often falls short of its own ideals. The principles are there—the implementation, far less so. But occasionally, we do get it right.

It’s exciting to wake up each morning and work toward justice. We all feel that way. If we didn’t believe that what we’re doing makes a difference, it would be unbearable. That drive—to seek truth and justice—comes, in part, from the very moral teachings we grew up with in our churches, across all faith traditions.

Jacobsen: You’ve supported the civil investigation in Washington State. What lessons from that effort could apply nationally or even internationally?

Law: What we’re doing in Washington is really a microcosm of what needs to happen around the world. We’ve asked the bishops of Washington State to enter into a truth and reconciliation process with us—to grant access to their files, to protect victims, of course, but above all, to put all the cards on the table. We need to understand why the abuse happened, how it happened, and how to prevent it from ever happening again.

This has to be a partnership between the people and the Church leadership. It can’t be a self-contained, internal process. That’s what needs to happen locally, and it’s also what must happen internationally. I do believe it will, eventually.

Each U.S. state has different laws governing access to Church records. Some, like Pennsylvania, allow grand jury investigations with broad powers. That’s how the Pennsylvania grand jury was able to force the Church to release decades of internal files, exposing systemic abuse. Washington State’s laws aren’t as clear.

So, we initiated a process with the state attorney general’s office to gain access to those files. We lost the first round in the trial court, but the case is now on appeal. The briefs are filed, the hearings are done, and we’re awaiting a decision on whether the attorney general has the authority to access those records.

Jacobsen: The argument for transparency seems foundational—what’s at stake in that decision?

Law: Full disclosure is essential. The Church, especially when dealing with children, cannot be above the law. It must be accountable to parents, to grandparents, to the public. We have a right to know. Those abuse files belong, in a moral sense, to the victims. They’re not the Church’s property—they’re the stories and the pain of human beings.

There are two reasons we want access. One is informational: we need to understand the scope and details of what happened. But the second is preventative. If the Church knows the public has a right to access its records, that knowledge itself acts as accountability. It’s a safeguard against future cover-ups.

Jacobsen: Survivors have sought justice through various paths—such as independent compensation funds, civil litigation, or hybrid models. While each case is individual, what tends to feel most like justice for survivors?

Law: The biggest thing is acknowledgment. Survivors want the Church to publicly admit that the abuse happened and that it was allowed to happen. Many survivors were told for years, “You’re the only one,” or “We didn’t know.” Then they discover that the Church had known for decades that there were thick files documenting the same abuser harming child after child.

That revelation—that they were lied to, that the institution they trusted knew and did nothing—is devastating. So when the Church finally acknowledges the truth, it validates survivors’ pain and their humanity. It’s not about money first—it’s about being believed.

When they acknowledge to the victim, “We hurt you. We did wrong,” that’s huge. That’s validating. The financial part—settlements and compensation—is good, but it’s not deeply satisfying. It doesn’t make anyone whole. No matter the size of the settlement, nobody feels whole afterward. Their soul have been shattered, and they can never be restored to what it was. That can’t be undone.

But it is accountability. When the Church has to sell off property to make funds available for compensation, that’s a form of justice. Unfortunately, they’ve begun using bankruptcy strategically—to limit compensation and to block access to the files. So, the accurate measure of justice is holding them accountable: making them pay, where possible, and forcing them to acknowledge wrongdoing.

Jacobsen: How realistic are transnational bodies—like UN treaty committees or regional courts—as avenues for action on behalf of survivors?

Law: It has to be a multi-pronged approach. No single system will fix it. Over time, you build a patchwork of solutions—legal, moral, and social. The United Nations and similar institutions can’t enforce much; they don’t have legal power over sovereign or religious entities. But they do have moral authority—what’s sometimes called “moral suasion.”

That matters. Speaking out always has an effect. Silence is never neutral. Every voice adds pressure. So we keep saying something, always. It’s a long game.

We have a board member named Janet Aguti—she’s 32. I’m 76. That gives you a sense of the timeline. There’s no quick fix, no “kill shot.” This work will outlast us. Independent lay groups like ours are new, both in civil society and within the Church’s context. That’s historic in itself.

Our existence must be permanent. These groups need to keep watch—to monitor, to hold the institution accountable. Centuries ago, the Church functioned as a law unto itself. That era has to end. We’re part of a movement meant to ensure it does, permanently.

Jacobsen: Many people—whether victims, advocates, or simply believers learning these truths—have struggled with their faith. How did you process this personally? Did you ever question your faith? Once? Several times? How did that reconciliation unfold?

Law: Yes, I’ve questioned it—more than once. I still do, sometimes. I don’t really know why I have faith—it’s a mystery, something larger than logic.

Until about 2014, I was oblivious to the depth of this issue. I’m relatively new to it. I knew about the 2002 Boston Globe investigation, of course, but I believed the bishops had solved the problem afterward with their so-called “safe environment” programs. I lived in a kind of bubble, thinking the crisis was over. I was wrong.

I lived in a lovely little religious bubble. Then local events here in Seattle burst that bubble, and I could no longer see my faith in quite the same way.

Jacobsen: What do you mean by that?

Law: The comfort I used to draw from ritual—from the daily Mass, from the rhythm of it all—was shattered. I went to Mass every day. Some of my best friends were priests and bishops. Some still are. But when I discovered that several of them were complicit in covering up abuse, that sense of comfort dissolved.

Even so, other experiences have convinced me there’s something rather than nothing—something divine, something loving. I believe there is a God of love. I realized that faith has been part of me since childhood.

When I was seven years old, I had a terrible experience with a nun in first grade. She called me up to read in front of a class of sixty children. I stumbled over a word, and she told me to stick out my tongue—then she punched me in the jaw. It wasn’t discipline; it was terrorism. Later, I started to recall how often she struck other children, too.

That was the start of understanding that there’s both good and evil within the Church’s ranks. My parents were people of deep faith, and I suppose I inherited that from them. The priests and nuns I knew—some were kind, others cruel—but none of them destroyed my belief in God.

The real challenge was this: I can believe, but why do I still belong to the institution? I had to decide. I remain a member of the parish where I grew up. These are my people. They do good work—serving the poor, fighting for justice. At the ground level, in local parishes, the Church can be a dynamic, life-giving community.

But once you move up the hierarchy, that’s where everything breaks down. Leaders seem to be chosen not for moral courage, but for their willingness to protect their fellow bishops. That creates and perpetuates a culture of corruption at the top.

Another reason I stay in the Church—and in my parish—is that it’s more effective to work from the inside. I get to educate people on the issues and, frankly, disturb their peace a little bit. Recently, I lobbied for and helped pass a bill in the Washington State Legislature to make clergy mandatory reporters, even when they learn of abuse in a confessional setting. That specific confessional clause was later set aside, but the law itself passed.

There’s a photo of my wife and me standing beside the governor as he signed the bill. Because of my public support, my archbishop sanctioned me—told me there were specific duties I could no longer perform in my parish. Ironically, that only amplified the story. Rolling Stone even covered it, and my grandkids now think I’m pretty cool.

This institution—the Catholic Church—has been around for two thousand years and will probably be around for thousands more. It’s 1.3 billion people strong and operates across national borders. That means it has an enormous responsibility to clean up its act. That’s what we’re working toward: reform from within.

Jacobsen: What about the push to vet cardinals’ abuse records and monitor the next papal election? I believe that’s connected to the Conclave Watch effort.

Law: Yes, that’s right. Peter Isely and Sarah Pearson led that project. They were both part of Ending Clergy Abuse (ECA) until last year—Peter was actually our public spokesperson. He’s an incredibly talented guy. They later moved to SNAP—the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests—and took a more confrontational approach.

SNAP has always been bold and direct. Without SNAP, our movement wouldn’t exist in its current form. Their confrontation created space for us to take a complementary role—to work the inside track while they maintain external pressure.

Jacobsen: The classic “good cop, bad cop” dynamic?

Law: Exactly. We need each other. The Pope never would have met with us if we had taken SNAP’s approach. It was risky for both sides—for him to meet with us, and for us to accept the meeting. It brought us a lot of attention and goodwill, but also the danger of being co-opted.

We’re aware of that. Now we have to use the opportunity to push our advantage—to secure a genuine seat at the table. And if we don’t, we must be ready to call it out publicly: “You promised change. Where is it?”

The Pope took a real risk by meeting with us. I’m sure many bishops were furious—his own advisors have long argued the best way to handle us is to ignore us entirely, to deny our existence, to give us no oxygen. So for the Pope to acknowledge us was huge—for him and for us.

And now, after years of effort, the media finally understands what we’ve been saying: that the Church doesn’t need another policy on zero tolerance—it needs a law. For five years, reporters weren’t getting it. Now, they’re asking those questions themselves: “Where’s the zero-tolerance law?” That shift in understanding is a breakthrough.

That breakthrough with the press has created real momentum—momentum that can carry forward beyond us.

Jacobsen: You’re essentially talking about making accountability legally independent of bishops—canonically and jurisdictionally separate?

Law: Canon law is the Church’s internal legal system—its code of conduct and operating manual. It’s already there. What we’re proposing is quite simple: a canon law stating that if a clergy member sexually abuses a child, they must be permanently removed from ministry.

We’ve worked with canon lawyers to draft a version of that law that the Pope could sign tomorrow. It’s ready. It could become part of the Church’s binding legal framework immediately.

Right now, the Vatican’s approach borrows from the U.S. model—not a perfect fit, since it doesn’t hold bishops accountable for cover-ups. It focuses only on priests, not bishops. But even that—making permanent removal mandatory for any priest who abuses a child—would be a dramatic first step if formally enacted into canon law.

Jacobsen: You and Mary Dispenza have engaged major media outlets. What’s your advice for journalists or communications professionals trying to cover these issues with both sensitivity and firmness—enough pressure to get accountability, but without retraumatizing survivors?

Law: That’s a great question. We don’t have an institutional platform like the Pope does. We depend entirely on the press to carry our message. Without journalists, our work doesn’t reach anyone. So we need you—plain and simple.

The media landscape has changed. It used to be that if The New York Times or Associated Press covered you, that was it—you’d reached the world. Now, social media often carries more weight. We’ve had to adapt to that reality.

The Church says it isn’t a democratic organization, but in truth, every institution responds to pressure. Some do it formally through votes or policy, while others do it informally through reputation and visibility. What we’re doing—organizing, lobbying, forming alliances—is the same process I used in the Washington State Legislature to get the clergy-reporting law passed.

We lobby. We find allies. We look for people inside the Vatican who are quietly sympathetic. The organizational chart doesn’t show where the real power lies. The Pope surrounds himself with advisors he actually listens to—so our task is to find those people.

It takes time, energy, and persistence. Every time we’re in Rome, we try to meet with someone significant. On our last trip, in October, we met with someone extremely influential.

This person we met in Rome doesn’t have a big title, but he has real influence—and he knows exactly who the real power players are. Building those kinds of relationships is crucial to moving things forward.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts on the Pontifical Commission for the Protection of Minors after your October 20th meetings?

Law: The commission was established with limited power and funding. It was a brilliant public relations move by Pope Francis. The problem is that it doesn’t have a real mandate. There are a lot of good people on it—people who genuinely care—but several have resigned out of frustration once they realized there’s “no there there.”

If we could work with the commission to make its recommendations more direct—more pointed—toward the Pope, that could have value. Right now, they issue reports but rarely challenge the Vatican to act. They should be the ones pushing for a zero-tolerance law. They were close to doing that last year, but then they backed away.

Because it’s a papal commission, they’d essentially have to go rogue to demand a zero-tolerance law. And of course, if they did, the Pope could dissolve the commission altogether—which, honestly, might not be a bad thing if it led to something more substantial and more independent.

Jacobsen: Tim, are there any other areas we should explore today, or does that cover the main ground?

Law: I could talk about this all day, but I think we’ve covered much territory. I appreciate your time. Thank you for listening and for what you’re doing. It’s essential work. Keep it up.

Jacobsen: Thank you. Cheers.

Law: Bye now.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Celeste Routh on SEO, Minimalist Fashion Blogging, and Digital Authority

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/22

Celeste Routh is an SEO expert, podcast host, and fashion blogger behind The Elegance Edit. With over five years in digital marketing and SEO, she has built successful campaigns across e-commerce, tech, and education. Featured in HubSpotMediumAuthoritas, and Fiverr, Celeste blends technical expertise with a passion for eloquent communication, minimalist fashion, and self-improvement. Through her blog and podcast, she shares strategies on public speaking and personal style—helping businesses and individuals build authority online while refining their brand.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Routh discussed the intersection of fashion blogging, technical SEO, and eloquent communication. She emphasized that niche audience growth requires intimate knowledge of readers’ goals, while fashion e-commerce success depends on airtight site structure, faceted navigation management, and canonicalization. Routh explained that content diversification builds brand visibility across platforms, and eloquent communication fosters trust—essential for both humans and search engines. She highlighted optimizing podcast transcripts, show notes, and strategic internal linking as practical tactics, while cautioning small businesses against over-prioritizing keywords at the expense of real user needs.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How can minimalist fashion blogs reach niche audiences?

Celeste Routh: There’s no shortage of advice on how to grow a blog. But at the root is a simple fact: to reach your niche you need to know them intimately. Specifically, what problems are they facing and where are they going to get answers? Once you understand the end goal your ideal reader has in mind and the struggles they are facing along the way, you have a clear focus for your content creation. Rather than focusing on what’s trending or what your favorite influencer just published, ask “what does my ideal reader need right now?” In my case, my ideal reader wants a quality wardrobe filled with timeless pieces so my content speaks directly to that.

Jacobsen: What are effective SEO strategies for fashion e-commerce?

Routh: Technical SEO is vital for e-commerce sites in the fashion space and it’s something I often see neglected. If you have a large product library, your site structure needs to be airtight—categories, subcategories, and product pages should flow in a clear hierarchy.

Also, don’t forget faceted navigation. All those filters for size, color, or price can accidentally generate thousands of near-duplicate pages if they’re not set up correctly. That can waste crawl budget and dilute rankings, so make sure you’re using things like canonical tags or noindex rules to keep things clean.

Jacobsen: How does content diversification improve digital visibility?

Routh: We know that people need multiple touchpoints with a brand. Some studies suggest an individual needs to see a brand message at least 7 times before they take action. While that’s not a hard and fast rule, it makes sense: as we’re inundated with messages, it takes repetition for something to stick. Content diversification is essentially expanding those touch points. Maybe your audience first sees you in a reel on Instagram, then again on Pinterest, and later lands on your blog. Each channel reinforces the other, creating a web of visibility that helps your message break through.

Jacobsen: What role does eloquent communication play in building SEO-driven brand authority?

Routh: Eloquent communication builds trust. Trust is the foundation of authority, both with readers and with search engines. When I’m recording my podcast, I think about how even small word choices can keep someone listening or make them tune out. Writing online works the same way: clear, thoughtful language keeps people engaged, which improves dwell time and reduces bounce rates (signals search engines notice). On the human side, eloquence elevates your brand; it shows you understand your subject deeply and can express it in a way that resonates. Paired with smart technical SEO, that’s what creates long-term, search-driven authority.

Jacobsen: How can podcasters optimize show notes and transcripts for search engines?

Routh: I make sure show notes are structured with clear headings, subheadings, and bullet points, which makes them easy for both users and crawlers to understand. Content-wise, it’s essential to include keywords naturally, but also to think about intent: what would someone be searching for that would make this episode valuable? Transcripts can also be repurposed into blog posts that live on your website, giving search engines multiple formats to index while extending the life of your content.

Jacobsen: How can fashion bloggers leverage internal linking to increase page authority?

Routh: Link logically. By that I mean: think about what someone reading a specific post would actually want to see next. For instance, in my post on “How To Build a Capsule Wardrobe You Actually Want to Wear,” I include a natural internal link to my list of “Chic Capsule Wardrobe Brands, at Every Price Point.” Internal linking done with user intent in mind improves page authority while moving readers deeper into your content.

Jacobsen: What are SEO mistakes small businesses make in digital marketing?

Routh: A common mistake is focusing too much on keywords and not enough on the real end user. Content is meant to serve people, not just search engines. I often recommend small businesses map out their site from the customer’s perspective: where would they navigate first, what terms would they search, and what questions would they ask before they even know you’re the solution? Too often, businesses only optimize service pages or a contact page, missing the opportunity to create content for every stage of the buyer’s journey. Ideally, you want content for when someone is just becoming problem-aware, when they’re actively searching for solutions, and when they’re comparing different providers. That way, your site meets them at every step of the process.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Celeste.

For more information: https://theeleganceedit.com/.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Best Winter Holiday Destinations 2025: WalletHub Analyst Chip Lupo Explains the Rankings

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/22

Chip Lupo of WalletHub discusses the site’s 2025 winter holiday destination rankings, split between cold- and warm-weather metros. Chicago, Atlanta, Washington, St. Louis, and Cincinnati lead cold locales; Las Vegas, San Diego, Austin, Dallas, and Phoenix top warm ones. Lupo explains a methodology covering six dimensions—travel costs, local costs, attractions, activities, safety, and weather—plus 37 granular metrics, including flight data, crime, and pedestrian safety. He notes price dynamics at hubs, accessibility differences, and why Las Vegas remains affordable. Surprises included strong showings from St. Louis and Cincinnati. Personal picks: Washington, D.C., for culture in the cold; San Diego for sunshine.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We’re here with Chip Lupo from WalletHub, an analyst with the company. Today we’re talking about the best winter holiday destinations for 2025 — in a way, a look back at the year. The top five cold-weather metro areas are Chicago, Atlanta, Washington, St. Louis, and Cincinnati. The top five warm-weather metro areas are Las Vegas, San Diego, Austin, Dallas, and Phoenix. Is this list based solely on weather, or what metrics did you use to determine the best destinations?

Chip Lupo: In the United States, we’re geographically positioned so that during the winter months we have regions that embrace traditional winter weather and others that are warm year-round or have above-average temperatures. That gives people options depending on their preferences.

We divided the list into cold- and warm-weather destinations to match different travel interests. Personally, I enjoy having seasons — not extremes — so I avoid places where it’s 40 below zero or scorching hot in summer. I prefer balance.

We compared 69 of the most populated U.S. metropolitan areas and evaluated them across six key dimensions: travel costs, local costs, attractions, activities, safety, and weather. We also included 37 additional metrics, such as flight data and weather predictions, because even warm-weather climates can experience extremes — from natural disasters to sudden temperature drops over a few days.

Jacobsen: This analysis focuses on the United States, so travel costs and hassles are domestic factors. Why are some cities more expensive or more difficult to travel to than others? I’d assume they’d be roughly the same.

Lupo: Some areas, while great for winter travel, are major tourist destinations like Las Vegas. Interestingly, Las Vegas is relatively affordable because it’s a gambling and entertainment hub — prices are often kept competitive to attract visitors. On the warm list, Las Vegas ranks first, with San Diego second and Austin third.

Washington, D.C., the nation’s capital, is also a major tourist area but very expensive. The cost of living is high, and getting in and out of the region’s airports (including Baltimore/Washington) can be challenging. Phoenix has a modern airport and connects to regional light rail via the free PHX Sky Train, though the broader transit network is less extensive than in some cities.

Atlanta’s Hartsfield-Jackson is the busiest airport in the U.S. (and the world by passengers). Chicago O’Hare is also among the busiest, with Dallas/Fort Worth and Denver typically ranking near it in passenger traffic. Winter holiday spikes for Thanksgiving and Christmas push volumes even higher at these hubs.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk methodology. The main factors seem to be travel costs and hassles, local costs, attractions, weather, activities, and safety — essentially getting there, staying there, and what you can do once you arrive. Is that a fair characterization?

Lupo: And being able to do things safely — without fear of incidents, whether from crime or pedestrian hazards. If you’re in a walkable city, you want to be able to move around tourist areas without the risk of being hit by a vehicle. Of course, we also looked at violent and property crime rates. One of the metrics we included for pedestrian safety was DUI-related fatal incidents, since many accidents unfortunately result from drunk driving.

Jacobsen: I’m seeing Corpus Christi listed as the least safe.

Lupo: Corpus Christi is, yes. It’s located in South Texas and ranks low for safety. It’s fairly limited in attractions, and it’s right near the southern border, where there are certain safety concerns. There’s also limited access in and out of the area — it doesn’t have a major international airport nearby. Weather there can also be unpredictable; conditions can change suddenly due to geography. But primarily, the low ranking is due to higher crime rates and general safety issues associated with its location.

Jacobsen: Were there any parts of the analysis that surprised you — factors that ended up mattering more than expected, whether travel costs, safety, or something else?

Lupo: I was a bit surprised that St. Louis and Cincinnati ranked as high as they did, but when you look at the details, it makes sense. Both are cold-weather destinations with plenty of attractions, easy accessibility, and relative affordability. What holds them back slightly are crime rates that are above average. During the holiday season, crime rates often tick up a bit, but overall, both cities have a lot to offer. Cincinnati can get quite cold in winter, though.

As for the warm-weather destinations, there weren’t many surprises. Las Vegas and San Diego topped the list. Personally, I’d bump San Diego to number one. Las Vegas obviously has unmatched entertainment, but San Diego maintains an average year-round temperature of about 72°F — roughly 22°C — and beautiful weather. Still, Las Vegas edges it out because of the sheer number of activities available.

Jacobsen: The analysis sources include the U.S. Census Bureau, the Bureau of Transportation Statistics, the FBI, the Council for Community and Economic Research, Kayak, and TripAdvisor. It looks like you used a broad mix of official government data and public review platforms like TripAdvisor and Yelp. Is that a fair characterization?

Lupo: It is. We always strive for balance. In a study like this, we rely on travel-related websites such as Kayak to assess travel costs and TripAdvisor to gauge public consensus on popular destinations. Yelp is useful for local reviews. For official data, we use sources like the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Transportation Statistics, and the FBI. And for pedestrian and vehicle-related safety data, we rely on the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), especially for tracking issues like drunk driving.

Jacobsen: One last question — based on this survey, what are your two top picks for winter and warm-weather destinations?

Lupo: For me, if I’m venturing into cold weather, I’d probably choose Washington, D.C. as a destination. There’s always something to do there, though I’ll admit commuting in the city can be a challenge once you arrive.

For warm weather, I’d go with San Diego. It offers a comfortable, year-round climate that’s hard to beat.

That said, during the winter holidays — Thanksgiving and Christmas — I tend to prefer colder destinations. Those holidays feel traditional to me in a colder setting, even though in recent years we’ve sometimes had temperatures in the 70s on Christmas Day. Still, I lean toward cold weather this time of year, as long as it’s not too cold.

Jacobsen: Chip, we’re out of time. Thank you very much for your time again today. 

Lupo: Fantastic. We’ll talk again soon.

Jacobsen: See you soon. Bye.

Lupo: Bye.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Global Trade and Finance 8: Tariffs, OPEC+, EU Trade, Inflation

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/21

Michael Ashley Schulman, CFA, is Chief Investment Officer and a founding partner of Running Point Capital Advisors, a multifamily office delivering integrated investment, planning, tax, insurance, and estate services, based in Los Angeles, California. He oversees global macro research, asset allocation, and public- and private-markets strategies, including impact mandates. Schulman is a widely quoted commentator, frequently providing analysis to Reuters and other outlets on technology, energy, trade, and market structure. His work centers on translating macroeconomic trends, U.S. fiscal policy, and the global tech landscape into actionable guidance for families and entrepreneurs. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Schulman assesses a pivotal U.S. Supreme Court tariff case testing IEEPA and executive authority, with implications for de minimis rules and refunds. He reads markets as skittish amid higher Treasury yields, AI retrenchment, and shutdown uncertainty. OPEC+ plans a small December increase, then a pause through early 2026, anchoring pump prices. EU FTAs aided diversification, yet EU–Indo-Pacific trade cooled after 2022; Brussels probes Chinese tires. APEC advanced paperless trade standards, but uptake will be slow. OECD inflation steadies at 4.2%, with energy up, food high; wage dynamics remain decisive. Schulman expects a shutdown resolution and resilient year-end.

Interview conducted November 8, 2025.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What’s at stake in the U.S. Supreme Court tariff case (Nov 5)?

Michael Ashley Schulman: The Supreme Court of the United States showdown is less about whether tariffs are good or bad and more about who gets to call the shots on U.S. trade policy. Can the executive branch, can it via the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), impose sweeping tariffs without explicit congressional authority? Does President Trump have the power of the tariff pen? That’s the question.

If the Court curtails that power, Congress reclaims some muscle. If the Court okay’s the sweeping authority to enact unilateral tariffs, trade policy remains as easy to shift as a sports or March Madness bracket where a dark horse can suddenly turn the tide.

From a consumer perspective, this could either mean a return to pre-Trump import pricing on some goods, more potential cost spikes, or a continuation of surprises as other loopholes are explored. Significantly, it could pause or unwind parts of the China de minimis suspension, meaning that imported packages under $800 could requalify for the de minimis exemption.

Between you and me, and everyone else I guess, I’m not overanalyzing this, but rather waiting on SCOTUS to see if they declare something binary or some middle of the road ruling with exemptions and flexibility, which may be the biggest surprise for most legal observers. Also to be seen is what this might mean regarding potential tariff refunds on tens of billions collected.

Jacobsen: How did markets digest the week’s macro jitters with wobbly risk assets?

Schulman: Markets reacted like the supporting characters in an eerie horror‑movie house; one minute all clear, next minute something creaks. I’m reading The Haunting of Hill House by Shirley Jackson this week, so between that and Halloween just past, that analogy is top of mind.

Rising U.S. Treasury yields spooked tech and small‑cap investors pushing risk assets lower. And although I thought the government shutdown might shake markets in late October, it seems I was slightly premature, and the tremors are hitting investors now in early November, especially as airline flights get curtailed. 

Also the AI train hit a steep incline and started backsliding; we could see more retrenchment or correction before enough people start chanting, “I think I can, I think I can.” As I mentioned tongue-in-cheek to our family office clients a month or so ago, investors are so eager to buy the dip, they are sometimes doling it before there is even a decline. Now we are seeing a decline in some of the most desired names, and I feel we may see dip buyers come in this month believing that U.S equity markets will be higher by year end. 

Clarity on tariffs and an end to the U.S. government shutdown should help.

But funny how market jitters this week coincided with the additional upsetting news of a second pushback in the release of Grand Theft Auto 6 by Rockstar Games and Take-Two Interactive to November 2026. Correlation, causation, or mere coincidence, tough to tell?

Jacobsen: What signal did OPEC+ send on oil supply in the last week?

Schulman: OPEC+ agreed to a modest rise in output for December but said they’d pause increases through the first quarter of 2026, so as not to create a supply glut. Oils stocks may get a mild tail‑wind from this. Beijing recently came through with some better than expected growth numbers, but fear of a slowing China helps motivate OPEC to not fully open their spigots and crash prices.

For us, this signals a baseline for somewhat stable or range bound pump prices (which is good) but potential oil price shocks are never fully behind us and can create an iffy situation for inflation since oil is a major manufacturing and transportation input for most goods and services.

Bigger picture, there is a fun balance happening behind the scenes here. Saudi Arabia helped Trump by increasing oil supplies and lowering prices on Liberation Day which reduced inflationary pressures, and Trump for his part has curtailed Federal EV incentives in the U.S. and made cheap Chinese EVs here a non-starter thereby assuring continued oil demand.

Jacobsen: Did EU trade policy show tangible results? Please pair it with Indo‑Pacific trade tallies.

Schulman: Tangible but maybe not stellar! A European Commission report indicated that EU free‑trade agreements (FTAs) boosted export diversification and resilience, or better phrased as resilience via diversification. However, since you asked about it, I interpret Eurostat data on the Indo‑Pacific region as a mixed bag. After record growth in 2021 and 2022, total EU–Indo-Pacific trade declined in 2023 and edged down more in 2024, so peak activity along with the highest trade imbalance was around 2022. The good news is that 2024 growth was less bad than in 2023. So at least that’s something.

Jacobsen: What’s the latest EU trade‑defence move against China (e.g., anti‑subsidy investigation on tyres)?

Schulman: What goes around comes around, especially with tires; sorry, couldn’t resist. You can edit that out if you like. It is the beginnings of a defense for the EU. Brussels opened new anti-subsidy probe into Chinese tires on top of an already ongoing anti-dumping investigation from earlier this year. I think the EU has seen surging imports and suspects state support, Chinese state support. I suspect they’ll, I mean the EU will levy duties or tariffs on car and truck tires.

Jacobsen: What did Asia‑Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) just lock in about rules of the road? Many post‑ministerial statements underscored digital or paperless trade.

Schulman: That’s a niche question. I think most people either barely noticed this or considered it a snoozer of a ruling; but yes, at APEC’s latest meeting the focus was on digital or paperless trade and customs procedures as you indicated. This is simple e-commerce modernization without invoking the blockchain; the type of infrastructure‑style changes like e-bills of lading that should be helpful for corporate margins and global trade efficiency and that I’m guessing most people would be surprised that this hasn’t happened yet. But, and it’s a big “but”, APEC statements aren’t binding edicts. Each economy has to change rules, digitize their systems, and create mutual-recognition deals. Realistically, this is maybe complete by the end of the decade. So, like I indicated a minute ago, I’m hitting the snooze button on this one.

Jacobsen: OECD CPI notes inflation stable at 4.2%. Any fresh inflation thoughts worth flagging?

Schulman: The Organization for Economic Co‑operation and Development reported headline inflation or CPI as stable at 4.2 % year‑on‑year in September across member countries, with energy inflation ticking up to around 3.1 % and food holding at a high 5.0 %.

Two notes worth flagging as you say. First, stability isn’t the same as low! We’re well above the 2 % comfort zone of central banks. Second, energy is creeping up again with ginormous demand which could in turn rekindle upward moving inflation.

My thought for our family and wealth management clients is that wage pressures are the sleeper melodies on the charts to watch out for. The labor market keeps feeding into services inflation, even with unemployment rising to 4.3% in August. We need to watch how much of inflation slowing is true disinflation versus just the math of base effects. For the average American, the cost of living is still a popular topic. Until wage growth consistently outstrips inflation, the feeling of financial squeeze won’t ease. Wage gains matter!

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Michael.

Schulman: Thank you, Scott. I’d just like to summarize that as we enter the final tenth of the year, we’re not in panic territory, but the 2025 ecosystem feels much more like the season finale of a drama rather than a romance. OPEC+ is pushing on its string, Europe is rearming while also busy building its own trade firewall against Beijing, and Russia is the enigma it always has been. Domestically, we’ve got the judiciary playing referee on executive trade power, tariff questions are still headline news, AI capital expenditures keep growing, and with the U.S. government shutdown, domestic markets are moving on narrative and earnings more than on official data. I initially thought the shutdown would last at least several weeks and now that it is over 40 days long I suspect it will be resolved soon or at least by Thanksgiving; and if resolved I expect record holiday season sales. With our positive bent, we continue to seek the right opportunities and structures on behalf of our clients.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Minetu Handi Dan and Banat Saguia: Geneva Actions for Sahrawi Political Prisoners and Self-Determination (2018–2025)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/21

Minetu Handi Dan is the President of Banat Saguia. Since 2018, the Banat Saguia has organized annual demonstrations in Geneva demanding justice for Sahrawi political prisoners held by Moroccan authorities. These prisoners, many arrested after the peaceful 2010 Gdeim Izik protest, face harsh sentences without credible evidence. The association, comprised of Sahrawi women, travels across Europe, raising awareness amid international media silence. They highlight how men, women, and youth are all targeted for demanding fundamental rights. Though no Sahrawi women are currently imprisoned, families continue to suffer. The group calls for urgent action, humanitarian intervention, and the release of those imprisoned for defending Sahrawi self-determination.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the purpose of the work here?

Minetu Handi Dan: Today, we are here in Geneva, and since 2018, we have been holding this demonstration to demand justice for our brothers who are unjustly imprisoned by Moroccan authorities. We are here once again to call for justice for the Sahrawi people—justice for the political prisoners.

We are a group of Sahrawi women travelling to many European capitals, trying to raise awareness and visibility for the Sahrawi cause, particularly for the Sahrawi political prisoners held in Moroccan prisons. Today, another year later, we return. We hope and wish to be heard—that the voices of these political prisoners will reach Geneva and that justice will be served.

Our goal is to support the release of our brothers who are in feeble health, suffering in severe and degrading conditions, and forgotten—buried, in a sense, in prison cells far from their families. They are not guilty of any recognized crime. Their only “offence” was advocating for the right to self-determination for the Sahrawi people, who have been under Moroccan control since 1975 following Spain’s withdrawal from Western Sahara.

That is the sole reason our brothers are imprisoned. We are going to different countries to raise awareness and demand visibility for the Sahrawi political prisoners. As seen in the case records, many have received harsh sentences, ranging from ten years to life imprisonment.

There is no legitimate justification for their imprisonment and severe punishment. The majority were involved in the peaceful protest known as the Gdeim Izik camp in 2010, which gathered thousands of Sahrawi civilians near El Aaiún to demand fundamental rights: access to employment, housing, and the fair distribution of natural resources. After Moroccan security forces dismantled the camp by force, dozens of protesters were arrested, and 25 were later tried by a military court in 2013, a process widely criticized by international human rights organizations for its lack of due process and credible evidence.

This situation is a disgrace. It is deeply troubling that demanding your people’s freedom and expressing political views results in such lengthy prison terms. This is what we ask wherever we go: Why? Why are peaceful protests not allowed in the occupied zones of Western Sahara?

Why does MINURSO—the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara—exist if it does not monitor or report on human rights violations? In the occupied areas of Western Sahara, it is effectively forbidden to protest or demand freedom. The clearest example is the continued imprisonment of Sahrawis, who participated in the Gdeim Izik camp.

We suffer under media silence. That is why the Sahrawi cause remains unrecognized, mainly on the world stage.

Jacobsen: I see a large number of images with sentences for purported crimes, such as “sentenced to 10 years,” “sentenced to 25 years,” or “sentenced to life.” What are the purported crimes?

Dan: And, of course, if the media does not talk about the political prisoners, no one will ever know about them. That is why we travel to all the European capitals. We try to organize demonstrations and give talks at universities to give voice and visibility to these young men. Because we suffer, and the cause in general suffers, from complete media silence.

So, naturally, for that reason, no one knows about them. Very few media outlets—if any—have ever covered their stories, and it is a shame. It is very sad. That someone, for doing nothing more than standing up for dignity, ends up spending years, even a life sentence, in prison—and the world looks the other way, as if nothing is happening. That is why we organize these demonstrations.

Jacobsen: Are there gendered and age-related aspects to this? How are men, women, the young, and the old treated differently in this context?

Dan: Yes, in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, not even women, children, or older people are spared from the threat of imprisonment. Everyone who speaks out, who takes to the streets, receives their punishment. Many women have been imprisoned in the past. Today, thankfully, there are no Sahrawi women currently in prison, but there have been women who have gone through Moroccan prisons—many women—who have spent years and years in that situation.

Now, they are targeting the youth. They want young Sahrawis to leave the territory or to remain silent. Anyone who claims their rights becomes a target. The suffering of Sahrawi women continues, even if they are not the ones behind bars. Because their brothers are imprisoned, their husbands, sons, and children are also. So, they suffer all the same—they are punished all the same. That is why, although there may not be women in prison today, the pain remains very present.

There have been many women who have gone through this situation and have spent many years in Moroccan prisons. Well, our objective—today and always—is the immediate release of our brothers who are imprisoned. We are here today as we are every year. We want freedom for the Sahrawi political prisoners. That is our goal—our hope.

As an organization, we have been doing this since 2018. We come every year. We do the same every year, and we continue waiting. However, we have received no response. We sincerely and wholeheartedly hope to be heard. We hope someone will be sent to visit our brothers in prison because they are deprived of everything: family visits, access to healthcare, and their fundamental rights.

What we want is for someone to help us, to listen to us, and to act—quickly—for the sake of our imprisoned brothers. That is what we hope for, that is what we wish for, and that is why we come from many parts of Europe to be here, to demand the release of the prisoners.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time today, Minetu.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Alevtina Kakhidze: War, Memory, and Plant–Human Ecologies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/20

Alevtina Kakhidze (b. 1973, Zhdanivka) is a Ukrainian multidisciplinary artist known for incisive drawing-performances that braid personal history, war testimony, and plant–human ecologies. Trained at the National Academy of Fine Arts and Architecture in Kyiv (1999–2004) and the Jan van Eyck Academie in the Netherlands (2004–2006), she lives and works in Muzychi near Kyiv. Since 2018, she has served in Ukraine as a United Nations/UNDP “Tolerance Envoy.” Significant recognitions include the Kazimir Malevich Artist Award (2008) and the 2023 Women in Arts — The Resistance prize (Women in Visual Arts category). Recent highlights include Ukraine’s National Pavilion, From South to North, at the inaugural maltabiennale.art (2024) and the solo exhibition Plants and People at Galeria Arsenał, Białystok (October 24, 2024–January 19, 2025). Her ongoing research and performance strand Follow the Plants frames ecology as a pacifist methodology amid conflict.

Kakhidze discusses her mother’s steadfast pro-Ukrainian stance while living under Russia-backed occupation in Zhdanivka, 2014–2019. She recounts daily risks at checkpoints, market arguments, and phone calls cautioned into silence, revealing dignity defended through speech and gardening autonomy. Kakhidze links these memories to her practice—drawing-performances and the research strand Follow the Plants, which treats ecology as a pacifist method. She recalls her mother’s refusal to relocate—“I am not a wardrobe that can be taken away”—and the 2019 death during a pension-verification crossing. The conversation traces grief, documentation, and political clarity, situating exhibitions and honors within an intimately witnessed war.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We’re going to talk about your mother, whom you unfortunately lost, some of the historical material and communications you still have, and how you’ve used them as a form of communication through history and art. Is that a fair general characterization?

Your mother could be very single-minded in her pro-Ukrainian support and quite assertive with people, even while living in an area that fell under the control of Russia-backed forces in 2014—occupied territory, not legally annexed at that time. How did that change things for her and the tone she took? Then we can move into some of the documentation that came from that period. Your home territory came under occupation by Russia-backed forces in 2014. In that first period of occupation, how did her tone or choice of words change?

Alevtina Kakhidze: Not at all—she stayed very strong.

Jacobsen: Did it strain your relationship with her?

Kakhidze: It’s interesting. When the Revolution of Dignity—often called Euromaidan—began in 2013–2014, my mother didn’t support the protest at first. But when the situation became urgent in her area, and propaganda tried to claim that Maidan was the reason the war started, she took a strong pro-Ukrainian position. She said everything that was happening locally under the occupation was illegal and that there was no threat coming from Kyiv to ordinary people there. She was absolutely steadfast in her thinking.

She visited me after 2015, when the contact line had become somewhat more stable, though crossings were still risky. I mentioned that older people—retirees—were crossing the contact line into government-controlled territory to verify their identity and collect their pensions. She also did this and even visited me in Kyiv.

We talked a lot about Maidan. I explained the situation to her and told her many stories. Once I left her with a book about Maidan, and she cried when she saw the photos of the “Heavenly Hundred”—around one hundred protesters killed over a few days in the final stage of the protests.

I think she understood what the protest was about, and we became even closer in our political perspective on Ukraine. She never hesitated about what was happening. From the first day of the occupation she was pro-Ukrainian, and I became worried because she felt she would lose her dignity if she couldn’t express her opinion in front of her friends. I was concerned because she would argue with people at the market.

Sometimes her friends even tried to restrain her. If someone from the armed authorities was nearby, even friends who leaned pro-Russian or separatist would tell her not to speak so loudly, because they were afraid something could happen.

When she crossed the line of contact, if her phone rang, people on the bus would tell her, “Don’t talk on your phone,” because the situation was dangerous. She became very irritated that her city was so tightly controlled. She didn’t like it.

She told me, “Look, they check my passport so many times, and their hands are dirty. In our country, no one ever checked passports with such filthy hands.” Of course, the checkpoints weren’t proper ones like at an airport. There were makeshift posts, sandbags, and tension everywhere. She was deeply irritated by all of it and would say so to anyone nearby. She remained firm—if anything, she became more radical. For her, it was important to stand by her convictions.

For instance, she once said, “If I put up a Ukrainian flag, what would they do to me—kill me?” Hearing her say that was terrifying. I didn’t know what to say. I couldn’t tell her, “Don’t do this,” because that would sound like I was giving orders, and it might only make her more determined. But I couldn’t encourage her either, which also felt wrong. So I stayed silent and listened. That continued almost until the end—until January 2019.

She was never influenced by Russian disinformation. She was absolutely strong-minded.

Jacobsen: She once said something noteworthy: “I am not a wardrobe that can be taken away. In her choice to stay in Zhdanivka, what did that phrase mean?

Kakhidze: She was very independent and didn’t want to move to a new place and become dependent on us—on me and my husband. She wanted to stay with her own home and community.

Even when the city was occupied and she couldn’t access money—she couldn’t cross into Ukrainian-controlled territory to collect her pension, and the new illegal authorities weren’t paying citizens—she survived by working her small plot of land. She grew cucumbers, carrots, and cabbage, and during the summer she preserved them, pickling everything. Then, in winter, she sold her jars for more money since they were already prepared goods.

She told me, “I don’t need their money. I earn my living by myself.” She even lent money to others. After she died, her friend told me she found a list—records of debts that other people owed her.

Her friend told me that when my mother died, she found a list of debts—people who owed her money. This woman asked me, “Alevtina, do you want these people to give the money to you now?” I said, “No, of course not.” My mother wasn’t doing it for that. She was afraid of becoming dependent—on anyone.

She was also very angry that her life ended under those circumstances. I understand that feeling. I don’t want to become a refugee either. Even though I would have more privileges as one—I speak English, I have a gallery in Belgium, I have a network, I studied in the Netherlands twenty years ago, and I still have friends there. It would be easier for me than for many Ukrainians who never lived abroad. But it feels deeply unfair. You build your life, and suddenly, because of people obsessed with imperial expansion, you have to leave your home.

I don’t know what my mother would think about the reasons for this war. I don’t remember us ever discussing it deeply. She would just say, “The war started. What could I do? I could only watch.”

Yet she always found ways to stay independent, even while living under occupation. She would say, “I’m going to the garden.” I can imagine her walking there, surrounded by silence, feeling that in her garden she controlled everything—she planted, things grew, and that was her domain. It was her kingdom, where she was queen, where no one could interfere.

We always talked about the bazaar, about what she grew in her garden, what she sold. Even in occupied territory, she had autonomy, a sense of success.

I remember when we bought her an apartment in Irpin, on the first floor. The building was still under construction, and we asked the builders to install not a window, but a glass door that opened directly onto a small plot of land. It was much smaller than what she had in Zhdanivka, but we promised her she would have soil to work with. We showed her everything and were preparing her to move closer to us.

She died about a year and a half before COVID. During the pandemic, no one could cross the border. Probably, I think, she would have moved to us once the COVID restrictions eased. Maybe we would have been together. She often went back and forth in her mind—one day she would say, “I’m thinking of moving to you,” and the next day, “It would be too hard for me; I prefer to stay.”

My mother and I spoke almost every day, sometimes twice a day, even if it was only for twenty minutes. You asked earlier about problems between us. I always understood that she was in a much more difficult situation, so I never told her about my own problems. It wasn’t really an equal relationship. I couldn’t share much from my side because I didn’t want her to worry.

When I called her and she didn’t answer, I immediately felt anxious. For all those five years, it was a constant stress. I remember when I got the news that she had died, my first thought was that we were both so exhausted by the situation that, in a strange way, there was also some relief. But then, of course, other emotions came. It was still very hard.

It was difficult being so far away. I never visited her from 2014 until her death in 2019. I once saw her on television—Ukrainian journalists were allowed to visit the occupied territory and film there. In one clip, I noticed that the glass in her window was broken, and she had never told me. It showed me how much she hid, just as I did.

On one hand, we were honest about what was happening in her city. For instance, she would tell me about our neighbors’ opinions and the arguments she had with them. One of my old school friends, for example, became sympathetic to the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic.

My mother was selling her goods at the market, and his mother said to her, “Luda, why are you criticizing this new government? My son has a new car now.” Those so-called authorities were basically bandits who had taken cars and property from others. My mother couldn’t stay silent. She confronted her, even physically pushing her in anger.

My mother had a very transparent way of looking at things—always connected to reality. 

Jacobsen: On January 16, 2019, Lyudmila set out from Zhdanivka, in Russian-occupied territory, toward government-controlled Ukraine to complete the in-person identification check required for pension payments. She was heading to the Mayorsk checkpoint, roughly forty kilometers away. She had already traveled for hours and was waiting in line when, tragically, she died during the crossing process. Some reports specify cardiac arrest. What does that day mean to you? What does that story tell about your mother’s last day?

Kakhidze: You saw the file I sent you—each year of her life is noted carefully, and so was that day. It was terrible because, at first, the authorities—what would be the equivalent of the FBI in the U.S., their security service—told me not to believe right away that my mother was dead. They said they had to verify it. So for almost three days, I lived in uncertainty, not knowing whether she was really gone.

The internet connection in my house is often poor, but I remember that moment clearly. I was sending messages, waiting for confirmation. It was surreal—like time had stopped. Eventually, everything was confirmed.

I later sent you all the notes. Every part of that period is documented. Yesterday I went to Fabrika, but now I’m home, so I can’t go again tonight—it’s too late. 

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it, and I hope you have a wonderful sleep.

Kakhidze: Thank you, Scott. I really appreciate that you spend time on Ukrainian topics. I’m very pleased. I was amazed at how quickly you put everything we discussed into professional writing. 

Jacobsen: You’re very welcome.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Existential Exchanges 5: Art

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/19

Sapira Cahana is a New York-based mental health counsellor and is an interfaith chaplain-in-training specializing in existential and relational therapy. 

In dialogue with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, she traces art therapy’s modern roots—from Adrian Hill’s 1940s coinage through Naumburg’s psychodynamic approach and Kramer’s making-as-healing—to today’s practice. Cahana integrates vocal training, close reading, and shared media to externalize inner life, using artworks as a “neutral third” that widens perspective while guarding against shame. She describes chapel-side encounters with dying patients, and the clarifying limits of “dark” art. Cahana cites Janet Cardiff’s Forty-Part Motet and texts like Sappho as portals to awe, meaning, and connection.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: All right, the first opener will be “Good morning,” and the second will be the traditional question: When did art start leaning into becoming therapy? I do not mean it has not always served that purpose for people—evoking emotion or offering solace—but rather in terms of a formal therapy process. 

For instance, humans have long used art, but what we now call therapeutic or psychological purposes are much more contemporary. Freud and Jung analyzed art in terms of psychological symbolism, notably Jung, who also used drawing and “active imagination.” In the early 1940s, art therapy became a profession in Britain with Adrian Hill, an artist recovering from tuberculosis, who coined the term “art therapy” and wrote Art Versus Illness about his experience. 

In the United States, Margaret Naumburg and Edith Kramer were pivotal. Naumburg developed what she called dynamically oriented art therapy (rooted in psychoanalysis), and Kramer emphasized art as a healing process through making. The field was further institutionalized with the founding of the American Art Therapy Association in 1969.

That is the first time I have heard of these people and this field in any significant sense outside Freud and Jung. So, following Freud and Jung, there is clearly a trajectory of seeing the utility of art for therapeutic purposes. Have you ever incorporated this into your existentialist practice?

Sapira Cahana: Yes.

Jacobsen: How so?

Cahana: In my therapeutic work, I have used vocal training and colored pencils. While I am not an art therapist, I definitely incorporate artistic means. I lean into the poetic—finding it in writing, in close readings of people’s texts, in listening to their voices, and in using the voice as an emotional indicator. Instead of saying, “I feel sad,” I hear the intonation, the vocalization, and the cadence. We use these together.

I use art extensively in my therapy, and I am completely inspired by it. My whole way of being is informed by the artistic and the creative. My therapeutic style is rooted in creativity, and I often work with artists. I am a poet and a painter. Those are my primary forms of art. I used to sculpt more, but I don’t do as much sculpting anymore. I really see the therapeutic process as a kind of sculpting—we’re co-designing together, creating a shape together.

There’s a great deal of art imbued in my therapeutic practice. Can I tell you about a recent experience? I was at the Museo del Prado in Madrid, walking through the halls and meandering, when I saw these enormous, incredible paintings. I was overcome by emotion—completely touched and crying at the grandeur of these late medieval and early Renaissance works. I kept walking through this labyrinthine museum, looking for Hieronymus Bosch’s The Garden of Earthly Delights.

I was crying and walking when I eventually found The Garden of Earthly Delights. Again, I was in tears, walking through the entire museum, overwhelmed by the sheer power of art. Were all the paintings the best I’d ever seen? I don’t know. But the incredible nature of art itself completely overwhelmed me.

When I encountered this painting, which I’d seen thousands of times in so many different versions—never in person—mybody was overcome by its transcendence. It’s a triptych. I learned new things about it. Bosch’s triptychs are hinged panels that open and close, and artists often painted the exterior panels; in this case, the exterior of The Garden of Earthly Delights, when closed, shows a grisaille scene of the created world. I hadn’t fully registered that before, and I studied art history a little bit. For whatever reason, I had never realized they were painted on the outside surfaces as well. Again, I was overwhelmed.

Throughout my life, I’ve had many experiences in which others’ artistic voices have deeply moved me. Art brings me very close to the feeling of transcendence and awe.

Jacobsen: Are there people for whom art, within a therapeutic practice, does not evoke that same feeling? It’s not a medium for them that works.

Cahana: Of course, not everyone resonates with all forms of art. Often, week to week, we’ll share a piece of art or a creation with clients. We might listen to a podcast or watch a film or television show they love. I’ll follow up, and we’ll both watch it together. We’ll listen to it together, read together, and I have yet to find a client who says this practice of choosing a piece week to week doesn’t resonate.

Even people who don’t consider themselves creative sincerely appreciate television, or reading, or whatever it is—and I really do see art everywhere. So, at a minimum, I would say our therapeutic work is artistic. At the most, I’m working with artists who are really delving into the artistic process—listening for the afflatus, which is the divine spirit that enters the body during a creative momentum.

Jacobsen: Are there limits to how effective it can be?

Cahana: I have only found that it deepens the work. I’ve never found it to be limiting. I’m not an art therapist, and I wouldn’t purport to be one—that’s not my licensing, and that’s not the only thing I do. In general, what type of art do people most often respond to?

Lots of people love music, but different people resonate with different things. Some people really respond to television and love its art. Some people love visual media; some are more auditory. Others love performance art and the experiential. We reference a lot of art and artistic pieces, though we’re not constantly experiencing art. I try to create a kind of artistic sphere as part of my relational practice.

Jacobsen: Are there points at which clients have surprised you—where they’ve called something “art,” like the television example—after some reflection and deepening in the relationship?

Cahana: Yes, absolutely. There’s often art in what they’re describing that I hadn’t necessarily considered before. I’ve watched television shows for clients, and I’m frank with them. I’ll say, “I’m really trying to watch this show but can you tell me what you like about it?” Because I want to see it through their eyes.

As a therapist, it really doesn’t matter what my opinion of a piece is. The goal is to understand the person better, and art is an incredible mediator for the relationship. Without art, when we keep the therapeutic space contained only to what’s happening between client and therapist, it can become a narrow view. Art gives me more freedom to move through different lenses, to widen the aperture, to turn the kaleidoscope just a bit further each time.

Jacobsen: Is there the risk of countertransference in making a kind of artistic sphere, as you called it earlier?

Cahana: Yes, that risk is always there and always about me. The risk of countertransference is  necessary to evaluate always because it is very high. It’s up to me to modulate myself in the space and use myself as a refined instrument. I’m doing that inner work all the time, moving through, reflecting, returning to the relationship. I’ll think, “Oh, I’m not sure I attuned exactly to what you were seeking, I want to clarify this point you mentioned a few sessions ago.” I work very intentionally on recognizing where I am, where the other person is, and how that’s expressed in our relationship through what I’m missing and offering, what they’re responding to, what they’re offering, what I’m responding to.

Art is actually an invaluable tool because it externalizes so much of the internal process. It becomes easier to look at psychological symptoms, family history, emotions, and worries. It’s beneficial to externalize, so art becomes a kind of neutral third, it is something outside of both of us. It’s not about the human directly but about an objectified experience that the person relates to subjectively. That actually clarifies the therapeutic process much more clearly.

It also helps to relieve internalized fear and shame. For instance, if we’re reading a play by Samuel Beckett and discussing its existential themes, the client can project their inner experience of existential dread onto the work rather than feeling it as a personal flaw. This creates a sense of normalization—it shows that these struggles are shared across time. It also connects them to a kind of temporal transcendence, the idea that what they’re feeling has been lived and expressed before.

I love using ancient texts for this reason. If someone is questioning their sexuality, reading Sappho’s poetry can be profoundly helpful. It gives language and legitimacy to feelings that might otherwise be difficult to articulate. Eventually, we always bring it back to the person—it’s not literary analysis; we’re doing psychotherapy. But using another’s words helps inform the self and builds bridges between personal experience and the wider human condition.

There’s another benefit too—it positions me not as the “keeper of secrets” or the sole healer, but as someone who helps reveal the abundance of wisdom already in the world. It lessens my ego and decentralizes authority. Wisdom is out there, available for the client’s discovery. I just help them find it.

Jacobsen: It really keeps you from becoming the Wizard of Oz.

Cahana: That’s exactly my therapeutic style—it’s relational, existential, and experiential. It’s all about the shared human condition. Everyone experiences the human struggle. I’m part of it. You’re part of it. We’re all part of it. There’s no anonymous, impenetrable therapist immune to life. The work is about being human together.

In my chaplaincy work, I once worked with an artist. She was terrified of dying. She was clutching the bedrails, terrified to let go. She didn’t like the “rocket ship” she was on, as she described it. Sometimes I would tell her about visiting MoMA or The Met, and about pieces that inspired me. We would talk about art. Those conversations created a glimmer of hope and the love of the world-out-there that helped reconnect her to herself.

She was in this sterile, institutional space that stripped her of her humanity. The white walls, the smell of disinfectant, the sounds—it was all disjointed from her life as an artist. She tried to make art in her hospital bed, but couldn’t fully access her creative side. So, I tried to offer her the world through conversation—through art. It was a beautiful relationship until she died.

Another patient during my chaplaincy was a poet. I would read poetry with him; he would write, and we’d workshop his lines together. I’d ask, “Tell me about that line. Where did this come from?” It connected him deeply to his own sense of spiritual transcendence and self-transcendence. It made dying easier.

Jacobsen: One old boss once said, “When people are depressed, don’t read them Camus.” Are there certain things you have to be careful about when choosing art to discuss—certain sensitive areas that require mindfulness?

Cahana: Yes, absolutely. For example, Dostoevsky’s Notes from Underground is an extraordinary book about isolation and bitterness, being a kind of hermit or misanthrope. It can be beneficial for someone in that state to feel seen or corroborated, but I have to be careful. It’s not my first line of defence. There’s dark art, and there’s art about depression, grief, and suffering. Art can move people powerfully, but not always in a healing direction. There are countless examples of people attaching to an artist or a song in ways that deepen their pain or lead to harm. There are unequivocally limits, boundaries, and necessary cautions that I painstakingly weigh.

Anything that touches or inspires us can move us in many directions. Some pieces call forth suffering and pain—they can be valuable but must be handled with therapeutic guardrails. It’s not a book club. We’re not reading or enjoying art for its own sake, even though that has value too. Everything comes back to the self—the art is a means for transformation, not distraction. It’s for the therapeutic, the spiritual, or the transcendent.

Jacobsen: Are there times when you’ve made recommendations, something like, “Read this,” or “Go home and reflect”?

Cahana: Yes, and here’s the fascinating part. Sometimes I’ll recommend a poem, but the person will take from it something completely different than what I expected. That divergence itself becomes insight into the therapeutic process. I’ve recommended poems many times. You can often see the reaction instantly—the look on their face says everything. Before I even hand over the text, I’ll say, “I can tell you’re not sure. Do you want to go down this path, or do you want to explore a different one?”

It actually happened quite recently. I recommended a poem by a famous Sufi poet and immediately saw the expression: “not that guy.” So, we went with something else. But that in itself was revealing; it showed what resonated and what didn’t, and why.

As for recommending that clients engage in creative practice themselves, rather than only interpreting or analyzing art, I don’t push. I’ll make suggestions based on what they’re already expressing, but I always emphasize that there’s no obligation. If they choose not to, it’s completely fine. Many therapists assign homework; I avoid that framing. I make sure they know there’s no guilt or shame attached if nothing happens between sessions.

I usually like to end on a quote, since you’ve asked.

Jacobsen: Sure—what are you choosing this morning?

Cahana: I love surrealism. It’s an artistic movement that embraces irony, paradox, and play—all things that help open the unconscious. I’m especially drawn to surrealist painting and sculpture, as well as to audio art. One of my favourite artists is Janet Cardiff, a Canadian sound artist. She created one of the most moving installations I’ve ever experienced in Röda Sten Konsthall —The Forty-Part Motet. It’s a reworking of Thomas Tallis’s 1573 choral composition Spem in Alium,played through forty-two individual speakers, each one capturing a single singer’s voice. You walk among them, hearing the music as if moving inside a living choir. Each speaker coughs or giggles as it prepares to come as a collective and enliven the soul. It’s mystical and otherworldly, an experiential encounter with the sacred in sound. My heart weeps when I remember her gift to the world. This is why I bring art into the therapeutic process, it enunciates the feeling of being porous and permeable.  

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Sapira.

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Neil Sahota on AI Governance: Bias, Misinformation, and the UN’s Role in a Proactive Global Framework

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/18

Neil Sahota, IBM Master Inventor and UN AI Advisor, discusses artificial intelligence’s ethical, geopolitical, and social implications. Sahota discusses AI’s transformative role in reshaping power structures, data governance, and scientific acceleration. He emphasizes the risks of algorithmic bias, misinformation, and lack of global regulation. Sahota advocates for transparency, diversity in development teams, and responsible AI practices. He highlights the UN’s unique position to lead international governance and stresses the urgency of proactive, collaborative frameworks. Sahota concludes by calling for explainable AI to build trust and proposing deeper conversations with global stakeholders in AI ethics.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Neil Sahota. He is an IBM Master Inventor, United Nations AI Advisor, and the CEO of ACSI Labs. With over 20 years of experience, he helps organizations across healthcare, legal services, government, and other industries drive innovation through emerging technologies, especially artificial intelligence. He is also a professor at UC Irvine—go Anteaters!—and one of the original architects of the United Nations’ AI for Good initiative. He is the co-author of the award-winning book Own the AI Revolution: Unlock Your Artificial Intelligence Strategy to Disrupt Your Competition.

Neil is a sought-after speaker and has been featured in ForbesFortune, and TechX, among other publications. He actively supports startups as a member of Tech Coast Angels. His work blends business strategy with social impact, from combating child exploitation to advancing global sustainability goals. He is truly a global leader and a core figure in UN technology strategy. 

I just returned from the 69th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW69) at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City. This year also marks the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action and the 25th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, so it was a milestone year. The two-week event included nearly a thousand official and side events. It was my first time attending, and it was truly fascinating.

I’m always impressed by what the UN does, and I’m glad individuals like you are involved. Now, AI innovation is redefining many things. Most notably, it’s redefining geopolitical power structures in the 21st century. How?

Neil Sahota: In one word? Omni. We’ve heard AI compared to the transformative impact of the Internet. I said this over a decade ago—and thankfully, it has proven true: by 2025, AI will impact all aspects of our lives, personally and professionally.

We’re already seeing its integration—often invisibly. It’s embedded in systems and decisions, sometimes without people realizing it.

We hear about RPA (robotic process automation) and concerns about job losses. But from a geopolitical standpoint, AI represents the next global race—not just about who has AI but also about who is developing superior technology.

AI can be trained to support virtually any domain: cybersecurity, economic forecasting, policy-making, and workforce development. It touches every part of society.

As with all tools, their impact depends on human intent. Some are using it to do immense good. Unfortunately, others may be observing or using it for control.

We’ve already seen the use of deepfakes, misinformation, and misinformation to influence elections around the world. To quote Dune author Frank Herbert—or more specifically, his theme—we’re at a point where whoever has the most advanced AI may, in a sense, control the universe. That is something a lot of political leaders now realize. It may not be what they want, but they all recognize that without AI—or without leading in its development—they will be at a hugedisadvantage. That realization is what is triggering a ripple effect globally.

For example, you can see it in the increasing competition for rare earth metals. Why is there such a renewed interest in the space race? Because rare earth metals are in space. These materials are essential for building not just AI but other emerging technologies—supercomputers, microchips, augmented reality devices like touchscreen glasses, and more. There is even a race for electricity and clean water, both needed for powering and cooling massive data centers.

So, while we often focus on AI’s direct impact on our lives, its ripple effects influence geopolitical dynamics, natural resource competition, and critical infrastructure development. Then there’s the deeper issue: the lack of a unified global governance framework for AI. That absence presents a significant threat to international collaboration, especially when it comes to dealing with major global issues—nuclear security, anthropogenic climate change, synthetic biology and superbugs, bio-warfare, information warfare, cyber warfare, and beyond.

Jacobsen: If AI is truly “omni”—affecting all aspects of society—then what kind of framework or leadership can help guide us through these already difficult global quagmires?

Sahota: That’s one of the biggest challenges. And you’re right—it is not just about the big, macro issues. Some of the micro issues are just as serious. For example, look at the origins of deepfakes. They started as a form of revenge pornography. After a bad breakup, someone might create fake pornographic videos using their ex’s likeness. If that happens to an average person, what resources do they have to fight back?

At least a celebrity or high-profile political figure has public visibility, legal teams, and resources to counter misinformation. But the average individual does not. That’s a serious challenge, especially when we realize that private and authentic boundaries are already being eroded. The real problem is this: who do we trust to lead the global effort?

And I do not mean a single person or even a single country. If any nation or tech company tries to take the lead, there will be immediate skepticism. It will trigger that same competitive mindset we just talked about. People often ask me why we partnered with the United Nations on the AI for Good initiative.

The honest answer? The UN is the only global entity with the credibility necessary for this kind of leadership. If a single country, say the United States or Singapore, tried to lead the charge, other nations would inevitably start asking, “What’s in it for them?” That undermines trust from the outset. We need an entity that can be seen as a neutral convener—and right now, the UN is the only one that fits that role.

Jacobsen: So what should we be doing to support that kind of neutral, global leadership?

Sahota: The same thing we’ve started: building coalitions, establishing shared principles, and developing inclusive, international frameworks for AI governance. It will take cooperation—not competition—to ensure AI is used for good and not for harm.

It’s been a major catch-up moment. If Microsoft or Google announces, “Hey, we’re going to lead an AI governance initiative,” the immediate question is: “What are they getting out of this?” People will assume there’s some financial or strategic advantage. That creates skepticism and undermines the legitimacy and credibility of the effort.

That’s why the conversation often returns to the United Nations when we talk about a unified AI approach to setting international standards and guidelines. The debate has been ongoing within the UN for a while now. The general consensus is that the UN is probably the only global institution with the neutrality and reach to effectively take on this leadership role.

The question then becomes: What is the most effective way for the UN to lead? One proposal currently being discussed—though no decisions have been made—is the creation of a new agency within the UN specifically focused on the governance of emerging science and technology. That is critical because AI is not the only disruptive force. We are also seeing rapid advances in nanotechnology, cognitive neuroscience, quantum computing, and other scientific domains. All of these overlap and interact.

So, how do we stay ahead of the curve and ensure people are developing these technologies ethically and responsibly? We need to set clear standards. Engineers, technologists, and scientists typically focus on solving specific problems or achieving defined outcomes. They may not think about unintended consequences or how their work could be misused. Often, they do not have the background or perspective to foresee the societal implications.

From a regulatory standpoint, the UN is already trying to shift gears—from the traditional reactive model of waiting until something goes wrong, to a proactive, collaborative model. Regulation today needs to be inclusive and anticipatory. It requires diverse thought and participation—governments, regulators, technologists, engineers, domain experts, and even end users—to collectively understand potential outcomes and build meaningful guardrails.

The United Nations is the only entity with the global trust and mandate to do this work.

Jacobsen: You mentioned deepfakes earlier, including their use in revenge porn and misinformation. At CSW69, one session I attended featured an expert—whose name escapes me at the moment, so credit to her and apology for forgetting off the top—who noted that over 95 percent of the victims of deepfake pornography or revenge porn are girls and women, while the vast majority of perpetrators are boys and men. This aligns with broader gender dynamics and disparities in online and offline contexts. So, while AI’s harms operate at a global and systemic level, they are also deeply personal, affecting individuals in real and often traumatic ways.

What about the risk of algorithmic bias? As far as I understand, AI is, at its core, another term for complex algorithms. Popular media often portrays AI in science fiction terms, but the reality is more grounded. What does algorithmic bias doto programs and their outputs—and what does that mean for real people in their everyday lives?

Sahota: That’s a great question. First, we must understand that algorithmic bias is a double-edged sword. AI is built from algorithms. It’s not magic, not sentient, or data-driven logic.

We do not exactly “program” AI in the old-fashioned sense; instead, we teach it. This involves two major types of bias: explicit bias and implicit (or unconscious) bias.

Explicit bias occurs when the training rules or datasets are deliberately skewed. For example, suppose I’m building a health information chatbot and instruct it only to trust information published by The National Enquirer or The Onion. That will lead to bad outcomes, misinformation, and potentially dangerous advice. That’s an example of setting a biased “ground truth”—you’re establishing decision rules that are flawed from the start.

The second and more dangerous type of bias is implicit or unconscious bias. This often happens even when we think we’re being objective. If the dataset used to train an AI is incomplete or reflects historical inequalities—in criminal justice, hiring, or healthcare—it will absorb and reproduce those patterns, even if no one explicitly programmed it to do so. That’s how systemic bias gets baked into supposedly neutral systems.

These biases have real-world consequences. AI determines who gets job interviews, who qualifies for a loan, and what medical advice someone receives. So if we do not identify and address these biases, we risk automating and amplifying injustice.

But we are not free from bias. We have a skew built into everything we do. AI learns our implicit biases through the way we teach it. All data is biased. All human teachers are biased—especially with implicit bias—so we must do our best to mitigate it.

Let me give you an example. One of the big things the UN has been exploring is the concept of AI robot judges. Around the world, many judicial systems face huge backlogs. In theory, AI could help reduce delays, minimize corruption, and improve access to justice. In the U.S. legal system, there’s a wealth of data available to train an AI judge.

Now, is that data biased?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Sahota: What is the biggest bias in the U.S. judicial data?

Jacobsen: Probably race.

Sahota: That’s a common answer. Many people say that—and it’s true, there is credible evidence of racial bias in the system. Others point to socioeconomic bias, where money plays a significant role. But the biggest bias we found was something even more unexpected: hunger.

We ran tests, and it’s true—the more hungry judges are, the harsher their rulings become. So, the takeaway is that if you’re going to court, try to schedule your trial after lunch. But then the question becomes: how do we strip that bias out of the data?

We thought about timestamping the trial transcripts and adjusting based on known mealtimes, but the truth is, I do not know if a judge had breakfast that day, or whether they had a big lunch or skipped it altogether. Everyone has different biochemistry. We do not know what their blood sugar levels were at that moment. We cannot normalize that data unless we attach a medical device to every judge to monitor them 24/7 for three years.

That bias—hunger bias—will always, unfortunately, exist. We can try to mitigate the impact and reduce its influence, but we cannot fully eliminate it. That is what makes this so complicated and potentially dangerous. But it is also something we already live within human systems. That is why, when we talk about responsible AI, one of the most important things we emphasize is the need for diverse teams. When we teach the machines, we need people from diverse backgrounds, perspectives, and lived experiences to help us catch these hidden patterns.

Otherwise, we run into real-world issues. I do not think Google is racist, but when it launched its visual recognition AI about seven years ago, it had difficulty identifying women and people of colour as human beings. It was significantly better at recognizing white men.

There was a disturbing case where the system mislabeled an African American person as food—an outcome with deeply offensive racial overtones. Do I believe Google was intentionally being racist? No. But I can confidently say that the development team was likely composed largely of white men. They probably used many images of themselves to train the AI, and that’s a lack of diversity in the training data.

And that kind of unintentional bias has broader implications, right? Especially when we’re thinking globally.

Jacobsen: Globally speaking, people of European descent are actually a minority. They are not the global majority. So if AI systems are being trained in countries where European-descended populations are the majority—or if the development teams primarily come from those backgrounds—that bias will manifest. And it will create systems that do not work well for much of the world. That is the danger of training global systems with narrow datasets. It leads to exclusion, misrepresentation, and sometimes harm.

Sahota: That is why many countries invest in their technology stacks. Take the Middle East as an example—countries like the UAE are developing their versions of generative AI platforms like ChatGPT. Why? Because they need AI that understands their language, customs, cultural context, and ways of thinking. For AI to be truly effective, it has to be localized—not just in terms of language but also in terms of societal norms and user expectations.

Jacobsen: What about digital data extraction’s ethics and sovereignty implications without sufficient oversight? Whether it’s happening within a country or across borders—when one country extracts data from another without transparency or consent—it becomes a major concern.

Sahota: Absolutely. This is a massive issue, and it is currently being addressed in wildly inconsistent ways across the globe. The European Union, for example, has implemented strict data protection regulations—GDPR being the most notable—which aim to increase transparency and safeguard citizens’ data. Of course, these regulations have also created some friction, as some companies feel they slow down innovation. It’s always a balancing act between protection and progress.

Then, there are countries like China, where the government mandates that any data collected within China must be stored inside China. That’s why there has been so much scrutiny around TikTok and ByteDance. There are legitimate concerns about whether data on U.S. users is being stored in China and if that data could be weaponized. And in theory, yes—anydata could be turned into a weapon or used as a strategic asset. But again, this is not a technology problem.

AI itself is not inherently good or evil. It simply does what it is trained to do. The real concern is how people choose to use it. That is the heart of the issue. Yet, we tend to blame the AI when something goes wrong. We say, “AI made a mistake,” or “AI is redlining.” But AI is only doing what it was taught to do.

If there’s redlining, the people who trained it either included biased data or failed to address that risk. That is a human problem, not a machine problem, and the scale of that problem is staggering. If your training data is flawed, it doesn’t just impact a few people—it could impact billions of people very quickly.

That’s why we need robust, carefully designed training strategies, vetted datasets, clear guidelines, and inclusive oversight. This is the only way to use the technology effectively and beneficially.

Jacobsen: Last time, we noted the level of hype around AI. Even in the face of serious concerns, the hype is growing. How much of a “red alert” posture should people really have toward this technology? Public conversation has often involved fear-driven scenarios—like the Terminator or the “paperclip maximizer” thought experiment for years. What’s a more reasonable threat assessment?

Sahota: I honestly think the greater threat right now is not killer robots—it’s misinformation and misinformation. The Terminator scenario? It makes for a great movie, but in the real world, it is highly unlikely that people are secretly building machines designed to exterminate humanity.

I always remind people that for every Terminator, there’s also an R2-D2 or a C-3P—a robot that supports the rebellion and helps the good guys. So we have to keep perspective.

The real danger today lies in the growing sophistication of misinformation. It creates echo chambers that people live inside without even realizing it. They think they’re making independent decisions, unaware they’ve been conditioned—sometimes manipulated—into those views.

Social media algorithms have become incredibly effective at learning what we like, what we fear, and what we care about. Then they feed us more and more of the same. This builds a personalized echo chamber where alternative views are filtered out. The result? People begin to adopt views that others may find extreme or implausible, but those views feel totally normal—even real—because they believe millions of others think the same way.

We saw this play out during the Turkish elections about a year and a half ago, and we saw it in various African elections as well. Deepfakes and misinformation were used to shape narratives and alter perceptions—sometimes without the public even knowing it was happening. That, in my opinion, is the more pressing and immediate threat.

Can you imagine thinking you’re voting for someone based on your principles—not realizing that AI has been weaponized to convince you and make you think it was your idea all along? That’s a psychological manipulation concern, not just a technical one.

Jacobsen: What about the risks associated with the rapid acceleration of scientific discovery through AI—specifically by simulating known physical laws in “microworlds”? For instance, protein folding has advanced significantly through simulation, which could easily scale to other domains. The fear is that scientific experimentation could become so fast that applications are deployed before ethical frameworks catch up. How do we manage that?

Sahota: That’s a major concern, and it’s one of the classic cases where we’re reacting rather than anticipating. You’re referring to technologies like AlphaFold by DeepMind, which is used to predict protein structures and help accelerate pharmaceutical development. It’s a powerful tool, but it does not mean we skip clinical testing or the safety protocols we’ve always used. It means we can now simulate thousands of possibilities in the time it used to take to test just a few.

So, instead of trying two or three candidate molecules over a month, now we can simulate 2,000 or more and quickly identify promising leads. But even then, those leads still have to undergo full biological testing, clinical trials, toxicity reviews, etc. The simulation is a way to narrow the field, not replace scientific rigour.

This is also happening in other areas. Some governments and private-sector groups use AI combined with metaverse-style environments to simulate emergency responses—like wildfire evacuations or disaster recovery. These scenarios help us plan and prepare but don’t allow us to skip the core steps of due diligence and planning.

That’s why we have to remember: AI doesn’t give us “the answer.” It gives us a possible answer, usually with a level of confidence. And that’s where things can get dangerous—when people mistake probabilistic outputs for definitive truths. We always say: Treat AI output as a draft. It’s a first step, not a conclusion.

Jacobsen: Who were some of the first people involved in AI ethics discussions at the UN?

Sahota: That’s a tough question because many different UN agencies were independently exploring aspects of AI. Even before we worked with IBM Watson, internal conversations had already been happening about the implications of AI and the need for explainability.

That’s one reason explainability was built into Watson from the start. If Watson gave us a bizarre recommendation, we needed to understand why. We needed a transparent logic trail. That thinking laid the groundwork for a broader, more systematic approach.

But what changed the game was the launch of the AI for Good initiative. That began building an ecosystem—a central hub where experts, practitioners, ethicists, policymakers, and researchers could share their experiences, ideas, and strategies. Without that hub, we’d still have a fragmented landscape of siloed efforts.

If we’re being honest, people have probably been debating AI ethics since Alan Turing’s days in the 1950s. But until recently, we lacked an organized community with a shared goal and space for global collaboration.

Jacobsen: What about the effects of regulatory arbitrage in AI governance? Where are companies or developers going when the rules are most relaxed? What does that mean for innovation and international tech competition?

Sahota: Regulatory arbitrage is a major problem, no question. I understand why it happens—there’s a self-preservation instinct at work. But to borrow the old adage: evil succeeds when good people do nothing. That’s really at the heart of the issue.

Governments can certainly help—they can guide, regulate, and incentivize. But they won’t be the ultimate solvers of these challenges. Technology today is so decentralized that a teenager in a basement could develop a new AI tool with global impact. And they can decide how to use it—for good, harm, or just for fun.

That’s the world we live in now. The best way to steer things in the right direction is to create best practices and foster global communities that encourage responsible innovation. We have to build in a cultural mindset—a kind of organizational change management (OCM) approach—so that creators think proactively about what their tools can do and how they might be misused.

Encouraging diversity of thought and embedding ethics into development cycles from day one is key. Without that, we’re always playing catch-up. We need to shift from reactive to proactive, and that starts with education, transparency, and collaboration.

Sahota: There will always be bad actors at the end of the day. That is just a reality of the world. They will keep doing what they do, and the rest of us will be left shocked or scrambling. But we have to get better at anticipating what those people might do.

I remember during the COVID-19 pandemic when hospitals were already overwhelmed and healthcare workers exhausted, there were cyberattacks where people took over hospital electrical systems and shut down power unless a ransom was paid. That’s hitting during a crisis—when lives are on the line, and people are already under extreme stress. We have to plan for that kind of malicious behaviour in advance. We should have anticipated it and built safeguards beforehand.

Proactive thinking is the only way to be successful and limit the damage that bad actors can cause.

Jacobsen: Who else should I interview about AI and ethics, ether within the United Nations or internationally? 

Sahota: You should definitely talk to Fred, who leads the AI for Good initiative at the UN’s ITU agency now. He’s a great person—very thoughtful and deeply involved in global AI governance. He is also extremely busy, but if you remind me, I can contact him and see if his communications staff can help coordinate an interview for you.

Jacobsen: That would be great, thank you.

Sahota: Absolutely. He’s worth speaking to. There’s also someone in China who’s quite involved, but I don’t think they’d be willing to talk to you right now, given the current tensions between China and the West.

Jacobsen: Even Canada?

Sahota: Yes, ironically, people don’t realize it, but China has been pushing for global regulations around AI. Despite the perception, they’re concerned, too. Back in 2020–2022, U.S.–China relations were quite strained. They weren’t talking to each other about much of anything—except for one thing: AI.

The Chinese government clarified to the U.S. administration, “Look, we’ve got issues, but we need to talk about AI. We must work together to figure out some baseline regulations, or this thing will spiral out of control.” That’s telling—it was the only open line of communication at the time.

Jacobsen: That is very telling. Is AI truly autonomous at this point? Is it autonomous in the way we often hear it described? Or are we misunderstanding what that word really means?

Sahota: You definitely misunderstand it. We tend to throw around terms like AGI—Artificial General Intelligence—and ANI—Artificial Narrow Intelligence. AGI refers to a self-thinking machine that might say, “I have nothing to do right now; I’m bored. I think I’ll teach myself how to fly a helicopter.” That’s a system that acts on its own without human direction.

But AGI does not exist today. I only know of two people who are actively working on it. And if you talk to them, they’ll tell you we are likely decades—perhaps hundreds or even a thousand years—away from reaching true AGI. Part of the issue is cost. Part of it is that we don’t fully understand how consciousness or the human brain works.

Jacobsen: Are we making a fundamental mistake by using the human brain as the benchmark?

Sahota: That’s a great question. It’s human nature to use what we understand as a model. And right now, the brain is our best-known model of intelligence. But that doesn’t mean it’s the best model for artificial intelligence. We haven’t explored—or fully validated—any better alternatives yet.

This is why I often say that AI is the only tool you can ask how to use it better. Some people are now thinking: if we know what we know about consciousness, could we teach that to an AI and then ask if there’s a better model than the brain?

I like to compare it to the history of flight. For centuries, humans have tried to fly by imitating birds—flapping wings, gliding, and trying to mimic nature. It never really worked. Eventually, people realized that flight was not about replicating wings but about understanding aerodynamics. It took the Wright brothers, who were bicycle mechanics, to figure it out. They cracked the code not by imitating birds, but by thinking differently. In the same way, we may need to stop trying to mimic the brain and start building a different model altogether.

We could not generate enough power with the early models of flight. If you think about a kite, it is really about gliding. The early fascination with flight was all about gliding through the air—like with hot air balloons.

The Wright brothers were bicycle engineers. They were obsessed with glide, but they were also engineers who understood air resistance, friction, and mechanical balance. They took the principles of bicycle construction and applied them to flight, not through policy or theory but through practical innovation. That is how they cracked the code.

So, maybe there is a better moAI deal than the human brain. Maybe we just haven’t discovered it yet. But with enough time and investment, we may determine what that better model could be.

Jacobsen: What will help increase or maintain trust in AI development and its ethical frameworks, both within the United Nations and among member states?

Sahota: The big key is transparency.

It sounds simple, but it is one of the most neglected parts of AI development. Developers need to be transparent about how they train their training data, define their “ground truth,” and make decisions. Even just building in explainable AIcan make a huge difference.

It blows my mind how many companies and organizations still do not include explainability. However, it is possible to design an AI system that can explain the logic behind its conclusions and how it arrived at a decision. Without that, we are left scratching our heads and wondering where the result came from. With explainability, at least you can say, “Oh, okay, I see how it got there,” or, “Whoa—that is not right; something in the training data is off.”

That level of transparency builds trust. It is a cornerstone of responsible AI—specifically, explainable AI. Understanding the process makes people more likely to trust the outcome.

Even disclosing the composition of the AI development team—their background, diversity, and areas of expertise—can help. It shows a breadth of thought in the process, which alone increases public confidence in the tools being built.

Jacobsen: Excellent. Neil, thank you so much again today for your expertise and your time. I truly appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Everywhere Insiders 22: Russian Threats, NATO Readiness, Drone Warfare, and Global Leadership at the UN

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/17

Irina Tsukerman is a human rights and national security attorney based in New York and Connecticut. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in National and Intercultural Studies and Middle East Studies from Fordham University in 2006, followed by a Juris Doctor from Fordham University School of Law in 2009. She operates a boutique national security law practice. She serves as President of Scarab Rising, Inc., a media and security strategic advisory firm. Additionally, she is the Editor-in-Chief of The Washington Outsider, which focuses on foreign policy, geopolitics, security, and human rights. She is actively involved in several professional organizations, including the American Bar Association’s Energy, Environment, and Science and Technology Sections, where she serves as Program Vice Chair in the Oil and Gas Committee. She is also a member of the New York City Bar Association. She serves on the Middle East and North Africa Affairs Committee and affiliates with the Foreign and Comparative Law Committee.

In this in-depth interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Tsukerman discusses NATO’s readiness amid Russian aggression, Europe’s deterrence dilemmas, and the U.S. military’s strategic pivot toward drone warfare. Speaking with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Tsukerman highlights Europe’s hesitation to escalate, Russia’s exploitation of ambiguity, and the West’s lag in defense deliveries. She also critiques the UN Climate Summit’s lack of follow-through, noting hypocrisy and inefficiency among global powers. Addressing U.S. absence from the UN Universal Periodic Review, she underscores the costs of disengagement and the need for structural reform within international institutions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: A German Armed Forces commander says Russia could mount a limited strike on NATO at any time, and he has urged readiness.

They see a Russian attack as within the realm of possibility and view the recent round of nuclear threats as part of a broader war of intimidation. Lieutenant General Alexander Sollfrank told Reuters that Russia could theoretically launch a limited attack on NATO territory “at any time.” In separate remarks reported elsewhere, he said Russia has enough main battle tanks to make a limited attack “as early as tomorrow.” My assessment: They mean more than urgent readiness. If you’re saying they can attack tomorrow, you mean wartime readiness. Any thoughts?

Irina Tsukerman: From what I’ve observed during recent travels to Europe, as well as through conversations with various experts and daily observations, all of this is deeply concerning and consistent with Russia’s potential ability to strike. A lot depends on its level of desperation. The trajectory in Ukraine remains hard-fought and fluid, with periodic Russian gains and ongoing pressure on Russia’s energy security from Ukrainian strikes.

The United States has said it is not, for now, considering a deal that would allow Ukraine to obtain long-range Tomahawk missiles for use against Russia. (Discussions have been reported, but the current public position is “not considering for now.”)

Across Europe, governments are grappling with immediate—not theoretical—problems. Belgium has faced a surge of unidentified drone overflights disrupting airports, military sites, and sensitive infrastructure; authorities convened the National Security Council and announced plans to shoot down suspicious drones and create a National Air Security Center.

Jacobsen: You noted that active deterrence can blunt further encroachment. A relevant example frequently cited is Turkey’s 2015 shootdown of a Russian Su-24 near the Syria–Turkey border after what Ankara said was a 17-second airspace violation (the “17 seconds” refers to the duration of the incursion, not the response time). There has not been a similar incident since.

Tsukerman: European officials often give several reasons for caution: insufficient counter-drone capacity or cost concerns; incursions occurring over civilian hubs with higher collateral-damage risk; and the desire to avoid escalation. Romania, for instance, tracked a Russian drone in its airspace on September 13, 2025; permission to shoot it down was granted, but pilots refrained to avoid potential collateral damage.

At the other end of the spectrum, Poland has taken a more proactive posture. On September 10, 2025, Poland shot down multiple drones that entered its airspace during a large Russian attack on Ukraine—widely described as the first time a NATO member fired during the war—and invoked Article 4 for consultations.

Overall—and with exceptions such as Poland—the debate in Europe is about calibrating deterrence while managing escalation risks.

The British partnership on that front remains ongoing. There has not been a concrete, announced policy on definitively taking down Russian objects in the event of an incursion. So there is no clear policy. Of course, a strike is different from an incursion. An incursion can be considered a provocation without necessarily being interpreted as an act of war, even if it is meant as one by Russia. However, a strike on a country’s sovereign territory is absolutely, and without question, an act of war. If that happens, perhaps NATO as a whole would take more decisive action.

We have seen that after the drone attacks on Poland, NATO Air Forces mobilized fairly quickly. So it is not that there is a shortage of resources or that they are incapable of responding to a strike. Nevertheless, many questions remain. If that strike is self-contained and not part of a repetitive attack, will the country still feel the need to respond in that case? If the airstrike is offensive but incidental to a broader attack aimed at Ukraine, are they still going to intervene? How are they going to interpret incidental damage, such as the drone attacks that were initially interpreted as incidental—even though they later turned out not to be?

A lot of questions remain, and much depends on each country, because many NATO members still reserve the right to an individual response without necessarily engaging all of NATO. The overall dynamic is not particularly inspiring. The overall message to Russia is, at best, unclear. The strategic ambiguity is not in Europe’s favor because these countries seem to be hedging on the side of caution rather than on the side of a strategically overwhelming response. At worst, there will be only a partial or limited response, ranging from an overflight or sharply worded collective statement to a purely defensive measure, such as imposing a no-fly zone above European countries, without necessarily responding with an act of aggression against the Russian Air Force or Russian territory.

Russia is counting on exactly that—this unwillingness to escalate—partly due to the fact that many European weapons ordered for self-defense have still not been delivered. They have a few years before those deliveries are completed, typically two to five years on average. Internal decision-making processes are also extremely slow. Russia has been trying to stir up anti-war sentiment, and all of this presents a posture that appears far from unified from the perspective of an external aggressor.

Jacobsen: The U.S. Army has planned to buy about one million drone units to accelerate its unmanned capabilities. According to U.S. Army Secretary Christine Wormuth, the procurement is expected to occur over the next two to three years, with a refined estimate of between half a million and one million annually in the years to follow. Any thoughts?

Tsukerman: Yes, it is part of the broader “dronification” of the American military apparatus. The Pentagon is trying to learn from the war in Ukraine and from the fact that drone warfare has become such an integral part of this combined conventional and asymmetrical battlefield. That said, no war is ever going to be exactly the same. It would be a mistake to overemphasize drones to the exclusion of other domains, such as naval warfare, which the U.S. military is also trying to address to the best of its abilities. At the same time, it would be equally mistaken to underestimate the growing role of drones in the contemporary battlefield and the effort to minimize human risk and reduce the cost to both lives and infrastructure—an evolution that appears to define the direction modern warfare is taking.

The fact that this particular war has become an unprecedented testing ground for drone warfare does not mean that future conflicts in different terrains will not revolutionize other aspects of military capability unrelated to drones. Much will depend on who is involved and under what circumstances such escalations occur. For now, it makes sense to diversify U.S. capabilities with the most battle-tested contemporary technologies, including drones, while keeping other options open and closely following emerging trends—whether they are being tested in this conflict or in other regions where the United States is likely to be either a participant or a supporter.

We have clearly seen that drones have already influenced U.S. domestic considerations, given the number of unexplained aerial sightings in recent years, including under the current administration. Similar incidents have occurred among close U.S. allies such as the United Kingdom. From a defensive perspective alone, it makes sense to view drones as an integral part of expanded military capabilities. Whether drones will take on a central role, or remain complementary or equal to other aspects of modern warfare, remains to be seen.

Jacobsen: Turning to another major topic—at the UN Climate Summit, world leaders have gathered once again. There have been repeated statements over the years that time is short, that anthropogenic climate change is real, and that the physics of it are non-negotiable. UN Secretary-General António Guterres opened the summit by warning that the world risks exceeding the key benchmark of 1.5 degrees Celsius—or 2.7 degrees Fahrenheit—above pre-industrial levels, as outlined in the Paris Agreement. He called it “a moral failure and deadly negligence,” emphasizing that even a temporary overshoot would have dramatic consequences: every fraction of a degree higher means more hunger, displacement, and loss.

Regardless of one’s stance toward the UN, the statement reflects a physical reality: as the planet warms, extreme weather events are becoming more severe, which should be an increasing concern, particularly for those already vulnerable to environmental instability. What are your thoughts on this meeting, on that statement, and on the roles of China, the United States, and India—the three largest emitters?

Tsukerman: First of all, all three countries are attempting, to varying degrees, to diversify their energy sources. Even China—while still expanding its coal capacity—is also investing heavily in renewable and green energy technologies. India faces significant pressure but has been developing its nuclear energy sector and is a recognized leader in certain areas of nuclear innovation. The United States, while the Trump administration has been skeptical of some forms of green energy such as wind and solar, is simultaneously pushing forward investments in nuclear energy, including small modular reactors (SMRs).

So, it would be inaccurate to say that the three top emitters intend to remain polluters indefinitely. Economically and logistically, however, the full transition will take time. Each of these countries faces different domestic challenges and priorities that shape the pace and scale of their shift toward cleaner energy systems.

Achieving an adequate combination of energy security and economic power is essential for any country to successfully adapt to new forms of energy. That is the best-case scenario. In many countries, however, they cannot afford to make the switch or are constrained by geography—by what they can import versus what they can produce or sustain locally.

These logistical issues will remain serious concerns, and they intersect with the fact that different climatic events affect regions differently. Some island nations are in danger of being overrun by rising waters, while other parts of the world—particularly in the Middle East and parts of South and Southeast Asia—face extreme water shortages as their primary concern.

There is no one-size-fits-all solution for the needs of the countries most affected by these climatic changes. There need to be specific, issue-focused task forces established to address regional problems based on the actual needs of those regions, rather than on theoretical global standards devised in distant institutions that may have little connection to the immediate realities these nations face.

Equally important, we have seen in the past that these international gatherings tend to be heavy on words and light on tangible commitments or follow-through. For example, under President Biden, the United States pledged $500 million in climate assistance to African nations, but those funds were never delivered—neither to Egypt nor to any other intended recipients in Africa. These kinds of unfulfilled promises undermine confidence and reinforce skepticism, both about the sincerity of the policymakers and about the feasibility of their proposed solutions.

It also does not help when many leaders attending these summits arrive in private jets, directly contradicting the sustainability message they promote. That fuels global cynicism toward both the cause and those claiming to champion it. As a result, any progress toward coherent, actionable policy is likely to be slow and uneven.

The fact that multiple deadly conflicts have erupted in recent years has also displaced some of the global attention and urgency surrounding climate change, particularly in regions that are not experiencing the most immediate or catastrophic effects. There is a real need to balance rhetoric and foresight with situational awareness—recognizing other pressing needs, the impact of policies on different economic groups, and how such pronouncements are interpreted by the media, civil society, and adversarial forces.

Adversarial actors have used “climate panic” as a tool—to sabotage infrastructural projects, undermine domestic energy security, or push counterproductive agendas that do not help those most at risk. In some cases, the panic itself becomes weaponized, fostering moral hysteria and political polarization. None of that helps the people who are facing immediate danger.

Let us not forget that while human contributions to climate change deserve attention, and defensive measures to assist affected populations are necessary regardless of cause, there are also deliberate policies that inflict environmental harm for political ends. For example, countries such as Iran have engaged in ecologically destructive damming practices that redirect water away from critical regions, or have polluted vital ecosystems through negligence or intentional policy choices.

While much of the global conversation about climate change focuses on the greenhouse effect and carbon emissions, there are numerous other, more immediate actions that can be taken to prevent environmental degradation and mitigate additional threats that are already unfolding in vulnerable areas.

Jacobsen: The United States did not participate in the mandatory Universal Periodic Review, which scrutinizes the human rights record of UN member states. For context, this process occurs every four to five years and is a central mechanism of accountability within the UN system. Almost every member state takes part. The absence of the U.S. is striking. What are your thoughts on this non-attendance?

Tsukerman: I am not particularly surprised. The Trump administration has demonstrated a consistent hostility toward the United Nations, which was clear at the last UN General Assembly opening session. Avoiding UN-related gatherings appears to be part of a broader pattern. The U.S. ambassador to the UN has also been focused on more immediate and region-specific issues—for instance, recent discussions with Palestinian representatives regarding Gaza reconstruction and transition planning.

That said, if the U.S. is not at the table, decisions will be made without its participation—and likely without its agreement. That is the price of absence. Even when such decisions are slow to be implemented or largely rhetorical, the influence of those who are present shapes the international narrative and direction.

Of course, the U.S. cannot be everywhere at once, and in some cases, its absence signals a message: do not rely on the U.S. to pay for or lead every global initiative. There is an implicit call for other nations and international bodies to streamline bureaucracy and take more ownership of problem-solving.

Even China has become increasingly skeptical—not only of the political aspects of UN activities but also of their administrative inefficiencies. The UN as an institution faces a serious credibility deficit. Instead of reacting with surprise to the Trump administration’s multilateral disengagement—which has been explicit and consistent—the international community might do better to focus on addressing the UN’s structural challenges.

Reform is urgently needed: issues of cost, resource allocation, effectiveness, political roadblocks, and bureaucratic bottlenecks are mounting. If the UN is to remain relevant and effective, it must take concrete steps to resolve these internal problems and rebuild confidence in its capacity to act decisively.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Irina. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Selah Getahun on Building Community: Settlement Services, Crisis Response, and Ethiopian Heritage in Toronto

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/17

Selah Getahun, Executive Director of the Ethiopian Association in the Greater Toronto Area, discusses the organization’s role in supporting Ethiopian immigrants. The association provides settlement services, crisis response, and senior programs while advocating cultural integration. Getahun envisions expanding services to include youth centers and childcare facilities, elevating the association to meet Canadian service standards. He also champions Ethiopian Heritage Month to integrate Ethiopian culture into Canada’s multicultural identity. The association organizes major events like the Ethiopian Day Festival and Adwa Victory Day, celebrating Ethiopian history and resilience. Getahun remains committed to supporting newcomers and fostering community development.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are with Selah Getahun, the Executive Director of the Ethiopian Association in the Greater Toronto Area and Surrounding Region (EAGTA SR). It is a community-focused organization empowering Ethiopian Canadians through social, cultural, and settlement services. With a strong background in leadership and advocacy, Salah works to facilitate the integration of Ethiopian immigrants while preserving their rich cultural heritage. Under his guidance, the organization has expanded its outreach, supporting newcomers, fostering community development, and addressing key social challenges. Passionate about social justice and community empowerment, Salah plays a pivotal role in bridging gaps between Ethiopian Canadians and broader Canadian society, including through interviews like this one, ensuring meaningful support systems and resources are available for individuals and families in need. So, thank you for joining me today. I appreciate it. What inspired the establishment of the Ethiopian Association? It has been around for several decades—since 1980—though people may not be aware of that. How has its mission evolved, or how have its targeted objectives changed as it has expanded its services and commitments?

Getahun: Thank you so much for having me on this platform.

The inspiration for establishing the Ethiopian Association, specifically in the Greater Toronto Area but generally in Ontario and Canada, was to create a pathway for integrating Ethiopians. The vast majority—almost 90% or more—are refugees of conflict, arriving with trauma, numerous challenges, language barriers, and culture shock, often without anywhere to turn. The organization was founded to facilitate the integration of Ethiopian immigrants and refugees into Canadian society. However, it was also highly engaged as a diasporic organization in addressing issues back home.

Integration has traditionally been difficult within the Ethiopian community, as we tend to form close-knit community groups. When Ethiopian immigrants meet, they often gravitate toward Ethiopian spaces—such as Ethiopian restaurants—and the first topic of discussion, whether positive or negative, is often events occurring back home. Over past decades, much of this discussion has centred around war and supporting those affected.

That is how the association was created, established, and has operated over time. More recently, however, our focus has shifted more directly toward assisting Ethiopians arriving in Canada. In one way or another, we are supporting individuals who have been victims of war, conflict, and injustice in Ethiopia, and the number of those in need has grown exponentially. We are committed to doing our part to support Ethiopians in need.

Jacobsen: And for people who don’t have the experience of being refugees or asylum seekers—those who come to a new country under peaceful circumstances—even if they meet the language requirements, that is often still insufficient. They may be able to get by, but there are still challenges. So, what services do people from various backgrounds generally need most?

Getahun: Yes, we do not restrict our services only to refugees or people fleeing conflicts. No matter the circumstances under which they arrive, as long as they are immigrants seeking assistance, we provide services to them.

Jacobsen: What are the services?

Getahun: The number one service is settlement services. When we say “settlement,” what does it mean to arrive in Canada? Where can newcomers find essential services? For example, we guide them if they need healthcare, a bank, language training, education, or job training—anything related to newcomer integration or settlement. Housing is a key part of this, and while Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) supports these services, we are not directly funded by IRCC. However, some institutions, particularly in the Greater Toronto Area, receive IRCC funding to provide such services.

We assess what newcomers need. If we can provide the service directly, we do. If they require referrals, we connect them to the appropriate organizations. For example, if someone needs language training, we refer them to settlement provider organizations that offer it. We connect them with relevant services if they seek housing or shelter.

Additionally, we assist them if they need to apply for government support but lack access to computers or the necessary resources. We mobilize community resources, including professionals and volunteers, to help them complete government forms and secure services.

Another major area we address is crisis response. This applies not only to newcomers but also to long-time residents. Many face mental health and wellness challenges or medical emergencies. There may be accidents or other urgent situations, and we have a dedicated committee to intervene. We assist in navigating healthcare, translation services, legal support, and more. Our crisis intervention services ensure that those in need receive timely help.

We also provide services for seniors. Many individuals who helped establish this organization nearly 50 years ago are now elderly. They face risks of isolation and mental health challenges. To support them, we offer a gathering space every two weeks where they can engage in physical stretching, playing games, reading books, storytelling, and participating in book clubs. This platform fosters social connections and helps combat loneliness.

Beyond that, we connect seniors with additional community programs and service providers tailored to their needs.

Another key program we offer is education and awareness through weekly seminars. These seminars cover a wide range of topics and provide crucial information and resources to our community members.

As I mentioned, those topics range from newcomer integration to various tailored issues. We invite professionals based on the time, the topic, and the agenda. For example, this past  month, we focused on Black History related topics; next month, we will focus on womens’ rights as a theme. We bring in experts who are well-versed in these subjects, along with community organizations. For instance, we hosted a Black community health organization providing a culturally informed healthcare approach.

In our culture, discussing mental wellness and mental health has historically been, and still is a taboo subject. Culturally informed approaches are essential to addressing these challenges effectively. During these seminars, people gather in our community space in person, creating a platform for networking, newcomer integration, mentorship, and support.

Additionally, we serve as part of the sponsorship agreement holders with IRCC, facilitating resettlement services for those outside their home countries. This primarily includes Ethiopians and Eritreans in Uganda, Kenya, the Middle East, and refugee camps in various regions. IRCC has a program that allows people to sponsor refugees, and we act as the institutional sponsor, processing applications and assisting in the arrival of sponsored individuals from these camps.

Jacobsen: Forty-four years, if my math is correct. That’s a long time. When supporting individuals, most organizations handle several hundred or even several thousand cases. Some cases must stand out. Are there any noteworthy support stories we should highlight in this conversation?

Getahun: The organization is a little older than me! I joined only a few months ago, so I have not been here throughout its entire history, but we hear stories.

For example, we have a community building owned by the organization. It has a very interesting history, particularly in how it was purchased and later saved from bankruptcy. At one point, the organization struggled to pay the mortgage and maintain the space. However, generous individuals who believed in the value of community services stepped up. They became co-signers and guarantors to help preserve the building.

We are one of the few institutions in Toronto with a dedicated community space. As you know, finding a location for gatherings or community services in the city is extremely difficult—not to mention the cost of living itself. That story stands out because it highlights the importance of this space for people to come, receive services, be referred to resources, or even just sit and work in a supportive environment.

Another significant aspect of our work is our consistent and ongoing support for internally displaced people back home.

Almost everyone has a family member back home when we provide services here. So, whenever there is conflict, drought, or instability—when people are internally displaced within Ethiopia—the community comes together to gather support, whether in cash, clothing, or food, and sends it back.

Even since I joined, I have witnessed four or five rounds of support efforts for people displaced by the internal war in Ethiopia, all made possible through community contributions. Our organization might not always be at the forefront of facilitating these efforts. Still, the people within our community take the initiative. They come together, announce the need, and mobilize resources. It’s a story that is both sad and hopeful because of the recurring cycles of conflict but hopeful because people never lose their willingness to help and support each other.

Jacobsen: Do you build that sense of community through cultural heritage events, music, or casual gatherings? What tends to be most popular within the community, such as barbecues and small festivals in the park?

Getahun: We have two major annual festivals that are extremely popular and large-scale.

One is the Ethiopian Day Festival, a two-day event held over the Labor Day weekend. Ethiopia follows its own calendar, and we are currently in 2017. We maintain this tradition by celebrating the Ethiopian New Year on September 11.

The world has many different calendars, and ours begins in September. We host a vibrant, carnival-style festival in a large public park in Toronto to mark this. Since it’s summertime, the event is colourful and full of life. For two full days, there is dance, music, food, cultural showcases, and performances by major Ethiopian artists from Ethiopia and the diaspora.

The festival is filled with fun activities, and the estimated attendance is around 5,000 people.

Jacobsen: That’s a lot! That’s a big crowd for Toronto. Where do you host it to accommodate that many people?

Getahun: We host it in Christie Pits Park, a large public park. However, given how popular the event has grown, we are now looking for an even bigger space for future celebrations.

This festival has been running for about 25 years, and the association has hosted it annually. It’s an incredible event. I had just started working here when we celebrated this year’s New Year, and it was truly magnificent.

That’s one of our major festivals. The other is Victory Day—specifically, Adwa Victory Day.

Jacobsen: What is Victory Day?

Getahun: Adwa Victory Day commemorates a defining moment in Ethiopian history. During the Scramble for Africa in the late 19th century, European powers divided Africa among themselves, and Italy was designated as the colonial ruler of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia successfully defended its independence against the aggression of Italian invaders—or, more accurately, colonialist invaders. It was a one-day war.

The Italians underestimated the strength and capability of the Ethiopian people. The mainstream media does not widely cover this because it is a shameful defeat for a colonizing power. The battle took place on March 2, 1896 and Ethiopians commemorate that day as Adwa Victory Day, named after the location of the battle.

We have a major event planned for March 2. If I could show you the flyer, we are hosting a large indoor event since it’s winter.

It will be a half-day commemoration featuring a theatrical performance about the king, the queen, and war generals who marched to defend Ethiopia’s sovereignty. A York University professor will present how the victory at Adwa inspired independence movements across Africa and the rest of the world, where many countries were still under colonial rule.

We also have numerous songs about the victory, and a live musical performance will be on stage. The event will feature traditional dance, poetry, spoken word, and an overall atmosphere of inspiration, commemoration, and glorification of the Victory at Adwa.

Jacobsen: I actually looked this up because I wanted to make sure I got it right. In comparison to the Gregorian calendar, the Ethiopian calendar starts on Meskerem 1, which falls on September 11 or September 12, depending on the year.

It is seven to eight years behind the Gregorian calendar because of differences in calculating the birth year of Jesus Christ. So technically, Ethiopia is seven years younger than the rest of the world.

That must spark endless hermeneutical and theological debates between those who follow the Gregorian calendar and those who follow the Ethiopian calendar. But that’s a whole other conversation. I should bring in an expert to discuss it.

Jacobsen: So, what are your hopes for 2025 for this organization?

Getahun: This organization has experienced both great achievements and significant challenges. I am the youngest leader in the community organization and bring energy, expertise, and vision.

My vision is to elevate this association to meet the Canadian standard of service provision for our community. Some community organizations have highly structured and well-established services—not just language training or settlement support but comprehensive resources for their members.

For example, some have youth centers where young people can play volleyball, engage in innovation and AI training, and participate in other developmental programs. There are spaces for mothers to access childcare while they work.

There are also facilities where people can relax and enjoy themselves, including swimming pools, event spaces, gyms, spas, and more. My vision is to create a fully equipped community center where Ethiopians can access a complete range of services.

That is one aspect—the physical infrastructure.

The second part of my vision is cultural integration.

Canada is a multicultural country by law, and Ethiopian culture is rich, deep, and vibrant. However, it has never been fully integrated into the Canadian cultural mosaic.

We have nearly 50,000 Ethiopians here—so why shouldn’t Canada embrace and recognize Ethiopian culture?

To advance this, we are working to register September as Ethiopian Heritage Month in the province of Ontario. September is significant because it is filled with major Ethiopian holidays. We have already made progress in the process and expect the proclamation to be finalized by 2025.

Once this is achieved, September will officially be a time for celebrating Ethiopian culture in Canada, ensuring it becomes a recognized part of the broader Canadian identity.

In summary, these are the key things I envision for this association and Ethiopians here.

Jacobsen: And by 2025, you mean 2017 [Laughing]!

Getahun: Yes!

Jacobsen: Selah, it was nice to meet you. Thank you for your time.

Getahun: All right. Thanks so much. Have a good day.

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Victor Vieth: Education, Theology, and Ending Child Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/16

Victor Vieth is Chief Program Officer, Education & Research, at Zero Abuse Project, where he leads training, research, and policy to prevent and respond to child maltreatment. A former Senior Director and founding director of the National Child Protection Training Center at Gundersen, he has spent 38 years advancing multidisciplinary investigation, prosecution, and survivor-centered care. Vieth developed national curricula, consults on complex cases, and helped launch trauma-informed spiritual care through the Center for Faith & Child Protection and Children’s Advocacy Centers. A lawyer and theologian, he writes and speaks on evidence-based prevention, child-friendly courts, and the ethics of institutional accountability.

In this interview, Victor Vieth argues that protecting children begins with a moral commitment backed by vigorous policy and education for staff, parents, and youth. He critiques narrow CDC-only approaches, urging responses that address all forms of maltreatment. Vieth distinguishes situational from preferential offenders, explains how religious authority can be weaponized, and calls for theological engagement and limits on clergy-penitent confidentiality. He rejects porn-centric explanations, emphasizes trauma-informed practice, and says small congregations can implement low-cost safeguards. Vieth highlights CAC–chaplain models, referrals to accredited providers, and experts to counter institutional self-protection, noting research showing lower abuse rates where policies are enforced.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We’re here with Victor Vieth, the Chief Program Officer for Education and Research at the Zero Abuse Project. You were previously the Senior Director and founding director of the National Child Protection Training Center (NCPTC) at Gundersen, a multidisciplinary child-protection and training center.

When we think about protecting children—and this applies to both secular settings and religious institutions—what are the overarching principles of protection based on the rights of the child?

Victor Vieth: The institution has to have a moral compass that places the protection of children as a high priority. If you implement policies simply to lower insurance rates or avoid lawsuits, you’re already on the wrong path. There must be a genuine conviction that the protection of children is a core priority of the organization.

With that foundation, you should reach out to child-abuse experts—not lawyers or insurance companies whose focus is on reducing liability, but professionals whose mission is to prevent abuse or, when prevention isn’t possible, to respond effectively. Most experts would begin with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) standards for child-protection policies, which include several categories, each with additional guidelines.

However, experienced child-abuse experts would also note that the CDC guidelines are inadequate because they focus too narrowly on preventing sexual abuse within organizations. This leaves unprotected children who are being sexually abused in their own homes and completely ignores those who are being physically beaten, emotionally abused, witnessing violence, or being tortured.

Ironically, if we fail to address all forms of abuse, we cannot even achieve the narrower goal of preventing sexual abuse within organizations. Children who are abused at home—especially those who experience multiple forms of abuse, known as polyvictims—are more likely to exhibit visible signs of trauma. Research shows that polyvictims are more likely to become clear targets, and sex offenders are skilled at identifying those signs of trauma and exploiting them to violate the child again.

That’s a general overview. I would add that, by far, the most important policy is education. If you’re part of a youth organization, everyone who works with children must receive annual training—basic or advanced—in recognizing and responding to signs of trauma, understanding why policies exist, and enforcing them consistently.

Training should also include how to respond if a child makes an outcry. Each year, there should also be personal-safety education for the youth, because research and common sense show that when children are educated, they’re more likely to recognize when they’re in danger, to back away, or to seek help from a parent or another trusted adult. They’re also less likely to fall prey to the lies offenders use.

Parents need education as well, because sex offenders not only groom victims—they also groom parents. The good news, Scott, is that when you implement all these measures, research shows that you significantly reduce the risk of child sexual abuse. If you fall short of these standards, the status quo remains. We know what to do, and if we have the moral backbone to act, we can achieve real progress for children.

Jacobsen: Two things come to mind there. You mentioned sexual abuse at the end. The organization is called the Zero Abuse Project, which implies a broad purpose. Sexual abuse is obviously a very serious and important form, but there’s also a wider, clinically recognized set of abuses now. I assume some or all of these are relevant to children as well. What other forms does this methodology address—does it cover all of them, or do certain types of abuse require specific approaches to achieve greater reductions? What do we know about what works best in education? What approaches are most effective, and which absolutely do not work?

Vieth: First of all, Zero Abuse Project is focused on addressing all forms of abuse. To my knowledge, we’re the only national organization that actually has a concrete, peer-reviewed plan to achieve the goal of significantly reducing—and ultimately ending—child abuse in the United States. We can’t reduce any single form of abuse unless we’re prepared to reduce all of them, because two-thirds of maltreated children fit into multiple categories of abuse.

The answer to your question is that education is, hands down, the most effective approach—and from education flows everything else. In terms of what doesn’t work, ineffective approaches are rooted in ignorance and myth.

I’m consulting on a case right now where a teacher was arrested for possessing a large number of child sexual-abuse images on his electronic devices. The school naively assumed this must be related to pornography and the growing use of pornography in our culture. So their response was to educate parents on how to talk to their kids about pornography. That’s a mistake. Pornography certainly causes harm—it can promote aggression toward women, depict sex unrealistically, and trigger unhealthy neurological responses—but it is not a driving factor in the sexual abuse of children.

When people jump to conclusions without evidence, they end up with no results—or worse, harmful results. If you know what you’re doing, you can implement good policies and effective responses. If you don’t, and you fail to seek guidance from experts, you quickly go down the wrong path.

Jacobsen: Given the familial grooming factors that often occur with abusers, it seems there’s a range of sophistication among offenders. Some may be driven by intelligence or by social sensitivity that they use for harmful purposes. What range are you aware of—from the incompetent criminals to those who are highly sophisticated, almost impossible to pin down?

Vieth: The minds of sex offenders are complex. Generally, we categorize them as either situational or preferential offenders.

Situational offenders are those who have fleeting thoughts about sexual contact with a child but do not usually act on those impulses unless certain conditions align. Policies and safeguards are most effective with this group because barriers can prevent them from acting on those thoughts.

Preferential offenders, on the other hand, are typically pedophiles—individuals whose primary sexual interest is in children. That condition is not curable. Treatment focuses instead on management. If someone is a pedophile who is primarily attracted to children, they don’t necessarily have to be particularly sophisticated to offend. It’s often not difficult for them to identify vulnerable targets.

They frequently focus on children who show signs of trauma—the “neon flashing lights” of victimization. They understand intuitively that if such a child makes an outcry, people are less likely to believe them because the child already faces multiple difficulties. Offenders are skilled at embedding themselves within institutions and appearing outwardly respectable. They know how to cultivate an image that discourages suspicion and often ensures support even if allegations arise.

Even those who are not well educated often have an intuitive understanding of how to operate undetected. That said, some offenders—particularly religious offenders—can be among the most successful. Research suggests that offenders in religious settings are often adept at using institutional trust, authority, and faith language to conceal or rationalize their behavior.

Just by the nature of being clergy or well-educated, many offenders in religious contexts have charisma. They’re articulate and skilled communicators. People freely entrust their children to them because they believe the rabbi, imam, Sunday school teacher, pastor, or priest is the “salt of the earth” and would never do anything nefarious.

Religious institutions often have the weakest policies—or no policies at all—so there are few barriers to abuse. Research shows that when an offender can incorporate religion into the abuse of a child, that form of grooming has a particularly profound impact in silencing the victim. It can also be used to manipulate the institution into protecting the offender or discouraging accountability.

NBC News published a major investigative report this quarter on abuse within the Assemblies of God, which powerfully underscored this dynamic.

Jacobsen: Building on that, we’ve touched on training already, but let’s go deeper into religious institutions. What are the preventable failure points in church abuse responses? You mentioned earlier the importance of having at least a policy—if not also a legal framework.

Vieth: The starting point, actually, is theological engagement. The reason is simple: clergy who are offenders often use theology both to facilitate the abuse and to justify weak or harmful responses.

If we fail to engage theologically, we end up with deeply flawed policies. Consider this example: if we say, “We need to keep children safe because it’s important to Jesus,” then within a Christian framework, we can recognize that Jesus was a descendant of at least three sexually exploited women, a near victim of child abuse himself—Herod tried to murder him.

Jesus was countercultural to his society. He said it would be better to have a millstone tied around one’s neck than to harm a child. He refused to exclude children, saying, “Do not keep them from me.” He declared that many religious leaders would be cast out on Judgment Day for failing to care for the least among us. He also rejected the Greco-Roman notion that children lack reason or worth, teaching instead that even infants can possess divine wisdom—hence the phrase “out of the mouths of babes.”

If you start from that theological foundation, you will naturally want vigorous child-protection policies. You won’t think narrowly about preventing only sexual abuse within your organization—something lawyers and insurers tend to focus on because that’s where lawsuits emerge. You’ll take a broader moral view: protecting all children from all forms of abuse within your congregation.

Another reason theological engagement is essential is that research shows clergy-perpetrated abuse has a uniquely damaging effect on victims’ spirituality. That spiritual damage often cascades into physical and mental health struggles. However, toxic theology can be countered and healed through trauma-informed theology—spiritual frameworks that restore meaning, agency, and dignity.

Survivors who develop a healthy spiritual equilibrium tend to do best overall—in mental health, physical well-being, and recovery outcomes. So the most important reform, which to my knowledge no faith community has seriously tackled, is genuine theological engagement with the topic of abuse. I actually have an article on this coming out in December in EBSAC (the Evangelical Biblical Society Academic Conference).

Jacobsen: It’s ironic. Within that theological frame, abuse might be described as a “spiritual ailment” or moral failing, yet it often takes years of legal action and massive settlements to bring accountability. For example, the Archdiocese of Los Angeles has paid well over a billion and a half dollars in settlements. So what begins as a spiritual problem often ends in a financial resolution—some form of justice, yes, but a tragic distortion of the moral framing. If you have any comments on that, I’ll follow with another question.

Vieth: It’s needless. I’ve been in this field for 38 years, and very few survivors actually want to sue their religious institution. What they want is justice, accountability, mercy, spiritual care, reform, strong policies, acknowledgment, and genuine apologies. When churches and faith communities refuse to provide those things, survivors often turn to the legal system out of frustration and anger. The result is large financial judgments—a reckoning brought on by the institutions themselves.

Jacobsen: How should faith leaders navigate clergy–penitent privilege in relation to mandatory reporting?

Vieth: As a theologian, I take the position that there is nothing in the Bible that mandates absolute confidentiality. You simply won’t find that in scripture. What you will find are strong commands from Jesus about protecting children at all costs.

In other helping professions—psychologists, doctors, social workers—we already recognize limits to confidentiality. Those limits include mandatory reporting laws, threats of harm to others, or risks of self-harm. In such cases, we bring in other professionals or authorities to ensure safety.

I don’t understand why some faith leaders insist on holding themselves to a lower moral standard than doctors or psychologists. Frankly, I believe that stance is sinful. In some cases, clergy know that an individual is a pedophile. The person might appear remorseful and say they feel terrible, but even a basic understanding of research tells us that pedophilia is not curable. That individual is likely to continue offending.

If a faith leader knowingly sends such a person back into the community—like a Jerry Sandusky–type predator—they may bear greater moral responsibility than the offender. The offender, after all, meets diagnostic criteria for a mental disorder. What is the religious leader’s excuse? Aren’t they more culpable? I wouldn’t want to stand before Jesus and try to justify that.

That’s my theological framework, and I approach it from a Lutheran perspective. I actually wrote an article about this. Not all Lutherans agree with me, but the good news is that the vast majority of faith leaders today acknowledge exceptions to absolute confidentiality in confession. They recognize that these communications are not universally protected from reporting, even within the Catholic Church, where there are some emerging exceptions.

Jacobsen: Are there distinguishing markers—patterns or prevention strategies—that differ across faith traditions? When abuse occurs, do certain denominations or religions tend to handle it better—or worse—based on their cultural or institutional contexts? Are there traditions that have more evidence-based or appropriate responses, compared to those with no policies at all?

Vieth: Yes. In conservative Protestant communities, for instance, there’s still a strong adherence to the belief that corporal punishment—hitting children with objects—is theologically required. That belief has significantly contributed to child physical abuse and even child homicides in the United States. It’s also driven many young people away from faith altogether, saying, “Wherever God is, He’s not in the church.”

By contrast, in the Catholic community, there’s generally been less of a theological justification for corporal punishment. Catholic parents may still use it, but they rarely cite scripture to defend it. As a result, we see far higher rates of corporal punishment—and thus child physical abuse—in conservative Protestant contexts than in Catholic or more progressive religious settings.

That won’t change until we change the theology. In terms of sexual abuse, it crosses all religious traditions. Research suggests that while sexual abuse within religious organizations remains a persistent problem, institutions that adopt vigorous protection policies experience measurable improvements. On average, they show about a 13 percent lower incidence of child sexual abuse compared to those without strong safeguards.

This data aligns with research by Dr. David Finkelhor and others, showing that institutions with comprehensive prevention policies—screening, education, and accountability—see significant reductions. The Catholic Church, for example, has developed some of the most stringent policies, largely because it has faced the greatest number of lawsuits and public scrutiny.

Jacobsen: Looking at the broader picture—the MeToo movement, the Larry Nassar cases, and abuse in religious contexts such as Catholic and Protestant institutions in North America—what are the common through lines across these settings?

Vieth: Whether we’re talking about the MeToo movement, ChurchToo, Hollywood abuse cases, or Larry Nassar and the U.S. gymnastics system, the core dynamics are remarkably similar. The contexts differ—celebrity culture versus organized religion versus youth sports—but the underlying phenomenology is the same: systematic abuse, institutional complicity, and profound trauma for victims.

One universal denominator—whether secular or faith-based—is institutional self-protection. Most people oppose child abuse in the abstract, but not necessarily when they encounter it within their own family, community, or institution. When the abuse threatens something they love or depend on, cognitive dissonance takes over.

If they know the offender personally, which is often the case, the mind blocks out the incriminating evidence and floods itself with memories of the offender’s good deeds. Without trauma-informed understanding, people may also misjudge victims. For instance, they may dismiss a survivor’s credibility if the survivor exhibits mental health symptoms, anger, or instability—when in fact those reactions are entirely consistent with trauma.

This brings us full circle: education remains the most critical remedy. We must educate ourselves about trauma, cognitive dissonance, and our own biases. When abuse allegations arise, an outside expert with no connection to the institution should be brought in to assess what’s really happening.

Jacobsen: Many survivors experience deep spiritual injury. What makes pastoral care appropriate in those cases?

Vieth: First and foremost, the survivor must want spiritual care. You never impose it. But for many survivors, spiritual care can be healing because the abuse itself involved toxic theology. Offenders often manipulate spiritual concepts to justify or conceal their actions.

They may tell a child, “When I touched you and you had a physical reaction, that means you’re equally sinful.” Or, “You have the devil inside you, that’s why I had to punish you.” Some even claim, “God gave you to me to fulfill this desire,” or they burden the child with crushing guilt—saying, “If you tell, you’ll destroy the church, you’ll hurt the faith community, and God will be angry with you.”

That kind of spiritual manipulation places an enormous theological weight on a child, sometimes a very young one. Yet despite that, many survivors maintain or rebuild a spiritual connection. Not all do—but many continue to seek meaning, integrity, and faith even after devastating betrayal.

Many survivors who still maintain a faith connection have profound questions. They ask, “I prayed and prayed and prayed. I begged God to stop the abuse, but it kept happening. Does that mean the offender was right—that I somehow deserved these consequences?” You can begin to undo that toxic theology with a healthier reading of sacred texts. It’s almost like cognitive behavioral therapy: how you think shapes your emotions, your emotions shape your actions, and by thinking differently—through a new lens of theology—your emotional and mental health can begin to heal.

Let me share an example. I consulted on a case involving a woman in her forties who told her psychologist, “There’s no hope for me. I’m destined for hell.” The therapist asked her to explain, and she said she grew up in one of the more conservative branches of Lutheranism. In that tradition, children don’t take communion until around age thirteen, based on the belief that the Eucharist is truly the body and blood of Christ. If you partake unworthily or without discernment, you risk eating and drinking judgment upon yourself.

Her father, who was her abuser, twisted that theological idea for his own purposes. He told her, “When you turn thirteen and start taking communion, I’ll stop touching you, because then Christ will be inside you.” She clung to that promise, believing communion would finally end her abuse.

The night before her first communion, her father raped her again. She said, “Dad, this is the last time. Tomorrow, I take communion.” He laughed and said, “There’s no God, honey. I just said that to keep you quiet. This will end when I no longer desire you.”

The next morning, filled with rage toward God, she went to church, spat in the communion cup, chewed the wafer violently, and said in her mind, “I hate you, Jesus. I hate you so much, and within an hour I’m going to flush you out of my life.”

Decades later, she was still convinced she had committed the unpardonable sin. But that belief was rooted in trauma, not theology. A trauma-informed pastor, working alongside her mental health provider, used a principle from Dr. Andrew Walker’s clinical research: the answer to bad theology is good theology.

They read the story of the crucifixion together. The victim said, “I see Roman soldiers spitting on Jesus, torturing Him to death.” The pastor asked, “And what does Jesus say to them?” She answered, “He says, ‘Father, forgive them. They don’t know what they’re doing.’”

Then the pastor turned it back to her: “If Jesus could forgive those soldiers for literally spitting on and mutilating His body, do you think the grace of God is big enough to forgive you for spitting in the communion cup at age thirteen—the morning after your father broke his promise and raped you again? Could God’s grace be that big?”

She paused and said, “I never thought of it that way. Maybe it could be.” And that was the beginning of healing. Through revisiting sacred texts, her toxic theology was replaced with something compassionate, grounded, and restorative. Her spiritual, emotional, and physical health improved.

We know what needs to be done, but almost no seminary in the United States teaches this kind of trauma-informed spiritual care. As a result, we have a large number of survivors who can’t turn to their faith leaders—because those leaders don’t know what trauma-informed care looks like—and they can’t always turn to therapists, because 82 percent of mental health professionals report having no formal training in spiritual care.

So many survivors are going it alone. I see them forming online communities, supporting each other, doing deep dives into their own sacred texts, and building new, healthier theologies on their own.

And I’ll add this: I have a seminary degree and have been faithful in attending worship for decades. But I’ve learned far more about God from survivors of abuse than I ever have from any Ph.D. theologian.

Jacobsen: When should clergy make referrals to clinicians? You’ve alluded to this a little already.

Vieth: Anytime it’s outside their area of expertise. Clergy need to stay in their lane—addressing the spiritual questions of survivors—but they’re not qualified to diagnose mental illness or manage acute psychological distress. If someone is engaging in self-harm, contemplating suicide, or considering violence toward another person, outside intervention becomes necessary.

They should also know in advance who the trauma-informed mental health and medical providers in their community are, because not every doctor or psychologist understands trauma dynamics. In the United States, I advise clergy to build relationships with their local Children’s Advocacy Centers—if they’re nationally accredited, they meet trauma-informed standards. Ask them: Who would you recommend I refer survivors to for mental health or medical support? Then have those referrals ready before meeting with survivors.

The bottom line: stay within your lane, and when something falls outside it, make a solid referral.

Jacobsen: Smaller congregations often lack staff and legal counsel. What would you consider a minimum viable safeguarding package?

Vieth: First, I reject the premise that small congregations can’t handle this. While they may have fewer resources, they can also adapt more quickly. It’s easier to gather the congregation and implement new policies. And most of the necessary measures aren’t complicated.

Start with basic volunteer screening. Provide simple education on recognizing red flags. Use free or low-cost online resources for personal safety training—there are many excellent ones. The key ingredient isn’t money; it’s will.

When I was a small-town prosecutor in the 1990s, our county had virtually no resources. Yet by 1996, we were leading all 87 Minnesota counties in substantiating abuse cases per 1,000 children. What we had were creativity, determination, and commitment to best practices. The same applies to small churches. Fewer layers of bureaucracy can actually be an advantage. No excuses—it can be done.

Jacobsen: What are the red flags of performative compliance? You know what needs to change institutionally, and you claim to be implementing those reforms. You make statements of compliance, but the substance isn’t there. So, outwardly you appear aligned with standards, but functionally little changes.

For example, think of the United Nations. There are powerful statements condemning war crimes—say, Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, following the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Many nations issue strong condemnations, resolutions are passed, but the real question is: what happens beyond the statements? Who’s providing humanitarian aid, defensive munitions, or tangible support to prevent further aggression?

There’s a difference between rhetoric and reality—the theater of compliance versus actual implementation. In your context, what are the equivalent warning signs that a religious institution is merely performing compliance rather than genuinely safeguarding?

Vieth: Theologically—at least in the Christian context—James says, “Faith without works is dead.” So I ask: have you truly changed your heart? Do you really believe this matters to God? Because if you do, the outpouring of that conviction will be visible. You’ll naturally develop strong safeguarding policies. You’ll follow up diligently. The good works will produce fruit.

You’ll see children empowered to seek help after receiving personal safety education. You’ll see adult survivors begin to approach their pastor about their trauma for the first time. Congregants will start correcting misinformation online and in conversations when they hear something that isn’t trauma-informed. The love of God will become visible throughout the ministry. Anyone with eyes will recognize: this is a safe, healing place.

I’ll give you an example. I worked with a Lutheran congregation in a community of about 25,000 people. They excelled. They preached about these issues openly, implemented every recommended policy, and grew—significantly. When I visited, word had already spread through the survivor community: Here’s a pastor who speaks about abuse in a trauma-informed way. Here’s a church that treats survivor care as sacred work.

They even built dedicated ministries for survivors of abuse. It became known locally as a theological refuge—the one place survivors felt safe in both spirit and body. Unfortunately, that pastor later accepted another call, and much of that progress faded. But I’ve seen many stories like this—instances where remarkable transformation really does occur.

Jacobsen: Final question: what have been legitimate examples of compliance and cooperation between faith communities and child protection teams?

Vieth: The best example is in Greenville, South Carolina. The Julie Valentine Center—one of the leading Children’s Advocacy Centers—partnered with us years ago to establish the nation’s first Children’s Advocacy Center chaplain.

Reverend Carrie Nettles serves as that chaplain. She’s part of the case review team and provides spiritual care when a child raises questions such as, “Am I still a virgin in God’s eyes?” She meets the child where they are spiritually—without proselytizing, without denominational barriers. She’s ecumenical, meaning she serves across traditions.

She also integrates spiritual care tools like Godly Play, which early evidence suggests can support healing. Carrie provides resources not just for children, but for their families as well. She also educates other clergy on what trauma-informed spiritual care looks like in practice.

For instance, if a Catholic survivor requests to see a priest, Carrie doesn’t refer them to just anyone. She finds a priest trained in trauma-informed ministry who knows how to coordinate with the Julie Valentine Center’s medical and mental health teams.

At least half a dozen Children’s Advocacy Centers have now developed similar spiritual care programs. Under a current federal grant, we’re working to expand that network and to conduct formal research on the outcomes—both qualitative and quantitative—of the Julie Valentine Center’s spiritual care model. Early signs are promising.

It’s a powerful example of how collaboration between child protection professionals and faith leaders can create a holistic, evidence-informed system of care.

Jacobsen: Victor, thank you very much for your time today. 

Vieth: Great—thank you. Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Nathaniel A. Turner on Fatherhood, Boundaries & Healing

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/16

Nathaniel A. Turner, JD, M.A.L.S., is a speaker, author, and co-founder of the League of Extraordinary Parents, advancing intergenerational healing and evidence-based parenting. Drawing on two decades of estrangement from his father, Turner helps children and caregivers turn unspoken wounds into intentional love. His framework emphasizes emotional fluency, self-repair over revenge, and practices that interrupt cycles of shame and punishment. Turner consults, writes, and teaches restorative approaches that build resilient family systems “from conception to casket.” Through journaling-forward habits, boundary-setting, and guidance on early childhood development, he equips families to create healthier connections and durable legacies.

This interview with Nathaniel A. Turner explores fatherhood, boundaries, and intergenerational healing. Turner recounts rejecting harmful patterns set by his estranged father and choosing presence for his own son, Naeem. He defines emotional fluency as self-aware, responsible action that prioritizes repair over revenge and health over performative behaviour. A vivid story—being turned away when introducing his newborn to his father—illustrates how boundaries protect new families. Turner advocates “journaling forward,” intention-setting, and a Lamaze-style parenting curriculum focused on brain development, language, and caregiving. He warns fathers that legacy is written by children, and urges living each day as the eulogy you’d want.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today we’re here with Nathaniel A. Turner, JD, M.A.L.S., co-founder of the League of Extraordinary Parents and a thinker on intergenerational healing. This is an essential note because my dad was an alcoholic—or, more appropriately, struggled with alcohol misuse. He died last December. We had the funeral in July. The worst family turbulence came when I was eight or nine, raised by a single mom. He was not very responsible. His substance abuse worsened as he struggled to adjust to life after divorce.

I took his drunk calls as abusive—certainly for the things he said—but it was really his inability to manage his emotions and grief, and his attempt to find reassurance from people who were barely in his life. So there’s a certain symmetry between you and me.

At one point, there was a police incident at our home, and that was when I cut him out of my life. It was a conscious estrangement that lasted about ten years. The only times I saw him after that were at his father’s funeral, my uncle’s funeral, his mother’s funeral, and, most recently, the viewing after he died.

According to those who knew him, he never improved. My protective boundary, as psychology would put it, was the right move—it prevented what would have been worse. How do you define emotional fluency for adults, particularly adult children who have estranged parents or trauma in that context?

Nathaniel A. Turner: My story is similar to yours regarding distance from my father. I intentionally stayed away, not only for myself, but also because I was a father and feared becoming him. Hopefully I’m answering your question; if not, please redirect me.

The man who calls me Dad—I try not to say “my son” because it suggests ownership. He doesn’t belong to me. I invited him to the planet. If anyone should be attached, it’s to the responsibility of fatherhood. Naim is the one who calls me Dad.

Naim was about one, maybe one and a half, during the second Father’s Day since his birth. I saw a Hallmark commercial about fathers, sons, and grandfathers fishing. I broke down. Naim was with me, a baby with no idea what was happening. It hit me that I was about to lose my relationship with him by lamenting something that would never be. I needed to pour my energy into the life that wanted me around, not the one that didn’t. That has been my approach to being a father and to distancing myself from my own father.

Jacobsen: What’s the line between empathy and firm boundaries? Boundaries are a new concept for many adults in North American culture.

Turner: My dad created the boundaries, not me. When I learned I was going to be a father, I called him. “Hey, I’m going to be a dad—LaTonya’s my wife. We’re headed to the hospital. When the child is born, I want you to come meet your grandchild.” He didn’t come. In the hospital, they let you stay—

They keep you for 36 to 48 hours, then they discharge you. My son was born on a Tuesday, and by Thursday, they sent us home. We stayed with my mother for two days. At the time, I had just finished law school at Valparaiso and accepted a job at Purdue. We stayed with my mother in Merrillville because we had some post-delivery nurse visits and needed to be local.

I was waiting for my father to visit. He and my mother were divorced. He never showed up. So that Saturday morning, as I was getting ready to take my newborn and my wife back to Lafayette, where we were going to live, I stopped by to see my father first. I rang the doorbell. He finally came to the door and said, “Hey, how can I help you?” I had the baby in my arms and said, “I want you to meet your grandson.” He extended his hands, and I thought he was reaching to hold him. Instead, he pushed them forward to keep him away and said, “I don’t like babies. Bring him back when he’s grown.”

He constructed the boundary. At that point, I decided I wasn’t going to allow him to begin my child’s life by repeating the same destructive behaviour he’d shown me. I wouldn’t let him do that to another person. The boundary I had to create afterward mainly was with my other family members—those who tried to remind me, “He’s your dad; you owe him respect. You should let him be part of your life.” They’d ask, “Did you send your father a Father’s Day card? It’s his birthday—did you call him?” I tried to, but it never changed anything. Eventually, I told my mother, “If you ask me to do this again, you’ll be the next person I stop communicating with.”

Jacobsen: That’s a quiet scenario with an emotional tone of high conflict. You framed it as a boundary, but it sounds more like a border fence. When people talk about boundaries, they usually describe something mutually dignified. Your father putting his hands out to block his grandchild—and you setting a limit at the exact moment—doesn’t sound dignified for any of the three of you.

Turner: I agree. There’s a quote—I can’t recall the source, but I think it was Stephen Colbert in an interview with Anderson Cooper—”You have to learn to love the things you wish hadn’t happened.” I believe that. If my father had been different, then my relationship with my son might have been different, too. I might not be talking to you today. So I’m at peace with how things turned out. It didn’t kill me; it actually made me stronger and able to help other families. I suffered a little, I suppose, but in the big picture, it’s not a big deal.

Jacobsen: How can families break cycles of shame that keep repeating?

Turner: Young families need to take an honest assessment of who they are before becoming parents. I’ve said to my son—and I’ve written something about this, I haven’t yet published—called Before You Unzip Your Pants. The idea is this: if someone asked me what I’d want to tell Naim, I’d say to him to analyze a few things.

First, he should examine who his father is, because a lot of me is in him. I’m his tree; he’s my fruit. Whether he likes all of me or not, all of me is part of him. Then, I’d ask him to investigate his mother—not as his mom, but as a person. If it’s true that men often choose partners who reflect their mothers, I want him to understand who she is—not just the woman who makes cookies or bandages his knees, but the person she is as a partner, as a wife, as someone in a relationship with another adult.

Those are the two main things: know who you are and know who your partner is. Then ask yourself what your objective is before bringing another life into the world.

Jacobsen: What’s the objective in having a family? Are you having a child because you feel lonely or incomplete, or because you genuinely want something better for the person you’re bringing into the world? What do fathers most need to hear but usually don’t?

Turner: Fathers need to hear that it’s hard work—and that there’s no such thing as work-life balance. If they think they can have everything, they’ll end up with nothing. Too many men measure their worth by their income, the size of their home, or the shine of their car. But here’s what I remind them—because my father should have known this: when he passed away, after not speaking to his son for twenty years, he left nothing behind that mattered.

I saw my father about six months before he died, on May 13, 2018. A close friend of mine—his name’s also Scott—had a mother dying of cancer, so I went home to Gary, Indiana, to see her. As I was leaving the hospital, I thought I should visit my father. So I went to his house, rang the doorbell, and he answered. He looked at me and said, “How may I help you?” I said, “Dad, really? This is what we’re doing?” He replied, “How do you know I’m your father?”

I said, “My mom told me.” He shot back, “How would your mother know?”

So now he’s insulting my mother. I said, “It’s cool, dude. I came to see you. Scott’s mom is in the hospital.” It was 27 degrees outside, I had no coat on, and we were having this ridiculous conversation at the door. Eventually, he let me in, but the talk went nowhere. That was the last time we spoke.

You know who wrote his obituary? Me. I got to have the last word. And here’s what I tell fathers: you can act however you want, but you won’t write your own obituary. You won’t give your own eulogy. Someone else—probably your child—will write the final words about your life. So whatever legacy you want to leave, you’d better be living it every day. Otherwise, the story told about you will be very different—and it lasts for eternity.

Jacobsen: How do you frame intergenerational healing and reconciliation, especially when the paternal figure is defensive or closed off?

Turner: The healing is mine, not his. It’s for me, not for him. Like the old saying goes, “Physician, heal thyself.” My healing exists so that my son can live better. I love him enough to do the inner work required to be better for him. I have no intention of repeating what my father did.

That means being mindful and deliberate. I’m a big note taker—I write in my journal every day. I call it journaling forward. Every morning for twenty minutes, I write my life the way I want it to be, not the way it is. Many days, I write about the father I want to be: this is who I am, this is how I show up. It’s a daily reminder of my responsibility.

The pain from my childhood still informs me—it doesn’t disappear—but it doesn’t define me anymore. I’ll never repeat the generational curses that shaped my father’s life.

Jacobsen: What signals that family healing is genuinely happening, and what falsely appears like healing but isn’t?

Turner: We’re heading into the holidays, so you already know how this plays out. People convince themselves that a dinner invitation equals reconciliation. But healing isn’t the same as pretending the wound never existed. It’s about changing the pattern, not covering it with sentiment.

During the holidays, people assume everything is fine and want families to gather because that’s what families do—they pretend we’re all one big happy unit. That’s the false version of healing you mentioned. The authentic version is different. It’s realizing there comes a point when you must take care of yourself so you can stay healthy, whatever that looks like for you. And if others depend on you, you do it for them, too.

Jacobsen: How would you redesign parenting in North America to reduce these kinds of family fractures?

Turner: One of the first things I’d change is how we prepare people for parenting. Have you heard of Lamaze?

Jacobsen: No.

Turner: Lamaze is a childbirth method—expecting parents take classes for about eight weeks to learn breathing techniques, how to manage contractions, and even how to eat ice chips during labour. But once the baby is born, there’s no training at all. I’ve long argued that America needs something like Lamaze for parenting—a structured, practical process focused on raising children, not just delivering them.

Every new parent says, “There’s no manual for this,” which is absurd. We have manuals for everything. When we brought Naim home, I had to read a car seat manual to figure out how to install it—but there was no manual for raising him. We need something like that. It doesn’t have to be heavy-handed or government-controlled, but families should at least understand what kind of being they’re bringing home—how a child’s brain develops in the first seven years, how language learning works, and how early experiences shape long-term behaviour.

If parents had even a basic grasp of those things, they’d make better decisions from the start. And if they choose not to follow the guidance, that’s their choice. But pretending there’s “no manual” for parenting is one of the most foolish myths we keep repeating.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Turner: My pleasure.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Transforming Textile Waste Into Climate Solutions

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/15

Michael Bernstein is a textile engineer and founder of Bernastic, a materials company transforming discarded garments into climate solutions. By converting cotton fashion waste into durable, moldable materials, he targets one of global commerce’s most overlooked environmental culprits: the wooden pallet. His approach helps reduce deforestation—often up to a forest a day at major corporations—by replacing unsustainable logistics tools with waste-based alternatives. A veteran of large-scale apparel manufacturing and the inventor of an MRI-safe, industrial-laundry-friendly plastic snap used in 30M+ hospital gowns, Bernstein pushes the industry to look beyond sourcing and consumer trends to take responsibility for end-of-life and supply-chain impacts.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Bernstein addresses this by creating scalable, cost-effective alternatives. His vision reframes waste as feedstock, offering brands measurable circularity while positioning fashion as both cultural expression and driver of climate action.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did you first connect the dots between discarded clothing and replacing wooden pallets?

Michael Bernstein: I’d been focused on apparel waste for years, asking: how do we turn what’s thrown away into something useful at scale? The “click” happened during a tour at New Belgium Brewery: rather than forcing textiles back into textiles, I realized we could compound apparel waste into a polymer that becomes durable infrastructure—like pallets. My path there ran through international apparel: quota negotiations, running one of the largest sweater factories in its country, leading global manufacturing for billion-dollar companies, and later inventing an MRI-compatible plastic snap that disrupted the hospital gown market.

Jacobsen: Why does sustainability in fashion often stop at sourcing?

Bernstein: Some leaders—Patagonia stands out—design with sustainability from concept through production. But even the best-intended products still end up as waste. The real gap is end-of-life: cutting-room scraps, airborne fiber captured in negative-pressure systems, and post-consumer garments. Most brands do little with that volume. Bernastic addresses exactly this stream—turning manufacturing waste and used cotton into materials for essential infrastructure.

Jacobsen: What blind spots does that create?

Bernstein: A fixation on “closing the loop” back into apparel drives uneconomic solutions. Re-textiling is often cost- and energy-prohibitive at scale. We need to broaden the target: turn textile waste into other valuable classes of products that can be manufactured efficiently and used everywhere.

Jacobsen: How significant is the environmental impact of pallet production?

Bernstein: Enormous. Nearly everything moves on a pallet—food, furniture, consumer goods. It’s a ~$66B market, and ~80% of pallets are wood. Many large beer manufacturers consume the equivalent of a forest a day to meet shipping demand. Swapping wood for waste-derived materials is a high-leverage climate action hidden in plain sight.

Jacobsen: What technical challenges arose turning cotton garments into durable industrial materials?

Bernstein: Many. Like Edison’s lightbulb journey, you iterate through failures. The breakthroughs were (1) engineering the right compounding recipe for strength, weight, and consistency; and (2) designing a process that maximizes throughput and minimizes cost so it’s commercially viable—more Model T than moonshot.

Jacobsen: How can men’s fashion consumers understand their role in logistics and supply chains?

Bernstein: Start with the truth: fashion’s impact doesn’t end at the closet. Logistics—pallets, hangers, packaging—drives real emissions. Consumers can back brands that support end-of-life solutions and circular suppliers like Bernastic, not just “better sourcing.”

Jacobsen: What opportunities exist for brands to integrate end-of-life garment solutions?

Bernstein: Co-branded, closed-loop infrastructure. For example: collect manufacturing waste at a Levi’s supplier, convert it into pallets, and mark them “Made from Levi’s waste.” That’s measurable circularity, not marketing spin.

Jacobsen: Do you see your work as part of redefining waste as a resource?

Bernstein: Yes. Bernastic—and others who merge problems to design pragmatic solutions—prove that waste can be feedstock. The aim isn’t boastful claims; it’s scalable systems that reduce landfill and deforestation now.

Jacobsen: How might your innovations change the cultural narrative of fashion in climate action?

Bernstein: I’m not trying to limit fashion’s creativity. Designers should keep imagining. The question is: what happens after use? If we celebrate creativity and build serious end-of-life pathways, fashion can inspire culture while its by-products power the infrastructure that moves the world.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Michael. 

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Choosing When the Chooser Changes: Laurie Paul on Transformative Experience

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/15

Yale philosopher Laurie Paul discusses her influential work on transformative experiences—life events that profoundly alter our values, preferences, and sense of self. Paul explains how these experiences challenge traditional decision theory, especially when choices must be made without knowing their future personal impact. From parenthood to psychedelics to disability and Alzheimer’s, Paul explores how subjective transformation defies standard rational models and necessitates self-reconstruction. Drawing from metaphysics, epistemology, and real-life examples, she argues that transformation is not inherently good or bad but a profound, identity-shaping process central to the human condition.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Laurie Paul is the Millstone Family Professor of Philosophy and Professor of Cognitive Science at Yale University, with a secondary appointment in the Department of Psychology. She is renowned for her work in metaphysics, decision theory, and the philosophy of mind. She introduced the influential philosophical concept of the transformative experience—life events that profoundly alter a person’s values, identity, and epistemic perspective. Her research challenges traditional models of rational choice and personal identity. Paul is the author of Transformative Experience (Oxford University Press, 2014) and co-author of Causation: A User’s Guide (with Ned Hall, Oxford University Press, 2013). She also directs the Self and Society Initiative at Yale’s Wu Tsai Institute, which explores how subjective experience informs our understanding of the self and social decision-making. What is the core philosophical problem that transformative experiences pose for traditional decision theory?

Prof. Laurie Paul: The core problem is that traditional decision theory—specifically expected utility theory—assumes that agents can assign values to outcomes and make rational choices by maximizing expected utility. For ordinary decisions, like choosing an ice cream flavour, this works well. Suppose you walk into an ice cream shop and choose between chocolate, vanilla, pistachio, and strawberry. All options are visible and accessible. If you prefer chocolate over pistachio, rational choice theory says you should pick chocolate. You know what chocolate tastes like; you know you like it more.

But in more complex decisions—especially those involving uncertainty—you also have to consider the probability of different outcomes. You evaluate each outcome by multiplying its subjective value by its likelihood of occurring. This gives you its expected value. You then choose the option with the highest expected value.

This framework breaks down with transformative experiences—decisions that change what you care about and how youunderstand yourself and the world. For example, choosing to become a parent or to undergo a profound religious conversion. Before having the experience, you cannot fully understand what it will be like. You also do not know how it will change your preferences. You are, in effect, trying to evaluate an outcome that is both epistemically inaccessible (you cannot understand what it is like beforehand) and personally transformative (it will change who you are).

Because of this, you cannot assign meaningful subjective values to the outcomes in advance. And suppose the values cannot be known or anticipated. In that case, the expected utility theory fails to guide the decision. This raises profound philosophical questions about rational agency, identity over time, and what it means to make an authentic choice when the self-making the choice is not the same self who will live with the outcome.

What I argue is that although many decisions can be made using the traditional model of expected utility, there is a special class of decisions—preferred in a certain way—that involve what you care about at a deep level. Morally speaking, youcould go either way with these choices. Legally speaking, you could go either way. But importantly, they involve a new kind of experience—something qualitatively unfamiliar.

Imagine a bizarre flavour of ice cream that you have never tried before. You must decide whether you want to try it. The twist is that this new experience is not trivial—it is life-changing. Real-life examples include deciding to become a parent, enlisting in the military, choosing a specific career path, or relocating to a completely different part of the world to start anew.

When you face choices like this, the problem is that you cannot honestly know what the new experience will be like for you in a meaningful, first-person way. Even if others describe it, there remains an essential gap: you do not know what it will be like for you. And the experience changes you—it reconfigures who you are.

This breaks the ordinary decision-making model. You cannot assign value to the outcome the way you can with something familiar, like choosing pistachio ice cream. More importantly, it is not just about achieving a desired result. When you try to bring about a life change—say, having a child or going to war—that very experience can change what you care about most.

Therefore, the philosophical problem lies in the fact that the person who makes the decision is not the same as the person who experiences the outcome. The person making the choice may have very different values and priorities from the future version of themselves that the outcome will shape. And because of that, the traditional decision theory model fails.

That is the idea: the standard model of rational decision-making does not apply. And it is crucial to recognize that it fails. Consider becoming a parent. You decide to have a child. You cannot understand the experience of parenting until youhave the child. But once you do, the experience transforms you—you form a bond, an attachment, and you want that very child. It alters the kinds of things you care most deeply about.

You are doing something that changes you—something that reshapes you into a different kind of person. And there is an essential sense in which you cannot know ahead of time how it will change you. That is why you cannot use the ordinary decision-making model for these kinds of decisions.

Jacobsen: Are there ways in which we can invert those experiments? That is, to move from a subject-centered framework into an object-centered one? For example, the subject who decides to have children moves within an object space—but the act of creating children, those “little teensy subjects,” in turn alters the original subject’s perspective on life.

That is one perspective. But what if we invert it? What if the object space—the societal context—is so strongly imposed that choosing not to conform radically alters how the person sees themselves about that object space? To put it less abstractly, suppose a woman lives in a society where women are only valued insofar as they conform to one of two roles—either as virgins or as mothers—drawing from traditional Christian imagery of the Virgin Mary and the Mother Mary. If such a woman chooses not to have children, and the societal pressure and judgment are extreme, could that external imposition itself constitute a transformative experience?

Paul: Yes, so—okay. I am not going to answer your question directly. Still, I’ll respond indirectly because I think a lot is going on here.

One of the reasons this line of questioning is so important is because these kinds of choices affect everyone, but they do not affect everyone equally. When you make a personal choice, it can feel like it is all about you—but in reality, youroptions are often shaped and constrained by how the world around you has already structured your possibilities.

It is like being in a garden labyrinth. Whether you turn left or right—and how you get through the maze—is determined by how the gardener has shaped the paths with hedges. The structure of the garden defines the choices you can make. Youstill have agency, but your agency is exercised within a framework already imposed on you. This is what is referred to as choice architecture.

Society plays a significant role in shaping many aspects of this architectural choice. And different kinds of people face various types of structures. Speaking personally, as a woman, when I decided to become a parent, I was faced with two profound commitments: continuing to pursue the philosophical work I deeply cared about or starting a family.

It was not that I believed I would stop caring about my work or that I could not continue in some form. Still, I would no longer be able to engage with it to the fullest extent of my abilities. That would impact the range of opportunities available to me down the line. I would have to make sacrifices. I would have to make hard choices—because the way the world is traditionally structured for women often places us in these constrained positions. That is not true for everyone, and the distribution is not uniform.

So, yes, the way the world is—the social architecture—deeply affects whether an experience is transformative. If you do not have to face such a stark trade-off, then the experience may still change you, but the stakes are lower. The transformation may not be as profound because you were not forced into such a difficult decision. For someone in a more privileged or traditional position—say, a man in a male-dominated structure—the same choice might not carry the same weight or consequences.

But what does not change—whether the pressure comes from the external environment or arises from within—is the internal conflict. What fascinates me is the kind of unintelligibility that accompanies life-altering decisions. It is a deep, felt uncertainty we understand when we are about to make a transformative choice.

Take, for example, deciding whether to get married—or whether to get divorced. You know there is something you must choose to do or not do, and yet you have no idea who you will be on the other side of that decision. Suppose it is not immediately clear what you want. In that case, if you are weighing different outcomes—you can end up agonizing over the choice.

And people agonize precisely because they understand that it is not just a matter of adding up numbers, assigning values, and making a purely rational decision. The world does not operate that way. Our minds do not work like that. If you could evolve yourself forward—project yourself into the future—and know who you would become, then you could decide whether or not you wanted to be that version of yourself. You could compare that future self to the self you would remain if you made the opposite decision. That is what traditional rational decision theory assumes you can do—but of course, we cannot do that.

Jacobsen: Right. If your self-reflective capacity is the mirror, by the time you reach that future point, the mirror itself has changed.

Paul: Yes, that is a good way to put it.

Jacobsen: Then, in that sense, transformative experiences become anchored in narrative. Their transformative character is defined by the narrative one constructs around them. I recently interviewed someone who made a profound life change. They had been a Harvard-trained lawyer but transitioned into nonviolent communication, meditation, and related work. Now, they teach executives in Fortune 500 companies. It is an unusual but interesting shift.

One thing I brought up was the elasticity of narrative. To what degree can people shape or reinterpret their own stories? That seems to be the question: Do you see contexts where an experience is truly transformative within one person’s narrative but would not register as transformative in another’s? That is, it might not cross some internal or external threshold of “transformation” for someone else.

Paul: People are different. However, the differences often relate to how they approach the choice. Let me revisit the case of having a child, which is my favourite example. Some people know. They have always wanted a child—it has been clear to them since they were young. Others have always known that they do not want children. Even with social pressure, they remain sure of that. And then there are others—many, actually—who are ambivalent. They are unsure. They hesitate. They deliberate.

And it is often for these people, the ones facing genuine uncertainty, that the experience of deciding—and then transforming—becomes so profound. So they struggle with the decision. However, in many cases, having a child can be transformative, regardless of the initial desire. This happens all the time—someone does not want to have a child; they have a child, and it profoundly changes them. And afterward, lo and behold, they would never wish their child away. They love their child.

That does not mean the person they were before was wrong. It just means that a person has been replaced—so to speak—by a new version of themselves. That is what transformative experience means. It is a descriptively neutral term. I do not mean it has to be positive—it simply refers to a profound change in perspective, values, and identity.

Jacobsen: That is what I wanted to follow up with. What are some contexts in which experiences are negatively transformative—where the change is just as life-altering as having a child, getting married, or going through a divorce?

There is a well-known and often-cited line, though now sometimes treated with ironic detachment in our culture, that originated from one of the Nazi camps. It was scrawled on a wall in Majdanek: “If there is a God, he will have to beg my forgiveness.” It is a profoundly weighty and piercing statement, especially in its context. We might flatten it now with a smirk, but initially, it came from a place of devastating transformation. So, yes—what are some of those experiences? What are the darker contexts of transformation?

Paul: Many experiences are transformative but not positive in the conventional sense. However, it is essential to approach this with nuance. Some experiences that we would not initially describe as positive are, in retrospect, seen by those who went through them as meaningful, even valuable. People will say, “It changed me, and I value who I am now. I would not want to go back.”

Cases of disability are significant here. People respond very differently to life-altering events—a serious climbing accident, a car crash, a horseback riding fall—that result in becoming paraplegic or quadriplegic or losing vision. These are not experiences people seek out. And yet, they can be deeply transformative.

Some individuals will say that, after the initial period of hardship and adjustment, they came to value who they became. They would not undo the event, even if they could. Others do not feel that way—they would reverse it in a heartbeat. AndI do not take a normative position on which response is correct. I think it genuinely varies from person to person.

Another powerful example is cognitive decline, mainly due to Alzheimer’s disease. That is a case I am especially interested in. No one wants to experience mental deterioration. But again, what is striking is the variation in how people internally respond over time—particularly after the transition period.

From the outside, these experiences seem wholly negative. But from the inside, especially once the person has adapted, the response can shift. Some people come to terms with being cognitively or physically different and find ways to live meaningfully within their new circumstances. Others continue to struggle. There is no universal outcome.

So yes, these are transformative experiences—sometimes profoundly so—but they defy simple classification as good or bad. They are existentially complex. Some people respond in ways that allow them to flourish. They adapt, and they come to endorse the new version of themselves.

To give a counterintuitive example, imagine someone who is highly successful in their career but works constantly—as many of us do—caught in the hamster wheel of productivity. They might be high-performing but also anxious, overworked, possibly depressed, and certainly exhausted. Now, suppose this person experiences a life-altering event—say, an accident—that results in cognitive limitations preventing them from continuing in their high-intensity role.

They transition to a much less demanding job or even stop working altogether. It is entirely reasonable for such a person to say, “I was anxious and unhappy before. I do not want to go back to that.” There are autobiographical accounts of experiences like this—one example is a woman who had a stroke and described her post-stroke life as profoundly altered in tone and perception. She became more relaxed. She no longer pursued the same goals or felt the same pressure. She endorsed this new state of being, even though others might have seen the stroke as a loss.

Some people describe parenthood in similar terms. They no longer care about the same things they did before, and they come to embrace the new person they have become fully.

So, transformation is not necessarily good or bad. It is just that: transformation—a fundamental change. And human beings are remarkably resilient. We reconstruct ourselves through these changes. We adapt our values. Sometimes, people feel they have lost something—and that sense of loss dominates. But at other times, people come to see their former selves as different rather than something to return to.

I think about the version of myself who might have existed had I never had children. I have no connection to that person. That version of me feels entirely foreign. It’s a completely different self altogether.

Jacobsen: Sometimes that change becomes so vast—so significant—that the psychological space between who you are now and who you were then is too large to bridge mentally. It redefines everything.

Paul: Yes, precisely. This belief is also reflected in studies, which have shown that genetically identical individuals—starting from what appears to be the same base—can diverge radically in life, ending up in entirely different psychological and value spaces.

Jacobsen: So, is the notion of a transformative experience, in some ways, a philosophical framing of what psychology might call a phase change? A dramatic reorganization of the self or psyche.

Paul: That is a good way to put it. A transformative experience, as I use the term, is a descriptive framework that highlights these profound existential reconfigurations. It can happen to anyone, at any point, and in any number of ways. It is not tied to any one life path—it is a structural feature of human existence.

It is essential to have a conceptual framework for this kind of phenomenon. Take, for example, psychedelic experiences. Many people have found my work on transformative experiences helpful in trying to make sense of the effects of psychedelics, particularly when trying to explain why these experiences are so difficult to describe. There is often a mysterious quality: Why is it that these shifts in perception and meaning cannot be fully articulated?

I characterize that shift as an epistemic transformation. In some cases, people undergo such a radical reworking of how they perceive and interpret the world that it alters their core preferences. Having a structured conceptual framework provides people with a way to identify, categorize, and compare various kinds of experiences, helping us understand their similarities and differences.

It also helps researchers formulate more precise hypotheses and test them. So, yes, while your description of a psychological “phase change” gets at something important, I would say it is more than that. A transformative experience is not just a psychological phase—it carries profound philosophical implications about identity, knowledge, and preference formation.

Jacobsen: The Alzheimer’s case and the psychedelic case seem to have at least a conceptual overlap. Of course, one typically occurs later in life and involves neurodegeneration—a structural breakdown of the brain. The other involves chemically induced changes in neural function—electrochemical shifts triggered by psychedelics.

But both appear to alter the nature of qualia—the character of conscious experience itself. With Alzheimer’s, the transformation is disintegrative, with very little hope of reintegration at a more functional or resilient level. With psychedelics, however, there is evidence—albeit preliminary—that these experiences can help people reintegrate at a healthier baseline. For example, studies have shown that middle-aged individuals with alcohol dependency who take psychedelics one or more times often reduce or cease alcohol use.

How would you distinguish these two classes of transformative experience, given how distinct they are in outcome and origin?

Paul: Yes, exactly—this gets to the heart of the matter. Both Alzheimer ’s-related transformation and psychedelic experience share a standard structure: they involve epistemic transformation. That is, the subject undergoes a type of experience that cannot be fully grasped through description or secondhand reports—you have to live it to know what it is like.

In virtue of undergoing this kind of experience, something fundamental shifts—how you interpret the world, how youfeel, even what you value. In both cases, these transformations are rooted in radical changes to the brain. Of course, all experience changes the brain in some way, but these are especially significant neural alterations.

The key difference lies in the direction and potential outcome of the transformation. Psychedelic-induced transformations often allow for reintegration, sometimes even therapeutic benefit. Alzheimer’s, by contrast, typically involves a progressive decline with little or no capacity for reconstructing a coherent or resilient self.

So, while structurally similar, the two forms of transformation diverge sharply in terms of narrative continuity, agency, and potential for flourishing.

With psychedelics, what happens is a combination of changes at both the epistemological level—what you come to understand or perceive—and at the neural level, where the brain itself is altered. The nature and degree of those changes differ from person to person. However, when transformation does occur, it can alter core preferences or reframe how a person perceives their experiences.

That is why psychedelics can sometimes produce very positive outcomes for individuals struggling with addiction, depression, or other self-involving psychological conditions. The transformation affects how they see themselves and what they value.

With Alzheimer’s disease, on the other hand, you also get neural changes, but of a destructive kind. While the precise neurological mechanisms are still debated, what we do observe are changes in moral character, shifts in what people care about, and profound memory loss. These changes often lead to a reconstruction of preferences and identity.

For instance, someone who previously identified as a vegetarian may no longer care about dietary restrictions. Someone deeply religious may no longer engage with their faith. A parent may no longer recognize their children. The sources of joy and meaning become entirely redefined—sometimes limited to immediate surroundings or sensory experiences.

So, the conceptual framework remains the same in both cases. The structure involves epistemic transformation and personal transformation. The difference lies in whether the experience is chosen or not. With psychedelics, individuals typically choose to undergo the experience. There is a decision-making phase, followed by the transformation itself.

In contrast, transformative experiences like Alzheimer’s—or even specific religious experiences—can happen to people without any choice on their part.

But again, the framework still applies. The epistemic transformation introduces a new kind of experience that reshapes the person’s preferences, values, and sense of self. What varies is the nature of the knowledge and the mechanism that facilitates the transformation.

This is why it is beneficial to have a high-level philosophical framework in place. It allows us to map different types of transformation and identify the specific pathways or mechanisms involved—whether they are chemical, neurological, psychological, or social.

This also helps clarify applied ethical questions. For example, in the case of Alzheimer’s, we should think carefully about advance directives. People may be unable to project themselves into their future state with Alzheimer’s and may issue directives that conflict with the preferences of their future selves. Perhaps those later preferences—however diminished the person’s rational capacities—deserve more moral weight than we tend to allow.

Likewise, with psychedelics, verbal descriptions cannot convey what the experience is like. No matter how vivid or detailed, a description cannot communicate what it is like to undergo an altered state of consciousness induced by psilocybin or to perceive colour or meaning in a radically new way. That is precisely because it involves an epistemic transformation.

Perhaps changing the way you make sense of the world—your interpretive framework—can also change how youunderstand yourself. It alters how you perceive yourself as a mind embedded in the world. That, to me, is at the heart of a transformative experience.

Jacobsen: We can think of such transformation as something that occurs at a moment in time or, more accurately, as something that unfolds over a period. Either way, it happens. What, then, should we take to be the post-transformative state? What is the arc of that change, typically? Though perhaps the word “typically” might be inadvisable here.

Paul: Yes, I agree—it is difficult to generalize. I’m not entirely sure if there is a typical arc. But I tend to think of it as involving a process of self-reconstruction. That’s something I’m very interested in, though I have not yet developed a formal philosophical framework for it.

I co-authored a paper with some collaborators, where we modelled a concept we called epistemic conceptual replacement. We used the allegory from Flatland—a novella by Edwin Abbott—as a conceptual illustration. In Flatland, you have two-dimensional shapes living in a two-dimensional world. The story follows one such shape who is suddenly thrust into the third dimension. In that new space, the shape sees circles and squares for what they are: spheres and cubes.

This completely transforms how the shape understands reality. But when he is thrust back into two-dimensional space, he can no longer explain what he saw. The other shapes cannot comprehend his transformation, and they reject his account. This inability to communicate a radically new conceptual framework—after experiencing a higher-dimensional world—is a metaphor for how conceptual replacement works. You move from one structure of understanding to another. Once youhave made that leap, you cannot fully return to the earlier perspective.

That is a relatively simple case. But now imagine that something similar happens at the level of core values—what youcare about most. Take my own experience with becoming a parent. It involves something deeply evolutionary or biological, but the change is unmistakable. Before, you cared about many people in your life. Still, when you grow and birth a child—or even adopt one—the reconfiguration of values can be profound.

For me, it was the experience of physically producing a child.  I am not making a prescriptive claim that one path is better than the other. Adoption may well be the morally superior option in many cases. And from what I understand, the emotional attachment to an adopted child can be just as deep as the attachment to a biological child. But in either case, what matters philosophically is the transformation of perspective, values, and identity that occurs—this is the phenomenon I’m trying to capture, and vice versa. 

But the strange thing is that when you do form this attachment, you deeply—and honestly—come to care about another person more than you care about yourself. And I think that is profoundly strange. It is not something you reason your way into. It is not a case of thinking, “Well, I might have to make a difficult decision someday, so I’d better prepare emotionally.”

No—you care. You care about them instead of yourself. If someone walked in with a gun and said, “It’s you or your child,” you would say, “Take me.” And that shift—that immediate, unquestioning prioritization—is a fundamental change. Once that change happens, it iterates. You start making decisions that reflect the new priorities. You spend thousands of dollars and reorganize your life. It is not calculated. It emerges from that transformative shift.

That kind of response—the primal urge to protect your child—is not something you develop in advance. It is not there before the child exists. Maybe there is some latent capacity, but the complete disposition arises through the attachment. You build that attachment to a person, and in doing so, you rebuild part of yourself. Not everything changes, but something fundamental does.

And that rebuilding process is both strange and fascinating. I think it is the same process that people undergo after a life-altering accident—say, a terrible climbing accident that results in quadriplegia. In those cases, people also have to rebuild themselves. Their sense of agency—what it means to act, to move, to control their body—changes completely.

And what they care about often changes, too. Profoundly. So they rebuild. And I think that’s one of the most interesting and remarkable things about human beings: our capacity to reconstruct ourselves in response to these kinds of transformative experiences. That’s also why I argue that you cannot simply label transformation as “good” or “bad.” People rebuild themselves in different ways. They emerge with other psychological, emotional, and affective profiles. The process is complex—and deeply human.

However, it is a crucial part of life. So, to return to the very first question you asked me—what I was arguing for in my book, in part, was this: There’s a prevailing view that if you are a rational agent. You have to make decisions; you should apply the ordinary model of maximizing expected utility. That is, if you’re sensible, you think about your options carefully, weigh outcomes, and make thoughtful, deliberate choices—blah blah blah.

That model works well for many small-scale decisions. But for the most significant decisions of our lives, that model breaks. Instead, we leap. We choose, and then we rebuild ourselves afterward. There’s a kind of unintelligibility surrounding these decisions—before, during, and even after we make them. And yet, we still move through them. That, I think, is what life is like.

Jacobsen: ]What are your favourite quotes about transformative experiences? I ask this of psychotherapists, psychologists, psychiatrists—and it’s always Viktor Frankl or something along those lines. So—what’s yours?

Paul: I do not have favourite quotes in the usual sense. People often ask me if I’m a vampire—that’s my favourite. That’s actually how I open Transformative Experience.

Jacobsen: I think George Carlin had a good one before he died—it was for his tombstone. They asked him why, and he said: He was just here a second ago.

Paul: This is a translation—I think it might be by Michael Della Rocca, but I’m not entirely sure. So, the quote I love—from Spinoza—is:

“It is of the nature of reason to perceive things under a certain aspect of eternity.”

Jacobsen: Well, maybe that’s why Bertrand Russell called Spinoza the most lovable of philosophers.

Jacobsen: He’s cool. I’m half Dutch, and he was half Dutch—so he’s good in my books. Okay—thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it—your time and your expertise.

Paul: Nice to meet you.

Jacobsen: Bye.

Paul: Bye.

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Bridging America’s Middle: Contempt, Connection & Hope

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/14

Dr. Beth Malow is a Professor of Neurology and Pediatrics at Vanderbilt University, a sleep specialist, and science communicator. She co-authored Beyond the Politics of Contempt and volunteers with Braver Angels. Her work spans sleep medicine, autism, and community bridge-building, including workshops that foster listening, curiosity, and practical civic skills.

Doug Teschner is a leadership coach and former New Hampshire state legislator, founder of Growing Leadership LLC, and a Braver Angels regional leader. He co-authored Beyond the Politics of Contempt and promotes bipartisan trust-building. His work draws on public service, Peace Corps experience, and practical tools for renewing civic relationships. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Teschner and Malow argue that America’s real majority is the “exhausted” middle, not the loud extremes. They define contempt as dehumanization, warn about doomscrolling’s toll on sleep and civic life, and champion Braver Angels skills. Their book and Substack offer practical bridge building, emphasizing local projects that rebuild social capital and trust. They urge listening first, slowing reactions, and taking conversations offline. Examples include choirs, service builds, and transportation initiatives that unite diverse neighbors. The goal is courageous, curious dialogue that preserves activism while lowering temperature and countering conflict entrepreneurs. Moving from an “I” society to “we.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me today. What inspired you to identify and focus on the two-thirds of Americans who fall outside ideological extremes?

Doug Teschner: Well, we’re appealing to all Americans, but it’s important to understand that those on the extremes are driving much of the conversation. Our concern is: where is our country headed? Where are we going? I just saw a poll indicating that about 23% of Americans think it might require violence to get our country back on track. These are our concerns. We’re truly worried about our country.

Beth Malow: We feel that the middle has been considered the “exhausted majority.” There are more of us than the media may make it seem. The media sometimes—and I don’t want to bash the media, that’s important to me—but certainly social media and some aspects of traditional media give the impression that most of the population is on one extreme or another. That’s simply not true. I’ve heard estimates that roughly two-thirds of Americans are in this middle group, often called the “Exhausted Majority,” with the ideological wings totaling on the order of the low-to-mid teens rather than most people. So we see that as an important audience for us. That said, we feel strongly that there’s nothing wrong with being politically on the left or on the right. The key is recognizing that demonizing the other side will not accomplish anything for our country. We wrote our book to convey that message: how do you work with your friends, relatives, and neighbors in positive, productive ways?

Jacobsen: In relationship and marriage studies, the most prominent researchers are the Gottmans. They have over four decades of research on this topic. One of the biggest warning signs—the flashing red light—is the emotion and expression of contempt, which predicts the breakdown of a relationship, partnership, or marriage. How are you defining contempt, and why is it such an important focus when discussing politics, polarization, and the cultural health of American society?

Teschner: Contempt, of course, is part of the title of our book. It’s an important word, and we quote the Gottmans. We’re familiar with their research. The key for us is that people can disagree—and should disagree. People should debate their positions and advocate strongly for what they believe in. But we cross a line when we dehumanize people—when we say they’re not worthy. That’s very dangerous. When we think about people who don’t agree with us, fine, disagree—but don’t use contempt. We need to examine what we believe in our own hearts that’s driving us apart.

Malow: We gave a lot of thought to our title. I initially wanted to call it From Conflict to Connection, but Doug pushed for the word Contempt. It turned out to be a great decision. When people see that word, they immediately understand. I was at a book fair, and people would walk by, see the title, and say, “Yes, we need to do something about this contempt.” It’s poisoning our relationships. It’s making everyone stressed out. I’m a neurology sleep doctor, and people are literally losing sleep over this contempt. I hope that helps, Scott, in terms of how we define it.

Jacobsen: Maybe that could also be a sociological analysis of sleep. Do societies experiencing cultural stress during election periods have worsening sleep issues across the population? Could that be a factor that exacerbates contempt in politics?

Malow: I’m going to be honest and say I haven’t thought about that. I should, and I will. I’m really glad you brought it up. What I will say is that in my practice and in my research, we know that social media—and the doomscrolling that so many people are doing right now—truly affects their ability to sleep. It’s a huge contributor. One of the first things I tell people is to get off their phones before bed. Make sure your kids are getting off their phones too, because otherwise we become a nation of doomscrollers. It affects both our mental health, as Doug said, and our sleep.

Teschner: We’re all suffering from conflict entrepreneurs—people who are trying to push us apart. We use a graphic of a crocodile trying to eat the American flag. These are people profiting by dividing us. We’re not as divided as we think we are. If we get out of our silos and really talk to people, it’s ironic—people have so many so-called friends, but we tend to operate within our own ways of thinking, in our own tribes, as some say. This is a real concern. 

Jacobsen: We’ve gone from a model of friends as companions to friends as avatars. What is the importance of self-awareness and emotional self-regulation when politics comes up?

Malow: I’ll take that one. We have to start with ourselves. Self-awareness and self-regulation not only help our mental health, they help us respond when something triggers us—maybe a Facebook post or something we hear on the news. We recommend taking a breath and slowing your thinking down. There’s wonderful work about processing—Thinking, Fast and Slow by Daniel Kahneman and others—that focuses on the instinctive part of our brains that reacts, and the contemplative part that pauses and reflects. We want people to think first and pause before sharing something on social media that angers or incites them, or simply signals, “This is what my tribe thinks.”

Teschner: People also really need hope. That’s a key theme in our book. There’s a lot of despair tied to doomscrolling and similar habits. But there are practical things we discuss—steps you can take to improve your mental health and strengthen relationships. So many people are struggling with political divides, even within families. You can be an activist, you can advocate, but do it in a way that builds bridges. There are ways to engage without retreating into your own bubble. This book is meant to be hopeful and give people tools to address these problems constructively.

Malow: I just want to touch on that activist and bridge-building theme. It’s very important to me as someone who leans left. I fully support activism and peaceful protest, but I don’t think that’s incompatible with talking to your neighbor who might have voted differently or holds a different view on immigration, abortion, or climate change. They’re compatible because if you truly want to understand someone and where they’re coming from, curiosity and empathy are invaluable. Those same skills help you when you try to persuade them—say, about taking a certain stance on climate change. Activism and bridge-building together are a winning combination, and that’s something we really wanted to emphasize in the book.

Teschner: People can also reach out and connect with others who are interested in this work. For instance, Braver Angels, the national organization we’re involved with, offers many free workshops. You can feel better about yourself by taking small steps, learning, and preparing for these kinds of challenges. 

Jacobsen: How should someone self-regulate, in a practical sense, when they present their views—politically, socially, or otherwise—and someone misreads them based on prior assumptions? Often the response is accusatory, imputing positions the person doesn’t hold at all. How does one respectfully rebut that? It can happen in many ways. Someone might post something, and instead of addressing it, the reply becomes “What about this?” or “What about that?”—classic whataboutism. How can a person recenter the conversation, focus on the dignity of others, and express that they don’t feel heard? It’s a combination of skills. What do you think are proactive ways to do that?

Malow: If I can clarify, Scott—when you say they don’t feel they’re being heard, do you mean the person trying to respond or the person making the accusation?

Jacobsen: The person making the accusation. And it doesn’t have to border on an epithet. It could simply be that they’re imputing a position the person doesn’t hold.

Beth Malow: Let me take that. We teach these skills in Braver Angels, and we actually have an online workshop on social media. That said, my preference is always to take these conversations off social media. What we teach—and why one-on-one may be more effective than public online exchanges—is that you first want to listen to understand. If you feel strongly about an issue, it’s much easier for me to share why I feel the way I do if you believe I’ve heard and understood you. You may say the most inflammatory thing, but if I can diffuse it and show that I hear you, that I get where you’re coming from—even if I don’t agree—I can ask questions of curiosity. For example, “Scott, tell me how you came to believe that.” Once you connect with someone that way and they feel heard, they’re far more likely to listen in return. Now, that doesn’t always work on social media; you’ve got everyone’s friends jumping in, and it can turn ugly fast. But in a one-on-one conversation, I feel like I can talk with anyone—anyone—and have a civil discussion. The key is to connect first and make sure the other person feels heard, even if you don’t agree.

Teschner: I’d add that when you get into these difficult situations, you have choices. One is to fight—argue it out—and usually nobody walks away satisfied. Another is flight—just leave the room, which isn’t satisfying either. Then there’s avoidance—keeping quiet but feeling irritated. What we emphasize instead are courageous conversations: using skills that require curiosity, active listening, and humility. It’s a rare, almost lost art. You’re never going to convince someone to consider your view unless you truly listen to them and show genuine curiosity. They might not change their mind—but they might. And you have to be open to the possibility that your own opinion could shift too.

Jacobsen: Is American society a lower-trust society now? 

Teschner: Absolutely. We’ve seen compelling research—Robert Putnam’s Bowling Alone documents the decline of social capital, civic participation, and community institutions such as churches, bowling leagues, and Rotary clubs. He also examined historical data, noting that during the Gilded Age in the late 1800s, social trust fell sharply, followed by an upswing until around 1960. Since then, we’ve shifted from a “we” society to an “I” society, marked by declining trust. We need a new upswing—one built on reconnection and renewed trust. People are deeply distrustful; surveys show rising suspicion even toward neighbors. It’s not limited to politics—just look at the aggression on highways, the road rage, even shootings. We need to look inward, be self-reflective, and show small acts of kindness to rebuild that trust.

I’m a big solutions person. One of the Braver Angels solutions we really embrace—and discuss in a full chapter of the book—is coming together in your communities with people who may be different from you. They may have voted differently, belong to another religion or race, or come from a different socioeconomic background. It might be singing in a chorus, building a house, or working on a local issue like transportation. It’s powerful because you’re not only accomplishing something together, you’re also building trust. The byproduct is social capital—the kind Robert Putnam talks about—that sense of we can work together, we can make a difference. I think there’s real hope in that.

Jacobsen: Any final quotes you’d like to include?

Teschner: The work of the book is ongoing, and we have a free newsletter on Substack. If your readers are familiar with that, they can get an email every week. For example, I just put one out this morning about my experience exhibiting books in Nashville, Tennessee, while a “No Kings Rally” was happening nearby. The themes and ideas in our book—activism, bridge building, mental health, escaping doomscrolling, and building local community—are timeless, at least for now. I’d love for them to become irrelevant someday, but I don’t think that’s happening soon. We expand on these topics weekly in our Substack, Together Across Differences, at togethernow.substack.com. It’s free, and readers can interact with us, leave comments, and continue the conversation.

Hope is possible. You can take small, specific actions—the book outlines many. I’d like to close with a quote from Edith Wharton: “Life is always a tightrope or a featherbed. Give me the tightrope.” Yes, this is hard, but it doesn’t have to be that hard. Little steps, little things you can do. Or another favorite from John Shedd: “A ship in harbor is safe, but that’s not what ships are built for.” You can act, you can do things, and you’ll feel better about yourself. The book offers very specific, doable ways to start.

Malow: Mine is: “Be kind to everyone; you never know what they’re going through,” by Ian McLaren. It’s on my bulletin board. You really never know, and kindness can ripple outward. One conversation may seem small, but it could profoundly affect how someone treats others. That ripple can become a wave.

Jacobsen: Beth, Doug—thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Malow: You’re so welcome. Thank you, Scott.

Teschner: Thank you, Scott. It’s been a great conversation.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Stuart Vyse on Autism Pseudoscience: Facilitated Communication, S2C, and ‘Telepathy Tapes’

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/14

Stuart Vyse, an expert in superstition, pseudoscience, and critical thinking, discusses the resurgence of discredited autism communication techniques like Facilitated Communication (FC) and Spelling to Communicate (S2C). Despite being scientifically debunked, these methods persist due to parental desperation and social media amplification. The podcast The Telepathy Tapes promotes pseudoscientific claims of telepathic abilities in non-speaking autistic individuals, further fueling misinformation. Vyse emphasizes the responsibility of scientists to counteract such claims and highlights cognitive biases that sustain them. He warns of dangerous, unproven autism treatments and stresses the need for evidence-based perspectives to challenge pseudoscience effectively.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: So today, we are with Stuart Vyse. He is an American psychologist, behavioural scientist, and author specializing in superstition, pseudoscience, and critical thinking—all important topics. He is a fellow of the American Psychological Association, the Association for Psychological Science, and the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry.

All are great organizations, particularly the last one, where he serves on the Executive Council. Vyse has written multiple books, including Believing in Magic: The Psychology of Superstition, which won the William James Book Award. He is a contributing editor for Skeptical Inquirer and writes the column Behavior & Belief. He has taught at Connecticut College, Providence College, and the University of Rhode Island. Thank you for joining me.

So, what are the core claims of this new wave of autism pseudoscience? Many in the skeptic and humanist communities will be aware of the essentially fraudulent single study that falsely linked vaccines to autism, which caused enormous issues. What’s happening with this new wave, and how does it differ from past misconceptions?

Stuart Vyse: Some of what is being presented as new is not new. One example is a communication technique used with people who have severe forms of autism—those who appear to have no language, are non-speaking or have limited verbal abilities.

Several techniques have been around in the U.S. since the 1990s, the most famous of which is facilitated communication (FC). However, it was discredited shortly after being introduced in the U.S.

The theory behind it suggests that many non-speaking individuals with severe autism have intact cognitive abilities but are unable to express themselves due to motor difficulties. In other words, they have what some proponents call “broken bodies.”

The technique involves a facilitator holding the hand of the disabled individual while they type on a keyboard. It was initially thought to be a breakthrough. Suddenly, individuals who had never spoken could produce fluent writing, including poems, books, and other complex compositions.

However, controlled studies repeatedly demonstrated that the words produced through facilitated communication came from the facilitator, not the autistic individual. This led to the scientific community’s widespread rejection of FC. Despite this, variations of FC continue to resurface under different names, such as the Rapid Prompting Method (RPM) and Spelling to Communicate (S2C), both of which remain scientifically unvalidated and controversial.

But the control tests done in the 1990s showed, without exception, that unbeknownst to the facilitator—the helper—it was actually the facilitator controlling the typing, not the disabled individual. It was an Ouija board phenomenon, with a fundamental misunderstanding of who controlled the process.

That technique has been around for a long time. While newer versions are somewhat different, they still have the same fundamental problem: two people are involved, and it is unclear who controls the communication.

Unfortunately, despite being discredited by science back in the 1990s, these techniques persist because they provide such a strong emotional reward for the parents of severely disabled individuals. The appeal is so great that these methods have not disappeared. In fact, they are more popular now than they were back then.

But the latest twist, according to a popular podcast called The Telepathy Tapes, is that these non-speaking individuals, or those with limited language, are not only communicating through these discredited methods, but they also allegedly have telepathic powers.

According to the podcast, they can read minds, insert thoughts into other people’s minds, and see through blindfolds. Essentially, they are claimed to have numerous paranormal and supernatural abilities.

Of course, the evidence for this is weak—in fact, there is no real evidence at all. But despite that, the podcast has gained immense popularity—it even briefly knocked The Joe Rogan Experience from the number one spot earlier this year. It continues to have a large following.

Jacobsen: Psychic abilities, insofar as any scientific tests conducted on them, do not exist. How does The Telepathy Tapes podcast attempt to justify its claims? There are a lot of tactics people use. Do they couch it in scientific-sounding language? Do they bring on discredited experts?

Vyse: All of the above. The first line of defence is that it’s a podcast, so listeners only hear descriptions—they are not seeing what is happening. This allows for a great deal of embellishment. The podcast employs dramatic background music and exciting language to enhance the illusion of legitimacy. Still, because it’s all audio, there is no visual verification of the claims.

The second line of defence is the inclusion of so-called “experts.” They bring on a psychiatrist, a psychologist, and a biologist. However, all three have long histories of believing in ESP and other supernatural phenomena, so there are no skeptical voices on this podcast at all.

And the tests they conduct to “prove” these psychic abilities are, in my opinion, laughable. They are not rigorous and rely on this discredited form of communication.

They’re either using the old facilitated communication method or a newer form called Spelling to Communicate, which organizations such as the Speech-Language-Hearing Association in the United States and other professional bodies do not support.

The fundamental issue is that it is not clear whether the disabled person is actually the one communicating. If the communications are invalid, the supposed psychic abilities disappear—because the facilitator already knows the answer.

In their tests, the person facilitating the communication knows the answer, even when the disabled individual does not. If the facilitator is controlling the typing, then it is simple transcription. It’s not magic.

Jacobsen: You have the relevant background here. What are the cognitive biases and heuristic errors people make when attributing veracity to these unfounded claims?

Vyse: Well, the core issue—the most significant bias at play—is that the facilitators are almost always the parents of the disabled individuals. This means they are far from objective observers.

These are people who, before using these communication methods, had never heard their child say, “I love you,” or anything of that nature. Then, suddenly—almost magically—the child appears to be expressing complex thoughts and emotions.

I want to pause here and acknowledge that being the parent of a child with such a severe disability is incredibly difficult. My heart goes out to these parents because they face challenges that typical parents do not. They have constant worries about their children’s futures. But because of this, there is a powerful bias in favour of belief.

The main issue is the parents’ belief that their child possesses an underlying competence and an ability to articulate speech that had previously been hidden.

It often goes beyond confirmation bias, becoming willful ignorance and motivated reasoning. The desire for this to be true is so strong that people actively avoid anything challenging their belief system.

Simple tests can easily demonstrate who is actually controlling the communication. You can conduct these tests on a tabletop. Since the 1990s, when peer-reviewed studies provided devastating evidence against these techniques, parents and advocates of these methods have gone to great lengths to avoid subjecting them to rigorous testing.

They believe in it, and some openly admit as much. For instance, a pro-Spelling to Communicate documentary, Spellers, is available on YouTube. It presents a highly favourable portrayal of the technique, reinforcing the belief system of those who support it.

A woman, a scientist, is interviewed in this documentary. Her son uses a spelling technique with her, and she says, “I don’t need the science. I know it is him communicating with me.”

So, there is a willful rejection of anything that would challenge that belief—for reasons I think are completely understandable. If you believe your child has an intact mind, has wonderful thoughts, and is producing great ideas, it would be incredibly difficult to challenge that belief once it has been established.

Jacobsen: Recently, Mark Zuckerberg, the owner of Meta, formerly Facebook, announced that he would be dropping fact-checkers for ambiguous or unclear reasons. Regardless, social media plays a significant role in amplifying and spreading pseudoscience.

How is social media amplifying and spreading autism-related pseudoscience—whether the first wave or this newest wave, which you’re known for covering? The old is new.

Vyse: Yeah. I think social media—and podcasts, which we didn’t have 15 or 20 years ago—is one of the main ways these ideas spread like wildfire.

Beyond the podcast itself, extensive promotions are happening on platforms like X, BlueSky, Facebook, and Instagram. This particular podcast is leveraging all of these social media channels.

Furthermore, there is a network of parents of disabled individuals who are highly engaged in searching for new solutions to their challenges. Long before The Telepathy Tapes, autism was already considered a fad magnet—because severe autism is so devastating for parents, they are especially vulnerable to treatments that claim to offer hope.

There have been scores of fad therapies claiming to cure autism, some of them quite dangerous. Yet parents, understandably, are often willing to try anything that might provide a solution. This latest wave is simply another iteration of that pattern.

Jacobsen: What responsibility does the scientific community have in debunking these claims?

I should add a small note for those who may not be immersed in the history of media culture and its intersection with the scientific community. Dr. Carl Sagan, for example, faced considerable criticism from within the scientific community for dedicating so much of his time to popularizing science—especially through Cosmos, which he co-created with Ann Druyan.

As far as I know, Dr. Neil deGrasse Tyson has faced similar, though less intense, critiques—largely because Sagan had already paved the way.

So, instead of asking how the scientific community views the responsibility to debunk these claims, a better question is: How do some scientific community members perceive their role in debunking claims that spread like wildfire through social media?

Vyse: Yeah, I think that—personally—I believe this is an important issue to address. And, honestly, it’s a jungle out there.

You mentioned that Facebook will no longer engage in fact-checking. In a more libertarian fashion, the responsibility is now entirely on individuals to decipher what is truth and what is bunk.

So, it is important for those with a platform to use it. Neil deGrasse Tyson is excellent at that. I don’t think the criticisms Sagan received back then were entirely unwarranted. They largely came from fellow scientists who adhered to the old-school view that you should stay in your lab, research, publish in scientific journals, and not concern yourself with public outreach.

I think that attitude has shifted significantly—especially with today’s widespread anti-science sentiment and rejection of expertise. These misleading ideas will spread exponentially if we do not provide a countervailing view.

I am fortunate to write for Skeptical Inquirer because when something like The Telepathy Tapes emerges, I can respond quickly if it falls within my expertise. And in this case, it does. I can provide an immediate counterargument.

I’m also encouraged to see that several articles—not just mine but from various sources—have criticized the technique since the podcast was released. Many of these writers seem to be aware of the background of facilitated communication and other discredited methods used in the podcast.

That’s heartening. But simultaneously, it’s extremely difficult to counteract a podcast that has reached the number one spot. I think this podcast’s overall effect will be to further spread these discredited techniques.

That’s why it is important to speak out.

Jacobsen: In general, I don’t think the public is stupid. I think baseline human cognitive abilities are quite high in terms of functioning. The issue is often a lack of exposure to an evidence-based perspective.

Someone more astute than me in political analysis once told me—and I forget whether this was in an actual interview, a casual conversation, or a pre-interview discussion—but they said something that stuck with me: An option is better than no option.

If the only option people are presented with is something like The Telepathy Tapes or autism-related pseudoscience, then that is what they will grasp onto. It’s an easy cognitive shortcut. It helps with cognitive closure—people want an answer. If a seemingly compelling one is available, that will be the first thing that comes to mind.

As someone in the media, albeit as a freelancer, I think scientists in particular fields have a significant responsibility to serve the public—not by forcefully pushing them away from pseudoscience but by almost poetically coaxing them into considering another perspective.

That’s what Sagan did and Tyson does so well: they describe science in a way that entices people into a different worldview.

I believe scientists are responsible in this regard—especially if they are tenured professors. They are among the most protected professionals in the world regarding academic freedom, financial stability, funding opportunities, freedom of speech, and professional respectability.

Vyse: Exactly. I agree with you completely on that.

Jacobsen: What are the old and new common threads across these various forms of autism-related pseudoscience?

Vyse: Well, the common thread is simple—the promise of an elusive but enormous reward. That reward is either the curing of the disorder or the discovery of a hidden ability. That is the core of it.

The parents in these situations—whether or not you are a parent yourself—are people who likely had an image of what raising a child would be like. They wanted a child, made the effort to have one, and had certain expectations for the parenting experience.

But in the case of a child with autism, that ideal is suddenly shattered. All of their hopes and dreams for what parenting would be are dramatically altered.

At its core, that is the most important aspect of these pseudoscientific claims. You have a set of desperate parents who would do anything to reclaim the dream they once had for their child’s future.

And unfortunately, there are unscrupulous people out there who are more than willing to exploit that desperation.

I can share one recent anecdote. One of the alternative treatments that some parents of autistic children try is hyperbaric oxygen therapy. They place their child in a hyperbaric chamber—similar to the chambers used to treat divers suffering from decompression sickness (“the bends”).

Some centers offer this therapy for autism despite having no scientific evidence that it works. But they market it as an effective treatment.

Just a few weeks ago, in Michigan, a five-year-old boy was tragically killed when the hyperbaric chamber he was in caught fire. These chambers are filled with oxygen, which makes them highly flammable.

It was unclear from the news reports I read whether the child was undergoing the treatment specifically for autism. However, the center where this occurred openly listed autism as one of the conditions for which they recommended hyperbaric therapy.

So, even if autism was not the reason in this particular case, it very well could have been. This is just one example of the lengths parents will go in search of a solution.

Jacobsen: Stuart, thank you for your time and the opportunity to speak with you today. 

Vyse: Great. Thanks for inviting me.

Jacobsen: Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 14: Moving From Domination to Partnership in Mental Health

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/13

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler speaks about replacing Freud’s “adjustment” paradigm with a partnership model of mental health. Eisler argues domination systems—patriarchy, rigid hierarchies, punitive norms—distort wellbeing from families to economies. Neuroscience and experience, she says, show humans are predisposed to empathy and cooperation, though these can be suppressed or confined to in-groups. She links cultural “wars,” social media pressures, and the devaluation of care work to distress, and calls for the deconstruction of violent myths alongside the reconstruction of stories, measures, and institutions. The conversation spans the Human Potential Movement, the limits of GDP, and strategies to “wean” societies from normalized violence.

Interview conducted November 1, 2025, in the afternoon Pacific Time.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Once more, we’re here with Riane Eisler. We’re going to be talking today about the framework of the late Sigmund Freud—about people simply adjusting to a more contemporary framing. Although there are statistical variations, generally speaking, the newer ways of looking at mental health refer to a more modern understanding of healing and being healthy in contrast to simply adjustment models like Freud. What does adjusting mean in a Freudian model mean when you’re analyzing this from a whole-systems perspective? How does this compare to a contemporary framing of healing and being healthy?

Riane Eisler: It reflects, of course, a shift from domination to partnership. To adjust is to adapt to what is. Healing and being healthy involve looking at the human potential for something better. That has been quite a shift in how we view mental health. The earlier model of “adjustment” was infused with sexism, which again shows the importance of gender.

It also carried stereotypes of masculinity and femininity. Women were supposed to have “penis envy” if they wanted to enter positions monopolized by men in Freud’s time. And this was really only about a hundred years ago.

Freud made some enormous contributions. He explored the unconscious, for example—an idea developed by earlier thinkers but popularized and systematized in psychoanalysis—looking at the things we carry from childhood. But his assumptions—and I write about this in Nurturing Our Humanity, which, as you know, I co-authored with Douglas P. Fry, a noted anthropologist and peace scholar—were deeply tied to his era. The shift away from Freud’s narratives toward recognizing that we have mental health problems we are conscious of represents a substantial change.

This is not to say there haven’t been challenges. Social media, for example, has pushed many young people into constant comparison and has negatively affected their mental health. You can see these trends—moving back and forth, back and forth. It’s often either domination or partnership.

Jacobsen: How can we talk about these things without taking culture and society into account, as if we existed independently of them? The parenthetical question is: why was that such a big blind spot? 

Eisler: We are not used to whole-systems analysis. For example, the trend toward recognizing human potential—the Human Potential Movement—was a cultural movement and part of the broader shift toward a partnership society. These are all interconnected movements, and you cannot fully understand them without examining both cultural and structural shifts, including the environmental movement, the women’s movement, the civil rights movement, and the peace and anti-war movements.

The anti-racism movement, the environmental movement, the women’s movement—they’re all movements toward a partnership culture. And then you have the regressions, which are reactions to them. This plays out in the culture. We cannot really separate what’s happening—and the lack of understanding of mental health issues in much of the regressive culture—from the broader struggle between partnership and domination models. The domination model, which seeks to return to more rigid hierarchies, is actually causing many of the mental health issues we see today.

Starting in families and extending to economic systems that ignore the three life-sustaining sectors—household, natural, and volunteer work—you really have to look at the whole picture. We’re not used to that. Slowly, people are beginning to connect the dots, and that is very important. I hope that these conversations with you can help people truly connect what’s happening in families, for example, with the opioid crisis, and what’s happening in culture at large. These things don’t happen in isolation from the larger culture and subcultures.

There’s a culture war going on, though we’ve stopped talking about it. It’s exciting. It’s still there. And I think the reason we’ve stopped talking about it is that it’s now clear it’s not simply between “right” and “left,” as it was framed. The left can be just as wedded to a domination model—they want someone else to be on top.

Take the former Soviet Union, for instance. It operated under a patriarchal, repressive, and often violent regime. Marx’s idea of the proletariat taking over turned into a deeply authoritarian structure. It was a leftist regime, but it was regressive and violent nonetheless.

I think we’ll hear more about culture wars in the future. I don’t like the term “wars” because it implies violence. “War on drugs,” “war on poverty,” and so on—those are American propaganda frames. Everything becomes a war. It maintains a punitive attitude—one that normalizes violent punishments in families. It prepares us to deny that there’s anything wrong with such practices, to deny that they affect our mental health.

What we need, of course, is to view mental health through a neuroscience lens. We just held a summit called Peace Begins at Home. One of our speakers, Dr. Richard Davidson, has worked with the Dalai Lama on the science of compassion. His view of human nature aligns closely with findings from neuroscience and with what I write about in Nurturing Our Humanity: all things being equal —which they rarely are —humans tend to be kind, caring, and empathetic.

Empathy is part of our evolutionary inheritance, but it can be suppressed or compartmentalized—often reserved for the in-group, especially for males within the in-group. We have a lot to deconstruct and reconstruct to achieve mental health truly.

That’s happening now through the re-examination of old stories—religious and mythological alike. Take the story of Eve being blamed for all of humanity’s ills; that’s absurd. Or The Odyssey, which carries clues to an earlier time when women had greater power. Yet even there, the narrative becomes an idealization of the hero’s journey—and the hero is a killer.

Jacobsen: Two thoughts come from that. The first is this: the idea of mental health as a holistic concept grounded in science, neuroscience, and developmental psychology is relatively new. That’s point one.

Point two is a footnote. In our discussions, we typically reference fascist regimes on the far right or Marxist regimes on the far left—both of which are traditionally patriarchal, domination-oriented systems. My question within that second point is this: have there ever been centrist regimes that are domination-oriented? That’s the question for point two. And point three—well, I’ve forgotten point three, but it’ll come back to me. So yes, that’s the question: have there been centrist domination-based systems?

Eisler: I’m not sure what you mean by centrist. If you tell someone between the right and the left—well, who is that? Because both ‘right’ and ‘left’ are arbitrary terms describing systems we know to be top-down. A “centrist” in that context is hard to define. I keep hearing about moderates and centrists, but I think those terms are essentially meaningless.

We really have to understand that these are polarities within domination thinking. They don’t help us make real change. What you’re referring to, I believe, is the new movement—the emerging understanding of human nature that challenges the old stories we’ve been told. The idea that humans are inherently bad, evil, or ruled by “selfish genes”—that’sHobbesian thinking. Poor Hobbes keeps being dragged out as a model for this mindset, but we forget that, based on his assumptions, his only possible conclusion was absolute top-down control.

If you believe humans are fundamentally selfish and brutish, then of course you need control. But the evidence contradicts that. In natural disasters, like the Blitz in London, people come together to help one another. That’s what actually happens. Our true nature is one of care. We empathize; we cooperate.

So the movement toward genuine health—mental and cultural—has to be understood within the broader shift from domination to partnership. Freud’s concept of “adjustment” fits squarely within a dominant culture. If you read some of his parables or mythic narratives, you’ll see he rejects religious superstition while keeping the same underlying story.

Take his origin story: sons killing the father—the Oedipal complex. It’s endlessly repeated, generation after generation. But it’s absurd. Whether sons rebel or not depends entirely on what the father does. If the father is a tyrant, then yes, the sons may want to replace him as tyrants themselves. And that’s precisely the story Freud tells us. Freud has to be understood in the context of his time—and it was not a good time.

To put it in a nutshell, the movement has been from seeing mental health as “adjustment” to a domination system—a top-down system, whether that’s men over men, men over women, race over race, or religion over religion. It doesn’t matter; it’s all part of the same domination structure.

Now we’re moving away from that toward recognizing that mental health is its own field of understanding —one that can be studied and developed. And what we know from neuroscience today is that human nature is very different from the old notion of people as purely selfish and self-centred.

Yes, we want to survive, but people also recognize our interconnection. That’s what’s so fascinating—and it’s even embedded in many religious scriptures. At their core, most contain some form of the Golden Rule: “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

So we’re in a period of sorting things out and, frankly, of awakening. I dislike the term woke—it’s ungrammatical and often misused—but it is a time of awakening. We’re realizing that many of the old stories we were told aren’t true, and we need new ones. Many creative people are wrestling with that challenge.

Jacobsen: And there’s also the personal side. Many people—especially those who have cultivated artistic or intellectual skills—are creating new narratives through painting, film, writing, and other art forms. But I think for many others, those who aren’t professional storytellers, there’s a similar struggle on the individual level. They’re trying to make sense of their own personal stories in a world that’s constantly shifting.

Eisler: A significantly shifting world. A world that, as I often say, is interconnected not only by technologies of communication and transportation, but also by technologies of destruction. The domination system isn’t adapted to that reality. And, of course, we’re also seeing the destruction of our Mother Earth—what we now call climate change. And yes, we are experiencing it. It’s the end of November, and it’s impossible not to notice.

It’s the beginning of November, and we’re having a heat wave in Northern California—it’s around 28 degrees Celsius. But really, the interview is simple at its core: it’s about the shift from domination to partnership.

Jacobsen: Do you think the earlier point about how Freud viewed mental health—or mental illness—as an adjustment to existing social structures reflects a broader cultural framing of the self as isolated? Because it seems that a healthy conception of self would be more relational—an extended self rooted in connection with others, not just an internal equilibrium. When people are cut off from that, such as in solitary confinement, they fall apart.

Eisler: People do fall apart in solitary confinement. That’s absolutely true. I think Freud’s idea of adjustment meant losing yourself, becoming comfortable with injustice and with the dysfunction caused by domination systems.

And yes, those systems produced immense mental health issues. The women of Freud’s time were not “crazy,” and they certainly didn’t have penis envy. They wanted equity in their relationships.

And the men, who were pressured to be ever more competitive and grasping—constantly climbing the hierarchy—they had their own psychological wounds. But those were cultural problems, caused by the same domination system.

Freud, for all his insights into the unconscious and for all he contributed, couldn’t see that. He was a product of his time—just as Marx and Adam Smith couldn’t see the economic value of caring work: caring for people from birth, or caring for Mother Earth. They called such work “reproductive” instead of “productive.”

That, too, is changing. There’s an awakening happening. Many economists are finally questioning the adequacy of GDP as a measure of wellbeing.

Jacobsen: Yes, I’ve seen that emerge in UN discussions and media ecosystems—people beginning to challenge the limits of GDP.

Eisler: But we have to do more than deconstruct. We also have to reconstruct.

Jacobsen: Yes, that’s the more challenging part. Reconstruction is 80 percent of the battle—experimenting with new ways of living and storytelling. 

Eisler: Many of these “new stories,” as people call them, are experiments in weaning humanity off violence—whether it’s cinematic violence or the old Roman-circus kind.

Film is an improvement over blood sport, but not by much, because so much violence still begins at home. And then there’s the emotional numbing—the loss of empathy. Too many people have become desensitized to others’ suffering. And so, we maintain this ancient institution, we still call war.

Jacobsen: Here’s a slightly less psychology-oriented question—more criminology across time—but I think it connects to how psychology plays out within this model.

If we compare the Roman circus—public spectacles of violence—to modern societies such as China, the United States, or the European Union as a whole, how do violent crime rates per capita compare? In other words, how violent were Roman times compared to today’s societies, which have “celluloid” or mediated forms of violence through film and television?

Eisler: I don’t think anyone in ancient Rome systematically measured crime rates the way we do today, but it would be fascinating to find out. Rome was held together primarily through fear and the spectacle of violence. It was a pure domination system—a top-down structure sustained by coercion.

The real question for us now is: how do we wean people off the adrenaline rush that comes from violent entertainment—the constant portrayal of conflict and dominance on screen?

And related to that, how do we begin to challenge the eroticization of violence—the way sexuality is often intertwined with domination? That’s where I would start when unpacking the broader issue of pornography and power dynamics. Someone is always the dominator; even in something as symbolic as the missionary position, it reflects a “man-on-top”worldview.

It requires a holistic approach, but people are beginning to connect the dots—slowly, but surely. That gives me hope on the deconstruction side. The reconstruction side, however, is harder.

Many people are traumatized—some still consciously or unconsciously identify with those on top, those who dominate. Others remain in denial, still believing that male dominance or hierarchical control is divinely ordained—that kings, presidents, dictators, whoever happens to be “on top,” are there by cosmic right.

How do we reach them? That’s the challenge. But I think there’s a large group of people in the middle who, through the lens of the partnership–domination framework, can begin to wake up and say, “I see now that this isn’t healthy. This doesn’t support mental, physical, or societal wellbeing.”

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Riane. 

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Arie Perliger on White Nationalism, Digital Radicalization, and the Mainstreaming of Extremism

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/12

Prof. Arie Perliger, a security studies expert at the University of Massachusetts Lowell, discusses white nationalism, digital radicalization, and extremism. Perliger defined white nationalism as an ideology emphasizing racial purity and rejecting foreign influence. He noted that white nationalist groups construct ideological echo chambers, normalizing extremist beliefs and fostering recruitment through social media platforms like Telegram and Truth Social. He highlighted how conspiracies, including the Great Replacement Theory and Jewish global cabal narratives, shape extremist ideologies. He also discussed the mainstreaming of far-right rhetoric and how extremist communities provide both ideological and emotional support for their members. Misogynist extremism is another growing concern, as it intersects with far-right ideologies. Regarding domestic security threats, Perliger emphasized that far-right violence remains the most significant form of ideological violence in the U.S. He also touched on socioeconomic and geographic polarization as contributing factors. The interview concluded with discussions on academia’s role, political polarization, and the normalization of extremism.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are here with Arie Perliger, Ph.D. He is a professor of security studies at the School of Criminology and Justice Studies at the University of Massachusetts Lowell. He specializes in political violence, extremism, security policy, and far-right politics in the U.S., Europe, and Israel. His research applies social network analysis to terrorism and political violence, and his work includes three books and numerous articles.

His latest book, American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism, was published by Columbia University Press. Perliger has also trained U.S. government agencies such as the FBI and CIA and contributed insights to media outlets like The New York Times and the BBC. So, he has some reach—you could say that.

Thank you for joining me today. I am a little pipsqueak freelance journalist from a small town in Canada—I appreciate it.

So, let’s start with definitions and distinctions. How do you define white nationalism, and what distinguishes it from other far-right or nationalist ideologies? Some people might focus on Hindu ethnic nationalism, while others might examine Islamism. How is white nationalism distinct as a cultural phenomenon as we see it today?

Prof. Arie Perliger: White nationalism is a broad term, and I’m not sure how useful it is, but I’ll go with it.

Nationalism has two major components, especially in its extreme forms.

The first component is the aspiration to create a homogeneous collective. The idea is that the more diverse or heterogeneous a collective is, the more vulnerable and dysfunctional it becomes. As a result, it has lower chances of survival and prosperity. If you understand this concept, you can see why white nationalists believe it is essential for Western nations—or at least what they define as “Western Christian nations”—to be predominantly white, predominantly Protestant, and committed to what they define as Western heritage, history, and culture.

In this context, they believe, for example, that all white people should reside in white nations and that those nations should remain exclusively white. They seek to increase what they define as the purity and homogeneity of their collective, ensuring that white people do not mix with other races or ethnic groups, either within or outside their countries.

The second component is the rejection of everything foreign—anything considered non-native. This is essentially an extreme form of nativism: the rejection of foreign people, customs, languages, holidays, food—anything foreign. They see anything foreign threatening the nation’s cohesion, unity, and strength.

In their view, a nation derives its strength from its homogeneity and purity. Cultural, ethnic, or linguistic mixing weakens the collective, making the nation more vulnerable. To them, the nation is like a living organism that needs to be protected and nurtured.

So, white nationalism adopts all these various concepts and primarily focuses on its perception of what it means to be white— which, by the way, is not usually what most people consider white.

For example, most white nationalists, when they talk about the white race, do not mean people from places like Italy, Spain, or Greece. These are not considered white ethnic groups in their view. They usually refer to what they define as the Aryan people—those they see as the descendants of Northern Europe, including Scandinavia, Germanic regions, the UK, and so on.

They have a specific definition of what white nations are and why they should enjoy a privileged status—why they should be at the top of the racial hierarchy.

Jacobsen: We also have the digital radicalization of people—or if not outright radicalization, then digital amplification. The same message is not necessarily more radical. Still, it is amplified through platforms like Parler, Telegram, WhatsApp, Truth Social, Bluesky, Twitter, etc.

So how are these platforms consciously used—not just as general social spaces but deliberately—to amplify this type of messaging to various people worldwide, particularly in Western nations?

Perliger: In multiple ways.

This process has different facets. The first involves associations, organizations, and groups that want to promote white nationalism and various white power ideologies. They create online communities.

When I say communities, I mean both digital spaces where people can promote, discuss, and debate various racist, xenophobic, antisemitic, and white supremacist narratives freely. These communities do not just provide spaces for discussion but also serve to legitimize, normalize, and, in many ways, rationalize these kinds of views.

Creating ideological echo chambers provides an important space for ideologies to grow, evolve, and respond to real-world events.

For example, after the beginning of the Gaza War, many far-right communities were divided. On the one hand, they expressed satisfaction at seeing so many Jews being killed. But on the other hand, they also harbour a deep hatred for what they perceive as Islamic radicalization.

So, on one side, they say it is a “good thing” that Jews are being massacred. On the other side, they argue that Hamas’ actions expose Islam as barbaric, reinforcing their belief that the white race must be protected from these groups.

That’s another element of it. I mentioned communities earlier, which also serve another function—providing emotional support. They become places where individuals who feel anxious, angry, or frustrated can find a sense of belonging. In that way, they do not just radicalize people ideologically but also serve as emotional support networks for individuals drawn to these extremist movements.

So that’s one element.

The second element is that online tools are highly effective in exposing people to ideologies, conspiracy narratives, and extremist constructs. In many cases, they also help fuse these views into mainstream discourse, shaping political rhetoric and public debate.

One thing that is obvious to me— as someone who is fairly old and has studied these groups for almost 25 years—is that many of the ideas and narratives once promoted by very extremist groups 15 years ago are now much closer to the mainstream.

Ideas I never imagined would reach mainstream political rhetoric are now openly discussed and even normalized.

So that’s part of it—this online ecosystem enables these ideas to become normalized and integrated into mainstream discourse.

Jacobsen: You mentioned conspiracies. Conspiracies are a major part of the online world, where fringe beliefs have at least moved one rung closer to the core of so-called “mainstream” discourse.

Some of the narratives that tend to emerge include:

  • The Kalergi Plan claims that European elites have orchestrated mass immigration to mix or even “erase” European identity.
  • The Great Replacement Theory, a broader version of the Kalergi Plan, asserts that non-European immigrants systematically replace European populations through state policies and global agendas.
  • Eurabia, which suggests a secret alliance between European political elites and Arab powers designed to transform Europe into a predominantly Islamic society.
  • White Genocide is the claim that multiculturalism and diversity are intentional strategies to undermine and eliminate white populations.
  • Elite Replacement and Globalists allege that political and economic elites are conspiring to replace traditional national identities with a globalist agenda.
  • Cultural Marxism is the belief that leftist academics and policymakers are subverting Western civilization through progressive policies.
  • Religious Replacement is the idea that Christianity is being deliberately erased in favour of other religions, particularly Islam.
  • Hybridization and Eugenics/Dysgenics Theories argue that intermixing populations is part of an intentional strategy to weaken white genetic and cultural identity.

So, there is a wide range of distinct types of conspiracies and distinct narratives that fall within each of these categories. Conspiratorial thinking is quite diverse—it asserts knowledge where none exists.

Why does this frame of mind persist?

To me, as a layman journalist covering this topic, it sounds like much of it is grounded in fear of the other—whether that “other” is Jewish people, Arabs, Muslims, or other marginalized groups.

Perliger: Yes. I think it’s interesting that you didn’t mention probably the most deeply rooted, persistent, and resilient conspiracy of all—

Jacobsen: The Jewish global cabal?

Perliger: Yes. The belief is that Jews control global politics and global finance and are secretly manipulating world events.

Jacobsen: And, of course, a major manifestation of this is George Soros-based antisemitism.

Perliger: But to be clear, this isn’t just about Soros himself. It’s the broader idea that Jews control financial institutions, political systems, and media networks and that they are orchestrating events behind the scenes.

Jacobsen: This kind of narrative deliberately excludes terms like Zio-banksters in mainstream discussion, even though that remains a coded phrase in extremist circles.

Perliger: Yes. Or the classic Protocols of the Elders of Zion, right? Interestingly, this is one of those conspiracies or racist narratives that are probably the most common among people who do not even consider themselves white supremacists, racists, or even conservatives. Many people believe that Jews have some disproportionate control over world affairs, global finance, and politics.

Understanding the impetus behind conspiracy theories and ideological narratives is important. They arise from people’s attempts to explain events or policies that they perceive as irrational, paradoxical, or incomprehensible, creating cognitive dissonance for them. For example, many white nationalists and far-right individuals struggle to understand why European nations would open their borders and be willing to absorb hundreds of thousands of immigrants, given the economic, social, and cultural consequences. To them, this policy seems completely irrational.

Since they cannot explain it through conventional reasoning, they turn to conspiracy theories to explain. Similarly, suppose they see an increase in the prominence of minorities in government, public policy, or the private sector. In that case, they attribute it to the Great Replacement Theory rather than acknowledging the much simpler demographic, social, and economic factors at play.

The fact is, there are much simpler historical explanations for many of these claims. Take, for instance, the antisemitic conspiracy theory about Jewish control of finance. The real historical reason is straightforward: for about 800 years, Jews in Europe were not allowed to purchase land. In most European countries, land ownership was restricted to Christians, so Jews were excluded from agriculture and land-based wealth accumulation. As a result, they had to work in professions that did not require land ownership—such as finance, law, and clerical occupations. This historical restriction created the association between Jews and finance in Europe.

These conspiracy theories persist because they provide a clear, simple, black-and-white explanation attractive to many people. They offer control and understanding in a chaotic or unfair world.

I’ll say something that I know you—and many of my colleagues—may not want to hear, but I am open about it. We saw a similar dynamic in 2016 when many people on the left could not comprehend how Donald Trump won the election. Since they could not accept that his victory resulted from widespread support, they developed theories about Russian interference as the decisive factor.

Of course, we know that Russia invested efforts in propaganda and online influence campaigns. However, the idea that Trump was some Russian agent orchestrating his election victory is an exaggerated conspiracy. His win was primarily due to domestic political factors, voter behaviour, and structural issues in the U.S. electoral system—not a grand foreign plot.

Many friends and colleagues on the left were completely convinced that Donald Trump’s victory in 2016 was the result of a grand conspiracy. Again, you see the same pattern—people struggle to comprehend and explain reality rationally.

However, there are simpler explanations for why Trump won the 2016 election. It was not the result of some elaborate Russian conspiracy or Manchurian Candidate scenario. I am not saying that Russian influence efforts did not exist, but they were not the determining factor.

With mass media’s fragmentation and democratization, these narratives are much easier to disseminate and proliferate. People now have access to alternative information sources, and as a result, misinformation spreads more rapidly.

I would also argue—and this is another point on which many of my colleagues might disagree with me—that today, it is nearly impossible to access media that does not invest heavily in interpreting the news rather than simply reporting it.

This is true for both the left and the right. People today, when they consume mainstream media, are fully aware that these media sources are heavily biased and driven by particular political preferences. If that is the case, people see no reason to trust so-called reliable sources of information over an independent blogger on the Internet.

We have lost the fundamental principle of journalistic objectivity. When mainstream journalists—those working at the most distinguished media organizations—decided that objectivity was outdated, they failed to recognize the long-term consequences.

Look at The New York Times and The Washington Post. When these institutions experienced internal pushback from journalists who wanted to abandon neutrality in reporting, they embraced this shift. If you openly admit that you are no longer striving for objectivity, the public will eventually take notice.

The public is not stupid.

So, that’s what they wanted? That’s what they got. 

Jacobsen: Be careful what you wish for. Next question. Which methodologies—particularly in social network analysis—have proven most effective in studying the structure and dynamics of white nationalist groups?

Perliger: Social network analysis helps us understand how social interactions facilitate ideological evolution and dissemination. It allows us to examine how extremist groups divide labour within their internal structures, how they change over time, mobilize support, and recruit new members.

There is no single form of network analysis. We have learned that social network analysis provides far better insights into the dynamics within extremist groups than traditional models of organizational structure.

The assumption that these groups operate as rigid, hierarchical organizations is incorrect. Many of these groups are fluid, diverse, and constantly evolving. They do not fit neatly into a top-down organizational chart. This realization led me to develop a network-based approach to studying extremism nearly twenty years ago.

At the time, many people were skeptical that we would ever be able to map clandestine networks or track the interactions of covert extremist groups. There was widespread doubt about whether network analysis would be effective.

However, today, most scholars acknowledge that applying traditional organizational models to study these groups has significant limitations. Network analysis has proven to be a far more effective tool for understanding their real-world behaviour.

Jacobsen: If you were to examine some of these networks of extremist groups, I’d be curious about the trickier cases—where definitions can be helpful, but the fluidity of these groups makes classification difficult.

If these networks are both intragroup and intergroup fluid, meaning they constantly shift and overlap, then defining them at any static point becomes challenging. So, what about groups that are on the edge of extremism—those that share many similar ideologies but don’t quite fit the definition of an extremist group?

Do such groups exist? Or do most of these groups naturally fall into the broader category of extremist movements, making them easier to identify once they embrace this ideology and begin spreading it?

Perliger: When we talk about extremists, I’m not even sure we should call them groups in the traditional sense. They are extremist communities or extremist spaces rather than formal organizations.

For example, my next book will focus on extremist misogynist communities. I am studying different types of extreme misogynist movements, and some of them exist at the intersection of far-right extremism and misogyny. Some are incel (involuntary celibate) communities, while others fall under the broader men’s rights movement umbrella. These are distinct but overlapping communities.

They promote ideological narratives that, in many cases, are extremist—first, because they exist on the fringe, and second, because they encourage animosity, hostility, and often violence against their perceived adversaries. These communities tend to have a clear definition of their enemies—they create a sharp distinction between the in-group and the out-group, defining who they are and who they must fight.

Jacobsen: So, they largely define themselves in opposition to their enemies rather than based on their intrinsic identity?

Perliger: Yes. Absolutely.

Jacobsen: That’s a critical point. These communities define themselves by contradistinction to the “other” rather than by a strong, positive self-identity.

Perliger: For example, these communities view feminism—and feminists—as the primary source of what they see as male oppression, marginalization, and discrimination. They justify violence, animosity, and hostility against powerful women, feminist women, or sometimes women in general because they believe these individuals are responsible for attacking men and threatening masculinity in modern society. They often use conspiracy narratives to distort and manipulate real-world data to fit their extremist worldview.

For instance, they might cite statistics such as:

  • Men are now a minority in higher education.
  • Men are underrepresented in certain professional sectors.
  • Men are more likely to commit suicide.
  • Men are more likely to suffer from mental health issues.
  • Men are more likely to die a violent death or in wars.
  • Men are more likely to experience poverty.

Then they argue: “Look, all these statistics prove that men are now oppressed, marginalized, and discriminated against.”

Of course, these statistics—while often factually accurate—are stripped of context and framed in a way that supports their narrative of victimhood. Many of these disparities have complex historical, social, and economic explanations. Still, extremist communities twist the data to fuel anger and resentment rather than meaningful understanding.

They identify their enemies, and they articulate why there is a need for action. So, it is not entirely surprising when a man walks into a yoga studio and starts shooting at women—because, in his mind, those upper-class, educated, empowered women are the enemy. They are the threat, the ones responsible for his suffering and grievances.

What we see today are extremist communities that promote radical ideologies. Occasionally, individuals or small cells from within these communities engage in acts of violence. This is the dominant pattern in Western societies—whether individuals are radicalized in jihadist spaces, far-right spaces, environmentalist spaces, or other ideological movements, they are eventually encouraged and empowered to act.

This idea behind direct action is turning ideological beliefs into real-world action. This decentralized direct action system has been widely adopted by most extremist movements today, whether they are far-right, jihadist, environmentalist, or left-wing. These movements create radical spaces and encourage individuals to act—sometimes independently, sometimes with support.

Where do we still see traditional terrorist paramilitary organizations? Mostly in developing countries, but not in the Western world.

Jacobsen: Is there a Venn diagram between white nationalism and misogynistic extremist groups? Defining these categories can be tricky, but how much overlap is there? Would you say it’s essentially a circle—a complete overlap?

Perliger: Between the far-right and white nationalist movements and the misogynistic extremist spaces? Yes, there is some convergence.

For example, if you talk about skinhead movements, many use misogyny as a recruitment tool. They even have a specific designation for young men they recruit through extremist misogynist rhetoric—they call them Schopenhauer’s Acolytes, referencing the pessimistic, misogynistic philosophy of Arthur Schopenhauer. So, skinheads and other far-right groups often use misogyny as an entry point to radicalization.

The Proud Boys are another example—it is all about male pride, rejecting oppression, and reclaiming masculinity.

Jacobsen: We are deeply sorry for exporting Gavin McInnes to you.

Perliger: No, it’s fine. I wouldn’t worry. You Canadians will soon be the 51st state anyway, so these distinctions won’t matter much.

Jacobsen: Look, we have a plan: We will take all the honey in the country and line the entire U.S.-Canada border. That way, first, it will be covered with bears—black bears, grizzlies, polar bears, all of them. Then, the rest of the wilderness animals will take up the cause, and our border will be permanently protected. I’m sure you do not want to be trampled by a moose.

Perliger: But, in all seriousness, other forces may still push us to take over Canada—for example, climate change. As more parts of the southern U.S. become uninhabitable, we naturally need to move north.

And, as usual, we will do it in the name of Manifest Destiny.

Jacobsen: Of course.

Perliger: Why do you think we wanted Greenland?

Jacobsen: Yes, you’re planning well before Canada is on the table. You’re going way further.

Perliger: Yes.

Jacobsen: We often hear that white nationalism is the main security threat in the United States. Based on your analysis, is that a factual statement? Or, if not, is it still a high-level threat to domestic violent extremism?

Perliger: By far, the most common form of ideological violence in the U.S. is far-right violence.

I have been collecting data on domestic violent extremism in the U.S. for many years, and consistently, far-right violence is the most frequent form of ideological violence. Other forms of extremist violence exist, but they are far less dominant. So yes, this remains the major domestic security threat.

There are several elements of concern.

The first is the mainstreaming of extremist rhetoric. Many far-right political leaders and figures within the mainstream political system use similar language and tones as white power extremists, normalizing and legitimizing these ideologies. When extremists hear their leaders echoing their rhetoric, they feel validated, making it much harder to counter their narratives and contain their influence.

Suppose there is one thing the U.S. needs. In that case, there is greater political support for centrist leaders—those interested in governance and policy rather than pandering to the extremes. Right now, the political system is becoming so polarized that it is nearly dysfunctional—legislation cannot move forward, policies cannot be enacted, and everything turns into a zero-sum game where compromise is impossible.

The second major challenge—and the one I consider the most serious—is the increasing alignment between socioeconomic and ideological divisions.

In the past, if you lived in rural or urban America, you would still encounter people with different political views. There was a degree of ideological mixing in everyday life. But today, geographic division has become much more rigid—Americans rarely interact with people with different political views or perspectives on the country.

This fuels political polarization, distrust, and animosity between the left and the right. It turns political opposition into adversarial relationships, where people see those on the other side as enemies rather than fellow citizens with different ideas.

This trend is one of the biggest long-term threats to American domestic stability—not just in terms of violence but also in terms of governance and social cohesion.

Of course, that is an effective breeding ground for extremists, right? The urban-rural divide now aligns closely with the political divide, making it much more difficult to foster discourse that bridges these divisions.

Recently, we have also seen the socioeconomic divide converge with the political divide. For example, people like me—relatively upper-class—rarely encounter individuals with different views. What I am saying is that the convergence of ideological and socioeconomic divisions has created a situation where individuals with various shades of left-leaning or progressive ideologies mostly surround people like me. This reflects the reality that entire sectors of society—especially professional, academic, and operational fields—have become ideologically homogeneous.

As a result, economic divisions—such as the working class versus the upper class—are merging with ideological divisions. What we now face is political polarization and geographical and socioeconomic polarization. Reducing polarization, animosity, and adversarial politics becomes much more challenging when these factors align because people have limited shared interests, interactions, or spaces with those who think differently.

That is the main threat we are facing in the U.S. Specifically, we know that far-right terrorism, including white nationalist terrorism, is the most lethal form of domestic terrorism in contemporary America. 

Jacobsen: What are the demographics—age range, sex or gender, educational level, political leanings?

Perliger: First, it is important to understand that the far right includes multiple ideological streams. There are anti-government, anti-federal groups; traditional white supremacists; neo-Nazis; and Christian Identity adherents or other fundamentalist white supremacist organizations. Each of these groups has distinct characteristics.

Additionally, some acts of violence against minorities are no longer perpetrated solely by individuals traditionally associated with such crimes. For example, in cases of anti-Asian and antisemitic violence, there has been an increasing number of incidents involving perpetrators from various racial and ethnic backgrounds. I published a brief on this, but no major news outlets picked it up, unsurprisingly, because it is an explosive issue that few are willing to discuss.

The key point here is that context matters. Generally speaking, the most active and violent elements tend to be young white men.

However, I would qualify that by saying we are seeing a dramatic increase in the involvement of women—particularly young white women—in extremist communities. That is especially interesting in the convergence of misogyny and far-right extremism. We see a significant rise in the participation of women who espouse traditionalist, conservative, and even xenophobic, nativist, and misogynistic ideological narratives.

In my book, I dedicate an entire chapter to the term “misogynist” and the phenomenon of female-dominated spaces that promote misogynistic narratives and ideologies.

Jacobsen: That is fascinating.

Perliger: Yes, we do see this trend. Additionally, we are witnessing a noticeable increase in the involvement of ethnic minorities in far-right extremism. If you recall, there was a mass shooting in Allen, Texas, that received significant media coverage. The perpetrator of that attack at an outlet mall was Mauricio Martinez Garcia.

Jacobsen: Now, was he a white supremacist Mexican? 

Perliger: Yes. 

Jacobsen: A Hispanic white supremacist? 

Perliger: Yes.

Consider how Americans classify race and ethnicity in demographic data. In that case, they categorize individuals as “nonwhite Hispanic” or “white Hispanic.” That distinction might make some perverse sense in the framework of American racial classifications, but this case highlights a broader pattern.

Another example: In 2020, Stephen Carrillo, a member of the Boogaloo movement, carried out an attack in which he shot and killed a federal security officer outside a courthouse in San Francisco.

What I am saying is that while white men still constitute the majority in far-right extremist movements, there is a gradual increase in the participation of ethnic minorities in far-right activism. The Proud Boys, for example, include many Black and Hispanic members.

This development reflects how these groups are redefining their concepts of national identity and collective belonging. They are adapting and restructuring their ideological frameworks to accommodate a more diverse membership while maintaining their core far-right beliefs.

It also helps explain why we should not be surprised by the significant increase in minority support for Donald Trump and his immigration policies. In the last election cycle, many were shocked by the rising levels of Latino and Asian American support for Trump. But this is part of a broader realignment—various minority groups are gradually shifting toward the political right.

For instance, many Asian Americans have shifted their political preferences due to specific grievances with progressive policies. Each minority group has different reasons for developing animosity toward progressive politics, but the trend is clear. The answer is complex.

Jacobsen: We do not necessarily have to dive into all the nuances. But your work on online misogyny and its real-world impact is crucial. Misogyny, but also the way international dynamics intersect with it—there is a clear convergence of militant-oriented masculinity. This ideology is ascendant in that way. The only thing that comes to mind, based on my general knowledge of this topic, is that in some Islamist groups operating within developed English-speaking countries, the support for men—behind closed doors—often came from their partners in heterosexual relationships.

In many cases, the women were even more radical than the men, though less actively violent. They played a significant role in radicalizing their male partners, who would then go on to commit heinous acts of violence.

This seems somewhat different in the case of far-right extremism. It is not as hidden—it is more centred around white identity but also deeply rooted in a broader ideology of militant masculinity. 

Perliger: An extensive online ecosystem exists, particularly on TikTok and Instagram.

Jacobsen: That is interesting.

Perliger: I have research assistants whose primary job is analyzing these networks. We have developed a computerized system that helps process vast amounts of content. They do not have to go through everything manually. We are trying to map and understand these ecosystems. And yes, they are well-compensated—so do not worry about them.

Jacobsen: Do you do wellness checks on them?

Perliger: Yes. I acknowledge that they are exposed to much toxic content. But first and foremost, they are passionate about these issues and committed to understanding them.

Secondly, you cannot study these groups and their ideologies without engaging with their materials. You must read what they produce and expose yourself to their narratives to analyze them effectively. As a Jewish person, I have read some of the most virulent antisemitic propaganda. It is part of the work.

To understand people, you have to immerse yourself in their world. Of course, I do not say a word when I attend their events.

Jacobsen: Aerie, thank you for your time today. It was nice meeting you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Yulian Kondur on Roma Aid, Documentation, and Winter Survival in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/11

Yulian Kondur is a Ukrainian Roma human rights advocate, project coordinator at the Roma Women Fund “Chirikli,” and president of the Odesa Roma Rights Center. His work focuses on legal aid, documentation, and social inclusion for Roma displaced or affected by Russia’s war, alongside advocacy against discrimination. Chirikli—founded in 1994—was the first Ukrainian NGO to raise Roma women’s rights nationally and internationally and partners with institutions on mediation and inclusion. Kondur participates in regional forums and policy dialogues on Roma inclusion and Ukraine’s recovery, including Council of Europe efforts and consultations on the Roma Strategy 2030, as well as UN protection discussions. 

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Kondur outlines winter priorities and structural reforms. He details aid that keeps Roma displaced by Russia’s war warm and housed, health outreach from TB screening to mobile visits, and art-therapy support for women and children. A documentation pilot identified over 300 undocumented people and built a collaborative model with mediators, the Ombudsman, and migration services. Kondur warns of legal invisibility and calls for fee waivers, better data, and EU-backed funding. He flags housing shortages, weak hate-crime enforcement, and the need to train mediators and involve youth.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are speaking with Yulian Kondur, a Ukrainian Roma human-rights advocate, project coordinator with the Roma Women’s Fund “Chirikli,” and president of the Odesa Roma Rights Center. Odesa was my first city that I visited during some travels in 2023. One of the first sites we visited was a UNESCO World Heritage site—the Transfiguration Cathedral, which was bombed on July 23, 2023. It was an interesting and sombre sight. What are the operational priorities for Roma communities through the winter?

Yulian Kondur: This is another winter, and it is traditionally the hardest period of the year. Given the project timelines, there is also a great deal of administrative work for us. Speaking about community needs, this is one thing; the priorities of NGOs are another. Regarding our capacity, we are now focusing heavily on fundraising and maintaining the work we do. There is a cycle of applications, and we are actively engaged in it.

We have already received both positive and negative feedback on some of them, and we are planning for the second half of the winter. Much will depend on how well we can meet the needs. The priorities for winter have evolved since the beginning of the invasion. Initially, the most urgent needs were evacuations and food. Later, as the situation changed, the needs shifted as well. Nowadays, we are focusing more on keeping people warm and housed. We continue to provide essential goods—food, hygiene items—but also, specifically for winter, blankets, heaters, firewood, and warm clothing.

Currently, we prioritize displaced people—those who had to flee their homes within Ukraine. Still, we also assist local communities living in compact settlements. These are among the poorest groups in our community, and we include them as beneficiaries of this support. We no longer have cash assistance. During the first three to four months after the invasion, we did, but that was part of an emergency response. Later, we realized we did not have enough capacity to manage every case individually and verify each request. The requests varied significantly, making it challenging to apply a unified approach.

Each case demanded considerable attention, and there remained a strong demand for various types of additional support. Our network of Roma mediators, which Chirikli has coordinated nationally since the early 2010s, has been essential; dozens of mediators operate across Ukraine to bridge access to services. Most requests from community members come either through local NGOs or Roma mediators. Suppose we receive requests on Facebook or Instagram. In that case, we connect those individuals with local partners and channel support through them as the most secure and reliable way to maintain our work and connections.

Health and medical support are also key priorities. We have a long-term project in this area, in cooperation with the mediator network and institutional partners.

Our health-related work includes tuberculosis screening and treatment, case verification, and supporting patients in maintaining their health. This continues primarily in two regions—Zakarpattia (Transcarpathia) and Odesa—and to a smaller extent in the Kyiv region. At the moment, most attention is on Odesa and Zakarpattia, where there are larger numbers of Roma and many internally displaced persons.

In terms of health outreach, our work involves mobile medical visits conducted by doctors and referrals for further treatment. Roma mediators ensure that these services are accessible to Roma communities.

Mental health care is another key focus of our activities. We organize art therapy for women and children, often in shelters we support, especially one that we run entirely on our own capacity in Mukachevo. Residents and local families gather for sessions, drawing and painting, or for dance classes and other forms of creative interaction. It is a simple but effective approach—art requires little more than light, paint, and connection. It fosters interaction among people and is especially beneficial for children. We have received positive feedback from parents about these sessions.

Specifically, during winter, we continue to focus mainly on humanitarian needs, as we have for the past several years. These occupy a significant portion of our work. At the same time, we also address other issues, such as access to personal documents, responses to discrimination cases, and improvements to services for Roma communities. There are some ongoing initiatives in these areas, but for now, our priority is ensuring humanitarian safety.

Jacobsen: As a sub-question to that, for context, in January, temperatures in Ukraine can drop to minus 20 degrees Celsius—a level that many people around the world, especially those in tropical climates, can hardly imagine. January is probably the harshest month. How do you prepare for that with limited resources?

Kondur: We assess what we have available through our ongoing projects. Some of them end in December, so we try to allocate the remaining funds for essential winter items—the things I mentioned earlier, such as heating materials and firewood. We also purchase small wood-burning stoves, sometimes called potbelly stoves, as well as portable heaters or generators. These allow families to stay warm and cook food safely. We remain in close contact with people to understand their exact needs and provide assistance accordingly.

In estimating what we need to buy and how to meet people’s expectations, our Roma mediators play a central role. They inform us about what is required and how many families they can reach with the available resources. That is the most important thing for us—to understand the number of people and organize the distribution in time.

Given the current electricity shortages and the recent increase in air attacks, logistics are affected. Unfortunately, based on our experience from last winter, these conditions make it more complicated to deliver supplies quickly. Still, we are trying to complete all purchases by the end of the year and send them to different parts of Ukraine immediately. Over time, we have learned to make this process more efficient by using the most reliable delivery services. The main challenge, as always, is the cost.

We have limited resources, but we constantly fundraise and cooperate with long-term partners who remain committed to supporting Ukraine’s Roma communities. Among these are Finnish Roma and non-Roma NGOs, as well as the Government of Finland, which plays a vital role in sustaining our work. That is how we manage to continue.

Jacobsen: How is Chirikli engaging in the consultations for the Roma Strategy to 2030?

Kondur: We have been deeply engaged from the very beginning of the Roma strategy process in Ukraine. The first national Roma strategy was adopted in 2013, before the Maidan Revolution, when Ukraine’s future looked much brighter. At that time, the strategy was primarily inspired by the Decade of Roma Inclusion—an initiative of more than 15 European countries, both within and outside the EU, that coordinated efforts to improve Roma integration. Ukraine followed this model as part of its EU approximation process.

Our strength as organizations, such as Chirikli, was our long-standing involvement with the Council of Europe and other international partners. Our role was to explain to Ukrainian authorities why a national Roma strategy was essential and beneficial not only under international obligations but also for Ukraine’s own development. At the same time, we worked with Roma communities to explain that this was a positive and necessary step toward greater inclusion in public and political life, including participation in elections.

For us, it has been a privilege to remain continuously involved at different levels—especially at the policy and institutional levels—over such a long period. We have contributed recommendations throughout the process, helping to shape the national approach to Roma inclusion.

Of course, the government still plays the leading role. Not every community or organization that has access to high-level consultations necessarily experiences a reciprocal relationship where their input is truly taken into account. That said, having such access is still an advantage.

The government holds many consultations, and Roma NGOs, including Chirikli, generally maintain good relations with the authorities. However, in the end, policies are often finalized based on government priorities rather than community input. This current cycle is a clear example of that. It may be due to limited time or a shortage of human resources within the relevant ministries. The consultation process was not as inclusive or transparent as it should have been. Instead of drafting policy after community consultations, authorities prepared documents beforehand. Then they presented them for discussion—creating a “back-and-forth” dynamic rather than genuine participation.

A few months ago, the government published a two-year action plan under the broader Roma Strategy to 2030. The idea is that the strategy serves as a framework, and every two to three years, a new action plan will update priorities. When we saw the first draft, we immediately submitted a letter of concern, stating that the process did not follow standards for consulting with minorities. The positive outcome was that the government agreed to hold real consultations, with support from international partners such as the Council of Europe. These consultations were open, and participants were not afraid to voice criticism where needed. We all support Ukraine, but as civil society, we also recognize that institutions must do their part correctly.

We actively participated in shaping the new action plan, and some of its activities are already being implemented. For instance, we are mapping data on Roma populations and their needs across Ukraine. We began in the Zakarpattia (Transcarpathia) region and plan to expand to others. How far we can go depends largely on our local partners, which remains one of the biggest challenges. Many people have left Ukraine, and some NGOs have closed due to a lack of capacity.

That is why one of our priorities now is to bring new people into the movement and train new Roma mediators. Unfortunately, there is a growing trend—fewer young Roma are interested in activism. We understand the need to be creative in attracting youth to civic engagement and policy work. This must also be reflected in the strategy: how to involve young Roma in decisions that shape their future and their communities.

Regarding the strategy itself, it is closely tied to Ukraine’s European integration process. The pressure to align national policies with EU standards has, in part, caused the government to move quickly—sometimes too quickly—when drafting new frameworks. While this haste has drawbacks, it also creates an opportunity to leverage the current momentum to strengthen Roma inclusion and institutional collaboration.

It is good that this process exists, and to some extent, we benefit from it. On the other hand, we do not want European integration to be the only reason the government works on Roma issues. To balance this, a strong civil society is essential. We continue investing in it, though it remains challenging. Many human rights NGOs, including ours, are overwhelmed by service and humanitarian work, and there is also a lack of motivation among youth to engage in activism. These challenges are interconnected.

Jacobsen: What is the plan to reduce documentation gaps among displaced Roma families?

Kondur: Over the past year and a half, we have been implementing a pilot initiative to improve access to identity documents, primarily in Zakarpattia (Transcarpathia) in western Ukraine. Ukraine has a long history of working on this issue in cooperation with UNHCR (the UN Refugee Agency), the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and the Council of Europe. For more than a decade, these institutions have invested considerable resources in training Ukrainian state officials and improving the administrative system, raising awareness of why it is essential to identify how many Roma remain undocumented.

This is not only a Ukrainian challenge but a regional one. Despite international attention and support, Ukraine still does not have clear statistics on undocumented Roma. Before 2022, the estimate was that around 10 percent of Roma in Ukraine lacked identity documents—roughly 30,000 people. However, even the total Roma population remains uncertain, ranging between 250,000 and 400,000. This ambiguity makes it difficult to design effective initiatives or measure policy outcomes.

When developing programs or contributing to policy, it becomes hard to determine indicators of progress or even a baseline. That is why, as part of this pilot project in Mukachevo, we sought to establish a practical model for collaboration that links civil society, local authorities, community leaders, members of Roma communities, and national institutions such as the Ombudsman’s Office and the Commissioner for Equality. Everyone worked together toward the same goal: ensuring that Roma people have access to documentation and, by extension, to their rights.

The first step in this initiative was taken by Roma activists—our Roma mediators, in particular. They visited communities to identify undocumented individuals and encourage them to come forward. This was not easy. Many Roma lack trust in state institutions, which makes them reluctant to disclose their undocumented status. Especially now, amid mobilization, some men have hesitated to obtain official documents out of concern that it could increase scrutiny or obligations. Given the broader context, this hesitation is understandable.

During the pilot, Roma mediators identified over 300 undocumented individuals and categorized them according to their specific situations. Some had lost their documents; others had never had any. Some possessed only birth certificates, while others still held Soviet-era (USSR) passports and had never transitioned to Ukrainian documentation.

There were several stages of cooperation. First, mediators gathered data. Then, the Ombudsman’s Office verified it. Afterward, the State Migration Service cross-checked records in national registries. Finally, lawyers and mediators accompanied community members to their appointments at migration offices, where staff were already briefed and ready to process their cases efficiently.

It was a resource-intensive process, but it demonstrated that progress is possible when there is commitment and coordination. The biggest challenge was maintaining contact with individuals—many had moved to other regions or even abroad. From the 300 cases, around 30 people were eventually lost to follow-up.

Nevertheless, the initiative produced valuable recommendations, which were presented during the summer. These recommendations were submitted to the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience, the authority responsible for Roma issues. Elements of this pilot are now reflected in the current Roma Strategy Action Plan, and follow-up activities will be based on this work.

However, continued implementation depends on resources. Much of the funding currently relies on local budgets, which are under pressure due to decentralization reforms and wartime priorities. Local authorities understandably focus spending on defence and emergency needs, making it difficult to allocate funds to minority inclusion. We are advocating for dedicated funding—perhaps through EU programs or international donors—to ensure that national minorities, including Roma, have consistent support.

This work is also coordinated with other minority organizations to ensure that all vulnerable communities receive attention, particularly regarding their socioeconomic situation. To summarize, our pilot initiative on documentation builds upon a long history of cooperation with international human rights bodies. Ukraine has received many recommendations and guidelines over the years to improve Roma access to personal documents, and we base our work on these international standards. It is a long process, and as we have seen in other countries, achieving full documentation coverage can take many years—but persistence is key.

The goal was not only to document and educate but also to propose improvements to the administrative system—how it could better handle people in such vulnerable situations. One of our key recommendations, also reflected in international human rights reports, is to waive administrative fees for those who are both economically and socially marginalized. Many undocumented Roma fall into this category.

Of course, this should not apply to all Roma, because not all Roma are poor. It is important to avoid generalizations that erase the community’s diversity. Sometimes, when we focus on the whole group, we lose sight of those nuances.

Jacobsen: Following from that, what about the risks of statelessness? You mentioned that some Roma avoid registration due to mobilization concerns, while others are displaced. When I was in Kharkiv in 2024, I interviewed several elderly Roma whose homes had been destroyed in bombings. They had lost everything—their homes, documents, and independence—and were now living as dependents in new locations. It was not just a material loss but a deep psychological one. Given this context, what are the main risks of statelessness, and are there particular nuances within that?

Kondur: The concept of statelessness is complex when it comes to Roma. Many Roma who are undocumented still consider themselves citizens of Ukraine; they do not question their belonging. The problem arises because the state questions it. This reflects both a conceptual issue and a legislative gap.

Ukraine does not have an official status for undocumented citizens. In 2019 or 2020, a Law on Stateless Persons was adopted, but it remains little known and rarely used. Few lawyers specialize in it, and there have been very few cases of people successfully receiving stateless status. In some instances, lawyers help undocumented Roma obtain citizenship through this law. Still, paradoxically, the process can render them legally stateless, even though they were born and have lived their entire lives in Ukraine.

Essentially, undocumented Roma become legally invisible—a phrase we often use. They exist socially but not legally. Without documentation, they cannot fully prove their citizenship or access fundamental rights. Over time, this invisibility creates the real risk of statelessness, not because of displacement or renunciation, but because of administrative exclusion.

Among Roma activists and human rights advocates across Europe, we often say that Roma are at risk of statelessness. The term “at risk” is key—we cannot always determine whether individuals are legally stateless, because it depends on local legislation and administrative practices. The danger lies in the gap between self-perception and legal recognition.

Jacobsen: From what you are saying, the psychological and social reality seems clear. Many Roma feel fully integrated as Ukrainians—they are born and raised there and have no doubts about their belonging. The issue, then, is legal recognition and wartime hesitancy to register, especially for men of military age who might face conscription. Is that a fair reading?

Kondur: I would not say that avoiding the draft is the main reason Roma men do not obtain personal documents. It can be a secondary hesitation, but the primary obstacle is low legal awareness—a lack of understanding of rights and obligations. Added to that is deep mistrust toward institutions, often stemming from negative encounters with law enforcement. This mistrust can be generational.

In many Roma families, parents lack complete documentation, and their children grow up the same way—perhaps with partial papers, such as birth certificates, but no passports. Over time, this creates a cycle where interacting with authorities becomes culturally unfamiliar, even intimidating. From a human rights perspective, the state has the responsibility to identify these gaps and build trustworthy, accessible systems that people can rely on.

Jacobsen: Would you say this mistrust is bi-directional? It sounds as though Roma distrust institutions, but institutions also distrust Roma.

Kondur: Yes, it works both ways. That is one reason our initiatives have succeeded—we try to bridge that divide. What has often been missing is something to connect both sides. For example, after a series of anti-Roma attacks in 2018–2019, we began organizing dialogue sessions and trainings between local Roma communities and police.

We called one initiative “Coffee with a Policeman.” It started in Kyiv, bringing people together in an informal setting—no podiums, no uniforms, no pressure. The goal was simple: conversation. Police ensured safety, and Roma participants shared their perspectives directly. Not all meetings were smooth. Some ended tensely because fear and mistrust run deep. But showing up face-to-face made a difference. It was a small but real step toward mutual understanding.

Jacobsen: And when Roma did not show up to the event, police officers would say, “You see, we were right in our thinking about them—they have something to hide.” I am trying to have a balanced perspective on it. It is not always positive.

Kondur: There is much tension, and in some communities, there are different cases of excessive use of force by police or of police profiling—ethnic profiling. Sometimes these go unanswered, without any prosecution for wrongdoing. It is challenging to build Roma–police relations in such contexts as well. Before engaging in such conditions, as Roma activists, we need to learn to research the area we are engaging in.

Jacobsen: Where are you seeing the sharpest barriers to services for Roma IDPs—internally displaced persons—or returnees?

Kondur: I recommend housing. Housing is a significant issue. We can also discuss different categories of people here. There are Roma whose houses are in the temporarily occupied territories. There is a category of people who did not have documentation for their homes, which also ties into the issue of identity documents.

It is again closely connected to what we were discussing. But what I want to emphasize here is that it is difficult for Ukraine—for the Ukrainian government—to verify that you had housing there when you do not have the complete package of documents confirming it—our previous monitoring visits to the Donetsk and Luhansk regions before the war confirmed this. There are problems with unregistered housing in Roma settlements. We did not work on it in depth, but we know the issue, we have spoken up about it, and we have tried to prepare the government for this.

This needs to happen at some point, and we need to have a plan. At the moment, the current policy documents do not reflect it. However, I know some international Roma organizations are discussing how to help Ukraine respond to this, because it involves both internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees from abroad.

Another issue is social housing in Ukraine. It might sound too strong, but in fact, it is almost non-existent. There are long waiting lists for social housing—people wait for years, and only a few get it. Now, the priority will naturally go to those from the front lines and veterans, which makes it difficult for Roma or other vulnerable groups to benefit. It is hard to imagine how to ensure access to social housing for Roma under current conditions.

The only positive example I know of was in Uzhgorod, where local authorities agreed to set up a social housing project for Roma—but only on the condition that foreign funding would support it. They were not ready to allocate money from the local budget, so it never happened. That was a few years ago, before the full-scale invasion.

For internally displaced people, employment and education are also significant issues. We have some programs for Roma women and men—mostly women—focused on vocational education to help them gain professional qualifications and find work. There has been some success, but many Roma do not qualify for these programs because they lack the required level of formal schooling. According to the legislation, you must complete at least nine grades, but some do not.

With NGOs, we create more flexible programs. For example, we offer short-term vocational courses—like food preparation or confectionery skills, not necessarily “chef training,” which sounds too formal—more like home economics.

This kind of training is more practical and grounded in people’s real needs. Housing, employment, and education are deeply connected. When we provide education that can directly improve people’s economic situations, there is greater demand than, say, for human rights workshops. Of course, there is also a psychological aspect—people need more interaction and integration with the new communities where they live as displaced persons.

One excellent study from the International Renaissance Foundation examined the circles of interaction among Roma communities. They were estimating the economic potential of the community and also looked at who the Roma spend most of their time with. The research showed that Roma tend to interact primarily within their own community, limiting opportunities for broader integration.

When people are displaced, they are forced to move beyond their familiar social circles, and that can be challenging—not everyone is ready for it. We can make our events and meetings more inclusive. I am now focusing on organizing cultural events to help people blend, to show that diversity is natural—that their environment can be diverse and safe.

Many issues internally displaced persons face. I myself was displaced for the first month when Russian forces surrounded Kyiv. I was not sure if I would ever return home. During that time, I began working on humanitarian aid in Chernivtsi, in southwestern Ukraine. I also felt much pressure—to do more, to help others—and it was very challenging psychologically.

Jacobsen: What legal or policy reforms would effectively curb hate speech against Roma?

Kondur: Ukrainian legislation has a very high threshold for an act to qualify as hate speech. It must be proven with strong evidence, often including the attacker’s own testimony acknowledging hateful intent toward a group. There have been some improvements—especially since the invasion, more cases are registered as hate crimes or hate speech—but most do not reach the courts with those legal qualifications. Prosecution and courts frequently reclassify or drop the hate element.

In general, the legal qualification of hate crimes is still inconsistent in our system. What could improve things is to regulate hate speech more clearly and effectively. At Chirikli, we have been consistent on this point, together with other NGOs, pushing for legislative reform and a stronger judicial understanding of hate-motivated crimes.

The push for reform is not only from Roma civil society but also from human rights organizations, LGBT groups, and disability advocates. It is very intersectional. We all agree that incitement to hatred should not appear only in the Criminal Code but also in the Administrative Code, where the threshold of proof is lower.

For example, there were cases when radical groups burned down temporary Roma settlements, forcing families to flee. The attackers would even post videos online, openly inciting hatred toward Roma. Yet the police often classified these acts as “hooliganism,” completely ignoring the hate motivation. Sometimes, under international and civil society pressure, the classification is changed—but we still have no successful convictions. That means, in practice, there is still impunity for such acts.

There is a bill in Parliament intended to address this issue. It used to be numbered 1488, but the new version has a different number now. The proposal incorporates many of the discussions we have had with parliamentarians and legal experts. Its main goal is to lower the evidentiary threshold and to expand the list of protected characteristics, not leaving it open-ended but specifying them clearly.

[ED. Ukraine’s hate-crime reform effort centred on Government Draft Law No. 5488 (registered 13 May 2021), which sought to amend the Criminal Code and the Code of Administrative Offences to recognise hate crimes on broader grounds—including sexual orientation and gender identity—and to treat “intolerance” as an aggravating circumstance. The draft did not pass and was withdrawn in July 2025. It has been superseded by Draft Law No. 13597 (registered 4 August 2025), which proposes expanding protected characteristics, introducing administrative liability for non-violent discriminatory acts, and creating a distinct criminal offence for public calls to violence motivated by intolerance.]

At present, sexual orientation is still missing from the list, which the LGBT community is fighting to include. This is important because hate-based attacks often go unrecognized as such by law enforcement. Strengthening cooperation among communities—Roma, LGBT, disability rights activists—helps us build a united front.

Looking at past cases, the focus should not only be on proper legal qualification but also on ensuring that victims receive the necessary support. When the government fails to recognize a hate crime early in the investigation, victims lose access to resources they need. Being the target of a hate crime can be especially traumatic, so institutional recognition matters deeply.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today—it was a pleasure speaking with you.

Kondur: Yes, let us stay in touch. 

Jacobsen: You are very welcome. It is an ongoing process, as always.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Oleksandra Romantsova on Rights-Based Security, Ukraine’s Hybrid War, and Postwar Justice

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/10

Oleksandra Romantsova is the Executive Director of the Center for Civil Liberties (CCL) in Kyiv, co-laureate of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize. She leads documentation of atrocity crimes and advocates for survivor-centred accountability through the International Criminal Court, universal jurisdiction, and a special tribunal for aggression. Romantsova advises policymakers on civilian protection, enforced disappearances, deported children, and rule-of-law reforms, while strengthening Ukraine’s democratic resilience under wartime conditions. Her work connects rigorous evidence collection with strategic litigation and public education, linking hybrid warfare’s legal, informational, and technological fronts. She speaks widely on rights-based security, civil society stamina, and postwar justice architecture.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Romantsova maps Ukraine’s “full-spectrum” hybrid war—military, legal, economic, informational—and argues that rights, not obedience, are the foundation of real security. She details systematic strikes on energy infrastructure, the delivery bottleneck that imperils civilians, and the daily adaptation of drone-driven warfare. Zooming out, she links Ukraine’s struggle to global democratic fragility, notes sobering risks for human-rights defenders, and stresses that peace without rights is only an intermission. Romantsova also highlights AI’s potential as civic infrastructure—useful if access and literacy widen—and reflects on civic mobilization against Draft Law 12414 as proof that Ukraine’s democratic street still lives.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: It has been a while. You wrote an analysis with the working title They Are Ethnic Jews: Antisemitism and Attitudes Toward Israel in Russia and Ukraine (2022–2024). I recently released an anthology on antisemitism and am collaborating with several contributors. You examined attitudes toward Israel in Russia versus Ukraine between 2022 and 2024. What is your overview?

Oleksandra Romantsova: We are in the midst of something qualitatively new. Analysts often describe it as hybrid war—Ukraine is unusually innovative technologically, and the conflict runs across military, political, economic, legal, and informational layers at once. That “full-spectrum” character has been most visible in Ukraine since 2022.

It is not only military. It is about international law, the manipulation of information, and the manufacture of parallel “virtual” realities for mass audiences. Both cyberspace and traditional media are instruments here. The scale of psychological manipulation is staggering. Russia has effectively sustained a neighboring population conditioned toward political powerlessness. Russia’s population is about 146 million as of early 2025, which frames the scope of that information ecosystem.

On the military side, the battlefield is a mix of archaic and cutting-edge. You see Soviet-era systems operating alongside rapid advances in drones and counter-drone technology; both sides iterate tactics daily. Russia has deployed loitering munitions and reconnaissance drones such as the Lancet, Geran-2, and Orlan-10/30, while Ukraine has fielded and adapted a growing domestic drone network. The war has effectively accelerated combat testing of new systems.

Inside Ukraine, conditions are often brutal because Russia systematically targets energy infrastructure. Major waves since October 2022 have hit transmission and generation assets, causing rolling outages. By mid-2024, a large share of thermal generation was inoperative, and experts warned of long winter blackouts.

The tragedy is that Ukraine historically can generate substantial power—nuclear, thermal, and hydro—and, in peacetime, even exports electricity to the European Union and Moldova. Exports were halted after heavy strikes in late 2022, partially resumed in 2023, and again in 2025 when capacity allowed. The problem now is not generation but distribution: assets and grid links remain under repeated attack, forcing alternating bouts of imports and exports.

Across the country, delivery is the constraint. We can still generate electricity and prioritize critical infrastructure—schools, hospitals, water systems—but persistent strikes on substations and plants turn distribution itself into the frontline. Civilians are often left without stable power, heat, or water during major attack cycles. Large assaults in March 2024 and again in late 2024–2025 underline this pattern.

In winter, temperatures in Kyiv average roughly −6 °C to −2 °C in January, but parts of Ukraine can dip below −20 °C during cold snaps, magnifying the humanitarian stakes when power is out.

Looking beyond Ukraine, similar humanitarian patterns emerge in other conflicts. Even if a ceasefire stops the immediate killing—as one hopes in Israel and Palestine—lasting peace requires civilian security, access to basic rights, and the ability to build democratic, functioning institutions. Ending fire without establishing rights is an intermission, not a resolution.

That raises deeper questions: are Gaza and the West Bank ready, institutionally and socially, to build a stable state? Do they have the internal trust, capacity, and civic infrastructure? And is Israel itself functioning as a full democracy right now? Netanyahu’s government has raised serious concerns. I hope there is a proper investigation into how recent decisions were made—just as there were inquiries under past leaders such as Golda Meir.

I am in Colombia now, and it is a complicated picture here too. The country recently had a few relatively peaceful years, but since the start of this year alone about 150 human-rights defenders have been killed. That is staggering. What struck me most at a recent security webinar about Colombia was realizing that those 150 people represented a vast, organized civil society—one that existed before those murders. Many of these activists still have some government support for the first time in modern Colombian history. There is the beginning of capacity-building, even if real security is still absent.

Then, of course, you have Trump claiming that too much cocaine is coming from Colombia—as if that is the country’s biggest problem. He even joked that at least it’s “organic.” It’s absurd, but that is the level of discourse we’re dealing with.

Ukraine cannot think of itself in isolation. Here at the FIDH Congress—the International Federation for Human Rights, which has been around for more than a century—you see how interconnected all these struggles are. Every local crisis is also a global one. A breakdown in one region’s democracy or security architecture threatens the entire international system.

I know “international security system” sounds bureaucratic, but it is what allows people to wake up and think about normal things—phones, jobs, breakfast—rather than survival. If that structure collapses, daily life collapses with it. And that collapse is not hypothetical; it is possible right now.

Interestingly, Ukraine has a large number of professionals working with advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence. There is a growing belief here that humanity might destroy itself—unless AI helps prevent it. So the conversation is not only about AI being the threat, but rather that we are the threat, and AI might be one of the few tools that can help us survive ourselves.

It is a philosophical shift I have heard echoed in different parts of the world. In Ukraine, it is not a popular conversation among ordinary citizens, but among professionals, scientists, and technologists. They increasingly see AI as a kind of new moral code—a framework that could stabilize our increasingly unstable species.

You were born into different circumstances, yes, but culture—or perhaps a cult of culture—can make people equal in a sense. I am not sure if that is a concrete English phrase, but AI now seems to be doing something similar. Whole countries can differ widely, yet AI can level them—make them equal—because all you need is access to work with it.

So now you are sitting in the middle of war, sometimes in the middle of fighting with narco cartels, or on the edge of a new conflict, and you are trying to find solutions. Increasingly, people are searching for answers in cyberspace, through technologies like AI—if they have the education and infrastructure. Someone from Zimbabwe, for instance—do they have access to that technology, the understanding of what is happening globally, and the ability to exchange information with professionals as more models are launched? If more people join and follow this process, it could spark a new revolution. People might find new ways to protect themselves from war. Those are my thoughts.

Jacobsen: You were in Geneva for a closed briefing on civilians and captivity. What are your first recommendations for the death maps?

Romantsova: Three thoughts. First, nothing happens without you—nothing bad, nothing good. We once dreamed that professionals, especially politicians, would represent us on issues we would not need to think about daily. But now, politics cannot be ignored. Politics is not merely a profession; it is representation—your representation. If you do not have a position, no one can represent you. If you do not hold standards for what good representation or a good political movement means, then nothing improves. People say politics is dirty, but it is necessary. It is a part of our collective body. So, to all the NGOs and initiatives taking big steps—please continue.

My second point is about the Helsinki Principles: military observation, mutual monitoring, and cooperation. The second part concerns economic and ecological diplomacy and effective collaboration. The third is that security must be based on human rights—what is called the “human dimension.”

If the first point is that nothing happens without you—that means ordinary people, NGOs, and associations must participate—then the second is that many still look for simple models of order: “You give me security, and I will obey.” Thousands of years of history show that this never works. Only human rights can truly guarantee security. The war in Ukraine proved this. You cannot start a war in a country that fully upholds human rights.

Imagine Ukraine in 2012 under President Yanukovych, who persecuted human rights defenders and journalists and repressed activists. Yet we still had freedom of speech, freedom of association, and political rights. Those rights did not function perfectly, but they gave people the tools to participate—and that is why Maidan happened. It was a movement of participation.

We demanded our electoral rights in an organized way. We cannot always gather in the main square to protest; instead, we must vote and protect our rights through proper democratic channels. The key idea is that people must possess the full range of rights so that no one can force them into war—or use them to start one.

We discovered that the practice of upholding human rights helps a nation defend itself against aggression. Even when war is forced upon you, human rights remain your shield. There was a major debate about whether international human rights law still applies during wartime—but it does. It works, and it is the best way to organize your defense.

You must care about human rights within your country, within your army, behind the front lines, and among civilians. That care gives you the motivation to understand what you are fighting for. When we look at Russia, for example, it is clear: over twenty-five years, Putin systematically destroyed human rights. That is why he ended up with 146 million people who either accepted or supported his war.

That is the second point. The third is that we need new models—and these new models will not be comfortable for older powers that profit from being quasi–police states or from presenting themselves as the civilized centers of international law. Look at the UN Security Council: five permanent members, three of which—Russia, China, and the United States—have all been directly or indirectly involved in conflict. France and the United Kingdom may not be fighting now, but historically they have.

France withdrew its forces from Mali, the United States repeatedly threatens war, China could invade Taiwan at any moment, and Russia has already launched full-scale aggression. These are the countries tasked with maintaining global peace—something is deeply wrong with that architecture.

There is also no true representation there. No African nation, no Latin American country, and almost no Asian country—except China—has a permanent voice. Why should billions of people accept a system that excludes them?

The UN is historically important, but de facto it no longer fulfills its purpose. It accomplishes part of its mission—thanks to it, over two billion people have access to clean water. Yet if the UN vanished tomorrow, many would not feel the immediate loss, because the problems it fails to address are already visible.

We must decide not how to destroy this system, but how to repair it—how to solve future problems, not just past ones. Too often, we prepare for the last war instead of preventing the next.

Jacobsen: Draft Law 12414, what was Draft Law 12414 about for the Center for Civil Liberties? It concerned NABU and SAPO—the weakening of anti-corruption guardrails and their independence.

Rosner: Ah, you mean our last smaller Maidan. Yes, let’s talk about that. That’s an important example of what I was saying earlier. I’ve done three interviews with Transparency International, and this fits perfectly. The interesting part is that no organization actually brought people to the square.

A lot of Ukrainians who aren’t on the front line began to say, “Civil war could start here.” There are so many people with guns, so many veterans returning from the front, that they feared someone could ignite conflict. But I told them, “No, if we fail to show those fighting on the front that we can solve domestic problems peacefully, that’s what will bring civil war.”

When I arrived at the protest, it wasn’t on Maidan Square but a smaller one near the theater—a compact, enclosed place surrounded by buildings, so relatively secure. The core organizers weren’t a formal group but three young women, ages twenty-two to twenty-eight—some of them my former students.

When I realized who they were, I saw that the people gathering weren’t organized by any political structure. Anti-corruption organizations joined later, giving lectures after the third day to explain the topic of the protest, because many didn’t even know what NABU or SAPO were. They just sensed corruption and wanted justice.

Of course, the media tried to discredit it, saying the students were paid or that it was just a few people and an old woman sitting at a table with a sign. But in reality, it was a mix—students, middle-aged citizens, veterans—people like me, and older ones too. Veterans, in particular, were concerned about safety.

Imagine someone returning from the front line one day and seeing a big crowd the next. It’s a perfect target for drones or missiles—not from the Ukrainian state, everyone knew that—but from Russia. That’s why, beneath the surface, there was an undercover system of security. Most participants didn’t even notice it, but veterans quietly positioned themselves around the square to protect people.

I tried to help, sharing experience from previous Maidans, teaching the basics of protest safety. They asked questions, and I realized something crucial: we need to teach the history of Maidan—its mechanics—how to organize a peaceful demonstration. Many of these young people were too young in 2014 to remember. They didn’t understand how it worked on a practical level—how to coordinate, protect one another, and sustain a civic movement.

That was my last point. I asked them if they needed any financial support—whether there was something that required payment. They said they only wanted clean water to give to people, since many were staying at the protest for half a day or more. So I confirmed the funding and we discussed the basic logistics: the cost of water, transport, and cleanup afterward. We wanted to keep the city clean and protect the environment.

One of the coordinators asked if they could cover some logistical expenses, like renting electric scooters. We laughed because they called themselves “people with cardboard tables.” It was true—most of their slogans were written on cardboard. When critics claimed the event was sponsored, we joked that the “sponsor” was Nova Poshta, the delivery company, since their name was printed on the reused boxes.

They also joked that the revolutionaries arrived by electric scooter—“summer carts,” as we called them. Around the square, you could see rented scooters parked everywhere, a sign that people had come from all over the city.

The police were cooperative and friendly. We worked with them and had our volunteer observation group, Ozone, monitoring the situation. The dialogue police were helpful too. Some even joked about wanting to go home early during curfew hours. The event was peaceful and disciplined; everyone respected the curfew, which helped maintain safety and order.

That discipline sent an important message to the military and those on the front lines: people back home were defending democracy and anti-corruption efforts in their own way. It also showed the President’s Office and Parliament that “the street” still exists—that peaceful protest remains a living part of Ukrainian political life.

This was significant. Demonstrations were not just for support—like those for relatives of prisoners of war—but could also express dissent. That’s vital for democracy. It showed that Ukraine can hold elections and also sustain other democratic methods.

Ukraine is worth it. I have to run now. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Oleksandra.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Worlds Behind Words 4: LGBTQ Rights, ICE Conditions, and USVI Gender Marker

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/09

William Dempsey, LICSW, is a Boston-based clinical social worker and LGBTQ+ mental-health advocate. He founded Heads Held High Counselling, a virtual, gender-affirming group practice serving Massachusetts and Illinois, where he and his team support clients navigating anxiety, depression, trauma, ADHD, and gender dysphoria. Clinically, Dempsey integrates EMDR, CBT, IFS, and expressive modalities, with a focus on accessible, equity-minded care. Beyond the clinic, he serves on the board of Drag Story Hour, helping expand inclusive literacy programming and resisting censorship pressures. His public scholarship and media appearances foreground compassionate, evidence-based practice and the lived realities of queer communities across North America.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen interviews Dempsey on LGBTQ rights amid U.S. detention and policy crosscurrents. They discuss Russian spouses Andrei Ushakov and Aleksandr Skitsan, detained by ICE after requesting asylum, reported conditions, and rights under ICE standards and the U.N. Mandela Rules. Dempsey describes compounded anxiety, isolation, and aggression from overcrowded confinement and spousal separation. The conversation surveys sport-activism tensions around a reported MLB bracelet controversy and examines how corporate commitments align with shareholder interests. They close on pragmatic hope: the U.S. Virgin Islands’ order recognizing transgender and intersex gender markers, signalling sanctuary-style relief while cautioning against complacency. Hope remains, but vigilance endures.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This report is from Washington Blade (by Michael K. Lavers, October 26, 2025) and republished by Watermark Out News on October 27, 2025. A gay married couple from Russia who sought asylum in the United States—Andrei Ushakov and Aleksandr (Alexander) Skitsan—has been held in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody for nearly a year. América Diversa, an LGBTQ immigrant-rights organization, told the Blade the couple fled Russia on March 14, 2024, after authorities began labelling LGBTQIA+ organizations as “extremist,” and that Skitsan faced direct workplace threats. The U.S. State Department’s 2023 Human Rights Report notes Russian authorities used laws against promoting “non-traditional sexual relations” to justify arbitrary arrests of LGBTQI+ people.

The same rhetoric—“natural relations,” often grounded in particular religious interpretations—appears in some countries; here, it is emerging from Russia’s legal regime. The United States has been viewed as a relatively safer destination for LGBTQ asylum seekers, yet this couple was detained after arrival. They scheduled a U.S. port-of-entry appointment via the CBP One app and requested asylum on November 27, 2024; the app was subsequently discontinued on January 20, 2025, under the incoming administration.

Let’s take a multicultural perspective and an American lens. Imagine being married, persecuted at home for a “non-traditional sexual relation,” fleeing to a country you believe will be safer, and then being detained for more than a year after asking for asylum. What emotions arise when home is unsafe, refuge seems possible, and you end up in detention, where it feels as if the bullies have taken over the school?

Dempsey: It is intensely anxiety-provoking, frightening, depressing, and hopeless. One can draw a parallel with the current state of immigration detention: you flee for safety and do not feel safe where you arrive. The additional fact that being gay is not illegal in the United States raises questions about the justification for prolonged civil detention in this case. The word that keeps returning is hopelessness. When fleeing persecution or seeking asylum, the guiding word is supposed to be hope—a value the United States has long claimed to represent for immigrants. Yet the only word that fits this couple’s situation feels like hopelessness.

Jacobsen: América Diversa describes their detention conditions as follows. The men were initially held at the Imperial Regional Detention Facility (Calexico, California). “Andrei was placed in an overcrowded unit with more than 60 detainees, where poor sanitation, excessive air conditioning, and the lack of adequate medical care have put his health at risk.” They have since been transferred to the San Luis Regional Detention Center (San Luis, Arizona) and are being denied all communication with each other despite being legally married and sharing the same asylum case.

U.S. immigration detainees are civil detainees with rights under ICE’s national detention standards (including medical care and conditions of confinement), and international norms like the U.N. “Nelson Mandela Rules,” which set widely recognized minimum standards for people in custody.

América Diversa further reports that Ushakov has a chronic medical condition requiring continuous medication and quarterly monitoring, but faces delays and limited access to care. Skitsan has a chronic ear infection with ringing and temporary hearing loss, as well as untreated stomach issues; his transfer to Arizona jeopardized a planned medical visit. The organization also says the ban on spousal communication violates basic humanitarian principles and their rights as a legally married couple under U.S. and international law. ICE did not respond to the Blade’s request for comment at publication.

Given their separation, prolonged confinement, and reported conditions, the psychological toll is obvious. Even ICE’s own oversight documents and outside analyses emphasize that detention standards exist precisely to prevent harms from poor sanitation, inadequate climate control, and delayed medical care—yet inspections have documented recurring compliance problems at facilities including San Luis. How do people in confinement—when it’s overcrowded—cope psychologically when they’re separated from a loved one in that same situation? It’s unsanitary, unpleasant, and they have chronic health issues.

Dempsey: I don’t know that they do. I don’t have statistics on this, but I think it speaks to a debate that often happens in the United States around the ethics of solitary confinement. There’s a well-documented psychological impact from that, including but not limited to psychosis. While this separation isn’t solitary—it’s quite the opposite, it’s overcrowded—I’d still imagine that isolation from loved ones, and to draw a parallel with other aspects of incarceration aside from solitary confinement, leads people to depression and even aggression. That lack of connection to loved ones or anyone familiar, aside from these new people you’re essentially building relationships with because you share an enclosed space, makes you stir-crazy, to use layperson’s terms. That has a psychological impact. Even for people who may not typically reach out to loved ones for support, just knowing they could if needed provides stability. Once that’s taken away, people may act in ways they otherwise wouldn’t.

Jacobsen: The second and only other major news item this week—fortunately—is less dire. Fewer bad news items are good, though it may just mean fewer journalists covering these stories. There are always editorial teams and institutional guidelines. Some institutions—like The Washington Post—were bought by billionaires. Jeff Bezos, for instance. After Trump was elected, Bezos reportedly wanted the paper to be more libertarian and capital-oriented. That can change editorial directions. People can get fired, quietly pushed out, or simply “quiet quit.” A lot happens to journalists that the public doesn’t see. Anyway—Freeman, the Dodgers star. He refused to wear an LGBT bracelet—a minor controversy, as far as I’m aware, contained within Major League Baseball. 

Freeman explained his decision in direct terms. The article by Nacho Labarga and Olivia Parker quotes him saying, “Baseball is about the game, the effort, and the fans, not politics. Stop imposing this on us.” His words provoked a wave of reactions. Some teammates and fans support his right to stay out of social causes, which is his right. Others believe it represents a step backward in the effort to make the sport more inclusive.

Freeman’s gesture is part of a broader trend in which the line between sport and activism is increasingly questioned. In recent years, the league has launched several diversity initiatives, and its stance has reopened debate around individual freedom versus collective commitment—in this case, commitment to diversity. Although that framing is a little misleading, because when they talk about “collective commitment,” they’re really referring to the league, meaning corporate policy. And as we’ve seen repeatedly, corporations answer to shareholders. If supporting LGBTQ+ causes aligns with shareholder interests, they’ll be all in—110%. When it stops being profitable enough, that support fades. So when we talk about collective commitment, it’s really about what benefits the bottom line. What are your thoughts on his refusal to wear the bracelet, on the corporate commitment to diversity, and on the baseball context in general? Have you heard of similar cases before?

Dempsey: I did hear about this. What I found—and still think is important—is that there hasn’t been any factual evidence confirming that he actually said that publicly. However, there have been several public cases involving other players over the years, so the discussion remains relevant. I’ve had varied opinions on the Kim Davis case and, more broadly, on what it means to own your own business and what rights you should or shouldn’t have in that context. That said, if you’re an employee—like a Major League Baseball player—you’re bound by your employer’s policies. I assume they’re classified as W-2 employees, not independent contractors. As an employer myself, I can say that if you don’t like what your employer requires, you quit. That’s just how it works. 

And yes, there’s always going to be corporate pandering, especially toward the queer community. I’ve written articles about that—particularly about pride parades and how corporate support waxes and wanes depending on which party is in power. When the government shifts to the right, funding is rescinded. When Democrats return, the corporations start pandering again. That’s just the nature of the system here. So yes, if your boss tells you to do it, you do it. That’s my personal opinion. In terms of corporatization, I think it’s disgusting. There’s much pandering among major Fortune 500 companies; they blow with the winds of change. Within the queer community, there’s been a growing discussion about distinguishing between seasonal support and consistent, principled support. 

The question is: who stands their ground and who shifts with public sentiment? We should be supporting those who remain steadfast. While that isn’t yet the dominant approach, it’s becoming more common. We’ve also seen examples of collective action and bargaining among marginalized groups, like the Black Lives Matter movement, where communities have deliberately withheld financial support from companies that don’t back them—and it has had a real impact. Companies respond when their bottom line is threatened.

Jacobsen: What else?

Dempsey: This might interest you, Scott. The U.S. Virgin Islands this week became the first American territory to officially and legally recognize transgender and intersex residents on their gender markers. It’s interesting, considering what’s happening at the federal level.

Jacobsen: So, when they talk about dismantling rights post-Dobbs—that abortion case—it’s all about state-level control. And technically, that same state-based framework could apply here. I mean, I’m not an American lawyer, but my understanding is that the U.S. attitude toward governance stems from that “don’t tread on me” mentality. I believe your country invented that bumper sticker. So, that tracks in this article from Gayety. Alright, and credit to you for this one; I didn’t know about it. The U.S. Virgin Islands has become the first American territory to officially recognize transgender and intersex residents through a new executive order. So this was signed by the governor of that territory?

Dempsey: Yes.

Jacobsen: Gender markers on identification documents—Governor Albert Bryan Jr. signed Executive Order 543-2025 on October 15, stating, “This executive order brought a fair and compassionate process where none existed before. It ensures that our government recognizes and respects the lived realities of all our residents.” What does this mean for people in their personal lives? For most people, it’s not a hurdle they have to think about. But for those affected, it’s significant. It reminds me of Dave Chappelle’s bit about Saddam Hussein’s face being removed from currency—a subtle psychological nuance of oppression in that change. I think identification markers operate similarly. They carry symbolic weight. So, for your clients, what do they generally express about changes like this?

Dempsey: As we discussed last week or the week before, with all the legislative rollbacks in the mainland states and federally, many people in the trans community are experiencing depression and anxiety. Some even talk about leaving the country because of how targeted they feel. So, moments like this—these positive policy changes—offer hope. They remind people that there are still politicians and advocates fighting for their right to exist without persecution. It instills hope, even if some remain cautious. 

Based on our history, they know victories like this are worth celebrating but not reasons to become complacent. We still have to keep pushing forward. Pride works the same way—it’s both a celebration and a reminder that there’s more to fight for. The U.S. Virgin Islands’ decision, like cities declaring themselves trans sanctuary spaces, may not immediately transform conditions, but it gives people a sense of safety and dignity. It tells them there are places where they’ll be respected and cared for, where they can travel or live knowing they’ll be treated as human beings. That’s deeply meaningful—especially right now, when many don’t feel that safety on the mainland.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it. I’ll see you next week.

Dempsey: Appreciate you. Take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

October 7, 2023 and the Long Arc of Antisemitism: From Ancient Exiles to Modern Pogroms

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/09

October 7, 2023, fits a continuum of violence against Jews across millennia. From ancient deportations (Assyria, Babylon) to the Roman destruction of Jerusalem and the Bar Kokhba revolt, medieval pogroms, expulsions from England, France, Spain, and Portugal, the Mawza Exile, Khmelnytsky massacres, and Russian-imperial pogroms, persecution recurred, culminating in the Nazi genocide of six million. After 1945, assaults continued: the Farhud in Baghdad, Kielce, waves of expulsions across the Middle East and North Africa, Suez-era crackdowns, and Poland’s 1968 campaign. On October 7, militants murdered about 1,200, wounded thousands, and took hundreds hostage. Rising antisemitic rhetoric historically foreshadows rising violence.

October 7, 2023, was another in a long line of tragedies befalling Jewish peoples throughout world history.

Starting, at least, in 722 BCE, there was the Assyrian deportation, or the Northern Kingdom of Israel. Sargon II’s inscriptions indicate 27,290 deportees from Samaria. Over 100 years later, in 597–586 BCE, there was the Babylonian exile (Kingdom of Judah) with biblical records indicating about 4,600 deportees in three separate waves of likely only adult males; the total displaced may indicate higher.

70 CE was the siege and fall of Jerusalem. Josephus claims 1.1 million dead while modern scholars consider tens of thousands killed more reasonable and approximately 97,000 enslaved. 132–135 CE saw the Bar Kokhba Revolt. About 580,000 Jewish war dead with devastation, expulsion, and more.

1096 saw the First Crusade’s Rhineland massacres with about 2,000 Jews killed. 1348–1351 had Black Death spread throughout Europe and then the subsequent mass pogroms affect Jewish peoples across Europe. A distinct one was in 1349 in Strasbourg with approximately 900 Jews being burned (some accounts cite higher). The continental totals for this three-year period are unknown.

In 1290, a Jewish community in England was expelled with scholarly estimates of around 3,000 affected by the expulsion. In 1306, King Philip IV expelled about 100,000 Jews. In Spain in 1492, between approximately 40,000 and 160,000 were expelled and tens of thousands were converted, while precise estimates can vary by historian.

In 1497, Portugal saw a widespread series of forced conversions of Jews followed by the Lisbon massacre in 1506 with between 1,900 and 4,000 Jews killed. In 1679, Yemen produced the Mawzaʿ Exile where Jewish communities were expelled to Tihāmah. There was mass displacement and deaths en route. Precise counts are scarce.

Between 1648 and 1649, there were the Khmelnytsky (Chmielnicki) massacres in Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania. The estimates from contemporary scholarship emphasize between 20,000 and 40,000 killed in addition to catastrophic losses and the destruction of community.

1881 to 1906 saw pogroms from the Russian Empire with the 1903 Kishinev massacre killing 45–49 and wounding about 600 Jews. The definitive peak of the murders were the National Socialists under Adolf Hitler of Germany with approximately 6,000,000 Jewish children, women, and men murdered. There is ongoing name-by-name documentation. Approximately 4,900,000 have been named.

There is a misunderstanding of 20th century history. That being, the Holocaust happened and then there was non-violent treatment of Jewish peoples until the massacre of October 7th, 2023, occurred. This is false.

Between June 1 to June 2, 1941, in Baghdad, Iraq, approximately 135–189 Jews were killed and then about 1,000 injured. On July 4, 1946, in Kielce, Poland, about 42 Jews were murdered. Between the late 1940s and 1970s, from Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Syria, and so on, approximately 850,000 Jews were either expelled or left with accompanying violence and confiscations differing by country.

Between 1951 and 1952, about 120,000 to 130,000 were airlifted in Operation Ezra & Nehemiah. In 1956, in Egypt, amidst the Suez crisis, there were expulsions and arrests. In 1968 in Poland, there was the anti-Zionist campaign with about 13,000 Jews forced to emigrate.

Then the October 7, 2023, massacre happened with tolls approximated at 1,139 dead (about 1,175 initially identified), more than 3,400 wounded, and about 251 to 253 hostages taken. Numbers fluctuate as better data comes into reports. Since the war began, the Israeli government reported 14,583 physically wounded by May 26, 2024, and treated in hospitals since October 7, 2023. Therefore, the numbers are definitively higher.

Antisemitic rhetoric is on the rise. So, antisemitic violent incidents will increase in correlation.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Partnership Studies 13: Domination vs Partnership: Rethinking Power

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/08

Riane Eisler, an Austrian-born American systems scientist, futurist, and human rights advocate, is renowned for her influential work on cultural transformation and gender equity. Best known for The Chalice and the Blade, she introduced the partnership versus dominator models of social organization. She received the Humanist Pioneer Award. Drawing on neuroscience and history, she argues that peace begins at home and calls for a shift in worldview to build more equitable, sustainable, and compassionate societies rooted in connection rather than control. The three books of hers of note that could be highlighted are The Chalice and the Blade—now in its 57th U.S. printing with 30 foreign editions, The Real Wealth of Nations, and Nurturing Our Humanity: How Domination and Partnership Shape Our Brains, Lives, and Future (Oxford University Press, 2019)

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Eisler argues that many social binaries are gradients, not absolutes, and that domination systems distort them into hierarchies. She outlines four cornerstones for shifting toward partnership—childhood and family, gender, economics, and story/language—held together by the binding force of fear. Partnership reframes power as care and connection, challenges punitive conditioning, and links movements for gender equity, anti-racism, children’s rights, peace, and environmental justice into one unified project. Eisler cites evidence from history, neuroscience, and physics to stress interdependence and empathy. She urges rapid cultural evolution to navigate climate risk and the resurgence of authoritarianism, emphasizing rituals, rights, and relational wealth over control.

Interview conducted October 25, 2025.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: We see, in how we think about things, that religions often codify hierarchical and binary patterns—though not all do. Nature itself contains many apparent dualities, such as light and dark or hot and cold. However, these are not absolute opposites; they exist along continuums. Why is this important, and how does it relate to a partnership studies model for understanding the world?

Riane Eisler: Binary oppositions such as hot and cold, night and day, do exist in nature, yet they operate on gradients. Likewise, human social systems have often mistaken natural variation for rigid polarity. Domination systems—those that prioritize hierarchy and control—tend to exaggerate these binaries into stereotypes, such as masculine versus feminine. We should not discard the concept of duality altogether, but we must move beyond rigid categorization.

My research suggests that to achieve the consciousness needed to address our global crises, we must adopt new conceptual frameworks beyond traditional oppositions: right versus left, religious versus secular, Eastern versus Western, Northern versus Southern. These categories have hardened into in-group and out-group identities that justify exclusion and conflict.

Across history, authoritarian regimes—whether religious or secular, left or right—have shared standard features: control through fear, the suppression of diversity, and the marginalization of women and children, who together form the majority of humanity. In societies such as those governed by the Taliban or the clerical establishment in Iran, men and the so-called masculine are still regarded as superior to women and the feminine. This is not intrinsic to religion itself but reflects a domination model of social organization.

As Albert Einstein observed, problems cannot be solved with the same consciousness that created them. To evolve, humanity must move beyond the inherited worldview of domination.

Jacobsen: Are there areas where domination models and partnership models overlap—where they touch?

Eisler: Yes, and we can see this tension vividly in the United States today. The country’s deepest struggle is not right versus left, capitalist versus socialist, or men versus women—these are false dichotomies. They obscure the underlying dynamic between domination and partnership, in which both the political left and right have, at times, sought power through ranking and control. Viewed through the partnership–domination continuum, today’s global resurgence of authoritarianism represents a backlash against social progress toward partnership.

The women’s movement, the children’s rights movement, the anti-racism movement, the peace movement, the movement for social and economic equity, and the environmental movement are all challenging the same underlying problem—a tradition of domination. If that is the case, then the real conflict beneath all these categories so often tossed about in the media and public discourse is between a return to rigid domination systems—with greater ranking, whether economic, gender, or familial—and the use of violent punishment, versus the rise of partnership models.

Many movements, though still lacking the conceptual frame of partnership—or “partnerism,” if you prefer—are, whatever we call them, parts of a unified movement.

To move forward, we must leave behind traditions of domination. It is one unified movement expressed in different areas of life.

Jacobsen: Do you rank or order the relative impact, scale, or influence of different binaries within the domination–partnership model? As these categories are broken apart, others seem to appear. Are there distinct binaries within these models that emerge as more foundational?

Eisler: I have identified several key cornerstones that are necessary to shift from domination to partnership. Of course, we need short-term tactics to address immediate crises and traumas. For example, poverty itself is a form of trauma. But such efforts alone maintain the system. What we genuinely need is transformative work—work that changes the structure from domination to partnership in four critical areas.

In each of these areas, there is a fifth element, a binding force: fear and coercion. Domination systems are held together by fear and force.

The first cornerstone is childhood and family. That is also the focus of the upcoming Peace Begins at Home Summit, on October 29, 2025, available at peacebeginsathomesummit.org. As the United Nations reports, roughly two-thirds of all children globally live in unsafe homes—homes where violence ranges from spanking to severe abuse. This is where the cycle of denial and normalization of violence begins. It ripples outward into war, social violence, and crime.

When I was in Colombia, for example, the vice president—who had been held hostage by the FARC—told me that every one of his captors had endured a violent childhood. That connection is critical, yet we still have not fully recognized it.

Of course, not everyone who experiences violence as a child becomes violent, thank goodness. But many become punitive, angry, and deeply wounded. These highly traumatized individuals often perpetuate the very systems that harmed them. This dynamic maintains the larger structure of domination.

The next cornerstone is gender. Whether we look at the Taliban, fundamentalist Iran, Nazi Germany, or the Soviet Union—whether right-wing or left-wing, religious or secular—all of these domination systems place a strong emphasis on controlling gender roles.

Yet gender is rarely analyzed as a central organizing principle of domination. Only a few scholars, such as Claudia von Werlhof and I, have written extensively on how gender has been used to justify hierarchy and violence. Hitler, for example, claimed that feminist ideas were part of a “Jewish conspiracy,” reflecting how gender equality itself was portrayed as subversive.

The larger point is this: yes, there are dichotomies in nature, but they are not adversarial. You do not see hot and cold at war with each other, or night trying to destroy day. You see gradients, relationships, transitions. In healthy systems, opposites coexist in balance rather than conflict. That is the essence of partnership thinking.

Domination and partnership are distinct systems, but there are degrees within them. They do not have to operate, as we are often taught, in terms of in-group versus out-group.

Jacobsen: How can we reach people who are so deeply traumatized that they identify with authority figures—the same kinds of figures who controlled or punished them in childhood? Many grew up in highly punitive and violent households. That must be a significant challenge.

Eisler: It is indeed. But another challenge is helping those already working toward a partnership to recognize their shared purpose. The movements for anti-racism, gender equity, children’s rights, and against antisemitism are all connected. They are each confronting traditions of domination and the false divisions of in-group versus out-group.

So, we face two enormous challenges. The first is to reach those who sincerely want a more peaceful, equitable, and sustainable world and to show them that their efforts need not be oppositional. True partnership is not about replacing one dominant group with another—it is about caring.

Care—so often labelled “feminine” and therefore “weak” under domination systems—is in fact central to recognizing human rights. It is also essential to realize that we cannot continue exploiting the Earth. Even our language holds the clues: the phrase “Mother Earth” parallels millennia of dominion over women and dominion over nature. These forms of domination are intertwined.

The second challenge is more difficult but equally vital. Those who seek a better world must begin to view power not as the blade but as the chalice—as something that empowers and connects rather than divides and destroys. The widening inequalities of our time, much like those of the Gilded Age, mirror domination thinking: the concentration of wealth and authority among a few, alongside gender and social hierarchies that separate “haves” from “have-nots,” “men” from “women,” and “in-groups” from “out-groups.”

If we can transform our understanding of power in this way, people will no longer automatically identify with those who wield it coercively. But this requires a profound shift in worldview. For instance, it is inconsistent for some in the anti-racism movement to also express antisemitic or anti-white sentiment. The problem is not the colour of one’s skin—it is the very existence of in-group versus out-group structures. Merely changing who is on top does not change the system itself.

Jacobsen: These domination patterns, according to your historical modelling, have persisted for several thousand years. If these structures are so deeply ingrained, does change have to occur on an intergenerational scale? Especially considering that humanity may have only a few generations left to act if current trends continue.

Eisler: Yes—and that intergenerational work is essential, though secondary in the sense that it depends on a fundamental shift in consciousness first. Without that, structural change cannot endure.

We are at a truly critical point in our cultural evolution—approaching a dead end, frankly. Nuclear weapons pose an immediate existential risk, and climate change, though slower, is steadily producing more and more disasters. We have to act quickly.

The good news is that a shift in consciousness can happen in an instant. It can be as sudden as realizing, “Yes, I see it now.” I can speak to this personally. I did not always perceive the possibility of a partnership alternative. I once accepted gender discrimination as simply “the way things are.” Then I discovered overwhelming evidence showing that it has not always been this way. Humanity has changed before, and we can change again.

Jacobsen: Another example might be Germany—one of the most advanced societies of its time—collapsing morally under Nazism and then transforming again into a far more humane and democratic society.

Eisler: Exactly. These transformations demonstrate that cultural systems can and do evolve. Human nature has been misunderstood for millennia. We have been told that humans are inherently selfish and violent, but that is a falsehood that sustains domination systems.

In truth, by the grace of evolution, humans have developed the most advanced capacity for empathy of any species we know. We naturally care for those close to us—our kin, our neighbours—but we can also extend empathy beyond those boundaries once we recognize our interconnection.

Modern science reinforces this view. The Nobel Prize in Physics recently went to two physicists who demonstrated that, at the subatomic level, everything is interconnected—entangled. Physical anthropology shows the same truth: all human beings are biologically related.

What we must learn is to connect the dots between all this evidence. Those who seek to reimpose rigid domination systems try very hard to suppress this understanding. They exclude from public consciousness the very evidence that reveals our interdependence.

This suppression is deeply embedded in traditions of domination—including specific interpretations of religion. Not all religions, but some, emphasize fear and submission, even framing divinity as something to be “God-fearing.” That fear-based mindset maintains domination rather than dissolving it.

Jacobsen: Do you think the prevalence of binaries in nature, and our tendency to perceive the world through dualities, has actually enabled us to study it systematically? Does the symmetry of opposites play a role in our scientific understanding of the natural world?

Eisler: Nature itself is cooperative, not purely competitive. We are discovering that cooperation is a central principle of evolution. You’ve written about this too—the natural role of love, connection, and sexuality as part of life’s continuity. Nature evolves, and we must evolve with it.

The last five to ten thousand years of domination is a brief detour in evolutionary time compared with the millennia before, when partnership-oriented societies predominated. I wrote about this in my first major book, which emerged from a whole-systems analysis of human civilization, including gender. The evidence suggests that the shift to domination systems was not inevitable.

You can even see echoes of that transition in cultural texts such as The Odyssey. The female figures—Circe, Calypso, the Sirens—are all vilified or reduced to temptresses or monsters. Yet Odysseus still needs Penelope, a woman, to affirm his legitimacy as ruler. These are traces of an earlier time when female power and partnership values were integral to society.

Jacobsen: Are those same themes visible in popular culture today? For example, in ordinary television shows like Friends or Seinfeld, or dramas like Suits, where masculinity is often portrayed through conquest, even if off-screen?

Eisler: Of course. That pattern is everywhere. And we must point it out, because there is a profound difference between sex as domination—what I call the eroticization of domination—and sex within a partnership context. In the latter, both partners experience mutual pleasure and respect. Research shows that sexuality is far more fulfilling in partnership-based relationships, where both individuals give and receive pleasure as equals rather than as conqueror and conquered.

So this, too, is a question of worldview. The neuroscientist Dr. Richard Davidson, who works closely with the Dalai Lama, emphasizes that human nature is not inherently evil. Yet the myth of innate human wickedness persists.

We’ve also discussed how the “hero’s journey,” so dominant in cultural storytelling, often glorifies violence. Even when the protagonist is a woman, she is frequently co-opted into the same narrative of domination—winning through force rather than transforming the structure itself.

As we move toward partnership, we are not envisioning a perfect society, but a more humane, satisfying, and sustainable one. 

Jacobsen: I spent three weeks in Iceland earlier this year studying the culture, and I can tell you—it’s a society that embodies many partnership principles. Though I must say, even in the summer, it’s cold. Iceland is famously chilly even in July.

Eisler: Exactly. No society is perfect—and Iceland isn’t nearly warm enough—but it does show that progress toward partnership is possible, even under challenging conditions.

Iceland is fascinating. Despite their cold, dark climates, the Nordic countries have moved strongly toward partnership-oriented values. What’s remarkable is that these societies—despite their harsh geography—cultivate social warmth and equality.

Jacobsen: I noticed that too. After about a week there, I felt a sense of calm—almost a physiological relaxation. The social tone feels cooperative and trusting. There’s a book called Independent People by Halldór Laxness. Iceland’s Nobel laureate in literature, and that same spirit runs through it: a respect for autonomy and accountability. Your victories are your own, your losses too—but you take responsibility for both. People let you live as a whole person. It’s an ongoing cultural project, but you can see how those shifts in policy, representation, and values reshape society. Even now, three or four major political parties are led by women—the president, the prime minister, even the head of the major church is a woman, circa 2024.

Eisler: That’s very natural for humans—to be partners. It’s more natural to seek pleasure and connection than to live in fear and pain. There are, of course, things to fear—disease, death, natural disasters—but we don’t need to build entire systems around fear. Ireland seems to be changing along similar lines—and it’s also wealthier for it. Ireland has grown more affluent and more open, returning in some ways to pre-Christian cultural roots. They’re reclaiming aspects of earlier, nature-based traditions, such as the revival of interest in Brigid. 

Brigid—originally a goddess—was later canonized as Saint Brigid by the Catholic Church because the people continued to revere her. She was a deity of poetry, healing, and smithcraft. Her name comes from the old Irish Bríde, meaning “the exalted one.” She’s part of what mythology calls a “triple goddess,” but that so-called mythic golden age wasn’t entirely mythical. It reflects an earlier social order rooted in balance and partnership.

Jacobsen: That’s quite humanistic, really. Taking what was once treated as supernatural and reinterpreting it as symbolic—turning old myths into stories that teach values, like Santa Claus or The Three Little Pigs. It’s not about worship but education, meaning-making, and shared narrative. The ceremonial aspects—like humanist weddings and naming ceremonies—fit perfectly within a modern, secular, and compassionate worldview. Ireland and Scotland both seem to be leaning into that.

Eisler: It’s a way of reclaiming cultural continuity while shedding the authoritarian framework. It’s the transformation of mythology into metaphor—a bridge from domination toward partnership. We need rights, but we also need rituals. Humanity has always created symbolic acts to mark transitions—birth, maturity, death—because we don’t really know what happens after we die. We lack the perceptual “equipment” to fully comprehend it. Even secular people need ways to honour change and meaning.

Jacobsen: I feel the same. I never had formal rites of passage. You end up marking the chapters of your life alone, which is more complicated than doing it in community. You mark them through others’ life events—your father’s death, your grandfather’s, your uncle’s—but that isn’t the same as having a social ceremony acknowledging your own growth. Norway, for example, has secular coming-of-age ceremonies around age fifteen, organized by the Human-Etisk Forbund. Every culture needs something like that; otherwise, people drift psychologically. Not developmentally—you still mature—but in terms of having coherent chapters of identity.

Eisler: Such rituals recognize biological and emotional thresholds—acknowledging that we’re entering new phases of life. Yet we always carry our childhood within us. Many people suppress their early traumas, but they shape us nonetheless.

Nature has lessons here, too. We still don’t fully understand nature’s complexity, but we can observe its limits and patterns. I often return to the Fibonacci sequence—those spirals and ratios found in shells, sunflowers, and even the proportions of our bodies. There appears to be a kind of design in nature, though I use that word poetically, not theologically. The Fibonacci ratio, approximately 1.618, appears repeatedly—in biological growth patterns, in the branching of trees, in rabbit populations. It suggests an underlying order to natural processes, though its causes remain mathematical rather than mystical.

Jacobsen: I spoke recently with a mathematician friend about that after one of our talks. He noted that since nature doesn’t seem to contain actual infinities, every Fibonacci expression we observe is an approximation, never an actual infinite sequence. The precision we see—down to decimal ratios—is bounded by physical constraints. So what we’re really witnessing are natural approximations of abstract mathematical relationships.

Eisler: That makes sense. Nature expresses patterns, not perfection. They’re not exact, but they reveal coherence. And rather than puzzling endlessly about whether infinity exists or where it “ends,” I prefer to focus on what we can do now—to make life better, to transform how we live together. That’s the real challenge and the real beauty of being human.

The transformation from domination to partnership must happen across all four cornerstones: childhood and family, gender, economics, and story or language. It begins in childhood—violence, denial, in-group thinking, and punitive conditioning all ripple outward from the family system. Gender, too, is central and vastly underanalyzed, except through frameworks like my study of relational dynamics.

Economics is another pillar: what do we reward as a society? In domination systems, we reward conquest and control. In partnership systems, we must reward care, creativity, and storytelling—forms of relational wealth. These are not separate issues; they are interdependent. As we shift toward partnership, fear and violence diminish.

Jacobsen: Thank you again for your time today, Riane. 

Eisler: That’s wonderful. You’re so bright, Scott. It’s a pleasure working with you.

Jacobsen: Thank you, Riane. Take care.

Eisler: Goodbye.

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Nathan H. Lents on Storytelling, Skepticism, and the Craft of Science Communication

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/07

*Minor edits November 9, 2025.*

Dr. Nathan H. Lents, a molecular biologist, author, and professor at John Jay College (CUNY), discusses effective science communication rooted in storytelling, curiosity, and clarity. Emphasizing the importance of evidence-based messaging, he critiques sensationalism, creationist misrepresentation, and public mistrust in science. Lents highlights the vital role of science journalists in translating complex research for broader audiences and urges greater institutional support for the field. He reflects on challenges in conveying nuanced science topics—like evolution, climate change, and vaccines—while maintaining credibility. Through thoughtful engagement, Lents promotes public understanding of science as a self-correcting, collaborative, and deeply human process.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are joined by Dr. Nathan H. Lents—a molecular biologist, author, and professor of biology at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, which is part of the City University of New York (CUNY). He is widely recognized for his work in science communication, particularly for making complex biological concepts accessible to general audiences.

His books include Human Errors: A Panorama of Our Glitches, from Pointless Bones to Broken Genes and Not So Different: Finding Human Nature in Animals. These works highlight themes in evolutionary biology, genetics, and human physiology, presented in engaging and accessible ways. Dr. Lents also contributes essays and op-eds to popular science outlets, takes part in public conversations about science and religion, and frequently appears in media to advocate for science literacy—such as in this interview. Through both his research and public engagement, he promotes an evidence-based understanding of human biology and evolution across educational and public spheres.

Thank you so much for joining me again today. So, what are the key elements of making science communication accessible and engaging to non-experts? And if you would, please add some humorous comparisons or contrasts. What are some examples of bad science communication?

Dr. Nathan Lents: Well, I’m not sure I can come up with an example of bad science communication right off the top of my head, but one thing I’ll tell you about how I approach it is this: As an evolutionary biologist, I tend to look at almost everything through an evolutionary lens—including learning.

If you think about how humans learn and absorb information, it is largely through storytelling. That was our first method of learning, our first method of understanding, of communicating, of passing knowledge—not only within communities, but also across generations.

Humans were speaking with complex language for tens of thousands of years before anything was ever written down. So while reading and writing are important now for gathering and storing information, they are relatively new innovations. Storytelling, on the other hand, is ancient and deeply rooted in our biology.

Our brains are wired to learn through hearing and telling stories. If you picture Stone Age men and women gathered around a campfire, telling stories—that was the first classroom. And if you think about your own childhood, consider how long it took to learn to read and write. It was a slow, sometimes painful process because it is not something that comes naturally to us, biologically speaking.

But speaking and listening? That is instinctual. You do not need to teach a child how to speak. They will do it spontaneously. They refine their abilities over time, of course, but it is a natural act.

So I think of learning as a natural act—as long as it happens in a biologically familiar way. That’s a long-winded way of saying: I try to write the same way I teach—by telling stories. You have to draw the reader in. You have to make them care.

You have to make them go “Hmm…”—you have to pique their curiosity. Then you follow up with the information they are now eager to read because you have captured their interest. So, a good way to approach science writing is to first ask: Why would someone want to know this? Why would someone care? You cannot assume that just because you are interested in something, someone else will be too.

You have to set the stage. That is what I try to do. I pique interest, and then I tell stories. That is the engaging part of it.

But as a science writer, communicator, or teacher, you also have to back it up—with verified information, data extracted from the natural world through the scientific process. So as quickly as possible, I try to introduce evidence and then explain, again through storytelling, how that evidence was gathered and what it means for us.

Now, one thing I have noticed in bad science writing is that people sometimes try to do too much. I like to think of learning as bite-sized pieces of information. The more you can surround that one thing you want someone to know with stories, the better they will understand and remember it.

But I see some writers try to cover so many different things at once that they do not have time or space to wrap each point in a narrative. So, it becomes an esoteric, isolated factette—just a small, floating fact. And the reader is left wondering: Where did we get that information? How do we know it’s true? How does it connect to anything else?

That is why I like to think of my science writing as storytelling. You try to convey one main point, and then surround it with stories that help drive it home.

Jacobsen: Who do you think communicates effectively on non-scientific topics? And does their approach resemble science communication?

Lents: Well, in the humanities, for example, you tend to get long-winded storytellers. I often find that when I read more scholarly works—especially literature, history, or biographies—you get someone writing long, elaborate sentences.

And you can tell that each sentence probably took several minutes to craft. They clearly want to include as much as possible and use the most sophisticated vocabulary. But the result is often a word salad—dense, hard to absorb—because so much is packed into it.

So, when I read in the humanities, that is one of my biggest complaints: It sometimes feels like the writer is more interested in showing off what they know than in building understanding.

In the social sciences, however, I think they tend to do a much better job. The social sciences are still studying the natural world—but through a human lens. They focus on psychology, sociology, anthropology—how we form communities, how we connect, how we feel. It is centered on the human experience.

And so, the social sciences have a lot to teach both the humanities and the natural sciences because their science is very much in service of humanity. They begin from a place of inherent relevance—it is automatically about us.

For example, some people might read something in the humanities about a medieval text and see no relevance to their life. The same can happen in the sciences—sometimes you are reading about a quasar tens of thousands of light-years away, and again, you wonder: Why is this important to me? Why do I need to know this? It feels distant and irrelevant.

But the social sciences, at least ostensibly, are about the lived social experiences of human beings, so they start from a place of immediate relevance. That gives them an advantage.

The natural sciences have to work a little harder to show people why they should care. Now, I personally study and write about human evolution and the human experience as shaped by evolutionary history. So I like to think I have that same advantage. We all have a stake in this. We all have a natural connection to it. We are all descendants of millions of ancestors.

So most people are at least a little bit invested in whatever idea I am going to share, simply by being human—and by having a bit of curiosity about what it means to be human. That’s one of the reasons I write about human evolution: it’s an easy sell. Everyone wants to know where we came from. Everyone wants to know why we are the way we are. So I have that built-in advantage.

But again, as quickly as possible, I try to tell a story. And as part of the explanation, I include data or evidence—As researchers discovered X, Y, and Z—so that people understand science as an active process.

If I know something, it is not necessarily because I read it in a textbook. I might have done the experiments that generated that knowledge. And that is what science is ultimately trying to do: to create knowledge through observation and experimentation.

Jacobsen: Which scientific discipline do you think is the hardest to convey—the one with the most complex or inaccessible nuances—for a general audience?

Lents: Particle physics and high-energy physics are definitely hard to communicate to the public. There are so many principles that are not only unfamiliar to most people but also deeply counterintuitive.

Many of the theories about how the universe is structured are so far removed from our everyday experience—and so inaccessible to our natural senses, like vision and hearing—that you have to do a lot of groundwork just to get people ready for what you want to explain. So, I would say high-energy physics probably has the toughest time among the natural sciences.

The disciplines with the easiest time, as I mentioned, are the social sciences and field biology—things you can see and hear, things that people can directly relate to. When you are describing experiences people already have, and then offering a deeper layer of understanding, it is easier to draw them in.

So I am very glad I am not trying to write about physics.

Jacobsen: Is there any issue with inconsistency in expert messaging to the public? Does that occur? And if it does, is it a serious issue—or does it mostly fade away with time?

Lents: Yes, there are definitely times when that happens—especially when scientists disagree. But disagreement in the scientific community is not necessarily a bad thing.

It means you are in an active area of research, where our knowledge is still developing—so naturally, you will encounter different ideas that are in conflict. What irritates me, however, is that some scientists describe opposing views using straw man arguments, reducing them to something ridiculous.

The best way to argue—the most appropriate way to argue—is to do the opposite: to steel man your opponent’s position. Try to make the best, strongest case for the other side, and then present your alternative. But if you set up a straw man just to knock it down, you have done a disservice to your own position. You might get a few chuckles or laughs, but you have not actually explained the controversy. You have not explained why your view is stronger or why you support your position. That kind of poor argumentation leads to inconsistency—and, unfortunately, it can be devastating when it comes to public understanding.

It leaves people with the impression that even well-established principles are just a matter of opinion.

I am involved in a lot of debates between creationism and evolutionary science. Some of the material you find from creationist sources makes you wonder whether they know anything about what evolutionary science actually says.

If you are going to argue with something, you need to understand it first.

But after a while, I realized—they do know a little bit about evolutionary theory. The problem is, it serves their purpose to present a parody or caricature of it. They create a distorted version of what evolution actually proposes and then argue against that. By attacking the ridiculous version they constructed, they make themselves look stronger.

Once I understood this tactic—that they are trying to feed their readers something that sounds convincing, something like red meat—I realized that there is a lot of intellectual dishonesty in the creationist community. And until they confront that, they will not be taken seriously by the scientific community.

For example, they will often say, “This is all just a pure accident of chance. That’s what scientists want you to believe—that everything magically came into existence, randomly.”

But that is not at all what evolutionary biologists believe.

Natural selection is not random. It is absolutely targeted and directional. It does not have foresight or advanced planning, of course, but that is very different from saying everything is purely random.

They present this absurd view of evolution, and then position their own beliefs as the only reasonable alternative—as if their version must be true if this caricature of evolution is not. That is dishonest. You can usually spot a charlatan that way: when they present opposing views as ridiculous caricatures, you know you are not dealing with an honest actor.

Jacobsen: Is the relationship between scientists and the general public strong—or strained—right now?

Lents: Right now, it is quite strained. We have had some major public controversies and debates that have eroded public confidence in science. Sometimes, there is some fault on the part of scientists or scientific institutions. But more often than not, the problem lies with bad actors.

I would say vaccine skepticism is a good example of this kind of erosion of public trust. Yes, vaccine injuries are real. They do happen. But they are rare, specific in nature, and well-documented in terms of what they can actually cause.

But the vaccine skeptic community has, frankly, lost touch with reality. The risks are wildly exaggerated, and that has significantly eroded public confidence. There’s now a whole generation of Americans who believe that vaccination carries all kinds of potential long-term negative health consequences—and that is simply not true.

Again, vaccine injuries do exist, but they are rare, they are contained, and they are almost nothing like what vaccine skeptics portray. That kind of misinformation is damaging. Once someone’s trust in public health starts to erode, it creates cracks—openings for distrust to spread to other areas of science and medicine.

We see a similar pattern with climate change—specifically anthropogenic climate change. Among scientists who study the climate, including geochemists and atmospheric chemists, there is overwhelming evidence and a clear understanding of what is happening. Yes, there are real debates about what to do about it, and yes, the models have some uncertainty. But those are debates around the margins—not disagreements about whether climate change is real or human-caused.

Yet, if you listen to climate skeptics, they would have you believe that it is all guesswork, that scientists are promoting “crazy theories” to boost their grant funding. First of all, that is not how grant funding works. Making exaggerated, unsupported claims is a great way to get your grant rejected—not funded.

Scientists are actually quite careful and cautious in how they word things. And they are especially critical of each other’s grant applications. If someone steps too far outside the bounds of what the evidence supports, you can be sure they will be criticized—harshly—by their peers.

In fact, we almost enjoy taking each other down a notch when reviewing proposals or evaluating research. The idea that science is some kind of herd mentality or “consensus science,” where we all ignore our own instincts to follow the crowd—that just does not reflect reality.

There’s no way you could be a practicing, professional scientist and truly believe that. We are not necessarily friendly to one another in peer review. We will challenge any perceived weakness in a model or a theory—because we respect the process.

And that’s the key point: individual scientists do not have to be perfect—none of us are. But the scientific process is self-correcting. When you have many independent minds working on a problem, each study builds incrementally on previous work. That allows us to zero in on the truth, step by step.

Not every individual study is perfect. Not every conclusion is final. But each one moves us forward, adds to the collective knowledge, and becomes part of the bigger picture.

So right now, we are seeing skepticism toward science in three completely different areas: evolution, climate change, and vaccine safety. And the skepticism is spreading.

Once people lose faith in scientific institutions, that distrust begins to seep into everything else. That is why you see people rejecting traditional medicine in favor of alternatives—like taking fish oil, for example. By the way, fish oil is good for you. I take a fish oil supplement every day because it helps improve my lipid profile a little bit.

It reduces the oxidation of some of the lipoproteins in my blood. And I know that, over time, that can offer slight protection against cardiac events. But that is all it does. It is not a magic cure for anything.

I have no illusions that this is going to be the deciding factor between having a heart attack or not. But as part of a healthy diet and a healthy lifestyle, fish oil can provide a modest benefit for your lipid profile. That is it. And it is one of the very few supplements for which we actually have data supporting that conclusion.

Almost everything else in the supplement store is complete garbage. It does nothing. Many high-quality studies have been conducted on these supplements, and most have failed to demonstrate any health benefit—short-term or long-term.

And yet, there are people who will swear by their supplements without any scientific evidence—because someone told them to. Then, ironically, they will turn around and not believe scientists, even when hundreds of peer-reviewed studies support a scientific consensus.

It seems almost completely backward—the way skepticism is misapplied today. I wish I had the answer. I do not. But I am going to keep doing my job, which is to communicate accurate science as best I can.

Jacobsen: How do science communicators push back against misinformation and pseudoscience—through social media, campaigns, documentaries, engagement with the public, or through interaction with political and scientific bodies? How do you personally do that?

The creationism example is pretty straightforward because they are, frankly, so clownish. Whether it’s intelligent design creationism—which usually involves credentialed, mostly Protestant men—or the less sophisticated crowd, like “Banana Man” types, it is easy to point out the flaws in their arguments. So in a way, that battle is easier.

But in other cases, it gets trickier. 

Lents: And that is where science journalists become incredibly important. They can be our best allies because they are better equipped to communicate with the public—and they also have more time to do it.

You have to remember, most scientists—almost all, really—are fully occupied with their day jobs: doing science, publishing research, managing labs. Communicating with the public is something very few of us have the time or bandwidth to do well or consistently.

That is why science journalists are the bridge between the scientific process and the general public.

I try to support them every chance I get. I am friends with a few. I share their work, I promote them, I work with them, and I review their books when they write them.

Science journalists are key allies. There are also efforts like the Alan Alda Center for Communicating Science at Stony Brook University. But I would love to see more being done to promote, support, and raise the profile of that profession. Because they really can be the trusted intermediaries between science and the public.

And that was especially important during COVID. We saw some incredible science journalism—from Carl Zimmer, Ed Yong, and many others—who were doing the essential work of getting accurate information to the public, often at great personal cost.

Some of them were even threatened. So, trying to communicate science to the public can sometimes be a dangerous endeavor, especially when people have lost trust or gone down conspiratorial rabbit holes.

But another great thing about science journalism is how it connects with younger generations—students in high school, college, and early-career professionals who have a passion for science. They love science. But then they get into the coursework, and it is not what they expected. They find it dry or difficult. They are not engaged. Maybe they struggle with the technical aspects or with their grades.

And what they originally thought science was—was storytelling. Fun, interesting stories about discovery, exploration, and curiosity. And I always say to students like that, “You’re in luck.” Because there are other ways to be part of science besides becoming a scientist.

Being a scientist can be boring. The work is laborious and repetitive. There is a lot of mindless labor involved—counting things, measuring things, repeating the same procedure dozens of times. To publish something, your results have to be meticulously verified and documented. And to someone who loves narrative and storytelling, that can sound incredibly dull.

But science journalism offers the best of both worlds. You get to be close to the science. You talk to scientists, read their work, attend conferences. And then you go and tell the story to the public. It is a bridge between the humanities and the natural sciences.

Science journalists play a crucial role in translating complex, nuanced research into clear, engaging insights. The public wants the bottom line: What does this mean? Why is it important? Science journalists provide that connection.

It is a profession I would love to see more support for in our society.

Jacobsen: My follow-up to that would be—why not approach an endowment or a foundation to support this work? Maybe establish fellowships for aspiring science journalists—or for working journalists who have a clear understanding of science and want to contribute to public communication.

Even if there is no funding, you could offer them something—a research associate position, or a fellowship title—so they have formal recognition while doing what they are already passionate about.

That way, if someone asks, “Why are you writing about this scientific issue?” they can say, “I’m a research associate,” or “I’m a fellow at such-and-such institute.” Even if it is unpaid, the title can provide legitimacy and open doors. And if funding is available, all the better. But even without it, that structure can be valuable.

Lents: That sort of thing can go a long way. That’s a great model. In some ways, it is the apprenticeship model. And that’s actually how we train scientists, so it would mirror that approach well.

You have the Alan Alda Center for Communicating Science—so far as I know, that’s the only organization explicitly focused on science communication and journalism. And I would love to say: We love you, Alan! It’s a wonderful thing he’s doing. That’s exactly the kind of work I wish we were doing more of.

I would love to see foundations, philanthropies, and wealthy donors thinking about this—about the good work that could come from simply educating more people on how to communicate science effectively.

And not everyone trained in science communication has to go write for The New York Times. There are many ways a science communicator can make a living and make a difference. For example, someone could work at a PR firm—if they have training in science communication, that could be a major asset. Or in healthcare—at a hospital or pharmaceutical company—helping to translate cutting-edge research for patients, or even for medical professionals.

That would be an amazing thing.

So yes, I would love to see science writing and science journalism get even more recognition and support as a serious discipline.

Jacobsen: How do you communicate the excitement of scientific discovery without oversensationalizing the findings and damaging credibility?

Lents: That’s a great question because it’s something we all struggle with—in both science and science communication.

Big, flashy, exciting results are the ones people are most likely to read, to share, to talk about. They’re also more likely to get published or funded. So, there’s always a temptation to exaggerate—even unconsciously.

That’s why training in proper context and communication is so important.

In the sciences, that usually happens during our professional formation. We have to defend our ideas before committees, write grant proposals, and pass peer review. These processes involve scrutiny. People are actively looking for weaknesses, exaggerations, and inaccuracies. So, you learn to temper your language and keep things in check.

But when communicating with the public, there’s no peer review. No committee. No filter to keep you honest. That’s why it is so important to take that responsibility seriously—and to hold each other accountable when we see inaccurate claims.

This has happened to me. I was once giving a talk at CSICon, which is a major conference for skeptics and scientists. I said something, kind of as an aside—it wasn’t a central point—but I overstated something about animal diets.

Someone in the audience caught it, tweeted about it, and others joined the conversation. By the time I finished the talk, there was already a whole thread on Twitter discussing the mistake.

I was able to jump in and say, “You’re right. I said it too strongly. Here’s what I meant.” And within ten or fifteen minutes, we had it all cleared up. Everyone was happy with the clarification.

That was a rare example of real-time correction.

Unfortunately, what we often see today is people retreating to ideological camps. Instead of constructive correction, people circle the wagons—either to defend or attack perceived opponents.

So, while we are quite divided now and those moments of good-faith dialogue are rarer, I think scientists—especially those with public-facing roles—do a decent job of critiquing exaggerated claims when we see them. And we must keep doing that.

But we should do it respectfully. There’s no need to be rude or try to destroy someone’s reputation. We do better when we call out exaggeration or pseudoscience civilly, and I believe more scientists should take part in that effort.

Jacobsen: Professor Lents, thank you so much for your time again today. I really appreciate it.

Lents: As always, I support experts. Not a popular thing to say right now, apparently, but still—yes.

Thanks so much for your interest. I really appreciate it. I’d love to see this reach more people. It’s a great thing you’re doing—and yes, keep up the good work.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Global Trade and Finance 7: Rates, Trade & Global Risk

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/07

Michael Ashley Schulman, CFA, is Chief Investment Officer and a founding partner of Running Point Capital Advisors, a multifamily office delivering integrated investment, planning, tax, insurance, and estate services, based in Los Angeles, California. He oversees global macro research, asset allocation, and public- and private-markets strategies, including impact mandates. Schulman is a widely quoted commentator, frequently providing analysis to Reuters and other outlets on technology, energy, trade, and market structure. His work centers on translating macroeconomic trends, U.S. fiscal policy, and the global tech landscape into actionable guidance for families and entrepreneurs.  

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Schulman describes the Fed’s rate cut as a cautious swivel rather than a pivot, OPEC+ maneuvers as a balance between cooperation and chaos, and China’s EV export permits as a geopolitical filter. Schulman highlights widening U.S. export controls, renewed tariff risks, and global shipping bottlenecks reshaping trade flows. He ties macro policy to consumer sentiment—arguing that culture, not spreadsheets, drives markets as much as rates do. For investors, his insights offer both levity and actionable foresight.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Did the Fed’s September rate cut to 4.00–4.25% mark a pivot?

Michael Ashley Schulman: A pivot? Not quite. It’s more like the Fed slowly rotating in a swivel chair, grudging, strategic, and very aware someone’s watching. Powell may have trimmed, but he’s not ready to mic drop and walk offstage humming Soft Landing: The Musical. Inflation is easing, yes, but core services are still stickier than a toddler eating honey. Investors hoping for a 2009-style slashing spree will be disappointed; it’s more grind than glide. For the average American? Don’t expect your credit card APR to suddenly stop haunting you.

Jacobsen: Can OPEC+ output increases and China’s storage flows tame crude prices?

Schulman: It depends, are we talking taming like Ted Lasso or like House of the Dragon? If OPEC+ and China manage oil prices calmly, cooperatively, and strategically, that’s an optimistic and well-meaning Ted Lasso outcome. If it turns into a dysfunctional, ruthless, power-hungry game riddled with manipulation, miscalculations, and unintended blowback, that’s a House of the Dragon outcome.

OPEC+ is increasing output in tiny steps, putting a ceiling on pricves. Meanwhile, China is putting a floor on prices by primarily buying more oil on price drops in order to build up its strategic reserves, even as its consumption of traditional transport fuels has plateaued; its stockpiling is a strategic move to enhance energy security, mitigate potential supply disruptions, and take advantage of lower-than-average global oil prices. There are also rumors that China has been bringing discounted crude in from sanctioned countries like Russia, Iran, and Venezuela, some of it re-branded as originating from other nations, such as Malaysia, to evade U.S. sanctions.

If demand rebounds or geopolitical tensions flare, oil could spike. For the average American, gas prices are still the one inflation metric that cuts straight to next month’s Thanksgiving table conversation.

Jacobsen: Will China’s requirement for EV export permits in 2026 reconfigure global auto flows?

Schulman: Absolutely yes. Beijing isn’t just regulating exports, it’s curating them for quality control and geopolitical signaling. Starting Jan 1, EV exporters will need licenses to do so. This cuts out sketchy resellers and promotes preferred brands. This means fewer super-cheap off-brand EV deals, better service and after-sales from the brands that do ship, and more cars redirected to countries with friendlier trade rules.

Expect downstream effects on global EV supply chains, especially for budget-friendly models headed to Europe and emerging markets. For U.S. automakers, it’s a domestic reprieve but a wake-up call to adapt or get out-hustled abroad. For European automakers, it smells like more pain. Investors should brace for disrupted pricing power and potential overcapacity in Western EV plants. For the average American it means no ultra-cheap EV imports.

Jacobsen: Why is the U.S. broadening export controls to subsidiaries of blacklisted firms?

Schulman: It’s cutting out the loopholes. Wait, is that a mixed metaphor? Let me retry that. It is plugging the shell-game hole. The U.S. is saying that if we sanction the parent, we’re sanctioning the whole family tree. Think of it as geopolitical KYC or know your client. It’s a way to curb tech leakage, especially in AI and semiconductors, where one shadow office in southeast Asia can undo years of policy. For investors, it means higher compliance costs, more regulatory friction, and growing bifurcation in global tech. The average American may not feel it directly, at least not yet; but when your next smartphone or game box ships three months late and $75 pricier, this will be why.

Jacobsen: Is a second era of tariffs upon us soon?

Schulman: Oh, it’s coming like Taylor Swift’s next album, of wait, “The Life of a Showgirl” is already here! Whether it’s steel, autos, or green tech, both parties are flirting with tariffs as campaign foreplay. The threats of new and higher tariffs aren’t over, especially with rare-earth metals potentially held hostage. With China, Mexico, and the EU all in the crosshairs, this could become a bipartisan bidding war for who can protect “Main Street” more loudly.

Investors need to model new friction in global trade. Supply chains were just starting to un-kink and this could re-knot them as exemplified by Levi Strauss’s latest management statement. For the person on the street, tariffs are taxes in disguise. 

Jacobsen: For the shipping detours through the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Panama Canal, do these risk stalling global cargo growth?

Schulman: It may risk a “transitory” stall; more like a stop-and-go. We’re in a choose your own bottleneck era of logistics, or maybe let the roulette wheel choose it for you. If it’s not drought squeezing the Panama Canal, it’s Houthi drones, piracy off the African coast. Reroutes add time, fuel, insurance cost, and uncertainty. It raises freight costs, squeezes margins, and shifts pricing power to logistics firms, airlines, and railroads and makes a great case for bringing back zeppelins, something Airship Industries is working on for autonomous air freight.

Jacobsen: Can Argentina, Nigeria, and Egypt manage inflation without creating a crisis?

Schulman: That’s like asking if you can  fly coach to Ibiza without turbulence. In theory, yes, in practice, good luck. Argentina is trying to Milei its way into libertarian orthodoxy, Nigeria’s FX reforms are about as smooth as a Kanye interview, and Egypt’s inflation has meaningfully cooled, enabling cautious rate cuts but it still walks a tightrope to meet IMF conditionality. Investors in EM debt are speed-dating volatility. It’s unlikely that you hold a frontier market ETF in your retirement plan, but if you do, maybe peek at its allocation before your next beach vacation.

Jacobsen: If the Bank of Japan hikes in October, how will capital flows adjust?

Schulman: A BOJ hike would yank a few threads from the global carry-trade sweater. A higher Japanese yield pulls money back home to Japan from riskier global assets, especially from U.S. bonds, Australian debt, and emerging markets. Higher JGB yields would lead to marginal rotation out of U.S. duration (or long dated investments). Those that care or are massively overleveraged are hedging yen risk.

Jacobsen: Anything else this week you want to comment on?

Schulman: Oh, where do I start? It’s been one of those weeks where macro, markets, and pop culture all felt like they were trading on margin. First, the Treasury curve is looking more like a Jackson Pollock painting than a signal generator; investors are hunting for duration at the same time the Fed is sort of easing but sort of not, and long-end yields are falling. That’s telling us something deeper; either the bond market sees softness ahead, or a large segment of the market is hedging for a recession that never shows up.

Second, let’s talk about Taylor Swift’s new album, “The Life of a Showgirl”. It sold more in a week than some sovereign bonds, which, frankly, says a lot about where consumer sentiment lives now; not in CPI or consumer price index prints, but in playlists. 

It’s a reminder that while rates, supply chains, and geopolitics matter, confidence is cultural, and culture moves markets more than we like to admit. Investors should be paying as much attention to Swiftie data as to Fed dot plots because one of them is actually moving consumer behavior.

Truly enjoyed our chat. Thank you for the thoughtful interview and sharp questions. I appreciate the chance to unpack macro melodrama with a little levity and context. Always a pleasure trading insights and cultural references with someone who gets both.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Michael.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Remus Cernea on Ukraine: Morale, Media Narratives, and Drone War

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/06

Remus Cernea is a Romanian human rights, secular, and environmental advocate who served in Romania’s Chamber of Deputies from 2012 to 2016. A former leader in the Green political movement, he ran for president in 2009 and co-founded in 2003 the Solidarity for Freedom of Conscience, the first Romanian civil society group promoting the separation of church and state. In 2008 he founded the Romanian Humanist Association where he was its president between 2008-2012, and in 2013 the General Assembly of the Humanist International was organized by RHA in Bucharest, Romania. Beyond politics ans secularism, he has campaigned for animal welfare and sustainable development, and in recent years has reported from Ukraine, documenting civilian resilience under attack. Trained in philosophy, Cernea brings a values-forward, pro-democracy lens to public debates, arguing for Western solidarity with people resisting authoritarian aggression.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Cernea contrasts Russia’s deliberate strikes on civilians and infrastructure with Ukraine’s focus on energy and war-production targets, noting a June 2025 drone operation that destroyed multiple Russian bombers. He says Ukrainian morale remains high—even in bombed Kharkiv, where children study in new underground schools—and frames the war as democracy versus autocracy. Cernea warns Western coverage can misread the conflict and urges sustained aid, not just rhetoric. He cautions against extremes on the left and the right, recalls communist repression, and argues that NATO must learn Ukraine’s drone warfare. Hope, he adds, is no strategy; deterrence and principles must align.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Now, regarding the style of violence and its coverage: third-party sources show that Russians target not only military sites but also civilians, infrastructure, energy facilities, apartment complexes, and even UNESCO heritage sites—as we witnessed on our first trip. Ukrainians, as far as we know, have been targeting energy and economic sectors of Russia’s war machine—oil, gas, and similar strategic targets.

There was that extraordinary operation earlier this year, when Ukrainian drones managed to destroy a large number of Russian bombers—a remarkable counterstrike.

Remus Cernea: That extraordinary operation, by the way, was named Spider Web.

Jacobsen: Two things come to mind from our last conversation. Regarding the left-wing Irish newly elected President, Catherine Connolly: politically, the left tends to be more hypercritical of what it perceives as Western or American actions. The right, on the other hand, tends to view anything tied to Soviet history as inherently evil. Both sides can fall into overreach and misperception.

So when they produce critiques or reportage, they sometimes miss the mark. In the current context, how do Ukrainians feel they are being portrayed—accurately and inaccurately? I ask because that’s an issue that’s come up in private conversations —sometimes heated ones —that aren’t for publication, because there is dignity in privacy, but are still important for fleshing things out.

Cernea: That’s a fundamental question, because I’ll tell you something deeply touching. After the full-scale invasion began in February 2022, Ukrainians truly believed the West would help—and the West did. Maybe not enough, but there was support.

When I visited the metro stations in Kharkiv, where many schools now operate underground, I saw something remarkable. Because most schools above ground were destroyed—about 60% of Kharkiv’s schools are wholly or partially ruined—children now study underground in metro stations.

And on the walls of these underground classrooms, I saw quotes and portraits of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Imagine that: Ukrainian children learning in subway tunnels surrounded by images of Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington. The Ukrainians are showing that they share the values of the Western world—values they want to live by and learn from—after decades of life under communism.

The people they now admire, the symbols they aspire to, are not Soviet—they’re Western. American, British, democratic. You see their faces and words on the walls of classrooms.

Think about what that means in their minds. For Ukrainians, Russia represents the past—the empire that killed, destroyed, and conquered them. Ukraine declared independence in 1918, but in the following years, it was invaded by the Bolsheviks under Lenin. After three years of war, Ukraine was forcibly absorbed into the USSR. Ukrainians did not join willingly; they were conquered.

Now, they are fighting and dying to join a different world—a Western world built on democracy and human rights.

So imagine what it would mean if the West were to abandon them. Should they take down those portraits of the Founding Fathers from the school walls? Their only hope is that the Western countries will remain true to those same principles and ideas—those of the Founding Fathers—and continue helping democracy survive wherever it struggles to exist. That was always the ideal.

That was the original idea behind the fall of communism—to help people achieve democracy and remove dictatorships. And I hope Western countries do not fall for new ideological traps, whether from the far left or the far right, and end up sympathizing with Russia. Because Putin’s Russia—his regime, not the Russian people—is the greatest evil in our world today.

Imagine this: Russia has sent North Korean troops to fight against Ukrainians. Can you believe that? Who could have imagined that one day North Korean soldiers would be fighting against a European nation? It was unimaginable—but Russia made it happen.

Russia is also aligned with Hamas. Members of Hamas visited Moscow just months before the October 7, 2023, attacks. That war benefited Russia, because it shifted the world’s attention away from Ukraine and toward Gaza.

So yes, Russia is evil, and it will exploit every possible opportunity to weaken Western support for Ukraine. I only hope that reason will prevail—and that political leaders in every democratic country will maintain moral clarity, understanding which side stands for what.

One side is pro-democracy, standing for human dignity and freedom. The other side—Putin’s side—is imperialist, utterly indifferent to human life. Putin kills his own people; countless Russian soldiers die on the front lines in Ukraine.

I hope that leaders like President Connolly, American politicians, and others around the world will continue to follow democratic principles. Because if Western nations forget these values, they too will eventually fall. It is frighteningly easy to lose democracy.

We see this struggle in Romania as well—and likely in many countries—between citizens who believe in democratic ideals and those drawn to far-right or far-left movements. Both extremes are anti-democratic and can undermine the very foundation of our societies.

It is disheartening to see. In Romania’s elections last December, the far right won more than 30 percent of the seats in parliament. We came dangerously close to electing a far-right president. Fortunately, most Romanians were wise enough to choose a centrist leader—one who is pro-Ukraine, pro-Europe, pro-NATO, and pro-democracy. But it was close. Too close.

And worryingly, even among young people—bright, educated university students—you hear echoes of Catherine Connolly’s rhetoric: “We shouldn’t spend money on defence.” But that, I tell you, is national suicide.

This is suicide. If we do not have armies strong enough to deter Russia, Russia will attack us—maybe not today, perhaps not tomorrow, but eventually. Russia has attacked Romania twelve times over the last three hundred years. We have a long and painful history of Russian aggression and territorial losses. That’s why today there exists the Republic of Moldova—a territory forcibly taken by Russia in 1812, recovered by Romania in 1918, and taken back by the Soviets from Romania in 1940 and 1945. After the fall of communism, Moldova declared its independence. But the legacy of Russian aggression runs deep.

Fortunately, Romania is now a member of NATO. We hope that other NATO countries will defend us if Russia ever attacks again. But NATO must remain strong—and must learn from Ukraine how to fight drone warfare. At this moment, no European country truly knows how to wage this new kind of war.

It’s not enough to manufacture drones. You must have skilled operators who understand tactics—how to deploy drones efficiently. Otherwise, you could have a million drones and still not know how to use them effectively. Ukraine has that experience. No NATO country does.

In fact, I’d say that now, we Europeans need security guarantees from Ukraine. Not the other way around. If Russia were to attack us, Ukraine might be the one to help defend us. They are, without exaggeration, the best fighters in the world today in drone-type warfare.

Jacobsen: I like the way you framed that earlier—shifting from geography, the “West versus East” concept, to values instead. Because as time goes on, that old East-West divide feels less and less relevant. With international travel, mass communication, and cultural exchange, those lines are much more porous now.

Framing it as a conflict between democracy and autocracy is much more meaningful. It’s something the United Nations and most people across the world can agree on: those who desire freedom and self-determination versus those who seek control and domination.

Cernea: Exactly. Unfortunately, to have democracy, you must fight for it. If you look at history, nearly every democracy was born through struggle—the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, and many others. Even Romania had its own democratic revolutions—in 1848, then a war for independence in 1877 against the Ottoman Empire, and through the two World Wars, then an anti-communist revolution in 1989. Democracy and freedom always come at a cost and need fights and sacrifice. The danger now is forgetting that. People grow comfortable, and they forget that democracy must be defended.

If you start believing that democracy is something given for free—that it will always be there—you’ve already fallen into a trap. Many people living comfortably in democracies, enjoying high standards of living, assume history will continue this way forever. But there are no guarantees. None.

History doesn’t move in one direction. There are constant risks—wars, terrorism, and even technological dangers. Some people say that if artificial superintelligence emerges, it could destroy us all. I’ve seen these arguments. The point is, threats come in many forms—political, technological, and military—and we must understand and honor the values we’re defending.

Unfortunately, many people don’t. They don’t know how democracy evolved or why, from time to time, people must risk their lives to protect it. Too many young people, especially, take democracy for granted—or worse, reject it because they don’t understand it.

Some of them turn toward Marxist ideology, chasing a utopian idea of resetting society, destroying capitalism, and building something “new”. But that’s dangerous. I lived through a utopia once—Romania under communism. In 1984, I was literally living in the world Orwell described in his book 1984. Constant surveillance, propaganda, fear—every aspect of life was controlled during those times.

So when I hear young people today talk about creating a “new system”, I know where that road leads: to dictatorship and historical catastrophe.

Jacobsen: I wanted to touch on two points there, first, about younger people, and second, about relying on hope. Hope alone feels suitable for a while; it can motivate, yes, but it isn’t a strategy. Real change depends on problem-solving and sustained action.

Regarding the younger generation, especially here in North America, many rely on social media activism—what we call “keyboard warriors”. They believe that posting a meme, a passionate comment, or a grammatically perfect paragraph on Meta, X, or Bluesky will somehow change the world. But it doesn’t.

On the conservative side, it’s a bit different. They may be active on platforms like X or Gab, but often they express their identity through traditions—World War II commemorations, heritage events, national ceremonies. Those matter too. They preserve continuity.

But when it comes to the active defence or redefinition of foundational values—sometimes, as you said, moral conviction is not enough. When people are attacking, you need missile defence and munitions, not just words.

This brings us full circle to where these first interviews began—when there was talk about Canada’s financial and military support for Ukraine.

“Thank you again, Canada, for that. It truly matters.”

Per capita, Canada has contributed more than other Western countries.

“…But money is not munitions”—that’s the core point.

How does morale seem on the ground for civilians and for the military?

Cernea: That’s a good question, but before I answer, I want to add something briefly. The far right offers us a utopia of a past that never existed, while the far left provides us with a utopia that will never exist.

The far right looks backward, romanticizing a version of history that never was. The past wasn’t better—it was worse than today. The far left, on the other hand, promises an equal and fair society in the future, but the principles they push often lead to historical nightmares, not to progress. The future they describe will never materialize; it’s a dangerous illusion.

Now, about morale. I saw many people in Kharkiv—you remember, we spent quite a bit of time there together, in many Ukrainian cities attacked by Russians. There were people everywhere, even families with children walking the streets. The front line is only twenty to twenty-five kilometres away, and Kharkiv is heavily bombed, with air raid alarms sounding often, for several times daily. Yet people stay. They live their lives despite the close threats of the war. That tells you their morale is high.

They believe—almost with certainty—that the city will not fall. If they thought otherwise, especially those with children, they would have left long ago. Civilian morale is quite strong. They are not utopian; war has stripped that away. War makes people realistic. Some may become cynical—that’s the danger—but generally, it forces a kind of clear-eyed realism.

When you face death often enough, you stop believing in fantasies. Most Ukrainians I’ve met are intensely realistic people. Of course, many carry trauma—some have lost friends or family—but they keep going. The simple act of continuing to live in these cities is in itself a form of resistance.

When you see a mother walking through a park with her child during an air raid alarm, not hiding but carrying on—that’s resistance. They are defying death. It shows a strength that runs very deep.

As for the soldiers, some are traumatized, yes. They’ve seen and experienced terrible things. Some have doubts—whether Ukraine will win the war or recover all occupied territories—but you cannot imagine an army holding the front lines for three and a half years without high morale.

Yes, there have been desertions—thousands of cases—but that’s understandable. War is hell. Everyone at the front is living through it. Yet despite that, the Ukrainian army continues to fight, proving that its collective morale remains remarkably strong.

Near the front lines—well, actually, there are no real front lines anymore. It’s a killing zone. A zone about twenty kilometers wide where both armies operate drones: anything that moves there can become a target for an FPV drone.

The life expectancy for a Russian soldier in that zone is roughly one week. One week—that’s how long they usually survive. Of course, Ukrainians also suffer losses. But it’s impossible to imagine an army holding against such a massive force without high morale.

So overall, morale is quite good, strong, with some exceptions. And I must add that the Ukrainian army fights in a way that respects the Geneva Conventions. The Ukrainian drones and missiles attack the oil refineries and war-related factories. But the Russians attack mainly the residential buildings in the Ukrainian cities, trying to terrorize the civilians. 

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Remus.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Oleg Osadtsia on Brotherhood, Drones, and Defying Russia’s War Machine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/02

Oleg Osadtsia, a Ukrainian Army lieutenant and military IT specialist based in Kyiv, bridges the divide between battlefield urgency and modern technology. In civilian terms, he serves as a product manager across three defense projects, integrating software, sensors, and real-time feedback. Along the front lines, he has worked in electronic warfare, counter-UAS defenses, and practical autonomy, areas where innovation meets survival.

Osadtsia champions adaptive, small-unit tactics like counterattacks, ambushes, and drone reconnaissance while bluntly acknowledging persistent shortfalls in fortifications and manpower. He champions practical innovations—electric bikes and ground robots for logistics—yet insists that victory ultimately depends on human judgment and morale. Guided by Clausewitz’s philosophy, he defines success not by reclaimed territory but by denying Russia its political objectives.

In this interview, Osadtsia portrays a war transformed by drones and electronic warfare, where technology is decisive but not supreme. Human oversight remains essential as autonomy advances in targeting and logistics. The front lines have dissolved into fluid gray zones where survival depends on counter-UAS tactics, camouflage, and the agility of small units. Morale remains high yet uneven, strained by shortages of equipment and personnel. He contrasts Ukraine’s ingenuity and improvisation with Russia’s massed assaults and heavier fortifications, noting that many soldiers fill supply gaps from their own pockets—funding e-bikes, drones, and makeshift repairs.

For Osadtsia, international aid sustains civilians, but battlefield effectiveness rests on human resolve. Echoing Clausewitz once more, he argues that true victory lies not in the map’s contours, but in blocking Russia’s political ambitions.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, how has electronic warfare evolved?

Oleg Osadtsia: From the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022, electronic warfare had a limited impact at the tactical front. Since 2023, however, it has expanded dramatically, becoming a major obstacle to movement for both our forces and the enemy through jamming, spoofing, and broader electromagnetic interference.

You can no longer ignore these technologies. Recent analyses estimate that drones now account for a majority of battlefield effects, roughly 60–80% of casualties or damage, which strongly shapes how units must defend and operate under constant aerial surveillance and strikes.

At this point, electronic warfare and counter-UAS measures are major game changers. You need protection technologies to increase your forces’ survivability.

Jacobsen: How far have we advanced with semi-autonomous and autonomous drones? How much of it is currently a reality, and how much still relies on human pilots?

Osadtsia: In general, fully autonomous lethal engagement is not fielded as a standard practice; human oversight remains critical (“human-in/on-the-loop”) even as partial autonomy improves. Many startups are pursuing higher autonomy, but working, widely deployed combat models that select and engage targets without human oversight are rare today.

Some of the latest drones or missiles can lock onto a target and strike after launch, and autonomy is growing in navigation, guidance, and swarm coordination. Ground robots and other systems are increasingly handling logistics, reconnaissance, and simple tasks with greater independence—especially under heavy jamming—but lethal decisions still typically require a human.

Jacobsen: How is morale with front-line soldiers?

Osadtsia: It depends on the region, but what used to be a clearly defined front line is often now better described as a broad “gray” or “kill” zone, in which trenches, shelters, and firing positions are intermingled across a strip that can extend several kilometres, with both sides conducting persistent reconnaissance and strikes.

Morale depends on many factors—unit, specialization, and circumstances. When a unit is short on soldiers, the difference is immediately visible. I travel along the front line with my project, and I notice that where units are struggling with workforce, morale is lower.

The better-equipped units, those with stronger supplies and better prioritization, have higher morale. However, if you compare Ukrainian soldiers to civilians, the military has remarkably high morale.

That is interesting because, day to day, soldiers constantly manage emotions that civilians do not face. In the current Ukrainian army, morale is high. I do not even know how to explain it entirely, but it is truly remarkable. The morale among soldiers is stronger than that of civilians who are not directly involved.

Jacobsen: When I speak with UN officials or with people working on the ground in humanitarian and human rights operations, their concerns are tangible and immediate: rescuing abducted children, keeping schools open, and ensuring stable heating as winter deepens—especially with January approaching.

When these groups appeal for more support from the West —and I say this as someone calling from Canada, part of what they broadly mean by “the West” — their priorities are practical: generators, heating, food, and shelter.

For soldiers, however, as one of my earlier interviewees remarked, “money is not munitions.” Financial aid is appreciated, but money alone doesn’t halt an invasion. From the soldiers’ perspective, what are the most pressing needs this winter and into the next year—particularly in procurement, ammunition, and drones?

Osadtsia: That is a good question, because the feeling of support from other countries matters as much as the material aid itself. It is not only about the quantity of supplies, it is about knowing that someone stands with us.

I have many friends around the world, and when they write to me with words of encouragement, it motivates me to keep doing what I am doing. The same goes for my brothers-in-arms.

When we see news that another country is providing support —whether through drones, equipment, or ammunition —it lifts morale, even if we do not follow the news daily. Hearing that kind of support reminds us that we are not alone.

Morale depends on many factors—unit, specialization, and situation. When a unit lacks personnel, you can see it: I travel along the front line with my project, and I notice where units are struggling with workforce and where morale is lower.

The better-equipped units —those with stronger supplies and better prioritization —have higher morale. If you compare the morale of Ukrainian soldiers with that of civilians, the military’s morale is remarkably high.

Jacobsen: From the standpoint of prioritization, what do units and soldiers need most?

Osadtsia: Probably drones and reconnaissance information; those are most important for the forward line. For cities farther from the front, anti-air capabilities are also necessary. It is hard to choose between those two priorities.

Regarding ammunition, we currently have enough rounds, but higher-quality ammunition is preferable. When the weather or conditions are poor, you buy what performs better. It may seem strange—four years after the full-scale invasion, we are still buying gear ourselves. Our supply is not ideal; it is sufficient for day-to-day tasks, but if we can buy something better, drones or other equipment, we do so out of our own pockets and salaries.

That is why comparisons at the tactical level matter: when you reach the unit level, having better gear and better tactics makes a difference. For a long time, I did not speak English much, which is why we have transcripts and edits.

Jacobsen: When it comes to Russian tactics, what are they relying on most now in this gray zone, and how are you adapting to counter them? Where does Ukrainian technology hold the edge—and where, at this stage, does Russia still lead?

Osadtsia: Their main advantage is resources: they tend to mass personnel—sending large numbers to a point on the map. It’s a bit like a StarCraft swarm strategy: send waves of troops to seize positions and then gather there for defense or attack. We counter those threats primarily with artillery and UAVs, striking them on roads or at positions where we detect them forming.

When Russian troops begin to accumulate at a position, we act quickly. What we have that is better is not just tactics, it is how we think. Ukrainians are very creative. In day-to-day operations, our tactics can change ten times in a single day.

Right now, we carry out counterattacks, send drones, and set ambushes. We excel at the tactical level—executing localized operations effectively—but at the operational or strategic level, the Russians have stronger centralized management and resource coordination.

Jacobsen: Ukrainians have astonished the world with their resilience—their capacity to endure and their clear-eyed realism about the war. Yet Western coverage often overlooks the human dimension behind that resolve. From your perspective as an officer, how would you describe the sense of camaraderie among soldiers at the front? And how does that compare to what you observe on the Russian side? Reports point to higher rates of desertion and harsher disciplinary measures there—signs, perhaps, that many Russian troops lack the will to keep fighting.

Osadtsia: Starting with the Russians, we have some cultural similarities, but they express them differently. Brotherhood in Ukraine and Russia exists as cultural values, but in Ukraine, it feels more genuine and horizontal. If you have ever been to Ukraine or Russia, you know that people are generally warm and open—they will greet you, maybe even hug you right away. That spirit carries into the army.

I have already changed units since I started in the ground forces. No matter where you serve, you find very close brothers-in-arms who support you completely. They might not even know you, but when you say, “I am from this unit,” they will do everything possible to help you. It is an incredible bond—hard to describe in words. There is nothing quite like it in civilian life. Even in the most welcoming civilian environments, it is never as deep as it is in the military. I still speak with brothers I served with back in 2022, even though we are now in different units. We’re always in touch—calling to ask how things are going, where everyone is, what’s next.

As for the Russians, they have similar bonds, but those connections are more segmented by role. Infantry soldiers stay close to one another, while commanders are less integrated.

In our army, I see many situations in which a commander is part of the unit, with no clear separation. We have some bad examples where commanders distance themselves from their troops, but those are exceptions. Among Russian forces, it is more common for commanders to separate from the rank and file—for example, by eating apart from the units.

Jacobsen: If you need a moment to gather your thoughts, please take it—I know this can be emotional. Moving forward, where do you see combat logistics evolving in the near term as technology advances? Early in the war, there was a recognizable front line; now it’s more of a gray zone—or even a kill zone—shaped by drones, FPV systems, and advanced ballistics. Surveillance drones and satellite imagery have made the battlefield far more multi-dimensional. How has that changed the way you think about modern warfare?

Osadtsia: You cannot hide anything now. That means you must be much more careful. By logistics, I mean the whole complex: shelters, bunkers, transport, supply chains. We have to build stronger protective positions—even move sections of the front underground. We are not as strong at that as the Russians. We have captured some of their positions and observed that they are better at construction and fortification—more effective in building defensive works and field structures.

Construction—defensive-line construction. The Russians have a better defensive line. Ours are worse, and I do not know exactly what should change. At the tactical level, we are trying to improve them ourselves. From what I know, Russia is allocating engineers from the civilian side to build fortifications, which is a big reason their defensive positions are stronger than ours.

Logistics—supplies and lines of communication—have changed significantly due to UAVs of various types, including air- and ground-based systems. They are not a silver bullet, because tactics are changing.

You no longer need to hold static observation positions; now you need to cut enemy logistics to be more effective in defense. You also do not need to concentrate large numbers of soldiers near the front; many attacking units operate farther from the front line and can be resupplied more easily.

Early in the war, in the summer of 2022, drones were already used to deliver water and ammunition. Ground robotic platforms can carry more weight and therefore more supplies, but they are not a complete solution: logistics routes remain vulnerable to artillery, FPV drones, and strike aircraft. For that reason, convoys try to move at night or during quieter hours, and commanders invent new operational tactics.

Some command units envision a significant impact from ground logistics drones, but I have not seen that materialize on the front line yet; the effect so far has been limited.

When I was on the front line, I often moved alone to reduce the chance of becoming a high-priority target. If two or three people move together with gear, the enemy usually opens fire. So we lower the target priority. Some of us use electric bikes—they are great for covering long distances quickly and quietly, allowing a single person to move without drawing much attention or fire.

Jacobsen: What kind of jokes do ordinary soldiers tell these days? And beyond that, what are some of the biggest misconceptions analysts or civilians hold about soldiers’ lives—both in Ukraine and in the West? What do people most often get wrong, and what does the reality on the ground actually look like?

Osadtsia: There is a common joke in the army: “Whoever has served in the army does not laugh at the circus.” It is true—after what you experience, tiny surprises you.

The misunderstandings often come from people—both Ukrainians far from the front and foreigners—who comment on soldiers’ lives without understanding what it is like. Analysts may imagine constant fighting, but much of war is patience, exhaustion, logistics, and survival. Life at the front is made up of small moments—sharing food, fixing equipment, staying warm—between the chaos. Those details are invisible to most outsiders, but they are the real substance of what keeps soldiers going.

What they get right, what they get wrong, and what they miss entirely. Let us start with what they miss entirely—that is the most interesting. Many people think the army is somehow tied directly to global political decisions or world leaders’ agendas. That is a complete misunderstanding.

Ukrainians are very individualistic people, and that independence carries into the army. It functions with a degree of autonomy in its mentality and direction. Of course, if the President, our Commander-in-Chief, gives an order, we follow it.

However, if, for example, world leaders make an agreement that contradicts the army’s sense of defense or national integrity, there is a possibility that parts of the military might ignore it. That is not rebellion—it is the Ukrainian character: fiercely independent, skeptical of authority, and loyal to the idea of defending our people above all else.

Now, as for what people get wrong, when I travel to cities far from the front line, I see that many Ukrainians act as if there is no war at all. They may think about it abstractly, but their daily behavior shows detachment. Ukraine is a large country, and in the western regions, there is no fighting, so people live as though the war is somewhere else, not part of their reality.

That is a significant failure of communication on the part of the government and the media. They have tried to keep citizens in what I would call a “warm bath”—a comfortable illusion that shields them from the harsh truth. Many Ukrainians have left the country in search of a better life, but those who remain are often disconnected from the sense of collective responsibility.

Roughly a quarter of Ukrainians have a family member serving in the military—brothers, sisters, or relatives. However, the other three quarters do not feel that connection. They see the army as a group of professionals doing a job for money, rather than as a shared national effort for survival.

I do not know why people treat military service like police or fire departments; they assume soldiers choose it as a profession. That is partially true, but my brothers-in-arms and I do this for our country, our families, and for people who do not even think about the war. We are citizens defending our country, not performing a public service. It is sad to see civilians separate themselves from that reality. This is my first war, so I do not know how it usually happens.

Another misunderstanding is that everything depends on external support. Economically, if that support shrinks, there could be a collapse. However, a reduction in military supply would likely cause more civilian casualties than military ones.

We have secured many key positions and knowledge; the army can continue to defend as it has since 2022. More ammunition and equipment increase survivability, but the critical factor is human resources.

Many units are understrength—if you need 100 percent personnel, you might only have half. Even with a reduced workforce or equipment, units can remain effective in their current operational areas. People think we are entirely dependent on outside supplies; the reality is that tactical skill and survivability depend on the soldiers who are there, not on politicians.

Jacobsen: This might be a good note to end on—and thank you again for taking the time. Every culture has its own sharp, memorable phrases of wisdom, like “all that glitters is not gold.” What’s a Ukrainian saying or metaphor that, in your view, best captures the spirit or essence of this war?

Osadtsia: That is an interesting question. Let me think, I would put it in military terms. One of the generals—Carl von Clausewitz—said that victory in war is not about capturing territory; it is about achieving your political goals. I think that fits this war perfectly.

Ukraine may lose some territory, but we keep preventing the enemy from realizing their political aims. That is the greatest lesson of this war: you can lose land, but if your enemy fails to fulfill their political goals, they lose the war. That could be the Ukrainian wisdom for this conflict.

When you are living day to day in the army, you rarely have time to reflect. However, sometimes, when you finally pause—maybe in a bunker or somewhere quiet—thoughts come to you that feel deeply philosophical. Some of them even surprise you.

Jacobsen: War makes poets.

Osadtsia: Yes, poets and philosophers.

Jacobsen: The ones who survive, yes. One of the great humanist philosophers—he witnessed the Dresden bombings in World War II—uttered wisdom, wrapped in a delicate cloak of darkness and tinged with optimism.

Osadtsia: He believed you can’t see the light of life without acknowledging its shadows.

Jacobsen: That is true.

Osadtsia: You have to see both sides—the good and the bad that happen to your friends, your brothers, to everyone around you. Only then can you understand how precious life really is.

Jacobsen: A fitting note to end on—the war, the poets, and the philosophers. It was very nice to meet you, Oleg.

Osadtsia: Thank you, Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Interview with an Independent Ukrainian News Website

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/01

СокальINFO is a Ukrainian online news outlet that positions itself as an independent information agency with a focus on Western Ukraine. Founded in 2015, it built its reputation on delivering sharp local and regional coverage while also publishing translated or republished stories that tackle broader subjects—from political developments and financial fraud to geopolitics and culture. Its multilingual approach, with content appearing in Ukrainian, Russian, and English, has helped it reach a diverse readership at home and abroad.

In this interview, СокальINFO reflects on its origins dating back to 2011, when it evolved from modest Lviv-region coverage into a project dedicated to Western Ukraine and investigative reporting. Over time, its mission has shifted from grant-backed experimentation to self-funded journalism that exposes corruption, crypto-related fraud, and geopolitical schemes—particularly sanction evasion by Putin’s oligarchs after Russia’s full-scale invasion. Operating with a lean team of five to eight journalists and two fact-checkers, the outlet safeguards anonymity amid wartime threats to media workers. Despite a modest audience of roughly 30,000 monthly readers, its stories are widely reprinted.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Your website carries a patriotic manifesto. The purpose: “unite the community.” How was СокальINFO started?

СокальINFO: We started our fascinating journey covering news from the Lviv region, and later expanded to global news coverage in 2011. Projects changed, and over time, the main project became Sokalinfo.

Jacobsen: Has the mission evolved since its inception?

СокальINFO: Sokalinfo changes every year. At one point, the project received grants. Later, we had to earn our own money.

Jacobsen: СокальINFO focuses on “current news of Western Ukraine.” You have areas of focus on international scandals, crypto frauds, and geopolitical exposés. What drives these areas?

СокальINFO: We fight for truth, against deceit, fraudsters, and corrupt officials. This is the mission of our project, which employs from 5 to 8 people depending on the possibilities of a given month. After the mad Putin attacked Ukraine, we had to cut back our other projects and focus on exposing the evasion of sanctions by Putin’s oligarchs.

Jacobsen: Do you have in‑house reporters, editors, or fact‑checkers?

СокальINFO: Yes, we have two people who handle fact-checking.

Jacobsen: Why is editorial and publishing anonymity important during wartime?

СокальINFO: The reason is simple: after the war started, every person in Ukraine could be easily killed.

Jacobsen: Your readership spans the United States, Ukraine, the UK, and other countries. How do you measure engagement and impact?

СокальINFO: Many reprint our articles. However, the audience is narrow — no more than 30,000 readers per month.

Jacobsen: How does your organization navigate Ukrainian media laws with international hosting regulations?

СокальINFO: We comply with all jurisdictions, but we never succumb to fraudsters seeking to pressure independent journalism.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts for others wishing to cover news or distribute republications as an archival resource in Ukraine or externally in support of Ukraine?

СокальINFO: Since the war began, Ukraine has become the most cited country in the world, and the Ukrainian language is beautiful, as is English. We want the Ukrainian language to someday become international within reasonable limits. And it will, because more than 20 million Ukrainians live in 50 countries worldwide.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Human Rights Watch’s Belkis Wille on the Human Cost in Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/01

Belkis Wille is an associate director at Human Rights Watch, specializing in Ukraine and international humanitarian law. She leads investigations into civilian harm, conditions in occupied territories, and accountability for violations by all sides.

Human Rights Watch’s Ukraine portfolio spans the documentation of short-range drone strikes and other attacks on civilians, Russian detention abuses, including torture and sexual violence, and the forced Russification of education for children in occupied regions. Current investigations focus on Russian authorities’ seizure of homes, the treatment of Ukrainian children inside Russia, and the effect of aid cuts on humanitarian operations. Wille has also contributed to reports on the execution of prisoners of war, unlawful weapons use, and the impact of infrastructure attacks on essential winter services. Human Rights Watch emphasizes survivor-centered fact-finding in all its work.

In this interview, Wille describes how short-range drone warfare has intensified into a leading cause of civilian casualties, with deliberate quadcopter strikes along the front lines. Russia’s winter assaults on infrastructure—and its public posting of strike footage—are intended to instill fear. Meanwhile, aid cuts have strained mobile medical teams, though donors continue to sustain food and water support. Education remains imperiled by power outages and enforced Russification in occupied areas. Research challenges persist due to limited access to these regions. Wille also underscores that Human Rights Watch documents Ukrainian violations, including the mistreatment of Russian prisoners of war, the use of antipersonnel landmines and cluster munitions, and media distortions that misframe air-defense debris as offensive attacks.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me today. What have been some significant changes in Russian tactics over the past six months, whether in targeting civilians or civilian infrastructure?

Belkis Wille: Russian forces have targeted civilian infrastructure in areas near the frontline and in the West of the country since the beginning of the full-scale invasion. That was one of their main military aims early on. These attacks have continued and, over the past three years, have fluctuated in intensity, but this is not a new dynamic.

What has changed quite significantly, however, is the way in which Russian forces are delivering munitions in frontline areas and in the West of the country. These tactical choices have led to an increase in civilian targeting and deaths. In particular, I’m referring to drone warfare.

At present, short-range drone attacks account for a large share of civilian harm. In January, UN monitors attributed about 27 percent of civilian deaths and 30 percent of injuries to short-range drone attacks. Early in the invasion, drones were responsible for a much smaller share. This demonstrates a significant change in how drones are being used to target and kill, and the intensity of such attacks has increased since mid-2024 and through 2025.

Jacobsen: So, just over a year now. Has this targeting been indiscriminate, or are there specific areas where they’re focusing more heavily?

Wille: When we talk about the use of drones—specifically quadcopters and other short-range drones, which are distinct from the larger military drones such as the Shaheds and others sent deeper into Western Ukraine—we’re referring to drones equipped with live camera feeds. These drones identify individuals, follow them, and then drop ammunition directly onto them. In these cases, we are talking about deliberate targeting of civilians rather than indiscriminate attacks. We have observed such attacks along the front line.

This can be explained by the fact that short-range drones operate over relatively limited distances near the front line, with range extended in some cases by relays. We have seen certain areas along the front line where Russian forces are using this tactic more frequently than in others. Several factors, such as the presence of large civilian populations, can explain that variation. In some parts of the contact line, all civilians have already left.

In other cases, these attacks occur in areas where Russian forces have specific military objectives—for example, clearing out a particular city or village. They use short-range drone attacks as a means of forcing the civilian population to leave more quickly.

Jacobsen: Targeting civilians is typically a terror tactic. Is this also intended to break morale?

Wille: Russian forces have carried out many actions that appear aimed at terrorizing the civilian population and breaking morale. Among these are attacks on infrastructure in cities, particularly during the winter months, when a lack of access to electricity, gas, and heating has the greatest impact. In areas where drones are used, the constant presence overhead is clearly intended to intimidate people, in addition to pushing them out.

Furthermore, we have observed that Russian units conducting these attacks often publish videos of them—with captions—on social media groups they know are used by Ukrainians.

Jacobsen: What about food and water shortages, and access to healthcare? How are those expected to look in the coming winter months?

Wille: The U.S. aid cuts, which have had a global impact—and, I would say, have affected Ukraine less than many other countries—still have had a significant effect. Until this spring, the U.S. government funded the entire budget of Ukraine’s Center for Disease Control, for example. The U.S. government was also funding large portions of the Ministry of Health’s activities, and, of course, contributing to the World Health Organization and other UN and humanitarian partners that support the healthcare system.

Those funding reductions have real consequences, particularly for mobile medical teams that provide urgent care in frontline areas. What Ukraine has had to do, instead of terminating those services, is move money from elsewhere to cover the funding gap. So those services will persist, but at a cost—and some programs will inevitably need to be scaled down somewhat.

Access to food and water is still supported by international donors. Despite the global cuts to humanitarian aid, Ukraine has felt the impact less than many other countries. Along the front line, because the contact line has been moving more slowly than earlier in the conflict, fewer civilians remain. Therefore, fewer people are available to serve in challenging and dangerous environments.

As a result, the government has been able to meet the needs of many displaced people who moved some time ago and are now living in urban centers that can receive assistance. But like every country, Ukraine is having to compensate for global funding cuts.

Jacobsen: What about education? Children have a right to education, yet many have faced frequent interruptions since Russia invaded. In the winter months, with power outages, what will be the likely outcomes for this school year?

Wille: Power cuts, as you mentioned, have many consequences, including for children attending physical schools—whether in their home regions or in the places they’ve been displaced to. Some children have tried to continue their education online with the schools they attended before displacement. In that context, power cuts seriously impede access to learning.

There are also children in occupied territories who have tried to continue participating in the Ukrainian education system online. On that side of the contact line, power outages again severely impact their ability to study. At the same time, we’re seeing Russia intensify efforts to complete the Russification of occupied territories, and that includes imposing the Russian curriculum and language in schools.

The curriculum in occupied territories—from primary through secondary school—has been entirely replaced with the Russian system. Students and parents are having to make tough choices, particularly those who grew up in and are from these occupied regions. Their decision to stay or leave will fundamentally affect their ability to pursue education and employment later.

If they choose to stay in occupied territory, they only have access to the Russian education system. That means that even if, at age eighteen, they wanted to cross into Ukrainian-controlled areas, they might not be able to do so academically because they lack the necessary Ukrainian credentials or educational background. This is increasingly becoming one of the lasting consequences of prolonged occupation.

Jacobsen: What about the dynamics of a war economy—reconstruction demands, black market activities, and corruption risks? Has Human Rights Watch covered that?

Wille: We generally don’t carry out corruption investigations as an organization, either in Ukraine or globally. It requires a particular kind of expertise, and other organizations—such as Transparency International—are much better suited to it.

Obviously, like most humanitarian and human rights organizations, we’ve condemned steps by the Ukrainian government that appeared to impede the work of anti-corruption agencies. But beyond that, we haven’t conducted research into corruption or black-market activities.

Jacobsen: What about disinformation campaigns? How severe are they, and what’s been their trajectory?

Wille: It’s an important question, but again, not one we’re best positioned to answer. We do see disinformation and misinformation campaigns, particularly those spread through Russian-controlled media and social networks, targeting people in occupied territories. Because we don’t have physical access to those areas, we have minimal ability to track these trends systematically or verifiably.

It isn’t easy to know how these campaigns have evolved or what their precise impact on civilians has been. The messages often include false claims about what will happen if people leave for Ukrainian-controlled territory or whether they’ll come under attack from Ukrainian forces. These efforts have multiple strands, and while we know they exist, we cannot measure their overall effect without on-the-ground access.

Jacobsen: A good follow-up from that might be: where are the most significant gaps in information gathering for human rights organizations? In other words, where are the blind spots?

Wille: The most significant gap when it comes to documenting abuses in occupied territories is access—plain and simple. Because we can’t safely enter those areas or speak freely with people still living there, it’s impossible to collect sufficient, verifiable information to produce a complete picture of abuses.

We’re currently conducting new research into housing, land, and property rights in occupied territories, as Russian-installed authorities have increasingly tried to strip displaced Ukrainians of property ownership. For example, suppose a person doesn’t appear in person within a specific time frame. In that case, their property can be seized and reallocated. This has become a mechanism for expropriating the homes of people who have fled to Ukrainian-controlled areas.

We’re trying to understand the scale of this issue, but conducting comprehensive research is extremely difficult. Again, the primary limitation is access. We have to rely on a smaller number of people who have left the occupied territories and can share information safely.

Jacobsen: On the subject of children, what is the current status of those who have been abducted or transferred?

Wille: There are a few organizations in Ukraine that have worked very hard over the years to locate and bring back children who were taken to Russia or Russian-controlled territories.

These organizations have had some successes—they’ve brought back dozens of children. The experiences of those children while in Russia have varied depending on where they were held and how they were treated. What we’ve been hearing more recently, particularly regarding teenagers, is that some were sent to Russian military summer camps.

These camps are presented as youth programs but often serve as recruitment and militarization centers. Many of the children who return from Russia require time and support to readjust to everyday life in Ukraine. Several Ukrainian organizations are doing excellent work by establishing rehabilitation programs to support the reintegration.

That said, there are still thousands of children in Russia or Russian-occupied territories. The longer the time passes, the harder it becomes to locate them. No one has a complete picture of where all these children are—whether they’ve been absorbed into the orphanage or adoption systems or placed elsewhere.

Jacobsen: In terms of human rights abuses by Russian forces, what does Human Rights Watch identify as the most serious and enduring ones to emphasize?

Wille: The targeting and killing of civilians are among our top priorities for documentation and accountability. We’re also focused on various forms of ill-treatment, including torture and sexual violence, against civilians in areas under temporary or prolonged Russian occupation.

These abuses extend to Ukrainians taken to Russia and held in detention, both civilians and prisoners of war. The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission, which has interviewed nearly all returning POWs and civilian detainees, has reported an alarmingly high prevalence of torture and, in many cases, sexual violence. Ensuring accountability for those subjected to such treatment is critical.

Jacobsen: That brings us to another serious area of concern—sexual violence as a weapon of war. How widespread is this?

Wille: At the beginning of the full-scale invasion, there were many reports of rape and sexual violence committed by Russian soldiers. Early claims suggested tens of thousands of cases had been reported to the Ukrainian Ombudsperson’s Office. However, the Ombudsperson later resigned after it became clear that the methodology for counting these cases was flawed, and the scale was much lower than initially stated.

That said, confirmed cases do exist, and we have documented several. The exact number is less important than ensuring that those who were victims of these crimes have access to justice and accountability. Rape and sexual violence are recognized as war crimes under international law, and ensuring redress for survivors is an essential part of the broader accountability process.

What we’ve seen developing over time, and what has become far more prevalent, is the use of sexual violence against people in Russian detention. That’s distinct from the reports of sexual violence committed by Russian soldiers during the invasion in communities they temporarily controlled. In detention facilities, sexual violence appears to be used routinely as a method of torture, coercion, and humiliation.

Jacobsen: What about propaganda and hate speech? How are those progressing in terms of violations of human rights standards?

Wille: Hate speech has been a core element of Russian state doctrine since 2014. It has been used systematically in domestic and occupied-territory messaging as a means of justifying aggression against Ukraine. This includes dehumanizing language directed at Ukrainians and their national identity—portraying them as “Nazis,” “traitors,” or “subhumans.”

Unfortunately, that rhetoric hasn’t subsided. It continues to function as a justification tool for the Kremlin’s actions in Ukraine. Polling data from within Russia shows this approach has had an effect: large segments of the population have internalized these narratives and see the invasion as legitimate or necessary.

Jacobsen: Let me frame this differently. What human rights violations has Russia been least liable for? In other words, what are the areas where public perception of wrongdoing may not match the evidence?

Wille: There have been numerous reports of Russian attacks on schools and hospitals. In our investigations, we found that while there have indeed been many such incidents, in many cases, there was either a legitimate Ukrainian military target in or near the area, or the damage resulted from Russia’s use of inherently indiscriminate weapons systems—such as cluster munitions or unguided rockets—that scatter shrapnel widely.

In the early stages of the full-scale invasion, organizations such as UNICEF and the United Nations released figures on the number of schools and hospitals affected. The phrasing of those reports sometimes gave the impression that each incident represented a deliberate strike against civilian institutions. Our findings indicate that deliberate targeting of schools or hospitals has occurred, but far less frequently than those early reports might suggest. In most cases, the damage was collateral—caused by indiscriminate or reckless attacks rather than intentional strikes on civilian facilities.

Jacobsen: Another angle that often comes up, particularly in more private discussions, concerns media coverage. Some Ukrainian observers argue that the West selectively emphasizes or downplays certain narratives. What does Western media typically get right, what do they get wrong, and what do they tend to miss entirely?

Wille: Most reporting has been excellent and largely accurate in capturing the realities on the ground in Ukraine for ordinary people. Where Western media has fallen short—and I don’t necessarily blame individual journalists, but rather the editorial structures of major outlets—is in their near-total lack of interest in documenting abuses committed by Ukrainian armed forces.

At Human Rights Watch, we investigate and report on abuses by all sides in a conflict. But Western media coverage has overwhelmingly focused on Russian abuses while virtually ignoring Ukrainian violations, such as the mistreatment of prisoners of war or unlawful use of antipersonnel landmines and cluster munitions.

As for what’s been misrepresented, I’d say one key issue is how some attacks are framed. For instance, an attack may occur in an area where there’s a legitimate Ukrainian military target. Yet, the reporting sometimes presents it as a deliberate strike against civilians—suggesting Russia intentionally targeted a neighborhood to terrorize the population. In some cases, there’s little acknowledgment that a military installation or infrastructure site was nearby.

Ukraine has positioned several military assets within large urban centers, which inherently puts civilians at greater risk. When Russian forces attack those areas, civilians are sometimes caught in the crossfire.

Take the recent attacks in cities like Kyiv, Lviv, and others in western Ukraine. You might see an apartment building hit, resulting in civilian deaths, with no apparent military infrastructure visible. The narrative in much of the Western press tends to assume Russia deliberately targeted that building. However, in many of these cases, investigations show that the building was struck after Ukrainian air defences intercepted incoming munitions—whether drones like the Shahed series or ballistic missiles—and debris from those interceptions caused the destruction.

So while the civilian deaths are tragic, they sometimes result from the interception process, not an intentional Russian strike on that specific building. That distinction is rarely made in mainstream reporting. To be clear, this doesn’t absolve Russia of responsibility for launching attacks in the first place, but it does mean the narrative of deliberate targeting can be misleading.

Jacobsen: You mentioned some areas of inquiry that Human Rights Watch wants to expand. What are the regions you would most like to access, but currently can’t?

Wille: It always comes back to the occupied territories. That’s where the most significant information gaps remain. We need access to investigate the full scope of Russian abuses, including how Russian or proxy authorities are conducting so-called “law enforcement” operations—how arrests are made, how detainees are treated, and what happens to those transferred from occupied Ukrainian territories to prisons in Russia.

There are enormous gaps in understanding that system and the abuses likely occurring within it. And because of this lack of access, we’re also missing another crucial area of inquiry: Ukrainian attacks in occupied territories or even within Russian territory that may kill or injure civilians. These incidents are far less documented, and without firsthand investigation, we can’t form a complete picture of the conflict’s toll on all civilians affected, regardless of which side they live under.

We know that Ukraine is conducting attacks across the contact line and into Russian territory using drones, antipersonnel landmines, cluster munitions, and other weapons. What we haven’t been able to document well are the civilian impacts and potential unlawful attacks carried out by Ukraine in those territories.

Jacobsen: What have been the main human rights abuses committed by Ukrainian forces?

Wille: Unfortunately, one of the earliest documented violations following the full-scale invasion was the execution and torture of Russian prisoners of war. We have, of course, seen the same from the Russian side—the execution and torture of Ukrainian POWs—but Ukraine’s actions in this regard are equally serious under international law.

We’ve also documented Ukraine’s use of banned weapons systems, including antipersonnel landmines, which directly violates the Ottawa Convention, or Landmine Ban Treaty, to which Ukraine is a signatory. Ukraine has used cluster munitions and antipersonnel mines in civilian-populated areas, including in cities under Russian occupation that still contained Ukrainian civilians.

There have also been disturbing videos showing Russian soldiers apparently attempting to surrender to Ukrainian drones and then being killed, though we have not been able to verify these. These incidents would fall under the same category—unlawful killing of prisoners of war.

In addition, we published a detailed report on the treatment and prosecution of Ukrainians who lived under Russian occupation and have since been charged with collaboration. Many of these charges are vaguely defined and problematic from a human rights perspective.

Most recently, in a large prisoner exchange, Ukraine transferred to Russia not only Russian nationals but also Ukrainians who had been convicted of collaboration charges. We have no way of knowing whether these individuals consented to be sent to Russia or what happened to them after the transfer.

Jacobsen: Before we wrap up, what question do you, as a specialist, never see asked in the media but believe should be?

Wille: I think we’ve covered most of the essential ground. There isn’t one that immediately comes to mind that hasn’t already been discussed here.

Jacobsen: Understood, one final question. I recently published an anthology on antisemitism and its global resurgence. Regarding hate speech and related actions, is antisemitism a concern in Russia, in Ukraine, or the surrounding region in the same way we’re seeing in other parts of the world?

Wille: That’s not an area we’ve monitored closely as an organization, so I can only speak anecdotally. There are certainly instances of antisemitic speech in the Russian Federation. However, I can’t talk to their prevalence firsthand, as I haven’t lived or worked there. In Ukraine, there are also incidents of antisemitism. However, my sense—again, anecdotally—is that it is not at the level Russia has claimed in attempting to justify its full-scale invasion.

Like much of Europe, there are segments of the population in both countries who hold antisemitic views and occasionally express them publicly. But I couldn’t provide a comparative assessment of the scale between Ukraine, Russia, or elsewhere in Europe.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time today, Belkis.

Wille: Thank you, take care.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inside UNICEF’s Lifeline for Ukraine’s Children

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/28

Toby Fricker serves as Chief of Advocacy and Communication for UNICEF Ukraine, where he leads media strategy, advocacy, and public information on children’s needs amid the ongoing war. As the principal press contact for the country office, he regularly briefs international media, including at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. Fricker also contributes field reflections for UNICEF channels, documenting the war’s human toll and the resilience of children and families living near the front.

His team’s focus spans a wide range of urgent priorities—winterization efforts, repairs to heating and water systems, maintaining access to education, child protection, cash assistance, and mental health and psychosocial support. A veteran of UNICEF’s global communications network, he previously held senior roles across multiple regions and holds a degree from Staffordshire University.

In this interview, Fricker describes UNICEF’s race to protect children as Ukraine enters its fourth winter of war. The organization is working to keep district heating and water systems running—supporting boiler houses and vodokanals with repairs, efficient equipment, generators, and pre-positioned spares—to avert life-threatening collapses when power grids are struck. It backs schools with grants for urgent repairs and learning continuity, provides cash aid to vulnerable families, and expands psychosocial support through teacher training, social worker hubs, and community-based programs.

Special efforts focus on marginalized children, including those with disabilities, Roma, displaced, and rural families, through child-sensitive budgeting with local governments. Fricker calls for sustained donations and public advocacy to bring abducted and displaced children safely home—and to shield all children as civilians increasingly come under fire.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: With winter approaching, heating becomes critical. What are the primary needs of Ukrainian children in areas where winters can be harsh?

Toby Fricker: Absolutely. Winter in Ukraine is harsh. This is the fourth winter under the full-scale invasion for children and families across the country. For many in the east, exposure to conflict has lasted far longer. The challenges are immense. Children and families are entering this winter with coping mechanisms already severely strained. The war has caused significant economic disruption—people have lost work, many children have faced interruptions to schooling, and everyday childhood has been upended. Now, with a fourth winter and continuing attacks, strikes can again hit energy and water infrastructure. That has potentially devastating effects on civilians.

UNICEF’s priority is to keep children warm and heating systems running, because system failures in extreme cold become life-threatening. District heating systems—typically city or town networks—serve households, hospitals, schools, and other critical services. We are supporting local boiler houses with more efficient equipment where feasible and ensuring repairs are completed before winter.

Much of this work begins months in advance, even in June, to prepare households and schools. We also provide school grants so administrators can prioritize necessary repairs and upgrades—such as fixing broken windows and purchasing generators, if needed—and cash assistance for vulnerable households in frontline and hard-hit areas. These efforts matter because children are struggling every day. Attacks continue, fear persists, and winter adds another layer of risk to their health and well-being.

Jacobsen: What about hardening repaired systems—using redundancy, modular kits, backup power, and pre-positioned spares? How does multi-stage redundancy or hardening of these systems help during the winter?

Fricker: It really is about strengthening the system. During the summer months, the focus is on working with the vodokanals—the water utility companies—and the municipalities that run these boiler houses. It is about examining the system’s current functioning, assessing its efficiency and effectiveness, and identifying areas where new gas boilers and piping can be installed before winter to ensure the system operates as effectively as possible while minimizing energy usage.

Much of the infrastructure is quite old. It keeps going, but these are aging systems. When piping or networks are damaged, the impact is severe, especially when using outdated equipment. That is why it is crucial to have supplies and equipment in place well before winter, so that if major issues arise or power fails, backup generators can be used immediately to avoid service interruptions.

One of the biggest challenges—now more severe than ever—is ensuring water keeps flowing through the network. In Ukraine’s system, water circulation is critical for heating homes, hospitals, and other facilities. The danger in freezing temperatures, particularly when power is lost, is that water stops flowing, which can cause the heating system to seize. Everything is interlinked. This is a complex task that depends on the incredible efforts of water utility workers, many of whom risk their lives in frontline areas to repair damaged networks or filtration stations. The goal is to ensure they have the necessary equipment, skills, and techniques to perform quick repairs, while also strengthening the system in advance to maximize efficiency.

Jacobsen: What about caregivers and teachers—the support for those who need to mitigate burnout or secondary trauma during peak winter stress? Things like training, supervision, or different forms of respite?

Fricker: One of the key issues of the war in Ukraine is what we call a child protection crisis, which is also a mental health and well-being crisis. As you rightly point out, it is not only about children, though that is critical—it is also about caregivers. Parents have been struggling for four years to ensure their children have the essentials for life, can continue learning, and can still connect with peers. There has been huge isolation, especially for children and young people in frontline areas where schools are closed or operating only partially, sometimes in basements or shelters. That isolation has a significant impact on their well-being.

We are working with teachers, social workers, and parents to raise awareness and build capacity on how to support children going through traumatic experiences. We provide training for teachers to help them identify children who may need specialized services and refer them to counselors. We also operate social worker hubs that unite teachers, social workers, and others for training sessions in cities like Dnipro, thereby building local capacity for community-based social services.

Another major program provides small grants to community-based organizations that employ counselors and social workers. The aim is to ensure accessible, high-quality services within communities, particularly during this period of extreme strain.

A wide range of training and grants is being used to strengthen community-level social services. The impact is twofold: immediate psychological support helps children recover and build coping skills while the war continues, and it also strengthens Ukraine’s long-term social service infrastructure. Ukraine’s focus on both humanitarian response and recovery is remarkable, and these efforts are building a system that will continue serving families and communities for years to come.

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Jacobsen: Some children are doubly marked in life—first by the circumstances they are born into, and then by the war. Speaking of children with disabilities, internally displaced persons, Roma, or remote rural families, how can those children be reached in terms of accessibility, transport stipends, and language access?

Fricker: You are right. When war happens anywhere, the most marginalized are always the most affected. What is essential is reaching every child—expanding services to reach the last child, the one least likely to be in school. The question we ask is: how do we reach that child to give them the best opportunity possible to keep learning or return to school? That is mainly about bringing services directly to communities and ensuring that social services in those communities—whether in frontline areas or in western Ukraine where many Roma communities live—are supported. We are working specifically with these communities through local organizations to identify existing gaps and find practical ways to close them, helping children return to school, re-enter systems, and participate in decision-making.

One central area of UNICEF’s work, alongside many partners, is with local governments to strengthen children’s participation in decision-making and promote child-sensitive budgeting. That means helping local authorities allocate resources effectively for children: funding education systems, strengthening social services, and ensuring basic utilities like water and sanitation are in place for households. The goal is to make sure children’s voices help shape these priorities—identifying what is missing in their communities and influencing solutions.

These are vital areas of work. In Ukraine, we are seeing positive steps, including firm commitments to protect education sector budgets despite the war. However, we still need to do more. UNICEF, along with many partners, is working to reach the most marginalized children and bring them back into education and community life. So every child has as fair a chance as possible to continue their childhood and recover from this enormous disruption.

Jacobsen: Where are the most significant winter bottlenecks? Moreover, speaking of partners, which noteworthy organizations should be mentioned for their role in easing those bottlenecks or helping mitigate the main limitations?

Fricker: The biggest concerns for the winter are keeping systems running—ensuring power generation continues, which in turn maintains heating capacity for households and essential facilities. Families must also have access to cash assistance to cover specific winter needs for their children and themselves. UNICEF, along with many partners, is supporting local authorities and the national government in this time of extreme need. There has been immense international support—Canada, among others, has provided generous assistance not only to UNICEF but also directly to the government and partner organizations.

The winter response plan is multi-sectoral, aiming to reach over 1.7 million people as part of a broader United Nations and humanitarian effort. The focus is on the most vulnerable families in frontline regions. The question is always: how can we best support these families and the local systems that sustain them? That includes helping the Vodokanals—the water utility companies—keep operations running, supporting the water technicians risking their lives to repair networks even under fire, and aiding those managing municipal boiler houses. UNICEF works to strengthen these systems in advance, ensuring they have the supplies and equipment needed for rapid repairs. Despite immense challenges, they have managed to keep critical infrastructure running throughout the war.

Jacobsen: How can people support UNICEF Ukraine?

Fricker: UNICEF is doing everything possible to reach every affected child, including those already marginalized before the war. It is vital to restore some sense of normality and childhood even amid ongoing conflict. We have received tremendous support from governments and individuals—especially in Canada and across the world—who have stood behind UNICEF and other partners working for child rights and the protection of the most vulnerable children in Ukraine.

We continue to call on people to contribute not only financially but also by raising their voices. Speaking out for the protection of children in Ukraine—and globally—is essential at a time when so many wars endanger them. The sanctity of children’s lives must always be protected. We urge everyone to advocate for their safety and support the life-saving and recovery work being done in Ukraine. Recovery efforts are ongoing and long-term. Wars like this do not just affect children today—they jeopardize access to services and their overall well-being for years to come.

Jacobsen: Toby, thank you for your time and expertise today. It was a pleasure to meet you.

Fricker: That is great. Thank you, Scott, and thank you for your patience in setting everything up. Take care.

Click here to donate to UNICEF.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Why Ukraine is Betting on Its Own Courts, Not the Hague

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/24

In a country where documenting truth has become a form of resistance, Oleksandr Pavlichenko stands at the center of Ukraine’s fight for accountability. As Executive Director of the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union (UHHRU), he leads one of the nation’s foremost efforts to record war crimes, defend rights, and uphold justice. Based in Kyiv, UHHRU unites a network of human rights organizations that carry forward the legacy of the 1976 Ukrainian Helsinki Group.

Since its founding in 2004, the union has provided free legal aid, pursued landmark cases in domestic courts and at the European Court of Human Rights, and monitored rights violations across the country. In the decade since Russia’s 2014 invasion—and especially after the 2022 escalation—UHHRU has documented thousands of abuses, supported victims, and pressed for reform in concert with international partners. Its network of public advice centers continues to offer legal guidance, issue reports, and train lawyers and activists to reinforce the rule of law even under siege.

In this conversation, Pavlichenko reflects on the painstaking process of documenting atrocities, the dilemmas of transitional justice, and the struggle to sustain legal aid as war stretches Ukraine’s institutions. He explains how UHHRU has verified nearly 90,000 entries in its “Tribunal for Putin” database, working closely with prosecutors and the International Criminal Court. Despite wartime pressures, Pavlichenko underscores UHHRU’s commitment to harmonizing Ukrainian law with the Rome Statute—anchored in verified evidence, international cooperation, and the enduring principle that human rights must place people first.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for taking the time to speak with me today. Since the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union co-founded the “Tribunal for Putin” (T4P) initiative, the database has recorded nearly 90,000 crimes as of March 25, 2025. What process ensures that each entry is verified and credible?

Oleksandr Pavlichenko: We currently have about 89,870 records. Some records are not included in the public database—specifically, cases supported by lawyers. That information is confidential and normally not presented publicly.

Regarding verification, our first approach uses OSINT (open-source intelligence) technologies and methodologies. We collect data from official sources. In several cases, our teams travel to areas such as Chernihiv, Kyiv, Sumy, and sometimes Kherson to verify the extent of damage caused by shelling, bombing, or other attacks.

The second method involves working directly with victims and witnesses. We conduct live interviews with witnesses or victims. Sometimes they approach one of the T4P initiative organizations—such as the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group—or others to request legal assistance.

We receive information from them and provide legal support, which helps us gather more details and legal context for specific cases. For example, today I communicated with the Office of the Prosecutor General and other law enforcement institutions. They often request information on specific cases or categories of crimes. We can provide them with details, practical examples, or facts that may not be available in their criminal proceedings.

We also organize cases by category—either by location (such as the Kherson or Chernihiv regions) or by type (such as material damage, casualties, injuries, or the destruction of specific buildings, such as medical or educational institutions).

This helps us reorganize and analyze verified information. Only verified data is included in the database; unverified information is excluded.

Jacobsen: How are cases prioritized to national prosecutors, including those handled by the ICC?

Pavlichenko: As I mentioned, we categorize the information, but there is no strict prioritization of cases. Usually, it depends on access to the territories. If we do not have access, we cannot conduct detailed documentation or include all materials in the database.

For example, in 2022, we worked on the case of Mariupol. Our public reception office remained there with two lawyers until March 16, gathering information and assisting residents. They were later evacuated. However, we do not have full access to all the information that could have been collected from Mariupol. Many traces were destroyed, and many witnesses and victims are no longer under Ukrainian jurisdiction.

Prioritization depends, first, on our available resources—because they are limited—and, second, on urgent tasks. For example, we received a call from territories near the front line reporting that Russian forces were hunting civilians with drones. This call came directly to our Kherson public reception office. We immediately relayed the information to colleagues at the United Nations, shared contacts, and ensured they had direct communication with local community leaders.

We then provided legal assistance to those affected and collected all related information. Based on that, we prepared a submission to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which helped prompt the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to prepare a report grounded in the data we collected. We also transferred those firsthand contacts to the UN team.

So, the prioritization often comes from ad hoc requests and urgent reports from the ground. Another form of prioritization occurs when we need to prepare specific submissions that will prompt international structures to respond to our ICC filings.

Our main task is to maintain the most complete possible database, with detailed, verified, and legally supported facts that can be used by law enforcement agencies or international partners when needed. This data also serves as an advocacy tool at the United Nations, the OSCE, and other institutions’ conferences and meetings. These verified facts are confirmed not only by us but also by our international partners.

We need to maintain this collaborative track with international partners, ensuring that the facts are legally substantiated and recognized.

Jacobsen: Your nationwide public advice centers continue to operate throughout Ukraine. Where is the demand the highest?

Pavlichenko: Since the pandemic, the specific location of each public reception office has become less critical. However, offices located near the front line—such as in Toretsk, Kramatorsk, and Kherson—have become far more important than, for example, those working primarily with internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Lviv or Rivne in the western regions.

We have qualified lawyers operating in all regions. Some specialize in IDP-related issues, while others focus on documentation and providing direct assistance to the most vulnerable groups of the local population. The scope of work varies from region to region.

At the same time, we are now in a difficult situation because U.S. funding was suspended, which forced us to reduce the activities of several public reception offices, especially in certain regions. We are trying to maintain operations and retain staff in the so-called “hot zones.” Still, it is incredibly challenging under the current circumstances, given the reduction in support from international donors. This remains one of the major challenges for our activities.

Jacobsen: UHHRU remains a leading advocate for transitional justice. At the March 24 conference, discussions centered on accountability, reparations, truth and memorialization, and guarantees of non-recurrence. What kind of commitment or action is now required from local governments—both by the end of this year and into 2026—to move that agenda forward?

Pavlichenko: The core need is not only verbal support but real, practical support for people living in occupied territories. We must seriously consider how to protect and, eventually, reintegrate those people. At the moment, no one can give a clear answer on how to deal with the population in occupied territories or how to prepare both occupation and post-occupation policies.

As I see it, the issue of transitional justice cannot be fully addressed before the end of the war. A national strategy on transitional justice has already been drafted, and we participated in its development. The text exists as a draft presidential decree, but it has not been promulgated or adopted. It was suspended as a special case under a special procedure.

Therefore, when speaking about transitional justice, the first requirement is the establishment of a coherent state policy, which currently does not exist. Once it is developed and adopted at the national level, it must then be implemented and adapted locally—especially in frontline and partially occupied regions such as Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, Donetsk, and Luhansk.

We must seriously consider how to address the legacy of occupation, because it is a heavy burden. For example, there are documents issued by the occupation authorities that are not recognized in Ukraine. Even certificates of birth and death must go through a judicial procedure to be reaffirmed by national courts.

And that concerns only two categories of documents. We are not even talking about the hundreds of thousands—indeed, millions—of other documents issued in occupied Crimea over more than 11 years, or in occupied parts of Donetsk and Luhansk, or in the newly occupied territories that have now been under Russian control for about three and a half years. These situations must be addressed systematically and incorporated into national legal procedures.

Another unresolved issue concerns collaboration—specifically, determining who should be punished for working under occupation, for example, in medical or educational institutions, and who should not. There is still no clear political message or legal guidance for these territories about how and when these issues will be resolved.

Jacobsen: You have flagged systemic shortfalls in payments to wounded servicemembers. Which enforcement levers would close the gap?

Pavlichenko: It is a serious and ongoing problem. It must be addressed and defended at the Ministry of Defense, which continues to support veterans and active servicemembers.

The issue lies in procedures and protocols. These must ensure that veterans, wounded soldiers, those killed in battle, and their families receive consistent and adequate support. Financial compensation mechanisms are relatively well developed, but the rehabilitation system—especially for severely wounded or disabled veterans—requires far greater attention.

Ideally, every wounded or returning servicemember should have a comprehensive support protocol that covers financial, psychological, medical, and social reintegration needs. For example, prisoners of war released from Russian detention are typically offered only about one month of rehabilitation, which is insufficient. In reality, their recovery requires sustained, long-term care and assistance.

The situation is gradually improving, thanks in part to greater involvement from international partners, who now pay much closer attention to this issue and provide targeted support.

However, the core challenge remains: the need for clear, binding protocols consistently applied by the Ministry of Defense. At times, the attitude or implementation by that institution has not met the necessary standards.

Jacobsen: UHHRU lawyers have documented Russia’s use of civilians as human shields, including abducted civilians. Which venues, whether Ukrainian courts, the ICC, or universal jurisdiction, are most likely to hold individuals accountable in these cases?

Pavlichenko: I can give a very brief answer to that question. I do not believe that international structures will handle these cases effectively, and I have little confidence in the usefulness of universal jurisdiction in this context.

I also doubt that the International Criminal Court (ICC) will be able to address this category of crimes specifically, though it might cite isolated examples. In reality, all such cases must be properly investigated and prosecuted within Ukraine’s national jurisdiction.

Whether this will have any tangible impact on Russia as punishment is another matter entirely; even now, there are very few cases where war criminals are physically present in court.

To give you a sense of scale: as of January 1, 2025, Ukraine had initiated around 183,000 criminal cases under Article 438 of the Criminal Code (war crimes, parts A and B). Yet, only 18 individuals have been sentenced in person; the rest have been tried in absentia. This means justice, in most cases, remains largely symbolic.

So, when we talk about justice and accountability, we must think practically about how to establish effective mechanisms to bring perpetrators physically before the courts.

Jacobsen: Since the ratification of the Rome Statute, what is UHHRU’s position on the parliamentary harmonization package and the Article 124 reservation?

Pavlichenko: Regarding Article 124, we publicly opposed Ukraine’s reservation. That reservation limits Ukraine’s acceptance of the ICC’s jurisdiction over certain crimes, and it has negatively affected the country’s international image by suggesting a partial withdrawal from full accountability under the Rome Statute.

As for harmonizing national legislation with international law, that work is still underway, including updates to several articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. However, I believe this effort comes too late to affect the current war. Harmonization will not improve the immediate situation in terms of investigating or prosecuting war crimes.

For example, even with these changes, we will not suddenly move from 18 in-person convictions to hundreds or thousands. It will not transform the current justice landscape. Therefore, while we support continued work on harmonization for the future, we must now focus on making the existing legal framework function more effectively in the present.

That remains our position.

Jacobsen: The 2024 national survey maps the growing needs of war-affected people. Which findings reshaped UHHRU programming?

Pavlichenko: The survey was based on responses from people living in both occupied and non-occupied territories. Our organization’s work focused on addressing the consequences of severe human rights violations explicitly committed in the occupied areas.

A special program on transitional justice was developed for implementation in 2025, reflecting the survey’s findings. However, as I mentioned earlier, we face significant challenges in sustaining our core activities—especially in providing legal assistance, which remains central to our mission.

Our ongoing priorities include analyzing current legislation, preparing draft proposals for new laws, and ensuring that these reforms adequately protect the human rights of people living under occupation. This remains a key element of our long-term strategy and our vision for the state’s policy during wartime and beyond.

For us, the principle of “people first” is not merely a slogan—it is the cornerstone of our programming. The survey findings reinforced this by showing a clear public demand to integrate the human dimension into national policy. Unfortunately, that dimension is not always fully considered in governmental decision-making.

Jacobsen: Oleksandr, thank you very much for your time and for sharing these insights today.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Abbas and Netanyahu Skirt Accountability

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/21

Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu are, in different ways, both territorial and cultural standard-bearers. But are they also criminal defendants? Are there live cases against each man—and where do they stand domestically and internationally?

Mahmoud Abbas

Internationally, there is no International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant or indictment naming Abbas. He has no defendant page on the ICC website. Some NGOs have submitted communications urging the Court to investigate him, but those filings are advocacy documents: they invite prosecutors to look; they do not themselves create charges or judicial warrants. Elsewhere, Abbas’s remark about “50 Holocausts” prompted Berlin police to open an incitement probe. Prosecutors later concluded the statement bore elements of incitement, yet closed the matter due to immunity; no charges were filed.

In the United States, victims have sued the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) under the Antiterrorism Act. In June, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously upheld the constitutionality of the Promoting Security and Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act’s jurisdictional “hook” in Fuld v. Palestine Liberation Organization, reviving certain ATA suits against the PA/PLO when statutory predicates are met.

Abbas, however, was not held personally liable in that case. Inside the PA, prosecutions over the 2021 killing of activist Nizar Banat targeted security officers rather than civilian leadership. Rights groups have faulted the proceedings as delayed, narrow, and routed through military courts—insufficient, in their view, for genuine civilian accountability.

Benjamin Netanyahu

Internationally, the ICC’s Pre-Trial Chamber I issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and then–Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on November 21, 2024, rejecting Israel’s jurisdictional challenge and leaving the warrants active. The alleged crimes include war crimes—such as starvation as a method of warfare and intentionally directing attacks against civilians—and crimes against humanity, including murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts under Articles 7 and 8 of the Rome Statute.

As ever at the ICC, the threshold is “reasonable grounds to believe,” which is enough for warrants but far from a conviction. States Parties to the Rome Statute are obligated to act on such warrants, though compliance often bends to politics. From May through July, the docket reflected continued filings over Israel’s challenges; meanwhile, Slovenia barred Netanyahu’s entry, citing the warrant. When Netanyahu traveled to the United Nations, his flight path reportedly skirted the airspace of ICC member states. France cleared an overflight, but Israel still chose a detour, underscoring both risk management and optics.

Domestically, Netanyahu remains on trial in the Jerusalem District Court, a proceeding that began in May 2020 and continues to this day. The case merges three separate files into one sprawling corruption trial. The first, known as Case 1000, centers on allegations that Netanyahu and his family accepted luxury gifts—cigars, champagne, and jewelry—from businessmen Arnon Milchan and James Packer in exchange for political favors.

The second case, Case 2000, involves purported negotiations with Yedioth Ahronoth publisher Arnon Mozes for softer media coverage in exchange for legislation that could weaken a rival newspaper.

The most serious case, Case 4000, accuses Netanyahu of granting regulatory benefits to the telecom giant Bezeq in exchange for positive reporting on the news site Walla!, which Bezeq owned at the time. Together, the indictments charge him with fraud, breach of trust, and bribery, allegations he has consistently denied while maintaining his hold on power.

The combined charges are fraud, breach of trust, and bribery. The prosecution rested in July 2024; Netanyahu’s testimony began on December 10, 2024. He has pleaded not guilty. As of September 30, hearings continue, and no verdict has been issued.

Bottom line

Abbas faces no public criminal charges or trials and no ICC warrant. He has been brushed by investigations that were closed on immunity grounds and by U.S. civil litigation aimed at the PA/PLO rather than at him personally. Netanyahu, by contrast, is under an active ICC arrest warrant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity and is simultaneously a criminal defendant in Israel on corruption counts.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Pavel Luzin on Russia’s Hollow Military Machine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/20

Pavel Luzin is a Russian political scientist whose work dissects the evolution of Russia’s armed forces, defense-industrial complex, and space policy. He is a Visiting Scholar at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, a Senior Fellow at both the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and the Saratoga Foundation and maintains an affiliation with the Jamestown Foundation. Luzin earned his PhD in International Relations from IMEMO in 2012, later teaching at Perm State University and working at IMEMO and the PIR Center. His analyses—published in outlets such as CEPA, the Jamestown Foundation, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and Riddle—probe Russia’s defense budgets, force structure, industrial capacity, and the toll sanctions have taken on its space and technology sectors.

In this interview, Luzin contends that Russia’s war aims remain fundamentally revanchist even as the state itself grows weaker than it was in February 2022. The Kremlin, he argues, continues to fight on despite strategic defeat—sustained by massive wartime spending, industrial exhaustion, and external resupply from North Korea and Iran. Behind the façade of doctrinal continuity lies a hollowing military machine: acute shortages in electronics, machine tools, and trained officers, with more than 7,000 officer deaths confirmed. The critical measures, Luzin notes, are recruitment rates, attrition among officers, and the ability to sustain command capacity. He warns that only consistent Western support for Ukraine—and readiness to counter Russia’s future moves—can prevent Moscow from rebuilding the capacity to wage war again.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: You describe a crisis of manpower, unchecked defense spending, and mounting hardware shortages. What indicators best reveal where the Kremlin’s true priorities lie—its soldiers, its rubles, or its weapons?

Pavel Luzin: Kremlin is prioritizing its goals of the war: elimination of Ukraine’s statehood and culture, elimination or at least strategic undermining of NATO and U.S. leadership and creation of a new world order comfortable for the Kremlin.

However, Russia’s current state is much worse than it was on the eve of February 2022, and this actual state of Russia means the war is lost. Consequently, the Kremlin is going to continue its warfare efforts at any cost in order to improve its state and to reverse the defeat. On the other hand, the recognition of Russia’s defeat means major domestic political and economic changes or even turbulence in Russia with uncertain risks for the Russian political elite.

Jacobsen: You’ve written extensively about shifts in Russian military thinking. What evidence points to genuine doctrinal change within the country’s military leadership, rather than just rhetorical adaptation?

Luzin: I don’t think there is a shift. There is a doctrinal continuity and evolving. However, the original strategy of revanchism appeared in the early 1990s is still the same: Russia must keep its great power status and dominance over its neighbors at any cost, U.S. role in the global affairs must be undermined, NATO must be undermined as well and Russia must take a role of guarantor of the European security (means Russia must be dominating over the European states). This strategy sounds crazy but it exists in the Russian documents and in the public statements of the Russian high-ranking persons.

Jacobsen: Following from the previous question, what represents rhetorical cover for material weakness?

Luzin: The material weakness exists and I cannot say what the people in the Kremlin know about this weakness and what they don’t. The officials say that Russia is undefeatable and produces as many weapons as it needs. However, the reality is different: Russia could hardly fight without the arms supplies from North Korea and Iran as early as late 2023. Also, what we know from the Russian industry is that its deterioration is ongoing and Ukraine makes this deterioration even faster with its strikes.

Jacobsen: Russia’s military leadership highlights structural changes at the top. How is elite churn reshaping command incentives?

Luzin: I do not see structural changes on the top. Yes, some people were replaced and some new command positions appeared like the split of the Western military district into two districts, Moscow and Leningrad, or like transforming brigades into divisions because the typical brigade is commanded by a colonel and typical division is commanded by a major general or lieutenant general. But what are the structural changes? The Kremlin has been incapable even to replace Gerasimov as a chief of the General Staff yet. The main command incentive today is avoiding responsibility for failures.

Jacobsen: What is the tightest bottleneck, e.g., electronics, machine tools, or labour, for the Russian defence-industrial systems?

Luzin: There is everything you mentioned.

Jacobsen: How sustainable is Russia’s admixture of domestic borrowing, inflation taxation, and off-budget lines for funding wartime procurement?

Luzin: Everything has its cost. Russia spent more than 40 trillion rubles directly on the war in 2022-2025. I do not mention years of preparations, indirect costs and huge losses of people. The cost of this cannot be measured by money.

However, every following month of the war leads the Russian budgetary system further to uncertainty because what Russians pay for the war today, they do not invest into their future, into the future of Russia.

Jacobsen: Shortages of fighting men is creating human capital stress. Beyond headlines, which lagging indicators capture the problem’s scale?

Luzin: We are following the balance between the dynamic of recruitment and the dynamic of losses. And Russia can hardly increase the number of its forces because recruits become gun fodder and do not survive for too long. Another lagging indicator is the number of losses among the officer corps. As for today, there are 7000+ Russian officers whose death in Ukraine is confirmed, and it is hard to replace these losses any time soon. And again that means Russia is incapable of increasing its armed forces because of a lack of officers.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Pavel.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

‘Money Is Not Munitions’: Shelby Magid on What Ukraine Needs to Win

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/19

Shelby Magid is the Deputy Director of the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center, where she oversees policy and programming on Ukraine and the broader region, leading initiatives at the intersection of security, justice, and human rights. She organizes high-level discussions and research on the war in Ukraine, recently moderating panels on the Russian Orthodox Church’s role in the conflict and on the abduction and repatriation of Ukrainian children. Magid frequently publishes analysis—including a Kyiv/Warsaw dispatch arguing that security is the essential foundation for any lasting peace—and briefs policymakers and media on sanctions, disinformation, and transatlantic coordination. She holds degrees from Central European University and Brandeis University.

In this conversation, Magid argues that sustaining U.S. bipartisan support for Ukraine through 2026 will depend largely on Donald Trump’s messaging and the perception that Ukraine can still prevail. Her priorities include tightening sanctions enforcement, accelerating Ukraine’s drone and munitions production, and strengthening U.S. air defenses. She also calls for credible, technology-driven ceasefire monitoring and emphasizes that the return of abducted Ukrainian children will require meaningful cooperation from the Kremlin.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What are the fundamental swing factors for sustaining bipartisan support for Ukraine?

Shelby Magid: Bipartisan support for Ukraine has been consistently strong. The news cycle can change. Sometimes President Trump’s comments can make it look like support is shifting, but within Congress and among the American population, as seen through polling, support has remained relatively stable. People empathize with and support Ukraine and disapprove of Russia and President Vladimir Putin.

There are ongoing debates about whether another package, such as a supplemental appropriation for weapons and funding, is necessary, with some people opposing it. Overall, however, support remains strong. The key factor right now is Donald Trump and his messaging, as he already has a base of support. If Trump were to say, “I want Ukraine to win next year” or “I want Ukraine to regain more of its territory,” and if he meant that and followed up by urging Congress to act, a package would likely move forward, providing additional economic or military support.

It might take the form of a loan. It might look different, but that could be the way forward. Public opinion is also critical here — for him, for Congress, and for how strong both sides appear. Currently, there is considerable messaging suggesting Russia is not as strong as it seems: its economy is under strain, its military is underperforming, and its territorial gains are slower than expected. That helps sustain support for Ukraine because it is one thing to back an underdog, but you do not want to back a lost cause. When it looks like Ukraine still has a real chance and Russia will not completely prevail, those are key factors.

Jacobsen: What are the demographics of those who do not support Ukraine?

Magid: It is mainly on the far-right and far-left — like the horseshoe of people not supporting. On the far-left, they do not want more war. They call for peace, negotiations, the elimination of weapons, and an end to the fighting. On the far-right, it might be “Ukraine is corrupt,” or “Ukraine will never win,” or “Russia has a point.” Some isolationists say, “We do not want anything to do with foreign conflicts, so why should we have anything to do with this one?” That is more on the fringes.

You also see a standard view that, fine, we want Ukraine to be okay, but it is not our problem, so we will not send more money. They are not actively supporting U.S. engagement. There are many misconceptions, too — both from Russian propaganda and simple misunderstanding — from people who say, “We do not want American boots on the ground in Ukraine.” That has never been proposed. Some people say they do not support it because they misunderstand what “support” means, which in this case has meant financial and military aid, not troop deployment.

Jacobsen: I appreciate that far-left and far-right framing—it suggests a divide between idealism and cynicism, yet both end up producing the same results. What specific tranche of aid or policy do you think could tangibly degrade Russia’s war-fighting capacity? Some observers point to a kind of parity in how each side frames its military strength. Still, Ukraine’s capabilities remain far more limited than Russia’s, especially across a frontline stretching more than 1,200 kilometers.

Magid: When you are asking about what specific tranche, do you mean U.S. support or international support for Ukraine?

Jacobsen: International and U.S. support remain vital. Ukraine’s domestic capacity will continue to expand as long as the war endures, driven by the will to survive and defend the country. As one colleague told me early in my reporting, “Thank you, Canada, for the financial support — we do appreciate it. One footnote, however: money is not munitions. We need munitions.”

Magid: That is a double-edged sword because that was also earlier on. Canada has been great, but could do more, as could most countries. Financial support is needed currently in two ways. There is the financial bucket where Ukraine needs more money so it can produce more weapons and drones itself. There has been tremendous success in Ukraine’s drone innovation and warfare. However, they need more money; they could generate more revenue and complete the project faster than other countries.

It would also be beneficial for Russia to face greater financial restrictions. They are already weaker, but the existing sanctions are not being enforced effectively enough. They are not strong enough. The shadow fleet is a significant issue. There is more that can be done to hit that financial bucket and degrade Russia’s capacity. You see Ukraine right now using drones to hit Russia’s oil refineries, which they have called their own type of sanctions, because then Russia has less to sell. That has made an impact — there are gas shortages in Russia right now.

As for Western support, some urgently needed systems come from the United States, primarily for air defense. The considerable discussion this week is that President Zelensky is coming to Washington to meet with President Trump about defense in general. One aspect being discussed is the Tomahawk missile system, which has a long range and would allow Ukraine to strike deeper into Russia. Moreover, when I mention this, I always like to say that Ukraine is targeting logistics, supplies, and the bases that missiles are coming from in Russia — all military targets, not civilian — whereas Russia is targeting civilians in Ukraine.

Jacobsen: Is the deliberate targeting of civilians a sign that Putin lacks a coherent or winning strategy? After all, if you were truly winning, your focus would be on striking military—not civilian—assets.

Magid: There is something to that. However, part of Russia’s strategy is terrorism. They are trying to demoralize Ukrainian society and drive refugee waves, which would then put more pressure on Europe. As soon as the temperatures drop in Ukraine, Russia starts hitting energy infrastructure again, which can force people to leave and go into Europe. They have a history of committing war crimes, and even if they were winning on the battlefield — which they are not — they would continue to target civilians. They are targeting military sites as well, so I would not say they are only targeting civilians. However, they do launch massive attacks against entirely civilian areas and critical infrastructure, like water systems. You cannot call that a military target.

Jacobsen: Which third-country networks matter now?

Magid: Some networks matter for both Ukraine and Russia. On Russia’s side, they are majorly supported in this war by North Korea, Iran, China, and Belarus — though Belarus is in a slightly different category. The drones that Russia uses are Iranian, and they got the technology from Iran. North Korea sends large amounts of ammunition and missiles, and has reportedly sent soldiers. China supports Russia economically. India is also buying large quantities of Russian gas and oil, which helps sustain Russia’s economy. There are also reports — I need to verify the numbers — that tens of thousands of Cuban fighters are preparing to fight for Russia, which would make them the most significant foreign contingent of fighters. So there is this “bad boy autocratic club” that supports Russia.

Jacobsen: There are also some reports of Indians and others being tricked or scammed into fighting.

Magid: There are unfortunate stories about people from many countries being tricked into going to Russia. The numbers are in the single digits or dozens, but they are being sent to work in factories or signing up under pretenses. Others are being scammed from North Africa, thinking they are getting work permits, and then they are brought through Belarus to be pushed over the border as part of weaponized migration. A lot of that is happening. However, in countries supporting on a larger scale, those are the key ones. As for third countries, you see the entire Western and international order — the G7, the EU, the U.S., the UK — but also many countries in the Indo-Pacific. Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and, of course, Canada have all been supportive. It is interesting to see how these networks operate, and what they provide is, of course, different.

Jacobsen: What air defence and artillery production targets should the U.S. and EU aim for Q1 and Q2 of 2026?

Magid: I would say it is aspirational to speak about these targets in a quarterly fashion, because it takes so long to produce and finalize contracts. It has been an issue throughout the full-scale invasion — the slow pace of production from the U.S. and the EU. I know they are working on it, but the war still goes on. Air defense is the most urgent for Ukraine, as Russia is absolutely slamming them. The number of missiles and drones that Russia uses on a daily and nightly basis has increased drastically as it has scaled up production. Those supporting Ukraine also need to scale up their efforts.

One way to do that is to continue financial support for Ukraine. Ukraine has already scaled up domestic drone production and other sound systems. Co-production is also being explored — Denmark has been leading in this, and there is discussion about a potential U.S.–Ukraine drone deal. Other countries are looking to follow suit. This would involve sharing technology, investing more money, and maximizing production speed. I do not have specific expectations for a particular quarter in 2026, but I want to emphasize that there is a pressing need for all of this to happen quickly.

Jacobsen: How should guarantees, money, and capital be sequenced?

Magid: For a post-war Ukraine, it is a tricky question because the crux of it is what can happen now and what has to happen post-war. Demining is already happening in Ukraine, because there are different types. There is humanitarian demining — clearing civilian and agricultural areas that were mined — but then both Russians and Ukrainians have mined along the frontlines. You cannot demine that until the security situation is resolved. Areas that were occupied by Russia and have since been liberated — for instance, Kherson — still need to be demined now, and they are actively doing that. Just a couple of weeks ago, in Chernihiv Oblast, there was a humanitarian demining mission by an NGO that Russia attacked, killing some of the workers. This is a hazardous job, and Russia targets these responders.

For capital, Ukraine needs money now to keep its economy afloat. They need to pay government workers, first responders, teachers, and most importantly, soldiers. They need to buy food and weapons. Then there is also money for reconstruction. Some reconstruction is happening already. If your grandmother’s window is blown out, she needs it repaired this week; otherwise, she has to move. That can happen now. However, Mariupol, which is completely flattened and under Russian occupation, will need to be rebuilt once Ukraine regains control. That capital will not flow yet, and much of it will have to come from private companies.

Much of this is being discussed, but ultimately, post-war reconstruction cannot begin until stability is established. That is where the guarantees come in. Let us say there is a ceasefire — no one trusts Russia, nor should they. So just because there is a ceasefire without guarantees, capital is not going to flow in, and real reconstruction will not happen. People will not move back to Ukraine en masse until they feel it is stable and durable. It is all interconnected. However, the conversations are happening now because plans need to be in place. Different parts of the country are in various situations. You can work on the energy system in western Ukraine in ways you cannot in the east. Luckily, it is being looked at proactively.

Jacobsen: This brings to mind the difference between winning and simply not losing. A ceasefire and a peace deal aren’t the same thing—and a pause is something else entirely, especially in the context of the Kremlin’s behavior. What would a verifiable pause look like? Would it involve inspection regimes, limits on missile deployments, or clearly defined territorial arrangements?

Magid: It is interesting how the different terms play out. A pause could happen at any moment if Russia stopped firing at Ukraine. If they said, “We are going to have a pause,” that could lead to discussions on a ceasefire. Ukraine is not going to stop firing and defending itself until it knows that Russia is holding to the same standard. A pause could mean stopping missile strikes and halting fighting on the front lines.

Jacobsen: Which, to be clear, could be done at any time.

Magid: It could be done at any time.

Jacobsen: Because of one person saying so.

Magid: The onus is entirely on Putin and the Russian side. Ukraine is defending itself. As for a ceasefire, that is what the Ukrainians are calling for. What President Trump has also been calling for is an unconditional ceasefire. The Ukrainians have agreed to this; they are ready to do it at any moment. The Russians have rejected it many times.

As for what a ceasefire would look like, you would need some monitoring because it cannot just be a “he said, she said” situation. Russia has a long history of violating ceasefires, and Ukraine has already been through that. There are ongoing discussions about various mechanisms and formats that could be effective. One critical aspect is the need for external ceasefire monitors and international security guarantees. Ukraine has already experienced failures, like the Minsk negotiations, where there were large buffer zones and unarmed monitors, and that did not stop Russian hostilities. A more robust model would be necessary, involving Ukrainian forces, NATO observers, or neutral peacekeepers.

They would have to monitor a vast swath of land, so there would need to be a technological component — drones or satellite imagery, for example — because it is simply too large an area to monitor entirely by people on the ground. There would also need to be deterrence mechanisms. So it would have to be an interesting combination of factors, and there would have to be some U.S. role — not boots on the ground, necessarily, but something like satellite monitoring to make Russia actually listen and be deterred.

Jacobsen: This next one is fascinating—it combines the two subjects people are warned never to discuss at the dinner table: religion and politics. The Russian Orthodox Church now operates largely at the Kremlin’s behest, reinforcing many of the regime’s narratives. In the occupied territories, which of these narratives are actually taking hold, and how deeply are they resonating?

Magid: That is an interesting question. It is hard to answer. One way they are sticking is by eliminating all competing narratives. They have outlawed and persecuted other religious organizations, gone after Catholic priests and other spiritual leaders, tortured and killed them. They control the information space in this manner, working hand in hand with Kremlin narratives. They are putting out constant messaging — adjusted over time — emphasizing “family values,” “defending Russian speakers,” and “God is on our side.”

Those narratives are probably sticking more in Russia itself than in the occupied territories because it is hard to believe such propaganda when your neighbor was held in a basement and tortured. At the same time, the Church’s networks are being used for intelligence gathering and other nefarious activities.

I did an event with the Free Russia Foundation a couple of weeks ago, and they released a report on the Russian Orthodox Church and its role in supporting the war in Ukraine. They even consulted Russian clergy who are now in exile because they spoke out against the war and had to flee Russia. It is fascinating and very complex in many ways, because it gets into areas of faith that many of us in the U.S., Canada, and the West are simply unfamiliar with.

The idea that you should not weaponize the Church to declare a holy war — to bless people to go murder children — I think anyone can understand that.

It is important to emphasize that the Russian Orthodox Church is tied to the state and controlled in coordination with the Kremlin. However, there are believers within that community who do not support it, and there have been internal splits. I know people who practice Russian Orthodoxy and do not believe in supporting the war. So it is essential to separate the political structures from the faith community.

Jacobsen: How can the different avenues you mentioned—documentation, third-party mediation, and targeted sanctions—actually help return abducted Ukrainian children home? I’m thinking of that Michelle Obama–style appeal to “bring them home.” Within a reasonable timeframe—say, six to twelve months, if not sooner—what combination of pressure and diplomacy could make that happen in practice?

Magid: I wish there were a better answer or better news. There has been incredible documentation from the Ukrainian side and from third parties — for instance, Yale University has a lab tracking this issue. They have documented around 20,000 kidnapped children, though the actual number is likely higher. Some cases have detailed records — names, families, locations — but others are harder to verify, especially when orphanages were moved. Some parents are still actively trying to get their children back.

These mediation efforts have been largely unsuccessful. Over the years, the Ukrainian government has appealed to various leaders for help — the Pope, some countries in the Middle East, and others. There are working groups, but ultimately, Russia must agree to return the children. It is a double-edged sword because Putin is under indictment by the International Criminal Court for war crimes related to the abductions. In a way, Russia fears that returning the children would confirm the charges. So despite the documentation and mediation efforts, they remain hesitant.

There have been a few recent cases — Melania Trump said she engaged with Putin and helped secure the return of some children. It is similar to what we discussed earlier about a pause: could these children be returned at any time? Yes. It is entirely up to Putin. Many of the children could be given back to Ukraine immediately if the Russian authorities decided to do so.

Some cases are more complicated because Russia has changed the children’s identities — legally altering names, arranging adoptions, and essentially erasing records. In some instances, open-source investigators have identified children in Russian schools whose relatives in Ukraine are still searching for them.

The issue is not one of time; it is one of power and political will. There is a Ukrainian NGO called Save Ukraine that’s done extraordinary work — something like an underground railroad system — to bring some children home. They have succeeded in dozens of cases, which is remarkable, but still only a drop in the ocean.

Jacobsen: Any final thoughts or feelings based on the conversation today?

Magid: No, it has been a wide range of interesting questions — thank you.

Jacobsen: Thank you.

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When Empires Refuse to Die: Motyl on Putin’s War and Its Consequences

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/18

Alexander J. Motyl is a political scientist, historian, novelist, and professor of political science at Rutgers University–Newark. A leading specialist on Ukraine, Russia, the USSR, nationalism, revolutions, and empires, he has long been recognized for his unflinching analysis of power, ideology, and collapse in post-Soviet space.

Motyl previously served as associate director of Columbia University’s Harriman Institute, one of the foremost centers for the study of Russia and Eastern Europe. His scholarship includes Imperial Ends: The Decay, Collapse, and Revival of Empires—a landmark examination of how empires dissolve and reinvent themselves—and the co-edited volume The Holodomor Reader: A Sourcebook on the Famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine, a defining contribution to understanding Soviet atrocity and Ukrainian national trauma. Beyond academia, he writes frequent analyses of the Russian–Ukrainian war for 19FortyFive, The Hill, and the National Security Journal, and has been featured in Columbia SIPA’s Journal of International Affairs. His recent essays explore themes of Western policy, Russian regime stability, and the long arc of decolonization across Eurasia.

In this interview, Motyl argues that the Kremlin’s war aims are fundamentally neo-imperial—not limited to territorial expansion but directed toward the erasure of Ukrainian statehood and identity itself. He situates Vladimir Putin within a centuries-long lineage of Russian imperial ideology, tracing continuities that stretch from the czarist era through Soviet dominance to the present authoritarian revival. Contrary to Kremlin narratives, Motyl dismisses NATO enlargement as a genuine catalyst for invasion, noting that Ukraine’s membership prospects were effectively nonexistent.

Instead, he portrays today’s Russia as a brittle, hyper-centralized regime marked by paralysis and overreach—a system in which misjudgment and misinformation are endemic. The elite’s passivity during the Prigozhin mutiny, he suggests, exposed the fragility of Putin’s power and the hollow performance of loyalty sustaining it. Motyl envisions plausible scenarios of post-Putin fragmentation, beginning not in Moscow but along the empire’s restive peripheries. He also dissects the parallel information war: expert analysis battling viral disinformation, think tanks competing with Telegram channels. Yet he ends with cautious optimism. The war, for all its devastation, has forced a global reckoning with Ukraine’s history, resilience, and agency—an awakening long overdue in Western political imagination.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: This is a concern shared widely, from scholars in both East and West to ordinary Ukrainians living through the war. Why do you argue that Putin’s central objective is not merely the conquest of territory, or even of all Ukraine, but the erasure of Ukrainian statehood itself?

Alexander Motyl: It’s a question of the ideology that motivates him. It’s a Russian imperial ideology that goes back several hundred years—at least to the time of Peter the Great, arguably earlier—when Muscovy began its project of gathering territories it considered its own.

This ideology has existed for three or four centuries. It was at the core of the Russian imperial project before 1918 and the collapse of the empire. It was also central to the Soviet project. They didn’t call it Russian, but it was clearly a Russian-oriented or Russian-based state policy.

It has now become the core of Putin’s project. Even under Yeltsin in the 1990s, the rhetoric was imperial. The policies were half imperial and half democratic, and there was at least some hope that Russia might abandon its imperial pretensions. It might have—but Putin became prime minister in 1999, acting president at the end of that year, and president in 2000. Very quickly, he embraced this ideology, consistent with his background as a KGB officer, and it has driven his policies toward the former Soviet republics since he took office.

According to this ideology, Ukrainians, like Belarusians, do not really exist. They are, quite literally, seen as a plot by Western imperialist secret services.

They are portrayed as creations of the Germans, of the Austro-Hungarians, of the West in general. In other words, the notion that Ukraine deserves to be a separate state with its own national identity has been, in this view, foisted upon the so-called “Little Russians,” as Putin prefers to call them, by deranged nationalists under the influence of Western intelligence agencies.

From that point of view, the purpose of the war is to erase whatever claims Ukrainians might have to being Ukrainians, and to transform them into a passive “Little Russian” population that accepts subordination to the “Great Russian people.” Hence, the project is one of erasure.

That doesn’t necessarily mean Putin wants to kill everyone. However, many of his subordinates and propagandists have made that option explicit. They have openly said, “If we can’t convert you to Russianism or Little Russianism, we will kill you.” The former president of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, has made this claim repeatedly in his public statements. So, that is at least an option on the table.

Preferably, from their perspective, it means getting rid of the so-called nationalists. And ironically, the Jewish Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, is one of the foremost Ukrainian nationalists in their eyes. The goal is to remove people like him and replace them with a pliant regime, a compliant elite, and a submissive population—much like what the Russians hoped to achieve with Viktor Yanukovych, and what they have, in many ways, already achieved with Alexander Lukashenko and Belarus.

The Belarusians, despite having demonstrated their own sense of national identity in the mass protests a few years ago, have essentially been forced into submission. They caved. The Ukrainians resisted—and we’ll see how that turns out.

Jacobsen: What do Western analysts or commentators typically misread about Russian aggression against Ukraine?

Motyl: For starters, the belief that it has something to do with NATO enlargement is one of the most important misreadings. It was clear from the very beginning, certainly by 2021 and 2022, and in fact every year since 1991, when Ukraine became independent, that Ukraine’s chances of becoming a NATO member were essentially zero.

Ukraine’s chances of joining NATO were exactly zero in 2013 and 2014, and they were exactly zero again in 2021 and 2022. The Russians could not have been unaware of that fact, because the Ukrainians knew it, the Europeans knew it, and NATO knew it. Yes, back in 2008, at the Bucharest Summit, NATO did declare that the “future of Ukraine lies with NATO.” Still, that statement, along with a dollar, would get me a ride on the New York City subway.

There were no intentions whatsoever to expand NATO to include Ukraine. In addition, Putin must have known—as his intelligence services certainly did—that the so-called NATO armies were in dreadful shape. They were in no position to launch an attack on Russia.

NATO was a paper tiger. Ukraine’s chances of joining this paper tiger were essentially nil, and Putin had to have known that. So why did NATO membership for Ukraine matter to him? Not because of any genuine security threat—that was all a smokescreen. The real issue is that if Ukraine were to join NATO and later the European Union, it would mean that Ukraine would be lost to Russia forever. That’s why it mattered.

It would signify Ukraine becoming part of what Putin calls “the West,” or whatever remains of it after the Trump era. That is what truly concerned him. It wasn’t about a military threat. He has even admitted as much on multiple occasions—most recently at the Valdai Discussion Club meeting in St. Petersburg—where he said NATO poses no threat to Russia. If he says that today, after more than three years of war, he would have said the same four years ago if pressed.

So that’s mistake number one—the fundamental misreading. It skews everything, because it shifts the blame for the war onto NATO, supposedly the aggressor, and onto Ukraine, as if it harboured evil intentions toward Russia.

In reality, that’s absurd. Back in 2014, Ukraine had only about 7,000 battle-ready troops. By 2022, the situation had improved somewhat, but had it not been for the thousands of volunteers who immediately joined the armed forces after the invasion, Ukraine likely would have fallen. So Ukraine posed no threat—no security threat whatsoever, not even an imaginable one—to the Russian Federation.

The only other plausible explanation for his fear of NATO is that he is deeply paranoid—perhaps even pathologically so. In other words, he appears to have serious psychological problems. He is incapable of accepting that NATO, essentially a paper tiger, truly was a paper tiger.

He cannot imagine that the intelligence his own security services provide might actually be accurate. That’s possible—plausible, even—but in any case, it has nothing to do with the reality of NATO enlargement. It has everything to do with Putin’s personal phobias.

The other major misconception, which still hasn’t been fully corrected, concerns the idea that Putin is somehow a “normal” leader—a man like one of us. There’s plenty of variation within what we call “the West,” and of course, it has its own flaws. Not everyone in the West is rational or devoted to human rights and democratic values. But it should have been evident to anyone with even a minimal understanding of the Soviet Union that a KGB officer was never going to be at the forefront of defending human or national rights.

That should have been self-evident to anyone who knows the history of the KGB and its predecessors in the Soviet system. Putin joined the KGB voluntarily in the early 1970s, at the height of the Soviet crackdown on the dissident movement. He knew exactly what he was doing and why.

To imagine that such a man would have democratic leanings or a Western sense of rationality—concerned with rights, the rule of law, or individual liberty—is absurd. He was not only a KGB operative but also a product of the Russian elite. And as we’ve already discussed, he is steeped in the Russian imperial ideology. It’s hardly surprising, then, that he is someone who believes deeply in power, in force, and in Russia’s need to “be made great again.”

Expecting this kind of individual to behave normally or to share Western values was wishful thinking. Remember when George W. Bush said he looked into Putin’s eyes and “saw his soul”? I wish I had those eyeglasses.

There are many other mistakes Western observers have made. Let me end with a third one. We’ve talked about NATO and Putin, and the third is the persistent belief that Russia is not an empire—or at least not a deeply fractured multinational state.

This misconception was already evident in the 1980s, when most Western governments and analysts were unwilling to acknowledge the importance of the non-Russian peoples within the Soviet Union. I say this as someone who has studied and written a dissertation on the non-Russian nationalities. Back in the early to mid-1980s, people like me were considered strange—eccentric, even—for focusing on them.

It was widely believed that there was no point in studying the non-Russian nationalities because, as one scholar once told me at a conference, “They don’t matter.” As it turned out in 1989, 1990, and 1991, they mattered enormously. Had it not been for them, the Soviet Union might actually have continued to exist.

The inability to recognize that Russia has an imperial structure—or at least to understand that it consists of a variety of deeply dissatisfied nationalities—was a fundamental problem. It made it very difficult for Western analysts to understand what was happening in the 1980s under Gorbachev, and it continues to distort their understanding of Russia’s relationship with its former Soviet republics today.

Jacobsen: On that point, how durable is Russia’s domestic “consent” for a long war? What are the potential or plausible triggers for regime fracture or collapse?

Motyl: Analysts in this field, as with nearly every question, are divided into two camps. Some believe that Putin is firmly in charge, that all is well, and that the system will survive even after he’s gone—for any number of reasons.

Then there’s the other group, to which I belong, that believes the system is fragile and brittle. Putin and the regime are in trouble, and scenarios predicting the possible collapse of the Russian Federation are neither unlikely nor impossible. In fact, they are becoming increasingly likely.

I say that for several reasons. The most obvious is the toll of the war. Russia has likely lost over a million soldiers, if we include killed and seriously wounded. Its economy, as nearly everyone now agrees, is in serious trouble.

Optimists say it could sustain the war until 2027. Pessimists suggest a perfect storm could emerge as early as late 2025. In any case, there’s a growing consensus that major trouble lies ahead and that the war will eventually become unsustainable.

The military and the economy are in trouble, and the population is beginning to feel the strain. Inflation is eroding living standards. Those employed in the militarized sector—roughly half the population—are doing relatively better, or at least less badly, than others. But the other half, those in the consumer sector, are facing increasing hardship.

Then there are Russia’s elites—the political, coercive, and economic elites. Most have been co-opted, but all have lost a great deal since the war began.

As we saw during the Prigozhin affair two years ago—the short-lived march on Moscow—the real significance wasn’t Prigozhin himself. The key revelation was that as he gathered his forces and advanced toward the capital, no one within the army, the FSB, or the National Guard acted. They watched to see how it would unfold.

To me, that signaled not loyalty, but a striking lack of enthusiasm—at best, tepid support—for Putin’s regime.

That’s the background. More immediately, Putin has constructed a highly centralized political system. I’ve been calling it fascist since about 2008. Some agree; others object to the label. But whatever we call it—autocracy, dictatorship, authoritarianism—the fact remains that virtually all power is concentrated in Putin’s hands.

That centralization makes governance inefficient. We know from other historical examples that subordinates tend to tell such leaders what they want to hear, not what they need to know. It’s a system built on buck-passing and corruption—deep, pervasive corruption. And because so much depends on a single man’s decisions, the entire structure is brittle.

Given his position and the filtered information he receives, Putin is especially prone to serious errors. Some like to call him a “grand chess master.” As someone who actually plays chess—not quite at the grandmaster level, but enough to recognize one—I can tell you he’s very far from it. At best, he’s a mediocre player.

The point is that this kind of overcentralized, self-deluding system leads to catastrophic decisions—like forcing Viktor Yanukovych to abandon Ukraine’s association agreement with the European Union in 2013 or launching the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. These were stupid, unnecessary, and self-defeating moves.

And this matters for Russia’s future. Sooner or later, Putin will go. It might be from natural causes—he’s 73, and it’s not clear he’s in good health. Or he could be brought down by the growing complications and crises the war itself has created.

The devastation of Russia’s economy has created conditions that strongly resemble those in countries that have experienced coups d’état or political collapses. All the classic preconditions for a coup are present in Russia today, just as they were in many postcolonial, developing, or even developed states at moments of crisis. At this point, it’s simply a matter of enough people within the system deciding to act.

Everything else is already in place. If and when Putin leaves—and he will, either for natural reasons or through removal in some form of coup—it will have profoundly destabilizing consequences for the regime he’s built.

Think of the regime as a wheel with Putin as the hub. Remove the hub, and the wheel cannot hold. It won’t necessarily collapse overnight—political systems rarely do—but its ability to function will be severely compromised. A successor would struggle enormously to consolidate power, if only because Putin has been in control for 26 years. He has deliberately fused his personal authority with the state itself. L’État, c’est moi—“I am the state”—applies quite accurately in his case.

So, in the immediate aftermath of his departure—which could happen tomorrow, or a year or two from now, for any number of reasons—the regime’s institutional structure will weaken. A brutal power struggle will almost certainly erupt. This has always been the case in Russian history—Imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet alike. And during that struggle, combined with economic collapse and military defeat, Moscow’s ability to maintain control over the peripheries will decline dramatically.

We saw something similar during the late Soviet period under Mikhail Gorbachev. All political energy was consumed by the struggle in Moscow, which both allowed and compelled the non-Russian republics to seek independence. Many initially opposed it, but they eventually realized it was the only means to preserve local power and survive amid systemic decay.

I’m hardly the first to draw that comparison. Several Russian economists and analysts have also made it.

Given all these contingencies—and they are contingencies, not certainties—if they were to align, it’s entirely conceivable that the Russian Federation could begin to fragment. My own view is that the first to go might be Chechnya, ironically, one of the places many assume least likely to break away. But Chechnya already functions with significant autonomy and possesses its own army. All it would need to do is say “no” to Moscow.

If that happened, others—Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Dagestan, Ingushetia, and so on—could follow. Should they succeed, regions like Yakutia and other far-flung republics might join the movement.

As I said, these are all “ifs”—but they are not implausible ones. String them together in the correct sequence, and a scenario of Russian fragmentation becomes quite imaginable.

Jacobsen: Open-source intelligence has become an essential field after more than a decade of Russian aggression against Ukraine. We’ve seen a flood of disinformation—deliberately fabricated falsehoods—intertwined with misinformation, or data that is inaccurate or misinterpreted yet still spreads widely.

Suppose there’s a regime change in Moscow—or even if Russia settles into a kind of hybrid status quo that lasts for years. In that context, what becomes of the information war? In the West, particularly in the United States, we’ve watched commentators—more personalities than scholars—build vast platforms that often function, knowingly or not, as amplifiers of Kremlin propaganda.

How do we counter that influence as the conflict and its narratives continue to evolve?

Motyl: That’s a tricky question—one I wrestle with almost daily when I write my columns, whose purpose is, at least in part, to persuade people that there are wrong ways of seeing the world and better, if not perfectly correct, alternatives.

Within the broader analytical and journalistic community, things are generally sound. There’s a widespread understanding that Putin is a tyrant—or at the very least, a dictator—and that he launched a war that was both unnecessary and, as Trump once called it, “ridiculous.” In that regard, Trump was actually correct: the war is absurd.

So, in the expert community—though there are exceptions, some serious, some bordering on foolishness—most people grasp the fundamental realities. These are thoughtful individuals who may make serious mistakes, but you can engage them in rational discussion.

Where things get far more problematic is outside that expert sphere—among the broader public, non-specialist commentators, and specific segments of the media ecosystem.

I’d include you in the journalist category. My experience with journalists is that they usually try very hard—and often quite successfully—to get into the background details of a story. They don’t just blithely talk about “Ukrainian neo-Nazis.” They ask: do they exist? If so, where are they, and in what numbers? They ask serious questions.

Jacobsen: When did Jewish neo-Nazis start running countries?

Motyl: That’s the sort of absurd claim that should be obvious nonsense to anyone. In any case, the expert community and most journalists are doing relatively well. The problem arises in the more popular analytical fields—when we’re talking about figures like Tucker Carlson.

These people have huge platforms. They’re listened to and believed by audiences who generally don’t seek out other sources of information. And by that, I don’t mean my columns—they could read reputable journalists across a range of outlets to get alternative views or nuanced perspectives. But they don’t. So there’s a kind of bifurcation in the United States. I can’t really speak for Canada.

Jacobsen: The biggest joke I’ve heard is that money is helpful—but money is not munitions.

Motyl: That’s a good line. And that’s where things get problematic—when you go deeper into public perception. Popular understanding often doesn’t exist, or it’s based on vague impressions. Public opinion surveys indicate that most MAGA supporters, as well as most Americans, support assisting Ukraine, which appears to be good news on the surface.

But when you dig deeper, you find that many don’t know where Ukraine is or what the war is actually about. So it’s hard to gauge how deep that support really runs. Still, one must be grateful for small mercies—those limited but positive sentiments do matter.

The problem in the United States, at least when it comes to Russia, Ukraine, and misinformation, is that there’s strong reason to believe that many decision-makers within the Trump administration—I won’t name names—got their information from Fox News, Tucker Carlson, Laura Loomer, and others like them, rather than from academics, experts, or the analytical community, or what’s left of the CIA, FBI, and other professional institutions.

These organizations possess deep expertise, yet it is often dismissed or derided. It’s not regarded as legitimate, at least not by the MAGA crowd. They seem to prefer a know-nothing approach to policymaking—a deliberate rejection of knowledge in favour of ideological certainty.

And it’s not just that they disagree with experts who hold different views. Even those who share some perspectives and can argue intelligently with evidence aren’t being listened to as they should be.

The decimation of the intelligence community exacerbates these problems, much like the hollowing out of the State Department and USAID. Many experienced professionals who once played vital roles, even secondary ones, in the formulation of policy have been pushed out or left in frustration.

That’s not just bad in the short term—it’s disastrous for the medium and long term. Institutions depend on institutional memory. They need, as it were, some old hands to guide the younger generation—or at least to provide alternative perspectives. Of course, given my age, that’s precisely the sort of thing you’d expect me to say.

That said, here’s the good news. If you were to survey the academic community, the expert community, the general public, and policymakers—not just in the United States, but also in Canada and Western Europe—today versus 20, 30, or 40 years ago, the difference in knowledge would be enormous.

Back then, the level of understanding was infinitesimally trim compared to today. People had virtually no idea about Ukraine. They had gained more knowledge about Russia. But many couldn’t have told you that Estonia, Kazakhstan, or Georgia even existed. They knew Poland and Hungary, perhaps, but even that knowledge was quite limited.

The example I like to give is this: thirty years ago, you could have fit all the books and articles published in English about Ukraine on a single bookshelf. Today, that same amount is produced every year. We’re talking about an exponential growth in knowledge, understanding, interest, and critique. It works both ways, of course—support and criticism—but there’s simply no comparison between now and thirty or forty years ago.

Ultimately, I’m optimistic. Developments are heading in the right direction. The war, for all its tragedies, has had one particularly salutary consequence: it has significantly deepened global knowledge about Ukraine, Russia, and the region as a whole in ways that would not have occurred before 2022.

So, in that respect, there’s reason to be reasonably optimistic about the future.

Jacobsen: Alex, thank you for your time today. I appreciate it—it’s been a pleasure to meet you.

Motyl: My pleasure, Scott. Thank you very much. This was fun. And apologies for going on and on—I droned like a Ukrainian drone.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Lawrence Freedman on the War No One Can Win

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/15

Sir Lawrence Freedman is Emeritus Professor of War Studies at King’s College London and one of Britain’s most influential military strategists. Freedman, the author of landmark works including Ukraine and the Art of Strategy and Command: The Politics of Military Operations from Korea to Ukraine, has long shaped debates over deterrence, escalation, and statecraft. His peer-reviewed essay “The Russo-Ukrainian War and the Durability of Deterrence” examines nuclear signaling and credibility in the current conflict. He also co-writes Comment Is Freed over on Substack, offering precise, timely analysis that bridges scholarship and public understanding.

Freedman’s influence extends beyond academia. A veteran of the UK’s Iraq Inquiry, he remains a leading voice on civil-military relations, modern warfare, and the limits of coercive power. Since Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, his analyses have been widely cited for their clarity and restraint.

In this interview with Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Freedman discusses Russia’s evolving nuclear doctrine, arguing that its threats remain tethered to existential scenarios rather than battlefield desperation. He traces how figures such as Dmitry Medvedev use rhetorical bluster without translating it into atomic policy. Freedman also reflects on Kyiv’s civil-military tensions and leadership shifts—most notably, the replacement of Valerii Zaluzhnyi by Oleksandr Syrskyi and Zaluzhnyi’s later appointment as ambassador to the UK. On the battlefield, he notes how inexpensive drones have expanded kill zones and made fronts transparent, pushing Russia toward small-group infiltration while Ukraine defends thinly stretched lines.

Freedman cautions against speculative “what ifs,” distinguishing the difference between winning and merely not losing. Russia’s political objectives, he says, remain unmet. For Ukraine, escalation risks can be managed—so long as deep-strike operations minimize civilian harm and avoid attacks on leadership targets.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you very much for joining me today. Since The Durability of Deterrence, what has changed most in Russian nuclear signaling?

Lawrence Freedman: Not a lot has changed. The problem they have is that there’s a clear doctrine—not significantly different from that of other nuclear-armed states—which holds that nuclear weapons are to deter existential threats to Russia. They’re not for use in lesser cases, and, generally speaking, you really don’t want a nuclear war if you can avoid it. They feel, however, that they ought to be getting more value out of their nuclear arsenal.

While Putin has been quite careful in his nuclear threats, others, like Dmitry Medvedev, the former president and now deputy chair of Russia’s Security Council, have been unable to resist opportunities to sound as menacing as possible with every development they dislike. Medvedev talks about Armageddon coming, and Russian state media often goes even further. In practice, when the developments they warned against actually occur—such as Finland and Sweden joining NATO, Western countries sending long-range weapons to Ukraine, or Ukraine striking targets inside Russia—nothing much happens.

They may respond – but not in the nuclear sphere. They’ve therefore created a problem for themselves. When he has been explicit about nuclear contingencies, Putin has reserved his threats for one clear contingency, of NATO actually fighting alongside Ukraine. But they’ve used threats implicitly for a range of other contingencies—all of which have since come to pass, and none of which have warranted nuclear use.

You can see, in several Russian commentators—Sergey Karaganov being the most notable—a lament that in this way, the deterrent impact of Russia’s nuclear arsenal has been eroded. That has led to arguments that perhaps they should lower the threshold for use to make it more credible. Putin has explicitly rejected that argument, but it remains present in Russian debates.

Jacobsen: What civil-military frictions have been shaping Moscow and Kyiv’s operational choices in the current phase of the war?

Freedman: We know more about Ukraine because it has an active press and open discussion. There are the usual wartime tensions—one being the concern that the generals, particularly the commander-in-chief, may become more popular than the president. The president’s staff worries about this and tries to keep the generals in their place. More seriously, there are political imperatives that may seem compelling to President Zelensky—for example, the belief that every piece of territory must be defended—that don’t always make military sense to the generals.

There are various tensions, not only between civilians and the military but within the military itself, over strategic priorities. These were particularly evident in the 2022–2023 period. That phase ended with the commander-in-chief, General Valerii Zaluzhnyi, being removed from his position in early 2024 and later appointed as Ukraine’s ambassador to the United Kingdom. He was replaced by General Oleksandr Syrskyi, who had already been running much of the land war. So yes, there are tensions—but they are not surprising.

There has been a certain amount of sacking of inadequate commanders, but that has been primarily done at the senior military level rather than by Zelensky. Zelensky, on the whole, has done what he should be doing—concentrating on external support, maintaining international backing, and keeping the population’s morale up. However, there are significant issues, with mobilization being the most obvious, that have caused and continue to cause tensions. Insufficient manpower at the front is a real problem. The idea of conscripting 18–25-year-olds is still seen as politically toxic. So, these are significant issues that won’t go away; they’ll keep coming back.

On the Russian side, it’s different. First, Putin hasn’t changed his Chief of the General Staff, General Valery Gerasimov, who’s been in post since around 2012. He’s still there, though he doesn’t appear to be particularly good at his job. He did, however, change the Minister of Defense. Sergei Shoigu has been in office since 2012. The new minister, Andrei Belousov, appears to be more efficient and effective, and has somewhat modernized the Russian operation.

But the military itself, under Gerasimov’s command, has been notable for the lack of originality in its tactics. They’ve stuck with the same formula. Where you’ve seen real innovation on the Russian side has been in the development and use of drones, where they have been quite effective. The big issue came in the summer of 2023 with Yevgeny Prigozhin. Private military contractors were developing their own armies—in this case, the Wagner Group under Prigozhin. Wagner fell out with the Ministry of Defense because they felt they weren’t getting enough ammunition and support.

These disputes were very public throughout the first half of 2023 and led the Defense Ministry to attempt to bring Wagner under its control, threatening Prigozhin’s entire business model. He rebelled. I don’t think he reasonably intended to mutiny as much as he did, but it went further than he expected. He ended up marching toward Moscow after clashing to some degree with loyalist Russian forces. He was persuaded not to pursue it to the end and convinced himself that if he went to Belarus, he could be rehabilitated.

Of course, he wasn’t—he was killed in a plane explosion a few months after the mutiny. That was a symptom of something more. Some generals were clearly sympathetic to Prigozhin, several of whom were dismissed after the mutiny. It was a clear sign of internal tensions in the system, which probably still exist. But you don’t see much of it now surfacing.

There has been consistency in Russian strategy. They continue to press ahead on all fronts. They keep pushing. There’s not much evidence of alternative strategic thinking. From the beginning, Russia could have concentrated its forces and made a significant push before consolidating. Instead, it has maintained a broad front line throughout.

Jacobsen: As far as I know, the front line is probably over a thousand kilometres.

Freedman: Yes, it is—more than 1,200 kilometres. It’s incredibly long. You can see that both sides are currently stretched, and they’re starting to have to move troops from one sector to another. The fighting is most intense in Donetsk. That’s Putin’s biggest priority. He’s more or less secured Luhansk, and the occupation of Donetsk would complete the control of the Donbas. He’s put enormous effort into that, though it hasn’t gone as far as he hoped in terms of occupying it.

Jacobsen: What is a “wartime mentality”? What would adaptation to this mean for procurement and for governance reforms?

Freedman: What you see in Ukraine, which has been impressive and is happening in Russia too (one shouldn’t underestimate the Russians), is the speed of innovation. Ukraine had an army and some weapons, but it was heavily dependent on external sources for additional military equipment and ammunition. That continued well into last year. For key systems such as Patriot, HIMARS, and Storm Shadow, Ukraine still relies on its supporters to deliver. But on drones, it’s producing its own and will soon be exporting them.

There’s even talk of a joint venture with the United States. It’s been an extraordinary period of innovation, born of necessity. The response has been impressive. Decisions are made in weeks, rather than the months or years required by Western procurement agencies. They don’t go through endless rounds of testing. If they think something will work, they try it. The Ukrainians keep their designs simple and concentrate much of the innovation in the software. They use AI quite effectively. Without this adaptability, Ukraine would face significant challenges due to the limited Western supply capacity. The slow pace at which Europe ramped up ammunition production—especially artillery shells—shows the stark difference between being at war and being at peace.

Jacobsen: What about the use of drones for reconnaissance, strikes, and defense? Has this surpassed the expectations of many analysts in terms of efficacy?

Freedman: What’s happened is that the war began with drones being used, but they were larger, more capable, and expensive—used mainly for reconnaissance and strike missions. The key change wasn’t that individual drones became vastly more effective, though what you can now pack into a small drone is impressive; instead, it was that they provided mass. That’s the crucial point—it’s a way of achieving mass, and there’s no other affordable way to do it. Air power and artillery remain more efficient, but they can’t be produced or deployed in such volume.

Surveillance has become critical. The battlefield has become transparent; it hasn’t completely dispelled the fog of war, but there’s far less of it than before. This has had a remarkable effect on frontline tactics. You now have a 10–20 kilometre kill zone, where anything lingering too long is likely to be detected and destroyed. Russian tactics have shifted from assaults with armour and large infantry numbers to infiltration by small groups. Ukraine is defending with fragile lines, as massed positions would quickly become highly vulnerable.

A lot of the time, Ukrainian forces don’t even try to engage directly with the enemy—they report that an enemy is coming. That partly reflects their own manpower shortages, but it’s also a consequence of the nature of this battlefield, a battle arena saturated with drones. The innovation continues, becoming ever more cat-and-mouse. The speed of innovation in both drone defense and counter-defense has been extraordinary, with new models constantly emerging.

And it’s not just drones over the front lines; it’s also those attacking deep into the rear. Russia now regularly mounts attacks with hundreds of drones. Most are shot down, but enough get through to cause damage. Ukraine, in turn, has mounted a very effective campaign using drones against Russian oil facilities—something nobody would have imagined three or four years ago. The situation has evolved extremely quickly.

The central issue now is anti-drone drones. Air defense has become a pressing concern for both sides, particularly for Ukraine. Various systems are being tested that are expected to be cheaper than using sophisticated air defense missiles.

Drones themselves aren’t hard to shoot down—they’re slow—but there are so many of them. That’s where the mass effect comes in. It’s not that individual drones are especially effective; it’s that there are countless ones in the air. Even if 80% are intercepted, the remaining 20% can still inflict significant damage.

Jacobsen: Where do Western media and analysts still get wrong about the war?

Freedman: It’s an inherent challenge. I’m sitting in London, trying to follow the war in Ukraine. There’s plenty of information available, but it’s fragmented, and it’s often unclear whom to trust. You see endless videos showing one side destroying the other, but they never give you the whole picture. It is not easy. And I should say, I’m not immune to these problems—we all suffer from them. One major issue is overthinking and getting too far ahead. People keep asking “what if?” questions. “What if the Russians take Odesa?”—which I saw posed in a newspaper column months ago.

There’s no way Russia could take Odesa right now, so it’s a pointless question. Similarly, back in 2022, we had “What if the Ukrainians retake Crimea—will Russia use nuclear weapons?” They weren’t close to retaking Crimea at the time, so it was an abstract worry. It’s not that such things are impossible, but context matters—you don’t know what else might be happening at the same time. Forward-looking analysis often becomes too speculative. The reality on the battlefield since late 2022 has been that neither side has made significant progress.

Apart from a brief period in mid-2023, following Ukraine’s successful counteroffensives in 2022, Russia has been on a constant offensive. They’ve been pushing continuously. They’ve gained some territory—Avdiivka fell, Bakhmut fell—but other places, like Krokhmalne and Chasiv Yar, haven’t. Chasiv Yar, for instance, was reported to have been lost, but it turns out it hasn’t, at least not yet.

People keep speculating about “what ifs,” assuming momentum. As Russia continues to advance, some think Ukraine will inevitably falter and collapse—but it hasn’t. Then you get the opposite problem: because Ukraine has done better and proved more resilient than expected, people assume it will always continue to do so. You can’t be sure of that either, because Ukraine is stretched, and Russia is pushing very hard right now. It’s challenging to follow a war like this without falling into either optimism or pessimism bias. That’s why I’m careful about predictions. I got it wrong early o,n and I’ve learned from that. It’s better to discuss possibilities and issues than to predict outcomes.

Another thing, and this isn’t a complaint, but an observation: people often conflate who’s inflicting more damage with who’s winning. Just because Russia is advancing doesn’t mean it’s winning. None of Russia’s political objectives has been achieved. It’s taken more territory—roughly doubling what it held in February 2022—but it hasn’t “demilitarized” Ukraine. In fact, Ukraine is now the most militarized state in Europe. For those who claim the war is about NATO expansion, it is noteworthy that NATO has expanded with Sweden and Finland. For those who say it’s about Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence, Ukraine still has both. So none of Russia’s stated political goals have been met. When people say Russia is “winning,” what does that really mean? It certainly hasn’t won.

There’s a crucial distinction between winning and not losing. For Putin, that distinction is everything. I think he believes he can win—his recent remarks at the Valdai Discussion Club suggest as much—because he considers Ukraine to be close to collapse. I don’t find that credible, but that’s clearly his belief. His panic in late September 2022, when he feared he might lose, led to the mobilization of more troops, the conversion of Russia into a war economy, and the expansion of his war aims by annexing four oblasts—none of which he fully controls.

Not losing became an objective in itself, an addition to whatever goals the war began with. Having staked so much on this “special military operation,” failure would be a political catastrophe. Avoiding that outcome has become a goal of its own. That’s one reason I’ve been pessimistic about any peace deal since then. Putin needs something tangible to show for this war. Right now, he has only devastated territory—and little else.

Jacobsen: How should NATO navigate the balance between enabling deep strikes and managing escalation, given the steady stream of red-line rhetoric coming from Moscow?

Freedman: Ukraine is already conducting deep strikes. If Ukraine began launching Western-supplied missiles into the centre of Moscow—say, striking the Kremlin—then, yes, people would be understandably anxious. I’m not sure how Russia would respond, but that’s not something anyone would want to test. They don’t like Ukraine’s current campaign against the oil industry, but there’s not much they can do about it. It’s worth remembering that the Biden administration was initially nervous about attacks on Russian oil refineries, partly due to concerns over global oil prices as much as escalation. The Trump administration, according to the Financial Times, appears more supportive and has reportedly provided intelligence to facilitate such strikes.

If Ukraine continues with a methodical campaign that avoids large-scale civilian casualties or direct attacks on Russia’s political leadership, I don’t see a significant escalation risk. Russia has already escalated plenty. The strikes it’s currently mounting are aimed at destroying Ukraine’s electricity grid—and now its gas infrastructure as well. Many civilians have been killed, cities have been reduced to rubble, and occupied territories have effectively been annexed into Russia. There’s been no shortage of escalation from Moscow, but they’ve avoided using force directly against the West. Even then, they haven’t been passive—there’s been energy coercion, drones drifting into Poland and elsewhere, sabotage operations, and cyberattacks.

Russia hasn’t taken steps that would trigger a direct war with NATO, because it does not want one. From Ukraine’s perspective, the key is to use its capabilities for strategic effect—which it is doing now. Other kinds of campaigns would likely be less effective. Ukraine is essentially running this campaign with Western intelligence support, but it’s fundamentally Ukrainian-led. And there’s no reason why this approach should lead to escalation.

Jacobsen: Sir, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate both your expertise and the opportunity to speak with and meet you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Can Brain Science Save Democracy?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/14

Nicholas Wright is a neuroscientist and strategist who bridges brain science and national security. For more than a decade, he has advised the Pentagon’s Joint Staff and other U.S. agencies, as well as counterparts in the United Kingdom, on how human decision-making shapes deterrence and defense. His research explores how the brain constructs perception amid uncertainty, how moral emotions fuel cooperation and conflict, and how leadership transforms fear into purposeful action. Wright also examines the ethics of information operations, democratic resilience, and what he calls the “identity–culture spiral” that enables large-scale cooperation. His recent work, Warhead: How the Brain Shapes War and War Shapes the Brain, probes how cognitive science illuminates great-power competition and the enduring risk of nuclear escalation.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Wright about “neurostrategy”—the use of neuroscience to understand and influence nuclear and security decisions. Wright explains how perception is not reality but a brain-built model prone to deception; why 2014 marked a strategic inflection point with Russia and China; and how moral emotions and leadership determine a nation’s will to fight. He draws ethical boundaries for information operations in democracies and argues that internal cohesion matters more than foreign interference. His guiding principle: avoid losing in three ways—do not lose a conventional war (for instance, over Taiwan), do not decay from within, and do not fight a nuclear war. Across all three, Wright contends, strategic success begins with self-understanding.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What was your inspiration for the work connecting neuroscience, security, and decision-making?

Nicholas Wright: Over ten years ago, I began applying new insights from neuroscience to decision-making about nuclear weapons—an enormously important area that had been neglected in public policy. When you consider atomic weapons, the goal is to influence how someone else will decide. If you are thinking about Vladimir Putin or Xi Jinping, you must consider how they make decisions about nuclear weapons, which involves understanding their thought processes and choices.

There are many sources of information, but the central fact is that they are human and thus have human brains. How do those brains work? For more than a decade, I have worked with the Pentagon’s Joint Staff and others to address that question.

They aim to understand how the human brain makes decisions. In turn, I gain perspective as a neuroscientist—insight into problems where the brain meets the real world in life-and-death situations. We’ve had a productive collaboration with military colleagues in the United States and the United Kingdom for many years.

Jacobsen: Another critical factor is the ten years of working across U.S. administrations: the first Trump administration, the Biden administration, and the current second Trump administration. Administrations matter because they provide direction—a vector—beyond the geopolitical and military context, alongside the science of how the brain can be used for good or ill. How have you oriented your advising and learning across different administrations? Many assume the key differences lie in political changes.

Wright: I have worked with the U.S. government since the second Obama term. However, the most significant drivers are external. I began this work at the tail end of the post-9/11 counterterrorism era and in 2014 on issues such as Israel–Palestine that dominated U.S. security thinking at the time. Then came Russia’s 2014 seizure and annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine—often discussed in terms of “gray-zone” or hybrid tactics—followed by the full-scale invasion launched in 2022.

In 2014, we saw a turning point. Russia sent its so-called “little green men” into Crimea, and at the same time, China was shifting. It is difficult to pinpoint precisely when the change began, but it became apparent after Xi Jinping took office in 2013. By 2017, it was clear that he was steering China in a different direction—more expansionist abroad and more authoritarian at home. With both China and Russia, something new was happening.

Many in the American government and, like me, in advisory roles recognized that these were profound shifts. They marked a sea change in the external environment we had to contend with. It was no longer primarily about terrorism. The United States had once been so overwhelmingly militarily superior that it did not need to worry about peer competitors. That is no longer the case. The most significant shift has been the resurgence of great-power competition. The issue is less about changes in U.S. administrations and more about changes in global realities that every administration must confront.

Jacobsen: With perception under uncertainty, there are factors like the “fog of war.” Given the shortcuts in our sensory systems, how does uncertainty interact with perception in a war context, especially when so much is unknown and there are multiple dimensions to interpret?

Wright: The first thing to understand about perception is that our brains cannot process all the information constantly entering them. Each eye alone has tens of millions of light receptors, and in the center of the retina are millions dedicated to color and fine detail. Add hearing, taste, the position of every joint in the body, and the signals from the skin, and you realize the nervous system is bombarded with data. We cannot deal with that flood directly.

Instead, the brain uses a model of the world. Take vision as an example. You are not passively receiving information on some “television screen” in your head. You are actively constructing perception. What you see is not raw input—it is your brain’s best model of reality, assembled from incomplete and uncertain information.

We know that perception is a model of the world—a simulation that takes place inside the brain. For example, if you fix your eyes on one point in the center of your visual field, the edges of your vision look full of color. But this cannot be raw input, because the periphery of your retina lacks the receptors for color vision. The brain is filling in the gaps, creating a simulation. That model is what you perceive.

In the context of the “fog of war,” this means the model can be fooled or tricked. It must also constantly manage uncertainty. The model is controlled in two ways. First, it is anchored to reality through sensory input—your eyes, ears, and so on. Second, it is anchored by expectations about the world. For example, you expect a face to have two eyes, a nose, and a mouth. These anchors keep the model from collapsing into random hallucinations.

Still, the model is always an approximation, always one take on reality, never a perfect representation. Uncertainty is built in. And beyond perception, other brain systems—such as motivation, reward, and moral emotions—shape how we trust, cooperate, and respond to conflict.

Jacobsen: That brings me to status and dominance cues, as well as material incentives. How do moral emotions play into those dynamics? For instance, if there is a dominance-based conflict with potential for escalation, but a moral emotion—say, the sense of unfairness—enters the equation, can it buffer against the drive for dominance? Can moral emotions reduce conflict or support the role of a third-party intermediary, such as peacekeeping forces, to de-escalate tensions?

Wright: That is a crucial point. Just as your perceptual model simulates the world, your brain also runs models for emotions. These models help regulate how we interpret fairness, unfairness, and cooperation. They can serve as buffers against escalation by introducing constraints that are not purely material or status-based. In other words, moral emotions can redirect or soften conflict dynamics in ways that spreadsheets of costs and incentives alone cannot capture.

Rapid emotional responses, such as fear or anger, enable us to function in uncertain environments and respond appropriately. Without fear, for example, we would get into serious trouble; we need it to cope with rapidly changing conditions. The same applies to social motivations, such as the visceral rejection of unfairness. That instinct wells up inside us when we or those we care about are treated unjustly.

At the same time, we have other systems for planning. We can create forward-looking models of the world, projecting into the future in ways similar to planning moves in a chess game. In reality, the brain holds many different models, and these models work together like an orchestra. Fear might be the percussion, beating insistently in the background. Models of other people’s intentions—whether to cooperate or compete—might be the violins. Each system contributes its part.

Together they produce the “symphony” of life. Sometimes one section dominates, while at other times another does, but overall, they must remain coordinated. At the highest level, this orchestra is conducted by the frontal pole—the region just behind the forehead. That area allows us to reflect on our own thinking: to assess certainty, to build a model of ourselves. It helps keep the orchestra in balance.

Jacobsen: What about senses of identity? Not necessarily religious, political, or ethnic identity in detail, but how do these feed into the brain’s mechanisms of in-group and out-group formation, the functions of bonding, and the tools of dehumanization in politics?

Wright: Humans can create groups far larger than those of any other primate. Chimpanzees, for instance, can manage groups of several hundred individuals. Humans, by contrast, can sustain groups numbering in the thousands, such as a tribe, or even in the billions, as with modern nations like China or India. The question is: how do humans form and maintain groups on such a remarkable scale?

This is a kind of social alchemy. In the Middle Ages, alchemists tried to turn base metals into gold. What humans do is something more powerful: we create coherent groups—groups stable enough to work together toward shared goals, providing security and cooperation on scales no other primate can match.

How do we achieve this? Through what I would call an identity–culture spiral. Individuals form identities—answering the question “Who am I?”—and those identities are reinforced and made consistent through culture. At the same time, individuals shape culture. Together, this spiral enables the emergence of large, coherent groups.

When discussing identity in the brain, there are several layers. First, there is the embodied self—the sense of being a human body, looking out from behind your eyes. Second, there is the narrative self—the story we construct about where we came from and where we are going. This narrative can be profoundly reshaped.

After World War II, for example, many Germans who had been active Nazis had to rewrite their identities using earlier parts of their lives to reconstruct themselves as citizens of a new West Germany, now conservative members of a democratic society.

A third layer is the social self, which involves belonging to a particular group. That might be a military unit, a social club, or a sports team. This identity tells you who you are by teaching you the rules of your group. Yankees fans, for example, wear certain clothes, use certain expressions, and care about particular things. At the same time, it defines the out-groups—those you expect to learn less from and often to compete against.

The embodied self, the narrative self, and the social self all work together to help us answer the central question: Who am I? That, in turn, is what enables humans to perform this remarkable social alchemy—creating coherent groups on a vast scale. Through the creation of shared identities and cultures, we form coherent groups. Those groups enable us to be the thinking, cooperative animals that we are.

Jacobsen: These dynamics seem less relevant to those in the Navy or Air Force, and more critical for soldiers on the ground. You’ve written about the experiences of American and Chinese soldiers, particularly how leadership and morale factor into this. I’m not speaking of propaganda or rallying cries, but of how proper leadership can inspire individuals to override the amygdala’s primary fear response and instead make secondary or tertiary responses in the midst of combat, or even in anticipation of battle.

Wright: That can be reframed as the question: why do humans stand and fight instead of running away? In many situations, the more natural response would be flight. So why stand and fight? In my book, I look at examples such as the Chinese troops in World War II. During the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, large numbers of Chinese soldiers stood their ground against the Japanese invasion.

Part of this comes down to overcoming fear responses—not eliminating them, but controlling and harnessing them. Fear is valid if appropriately trained. Good training can transform fear, which might otherwise lead to panic and retreat, into a channeled response that enables soldiers to fight effectively.

Leadership is always central. Humans inevitably generate leaders because we are animals that form large groups through what I described as the identity–culture spiral, or social alchemy. Within these groups, leadership emerges, and people follow. This is built into how our brains operate.

Consider Admiral Horatio Nelson, the greatest naval commander of the age of sail. Contemporary accounts said he “infused his spirit” into his men. This meant he could create a model of the world and communicate it to others, enabling them to achieve things they could not have accomplished on their own. Leaders assume responsibility for others, communicate a clear vision, and provide their followers with a sense of purpose.

People follow leaders for two key reasons: dominance and prestige. Some follow those who are stronger. Others follow because of prestige—the recognition that a leader has knowledge or skills worth learning from. Humans are not especially strong compared to chimpanzees, but our survival depends on learning from others. That means prestige-based leadership is crucial.

So, there will always be leaders and followers. With practical training and capable leadership, those leaders can inspire people to stand and fight even in the face of overwhelming fear.

Jacobsen: Freedom House has noted that democratic and autocratic tendencies exist on a spectrum, shifting over decades. They do not simply label countries as “democratic” or “autocratic,” but instead chart where societies fall along that spectrum. Over the past decade, their data shows a decline in democratic tendencies worldwide. This raises a concern: neurostrategy could be used by actors with constrictive aims, limiting human possibilities, or by those with expansive aims, enhancing them. In terms of balancing neuroscience, security policy, and ethics, what are the red lines? How do we prevent manipulation of citizens while still enhancing human security?

Wright: You’re right that over the last fifteen years, many indicators show a reduction in democracy across several countries. But if you take the longer view, democracy has always advanced in waves. In the early nineteenth century, democracies emerged, then receded. After World War I, there was a rise in democratic states, followed by a collapse during the rise of Nazi Germany and other authoritarian regimes. In the 1980s, a surge in democracies occurred. We are currently living through what some call a “democratic recession.”

So, yes, I agree that over the past fifteen years we’ve seen a reduction in democracy in many parts of the world. The question, as you’ve framed it, is about red lines—how to use knowledge responsibly, particularly from neuroscience and security policy, without violating human rights.

I’m cautiously optimistic. While we are in a democratic recession, history shows that societies can reverse such trends when they make good choices. We’ve done it before. If we prioritize freedom and democratic values, we can expand them again. The red lines, then, involve ensuring that any use of neuroscience or security policy strengthens human security and freedom, rather than constraining or manipulating citizens.

Jacobsen: So let’s return to red lines. I mean specifically: with a broader neuro-based strategy, how should we set boundaries to ensure that knowledge is used to enhance human security rather than to manipulate citizens?

Wright: Take information operations, for example. These efforts involve influencing how people make decisions. In democratic societies—such as Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom—we must be cautious. These governments already have powerful bureaucracies capable of influencing others, but the key red line is to keep those capabilities focused externally rather than internally. In other words, we should avoid turning those tools inward against our own citizens.

Another point: while China and Russia invest heavily in information operations designed to influence our societies, the bigger danger comes from within. If our democracies are going to weaken, it will not primarily be because of what they do—it will be because of the internal problems we create ourselves. The way we manage our own societies matters far more than foreign influence campaigns.

Jacobsen: Let’s close with something forward-looking. Suppose a minister or general reads Warhead and becomes interested. What policy changes should they make first? And once those policies are in place, how should success be measured reliably and validly over time?

Wright: That’s a great question. For policymakers today, success is about building societies that can thrive over the long haul. We are in an extended era of strategic competition, and winning that era is not about short-term battles. It’s about decades of resilience. To do that, we need to avoid losing in three critical ways…

There’s no simple answer about which of these three we must prioritize—we must avoid losing in all of them. First, we must avoid losing a conventional war, such as one over Taiwan. That is now a real possibility; the West could lose such a conflict. To prevent that, we need to harness our understanding of how the brain works. So we can, for instance, seize the initiative of surprise, cultivate superior will to fight, and manipulate adversaries’ perceptions better than they manipulate ours.

Second, we must avoid losing domestically. Our societies could decay from within. To counter this, we need to ensure our societies remain healthy. This means preventing information operations from being directed inward, against our own citizens, and recognizing that the flourishing of our societies is ultimately more important than anything attempted by external actors, such as China or Russia.

Third, we must avoid losing in a nuclear war. It does not matter how many casualties the other side suffers; if tens of millions of Americans, British, or Canadians die in a nuclear exchange, then we have lost. We need nuclear weapons to deter others–and the goal must be to prevent atomic war.

I am optimistic that greater self-knowledge—understanding ourselves as humans with brains that work in predictable ways—can help us navigate all three of these existential risks. If we do that, I am confident we can endure and thrive in this new era of competition.

Jacobsen: Nick, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Wright: Brilliant, excellent. Thank you so much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Hillel Neuer’s Lone Rebuttal of Gaza Famine Evidence

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/08

How does UN Watch executive director Hillel Neuer’s dismissal of the UN-backed IPC famine findings in Gaza compare with the broad consensus of WHO, UNICEF, FAO, WFP, and major humanitarian groups that have affirmed famine conditions since August?

Short answer: it’s an outlier—at odds with what field agencies, epidemiologists, and frontline responders describe.

Appearing on Sky News, Neuer rejected the famine designation outright. “No, this is a fabricated report,” he said. “Let’s be clear, there is suffering in Gaza. There are problems with humanitarian needs, but there is not famine. There are objective measures and standards that are used normally to determine if there’s famine, and in this report, it was motivated, politically motivated, to fabricate a finding of famine.” He added a broader charge: “These are Hamas claims laundered by a UN-backed report,” implying the process and the authors were compromised.

Those accusations raise testable questions. Is Gaza in famine under the IPC’s technical thresholds? Was the analysis objective and conducted in good faith? Are the findings independent—or, as Neuer alleges, “Hamas-influenced”? And where does the balance of external evidence land: with Neuer’s critique, or with the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), the multi-agency system for assessing food-insecurity severity?

The IPC reported that famine thresholds had been met in the Gaza Governorate as of August 15. By late September 2025, its models projected famine conditions expanding southward to Deir al-Balah and Khan Younis.

The scale was stark: more than half a million people in Catastrophe (IPC Phase 5), 1.07 million in Emergency (IPC Phase 4), and roughly 396,000 in Crisis (IPC Phase 3), with numbers expected to rise by the end of September.

Child and maternal malnutrition projections were equally grim through June 2026: an estimated 132,000 children under five facing acute malnutrition, about 41,000 of them severely so; alongside roughly 55,500 pregnant and breastfeeding women needing urgent nutrition support.

The IPC also recorded non-trauma mortality at famine levels in the Gaza Governorate. Conditions in North Gaza were assessed as likely severe or worse, though gaps in data prevented a definitive phase classification. Rafah was excluded because of depopulation. Given the collapse of surveillance systems, these totals may understate the true toll.

Why Conditions Deteriorated

Multiple drivers converged: escalating conflict and mass displacement; a collapse in humanitarian food deliveries from March to April; steep declines in local production; aid interceptions; and spiraling prices. At the same time, water and sanitation deteriorated, disease outbreaks multiplied, and monitoring systems buckled—conditions that can obscure the real number of non-trauma deaths. Against that backdrop, the IPC urged immediate, large-scale, unobstructed multi-sector assistance and an immediate ceasefire.

If Neuer’s account were correct, one would expect meaningful dissent from technical bodies and frontline responders. Instead, the opposite has happened. The World Health Organization, UNICEF, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and the World Food Programme have aligned with the IPC’s findings. So have major humanitarian and medical organizations, including the International Rescue Committee, the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, The Lancet, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, Médecins Sans Frontières, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the Famine Early Warning Systems Network, and the British Red Cross.

The only formal rebuttal has come from the Government of Israel. No comparable international organization has produced a technical counter-assessment that displaces the IPC analysis or the agency consensus around it.

Neuer’s rejoinder hinges on motive: that the famine designation is “fabricated,” “politically motivated,” and the product of tainted authorship. Those allegations are not supported by independent evidence, nor do they square with the convergence of public-health and humanitarian institutions that often disagree on policy but not on famine thresholds. The more plausible reading is not that the IPC invented famine where none exists, but that its determination follows the available indicators: mortality, malnutrition, and the collapse of essential systems that, together, meet the criteria.

“There is no famine,” Neuer maintains. The preponderance of evidence points the other way. On method, on data, and on corroboration across agencies, he is isolated not because of anti-Israeli bias but because the record contradicts him: Gaza meets famine criteria, and relief must be immediate and unhindered.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Holographic Universe According to Dr. Fabiano F. Santos

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/10/06

Fabiano F. Santos is a Brazilian theoretical physicist whose research focuses on modified gravity, holography, and black hole physics. He is based at UEMASUL in Imperatriz and earned his Ph.D. in Physics from the Federal University of Paraíba in 2020. Santos investigates how Horndeski scalar–tensor extensions of general relativity alter the behavior of black holes, braneworlds, and boundary conformal field theories. His research spans topics such as AdS/BCFT correspondence, holographic entanglement entropy, complexity, transport coefficients, and Lifshitz black branes. Widely cited, his publications explore quantum information, thermodynamics, and condensed-matter analogs within the framework of general relativity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is Horndeski gravity in plain language?

Fabiano F. Santos: Horndeski gravity is a theory of gravity that extends Einstein’s general relativity by incorporating additional terms into the equations, enabling more intricate interactions between gravity and matter. It’s often used to explore how gravity behaves in extreme conditions, like near black holes or in the early universe.

Jacobsen: What problem does your research try to solve?

Santos: The research aims to understand how gravity, quantum mechanics, and thermodynamics interact in extreme environments, like black holes or the early universe, and to explore how these insights can help explain the fundamental laws of nature.

Jacobsen: Why use black holes to study the physics of materials?

Santos: Black holes are like “natural laboratories” for testing extreme physics. Using a principle called holography, we can study how black holes behave and use that knowledge to model the behavior of materials, especially those with complex quantum properties, such as superconductors or strange metals.

Jacobsen: What is AdS/BCFT?

Santos: AdS/BCFT (Anti-de Sitter/Boundary Conformal Field Theory) is a framework in theoretical physics that connects gravity in a curved spacetime (AdS) to quantum systems on the boundary of that spacetime. It’s a tool for studying how quantum systems behave when they have boundaries or edges.

Jacobsen: What is the key new insight from your AdS/BCFT research?

Santos: The research demonstrates how boundaries in quantum systems can impact their overall behavior, offering new approaches to modeling edge effects in materials or quantum systems using gravity.

Jacobsen: What is the shear viscosity in these models?

Santos: Shear viscosity measures how easily a fluid flows when a force is applied to it. In these models, it’s calculated using holography and often reveals universal properties of quantum fluids, like the ratio of viscosity to entropy density.

Jacobsen: When does the KSS bound fail in your results?

Santos: The KSS bound, which sets a lower limit on the ratio of viscosity to entropy density, can fail in systems with strong quantum effects or in theories with modified gravity, like Horndeski gravity.

Jacobsen: What does a “probe string” measure physically?

Santos: A probe string is a tool in holography that measures how particles or forces behave in a quantum system, like how charges move in a material or how forces act between particles.

Jacobsen: What do Lifshitz spacetimes let you test?

Santos: Lifshitz spacetimes enable the study of systems where time and space behave differently, which is helpful for modeling materials with unusual quantum properties, such as those near quantum critical points.

Jacobsen: How do Horndeski terms change black hole thermodynamics?

Santos: Horndeski terms modify the equations governing black holes, leading to changes in their temperature, entropy, and how they radiate energy, which can reveal new physics beyond Einstein’s theory.

Jacobsen: What real-world signals could test predictions?

Santos: Signals like gravitational waves, black hole shadows, or unusual patterns in cosmic radiation could test predictions from these models. In materials, experiments on quantum systems might reveal similar effects.

Jacobsen: How does entanglement entropy help “see” inside black holes?

Santos: Entanglement entropy measures the amount of quantum information shared between different parts of a system. In black holes, it helps us understand how information is stored and processed, offering clues about their internal structure.

Jacobsen: What does “holographic complexity” measure?

Santos: Holographic complexity measures how difficult it is to reconstruct the quantum state of a system, such as a black hole, using the smallest possible set of instructions. It’s a way to quantify the “computational difficulty” of a system.

Jacobsen: How do your models produce ferromagnetism or paramagnetism?

Santos: By introducing specific fields or interactions in the holographic models, the system can mimic the behavior of magnetic materials, showing how spins align (ferromagnetism) or respond to external fields (paramagnetism).

Jacobsen: What is a geometric Josephson junction?

Santos: A geometric Josephson junction is a theoretical model in which two quantum systems are connected by a “bridge” in spacetime, allowing quantum effects such as tunneling to occur, similar to how real Josephson junctions function in superconductors.

Jacobsen: Why study domain walls and thick branes?

Santos: Domain walls and thick branes are structures that separate different regions in spacetime or materials. Studying them helps us understand phase transitions, like how materials change from one state to another (e.g., solid to liquid).

Jacobsen: Which result is most ready for experimental checks?

Santos: The predictions about shear viscosity and the KSS bound could be tested in experiments on quantum fluids or ultracold atoms, which mimic the conditions described by the models.

Jacobsen: What is the most complex technical challenge now?

Santos: The most challenging aspect is solving the complex equations in these models, especially when incorporating effects such as Horndeski terms or Lifshitz spacetimes, which necessitate advanced numerical techniques.

Jacobsen: Which collaboration most influenced this line of research?

Santos: Collaborations between string theorists, condensed matter physicists, and gravitational physicists have been the most influential, as they bring together expertise from different fields to tackle these problems.

Jacobsen: What is the one-sentence takeaway you give to non-physicists?

Santos: We utilize black holes and gravity as tools to understand the intricate and beautiful workings of the universe, from the tiniest particles to the largest cosmic structures.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Fabiano.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

A Non-Algorithmic Blueprint for a Final Theory

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/29

Mir Faizal, Lawrence M. Krauss, Arshid Shabir, and Francesco Marino have a new paper in the Journal of Holography Applications in Physics proposing not a Theory of Everything (ToE) but a scaffold for one—a way to think about what a “final theory” must look like. The pitch is modest and radical at once: don’t assume spacetime; make it.

The paper outlines constraints and expectations for any ultimate framework that could generate, rather than merely presuppose, the fabric of reality. (To be clear: this is not itself a ToE or a Grand Unified Theory. It’s a blueprint for the possible structure of a final theory.)

In that blueprint, spacetime and quantum fields are not fundamental ingredients; they are emergent phenomena produced by deeper rules. How deep those rules run—and which candidate theory best instantiates them—remains an open question. But the starting assumption is crisp: treat quantum gravity as the basal layer from which both spacetime and fields arise.

From there, the authors make a bracing move. They reject John Wheeler’s “It from Bit”—the idea that the universe is, at bottom, pure computation. That dismissal doesn’t just tweak one philosophical slogan; it challenges a whole family of frameworks that try to make computation foundational. If the universe’s ground floor isn’t algorithmic, then many simulation-flavored pictures of reality are in trouble.

The authors instead insist that any viable quantum-gravity theory can be cast as an effectively axiomatized formal system: a recursively enumerable set of axioms with computable inference rules. Within that system, spacetime and fields are derived constructs. And because the proposal interfaces with the classic results of Gödel, Tarski, and Chaitin, it carries a striking meta-mathematical moral.

Gödel showed that any consistent formal system rich enough for arithmetic contains true statements unprovable within that system. Tarski showed that a system cannot internally define its own truth predicate; “truth” requires a metalanguage. Chaitin demonstrated that some mathematical facts are true for reasons too complex to be compressed into proofs. Together, these results sketch a boundary: algorithms can systematize much, but not all, of mathematical—and by analogy, physical—truth.

If a prospective ToE is formal, consistent, and arithmetically expressive, then Gödel-Tarski-Chaitin implies it cannot capture every truth via computation alone. The authors’ response is to build in an “external” truth predicate—an explicit acknowledgment that some truths outrun the computable core. That move yields a layered explanatory stack: a non-algorithmic stratum that licenses truth, a computable layer where quantum-gravity laws operate, and, on top, emergent spacetime and matter.

Science, in this vision, doesn’t abandon computation; it subordinates it. The first step—grounding truth—cannot be reduced to algorithms, but once granted, it enables algorithmic physics to run. And because simulations are, by definition, algorithmic, a universe rooted in a non-algorithmic layer is not itself a simulation. The paper leaves aside exotic “hypercomputation,” focusing instead on what current logic already tells us: any all-encompassing formalism needs a vantage point beyond its own rules.

The bet here is philosophical but testable in spirit. If the deepest theory makes spacetime and fields emerge from rules that are not purely computational, then certain expectations follow—for example, constraints on what an ultimate algorithmic description could predict or compress. The authors are not claiming victory for a final theory; they’re trying to set the playing field. Sometimes, to finish the puzzle, you first have to redraw the border of the box.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Why Survivors Say the Templeton Prize Got Bartholomew Wrong

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/23

The John Templeton Foundation’s decision to award its 2025 Prize to Bartholomew I of Constantinople, the current Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, has reopened a wound that many Orthodox survivors say never properly healed. They credit the patriarch’s long record of environmental stewardship. What they cannot forgive, they argue, is his silence on clergy sexual abuse—and the absence of meaningful accountability across Orthodox jurisdictions.

Over the past six months, survivors and advocates sent individual letters to Templeton leadership acknowledging Bartholomew’s “green patriarch” reputation while urging the foundation to grapple with what they describe as a glaring omission: a failure to speak forthrightly about abuse, including cases they have raised directly with him.

“I have repeatedly written to Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew—as the highest spiritual authority in the Orthodox Church—imploring him to acknowledge and respond to the suffering of the victims and take action,” wrote Bojan Jovanović, General Secretary of the Union of Christians of Croatia. “To this day, no response has ever been received.”

“Every institution that claims moral leadership must prove it where it matters most: protecting people,” added Sally Zakhari, Executive Director of Coptic Survivor. “There is no lasting climate justice without justice for survivors—safety is the first duty.”

The letter-writing campaign began in April, shortly after the prize announcement. Correspondents—survivors and advocates alike—documented repeated appeals to the Ecumenical Patriarch to address clergy-perpetrated sexual abuse. Collectively, they asked Templeton to recognize how its celebration of Bartholomew reverberates among those still seeking recognition and redress.

The Prize and Its Complications

Templeton’s laureate roster pairs scientific luminaries and humanitarians—such as Francis Collins and Jane Goodall—with figures whose legacies have since been shadowed by misconduct. Jean Vanier, the L’Arche founder, was posthumously found to have sexually abused and manipulated multiple women over decades, including assistants and nuns, according to an independent report. Former Dominican priest and evolutionary biologist Francisco Ayala faced sexual harassment allegations. Templeton has updated its website to say it was “appalled and saddened” by the findings in Vanier’s case and has noted the accusations involving Ayala.

For advocates, that history underscores a simple point: moral leadership cannot be compartmentalized. “There can be no true climate justice without social justice. The environment includes human beings,” says neuroscientist and Prosopon Healing co-founder Hermina Nedelescu. “It is deeply troubling that Patriarch Bartholomew is celebrated for his environmental leadership while disregarding the men, women, and children who experience clergy-perpetrated sexual abuse and endure trauma under his spiritual authority.”

Prosopon Healing has assembled a public database of reported abuse in Orthodoxy, modeled after the Academic Sexual Misconduct Database and building on Pokrov.org’s earlier work. Even so, the picture remains partial: to the group’s knowledge, no Orthodox jurisdiction publishes comprehensive, verified lists of credibly accused clergy. By contrast, many Roman Catholic dioceses in the United States now do so as a baseline step toward transparency.

Melanie Sakoda, president of the board of Coptic Survivor, echoed the concern in her own letter: “I believe awarding the Templeton Prize to a leader who has failed to speak out on this crucial issue was extremely short-sighted of the Foundation. To me, it calls into question Templeton’s moral credibility when it ignores the plight of victims who are still waiting to receive both help and justice.”

The Inward Test of Outward Witness

Christian institutions have long confronted the tension between public witness and internal reckoning. Templeton’s own press release highlighted Bartholomew’s collaboration with Pope Francis and the former Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, on a joint message urging care for creation. Yet survivors note the cognitive dissonance: outward leadership on planetary ethics paired with quietude regarding the church’s internal harms. (As they point out, other Communions have faced their own reckonings, including high-profile departures tied to mishandled abuse complaints.)

Advocates do not pretend that Bartholomew can command a single, uniform policy across Orthodoxy. The Patriarch of Constantinople is “first among equals” in a decentralized communion whose jurisdictions enjoy broad self-governance. But they insist that his voice still carries decisive moral weight. Even a public call to confront abuse, they argue, would signal that denial and minimization are no longer acceptable.

One basic step, they say, is to face the scope of the problem openly. Among the Orthodox faithful, a common misconception persists: that because priests marry, child sexual abuse is rare. Experts counter that most child sexual abuse is committed by men who are otherwise in adult relationships. Dismantling myths is part of protecting both children and adults.

“Support from the Ecumenical Patriarch, rather than silence, could help complete this picture,” Sakoda wrote. “It is shameful that Patriarch Bartholomew has used his voice to champion environmental issues, where his power is limited, but has remained silent on clergy sexual abuse within Orthodoxy—where his views could be a beacon for reform.”

What Survivors Are Asking For

The coalition’s requests are concrete and, they argue, achievable: a clear public statement acknowledging clergy-perpetrated abuse, a safe and independent venue for reporting and investigating allegations, and transparent, credible accountability measures. These steps do not require a papal-style central authority; they require leadership.

Advocates acknowledge that a 2020 document from a special commission of Orthodox scholars—appointed by Bartholomew—nodded to the reality of abuse in Orthodox communities. But the report, they say, stopped short of naming clergy-perpetrated abuse directly and ignored the widespread problem of adult victims. For those who have reached out personally—among them John Metsopoulos, Dr. Nedelescu’s husband, Kevin Hunt, and the aforementioned Jovanović—the silence has been especially searing.

Hence, their renewed appeal to Templeton: recognize the suffering of Orthodox survivors and the costs of celebrating a leader who has not yet publicly met this moment. An anonymous survivor put it plainly in a letter to the foundation: “I do not ask for vengeance. I ask for recognition. By listening to survivors, the John Templeton Foundation has the opportunity to send a powerful message: that true greatness includes honesty, justice, and protection of the vulnerable.”

Editor’s note: This article reflects correspondence from survivors and advocates who argue that moral authority on global challenges must be matched by accountability at home. Environmental stewardship and survivor justice, they insist, are not competing causes—they are indivisible.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Two-State Shift Moves to Street Level

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/11

On September 21, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia—and then Portugal—formally recognized the State of Palestine on terms analogous to their recognition of the State of Israel. The diplomatic center of gravity continues to tilt toward a UN-anchored two-state framework.

A majority of UN member states already accept Palestinian statehood; as recently as September 12, the General Assembly condemned Hamas by a vote of 142–10, with 12 abstentions, underscoring that most capitals now separate the question of Palestinian representation from the actions of Hamas. In recent months, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Malta, Slovenia, and Mexico joined the roster of states extending recognition. Depending on the count, between 147 and 151 of the UN’s 193 members now recognize Palestine—a supermajority that pushes long-running trends into a more explicit, two-state direction.

That trajectory has legal markers. Palestine joined UNESCO in 2011, acceded to the International Criminal Court in 2015, and saw the Rome Statute enter into force later that year. In diplomatic practice, “two-state” generally references the 1967 lines—West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza—and, as recognition spreads, missions are upgraded from delegations to embassies headed by Palestinian representatives. Most governments still emphasize the PLO as the relevant national interlocutor, even as they condemn Hamas.

Institutionally, the UN edged closer to normalization in 2024 by expanding Palestinian participation rights in the General Assembly and deeming Palestine “qualified” for full UN membership—short of conferring it. Under the Charter, admission still requires Security Council approval, which the United States can veto and, so far, has. The American blockade is therefore the structural brake on full UN membership.

Even so, expanded rights create practical questions: if Palestine remains a non-member observer state—like the Holy See—yet with broadened privileges, what does its representation look like on the ground? One obvious model is the consular architecture states use to project influence. There are two basic types of consuls. Consuls General lead standing offices and handle high-volume political, economic, and citizen services. Honorary consuls are prominent private citizens who represent a state’s interests part-time, typically where a full mission isn’t justified.

Israel’s global consular map provides a clear template for how a state organizes reach well beyond its embassies:

Asia: In China, Consuls General Gadi Harpaz (Chengdu), Alex Goldman Shayman (Guangzhou), Amir Lati (Hong Kong), and Ravit Baer (Shanghai) anchor a dense network. India hosts Orli Weitzman (Bengaluru) and Kobbi Shoshani (Mumbai). In Turkey, Rami Hatan serves in Istanbul; in the United Arab Emirates, Liron Zaslansky is posted in Dubai.

Europe: Israel relies on both career and honorary appointments: Adamos A. Varnava (Honorary Consul, Nicosia), Leon Glikman (Honorary Consul, Tallinn), Talya Lador-Fresher (Consul General, Munich), Olga Slov (Consul General, Saint Petersburg), Oleg Vyshniakov (Honorary Consul, Lviv), and Stanley Lovatt (Honorary Consul, Glasgow).

North America: Canada hosts Eliaz Luf (Montréal) and Idit Shamir (Toronto). Mexico relies on honorary posts—Edoardo Gurgo Salice (Cancún), Marcos Shemaria Zlotorynski (Guadalajara), Miguel Otto Schwarz (Monterrey), Gregorio Goldstein Isaacson (Tijuana). In the United States, Consuls General include Eitan Weiss (Atlanta), Benny Sharoni (Boston), Yinam Cohen (Chicago), Livia Link-Raviv (Houston), Israel Bachar (Los Angeles), Maor Elbaz-Starinsky (Miami), Ofir Akunis (New York), and Marco Sermoneta (San Francisco).

South America, Africa, Caribbean: Rafael Erdreich (Consul General, São Paulo) anchors Brazil; Robert Stravens serves as Honorary Consul in Victoria, Seychelles; Flora Gunn is Honorary Consul in Kingstown, St. Vincent and the Grenadines.

The point is not the names but the infrastructure. Israel established its first consulate abroad in New York in 1948, with Arthur Lourie as inaugural Consul General—an early recognition that consular work can mobilize political support, trade, and diaspora ties at scale. Honorary consuls were layered on later, often in smaller European and Latin American states, to extend cultural outreach and commercial linkages without the cost of a full mission.

By contrast, the Palestinian consular presence remains thin—reflecting its constrained status, even as recognition spreads. Limited Consuls General are operating in key regional states: Egypt (Wafiq Abu Sidu), Iraq’s Kurdistan Region (Mahr Karaki), Saudi Arabia (Mahmoud Yahya Al-Asadi), Turkey (Hanaa Abu Ramadan), and the United Arab Emirates (Mohammad As’ad). The gap between diplomatic recognition on paper and representation in practice remains wide.

Which raises the real question embedded in this month’s recognitions: if momentum holds—without prejudging final borders—who will be Palestine’s “Arthur Lourie,” the first Consul General whose office becomes a hub of political, economic, and civic mobilization? Even with fast-tracked recognition, building a global consular footprint is a generational project. Israel’s took nearly eight decades; a fully regularized Palestinian network would require not just UN membership but the slow, unspectacular work of opening offices, accrediting envoys, cultivating diaspora leaders, and servicing citizens—step by step, city by city.

The two-state “frame” has moved from aspiration to administrative detail: votes tallied, statutes entered into force, missions upgraded, consuls appointed. Recognition is the headline. Representation is the workload that follows.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Why White Christian Nationalists Hijacked Trump’s Bureaucracy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/13

Steven Emmert is an experienced nonprofit executive dedicated to policy reform, advocacy, and healthcare equity. As the Executive Director of the Secular Coalition for America, he champions expanding secular voices in public policy. He fights against the rise of Christian nationalism. With a background in health access advocacy, Steven has worked with Planned Parenthood affiliates across the U.S., influencing legislation in eight states and on Capitol Hill. He is deeply committed to maintaining the separation of church and state as a foundation for democracy.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s focus on two officials in President Trump’s administration who, regardless of personal practice, align with a politics commonly labeled Christian nationalism. Whether or not they actively observe the faith is less important than the agenda they champion.

By most measures, Americans opposed these nominations; nevertheless, they now shape policy from within. From your vantage point at the Secular Coalition for America—an umbrella network representing prominent humanist, atheist, and other secular organizations across the United States—why did the SCA formally oppose Russell Vought’s nomination to serve as Director of the Office of Management and Budget, and what risks did you see for pluralism and effective governance?

Steven Emmert: The short answer is that we are familiar with his work.

Russell Vought is a vocal Christian nationalist who does not recognize the separation of church and state as a fundamental principle of the U.S. Constitution. As long as the religion in question aligns with his version of Christianity, he believes it is acceptable for church and state to intermingle.

From a legal perspective, as we have recently seen, the Impoundment Control Act of 1974 requires Congress to determine federal spending. Congress holds the power of the purse, meaning it decides how and where money is allocated, while the executive branch is responsible for faithfully executing those orders. Russell Vought has supported executive overreach in budget matters, advocating for the executive branch to exert more control over spending decisions, which is not how the system is designed. Such actions raise serious constitutional concerns.

Jacobsen: Is this related to the clause about the separation of powers for those who may not be aware?

Emmert: Yes. The issue was clarified in 1974 when President Richard Nixon attempted to withhold congressionally approved funds, leading to the passage of the Impoundment Control Act.

Jacobsen: And how did that end?

Emmert: Not well for Nixon. But he faced a Congress that was willing to stand up to him. They recognized that the three branches of government are coequal, and no single branch has unchecked authority over the others. This system was specifically designed to prevent what we are now witnessing with the Trump administration.

Jacobsen: And how does Russell Vought factor into this?

Emmert: He is not only supportive of this power shift but also played a significant role in shaping these policies at OMB.

Jacobsen: In practical terms, how does the U.S. Constitution create a secular state? Many of our readers will know the answer, but it’s always helpful to revisit first principles for those who don’t yet have them front of mind.

Emmert: The first line of the Bill of Rights declares, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” That clause continues throughout the document, reinforcing the separation of church and state.

Religion and God are mentioned only twice in the U.S. Constitution—once to affirm that there will be no religious test for any elected official. The principle of separation of church and state was established by the Founding Fathers from the very beginning.

Jacobsen: In Canada, recent data suggest that religious minorities—including the unaffiliated—may now form a numerical majority. In effect, everyone is a minority. If that tipping point occurred in the past year, how does the United States compare today? In your view, what do the current demographics reveal?

Emmert: One of the key reasons we are seeing Christian nationalists become so defensive in their posturing and so aggressive in their political maneuvering is that Christian identification in the U.S. is in decline. Not that long ago, over 80% of Americans identified as Christian. That number has now dropped to 63%, while those reporting no religious affiliation have climbed to 30%.

Christian nationalists recognize that demographics are not in their favour, and they are doing everything they can to maintain the power they still hold and to expand it.

Jacobsen: What was Russell Vought’s role in Project 2025?

Emmert: He played a significant role in shaping it. He wrote much of the White House section, focusing on the structure and function of the executive branch. Beyond that, he was also one of the project’s co-creators, coordinating the various authors and organizations that contributed to its 900-page blueprint for a second Trump administration.

What is particularly alarming is how much of that plan has already been implemented.

Jacobsen: What is the scope of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)?

Emmert: OMB is generally a bureaucratic agency that does not get much media attention. Its primary function is budgetary oversight—analyzing numbers and ensuring federal agencies follow financial guidelines. Historically, OMB would only make the news when the president released a budget proposal to Congress since the office is responsible for drafting the financial blueprint that reflects the administration’s priorities.

However, OMB plays a far more aggressive and politicized role in the current administration. Instead of just managing budgets, they now decide who gets paid and who does not, which is illegal. It will directly impact anyone with a government contract, those who rely on federal assistance, and any business or institution that deals with the federal government.

Every day could bring a new financial or legal disruption, depending on their discretionary actions.

Jacobsen: What do we see regarding Christian nationalism being used as both a bulwark and an attack on the principles of a pluralistic society?

Emmert: Christian nationalism could reshape daily life in countless ways. One of the most immediate concerns is how they intend to redefine immigration policies. Russell Vought has already openly advocated for changes that would limit eligibility for immigration and citizenship based on religious and cultural criteria.

This is just one example of how Christian nationalism could be weaponized to erode pluralism and exclude those who do not align with their ideological vision. The broader consequences extend into education, reproductive rights, LGBTQ+ protections, and voting laws—all areas where they seek to entrench their worldview at the expense of constitutional secularism.

And he said that immigration eligibility should depend on whether or not a person has accepted Israel’s God, biblical laws, and a specific understanding of history—essentially confirming that, under this framework, one could only immigrate to the United States if they were Christian.

That goes against every principle upon which the United States was founded. Yet, it is just one example of how their vision for the nation completely diverges from reality. The U.S. is a melting pot of cultures, traditions, and customs. Still, their policies seek to privilege Christians over all other faith traditions—and particularly over those with no religious affiliation.

One of the other major initiatives they advocate for is Schedule F, which would dramatically alter the federal civil service system. In the United States, federal employees are protected from political interference, allowing them to serve across multiple administrations based on expertise rather than political loyalty.

These individuals—many with decades of experience, specialized training, and high-level qualifications—are responsible for administering laws passed by Congress and signed by the president. Schedule F would eliminate these protections and reclassify up to 40,000 federal employees as political appointees, meaning their job security would depend entirely on whether they align with the ideology of the current administration.

This is already beginning to take effect. What we are losing in the federal workforce is experience and competence. In their place, we see positions filled based on political loyalty alone. The only qualification necessary seems to be fealty to the narrative that the 2020 election was stolen—or whatever new ideological litmus test they impose. Government positions are increasingly reserved for those willing to pledge loyalty to a specific ideological agenda.

Jacobsen: What about Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense? The principle of meritocracy—hiring based on ability and qualifications—is a laudable value in and of itself. However, what we are witnessing is not meritocracy.

Emmert: From my perspective, every day is a national embarrassment.

With Hegseth’s nomination, concerns were raised about his history of alcohol abuse, his treatment of his ex-wives, and his inability to manage small nonprofit organizations. But even if none of that were true, the fact remains: he is the least qualified person ever nominated for Secretary of Defense in U.S. history. And yet, the Senate confirmed him.

It is terrifying on many levels, particularly from a national security perspective. The Secretary of Defense is responsible for leading the Pentagon, managing the armed forces, and shaping U.S. military policy worldwide—and this role has been handed to someone with no experience in military strategy, governance, or defence leadership.

Then, we saw Tulsi Gabbard confirmed to lead U.S. intelligence agencies. Clearly, competence is not a priority in these appointments.

Jacobsen: Can you touch on Hegseth’s rhetoric about historical religious conflicts, such as the Crusades?

Emmert: His language is deeply alarming. He has openly framed Western civilization in terms of religious warfare, even stating, “If you believe in Western civilization, think like a crusader.”

You have to chuckle so you do not cry because this is the mindset we are dealing with—Christian nationalism is framed as the key to national success. But in reality, it is simply a strategy to consolidate power among those who already hold it.

Jacobsen: I’m struck by how many Americans are mobilizing against these developments—people from varied backgrounds, ages, and perspectives joining in protest and activism—which is heartening. From your vantage point, what response are you observing to figures like Pete Hegseth, Russell Vought, and others, on the ground and online? Please answer broadly, capturing the wider mood.

Emmert: We are well aware that one of the major consequences of these appointments will be increased discrimination against nonreligious service members. This has been a persistent issue—whether in the fight to establish humanist chaplains on military bases or to protect non-Christian soldiers from religious discrimination. With Hegseth leading the Pentagon, we are likely to see multiple setbacks in our progress.

Jacobsen: What about women in the service? We have already seen anti-trans policies affecting enlisted personnel.

Emmert: Hegseth has made his position very clear. He may have said whatever was necessary during his Senate confirmation hearings, but his views are well known.

This is not just a moral issue but a national security concern. When internal ideological battles become the priority over actual defence strategy, it weakens military readiness and morale. Instead of focusing on external threats, there is a growing effort to purge the ranks based on ideological purity—whether regarding religion, gender identity, or political alignment. That should alarm everyone.

Jacobsen: What percentage of the military identifies as non-Christian?

Emmert: I do not know that exact number off the top of my head. I should look into it.

However, we do know that among the 30% of Americans who identify as nonreligious, the percentage is much higher among younger generations—well over 60%. Given that the armed forces are predominantly composed of younger recruits, it is reasonable to assume that the percentage of nonreligious service members is significantly higher than 30%.

Jacobsen: So, are the military’s demographic shifts likely even more pronounced?

Emmert: Correct. The younger generation of enlisted personnel is quite different from the older military leadership that currently sets policy.

Jacobsen: What else should I be asking?

Emmert: Well, one important question is how Christian nationalist rhetoric is shaping policy decisions, particularly how historical religious conflicts—such as the Crusades—are being invoked as a comparison to modern-day struggles.

Jacobsen: That gets to the heart of it. How widespread is this historical framing among people who openly identify as Christian nationalists—and among those who share the movement’s beliefs while avoiding the label, even if they won’t say so?

Emmert: Among the rank and file of people who identify as Christian nationalists, I do not think historical comparisons are very common. Most do not invoke the Crusades or other historical religious conflicts in their rhetoric.

However, we do see these references frequently among movement leaders and influencers—especially among figures like Hegseth, who has explicitly framed Western civilization as a modern crusade. This type of historical revisionism serves to justify aggressive political and military actions under the guise of religious and cultural preservation.

There seems to be a near-religious devotion to certain figures in leadership—perhaps worship is too strong a word. Still, there is a blind allegiance where whatever they say is accepted as absolute truth. Their followers will buy into whatever is being sold.

Jacobsen: Do you believe that Hegseth, during his time leading the Pentagon, will lead a nonpartisan, inclusive military overall?

Emmert: No.

His priority will be to target transgender soldiers. But once he succeeds, why would anyone assume it stops there?

Jacobsen: Are you receiving messages of fear and concern from secular service members?

Emmert: We had already heard about these issues before Hegseth took over the Pentagon. One of our member organizations is the Military Association of Atheists & Freethinkers (MAAF), and they see firsthand the challenges nonreligious soldiers face.

A soldier’s experience with religious discrimination depends largely on which base they are assigned to. If they are stationed at one base, they have relative freedom. But if they are reassigned, they could end up under leadership that actively promotes Christianity, refuses to allow non-Christian groups to gather, and pressures soldiers to conform to Christian ideals.

This has been happening for years, but under Hegseth, such behaviour is being encouraged rather than checked.

Jacobsen: Has Hegseth or Vought ever genuinely stood for anything that aligns with the broader goals of the Secular Coalition for America?

Emmert: That aligns with our goals. Not at all. One of the major things Vought did as Director of the Office of Management and Budget was to effectively shut down the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).

The CFPB was created after the Great Recession to protect consumers from predatory financial practices by banks and other financial institutions. Since its inception, the bureau has recovered over $80 billion for consumers who were victims of fraudulent banking practices.

Vought claimed that the CFPB was being “weaponized” against the financial industry and labelled it a “woke” agency. His solution? Dismantle it.

Rather than protecting victims of financial abuse, he framed predatory businesses as the victims. These very institutions exploited people for profit. This was just another example of how the administration shifted power away from ordinary Americans and toward corporate interests.

So now Vought has set up a tip line where people can call in and report alleged examples of politicization within the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). The sheer number of lies they are willing to spread is staggering.

Jacobsen: Is America being gaslit?

Emmert: Yes.

Jacobsen: Robert Reich—the former Labor Secretary and academic—argues that since 1980, roughly $50 trillion in wealth has shifted from the bottom 90 percent of Americans to the top 10. He traces the turn to Ronald Reagan’s supply-side revolution. Seen that way, it’s understandable why many voters feel the system is rigged; the impulse is to torch the status quo and try something new. That, I think, is what they heard from President Trump: the establishment failed you, and only radical change will do.

Yet voters did not intend a mandate to ease predatory banking, weaken worker-safety rules, or otherwise tilt policy toward corporate power. Those, however, are the initiatives moving forward, and the result is a government growing friendlier to big business while ordinary people lag.

Setting that observation aside, a concrete question: within the military and the federal machinery, what were the earliest direct moves against secular governance? Since this administration took office in late January, have there been specific actions—inside the services, executive agencies, or across the federal government—that illustrate that shift?

Emmert: One of the first significant policy shifts within the military was their targeting of transgender service members. Now, that issue concerns many secular people, but it is not explicitly a secular issue. However, one of the policies that directly impacts the secular community was the creation of a commission last week to investigate “anti-Christian bias” in federal agencies.

The problem is that their definition of “discrimination and bias” is not what normal people would consider discrimination or bias.

Jacobsen: Have they provided any definitions of what they mean?

Emmert: I have not seen any formal definitions yet. Honestly, the details don’t matter to them.

This is about headlines—about getting people to believe, “Oh my gosh, the federal government has an anti-Christian bias and has been discriminating against Christians!” It is the same old “War on Christmas” narrative.

This rhetoric feeds into that resentment and redirects frustration away from corporate greed and economic policies toward an imaginary culture war.

Jacobsen: Much of the foundational rhetoric that got them into power centered on taking legitimate economic grievances and redirecting anger and disillusionment toward already vulnerable populations. Legitimate concerns but directed at illegitimate targets.

Emmert: Yes. This is a silly anecdotal story, but it happened yesterday or the day before. There was a minor incident on my bus ride home—nothing that escalated too far, but I witnessed it.

The man sitting behind me—wearing a hard hat—apologized as I got off the bus and asked if I was okay. I assured him that I was fine. But as I stepped off, I half-jokingly said to him, “As with everything else, Sal, I blame Trump.”

I chuckled. But he responded, “Oh, no. No. No. Trump’s looking out for the little guy.” And he meant it. It was eye-opening. Here is someone who truly believes that even though the ultra-rich have amassed $250 billion since the last election alone.

Jacobsen: That is a failure of the Democrats’ messaging and policy.

Emmert: Yep.

Jacobsen: It is about being out of touch with working people. And yes, it is also about real, decades-long neoliberal economic policies that have hollowed out the working class.

Emmert: It is.

Jacobsen: Because I have worked in those jobs before. They are hard jobs. Some areas of specialized construction are all-consuming. People drink and smoke on job sites for a reason—because the work is grueling.

Emmert: No doubt. It is physically demanding and mentally exhausting. And those workers deserve a break. They also deserve a government that does not ignore them when financial services organizations scam them or when loan sharks are given free rein to set up shop in a strip mall.

Instead, the system is rigged against them, and they are told the real enemy is a trans person enlisting in the military or a highly educated woman getting a promotion instead of them. That is not the actual issue.

The real issue is that they are being screwed over by a government that prioritizes corporate profits over workers—and the pandemic only made that worse. But misdirection is the goal.

It is like a magician’s trick—they tell you to look over here while they steal from you.

“I am protecting your daughters from a trans swimmer in a high school meet.”

Meanwhile, they are robbing you blind and taking away your economic power. And it is working—wildly successfully.

Jacobsen: How are mobilization efforts going at the Secular Coalition for America?

Emmert: We are holding our annual Lobby Day on March 11, and we would love to have as many participants as possible join us here in Washington, D.C.

If you cannot attend in person, it would still be incredibly helpful if you could call or email your member of Congress—whether through their D.C. office or their local office—as well as both of your senators’ offices on that day to let them know that you support the separation of church and state.

It is more critical now than ever.

Jacobsen: Steven, thank you, as always.

Emmert: I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Misinformation, Leadership, and the Next Pandemic: Joanne Liu Explains

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/10

Dr. Joanne Liu has spent her career on the front lines of catastrophe. The former International President of Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and a leading voice in global health, she has grappled with the world’s hardest problems: the 2014–2016 Ebola epidemic, the bombing of hospitals in active war zones, and the weaponization of migration for political gain.

Containing Ebola, she argues, initially proved nearly impossible: the virus was poorly understood in the region, health workers were infected, and fragile health systems unraveled in real time. Preparedness failures—local, regional, and international—turned the largest Ebola outbreak on record into a global alarm. From those lessons, Liu indicts political timidity and the erosion of humanitarian norms, insisting on stronger international coordination, genuine respect for medical neutrality, and far more proactive crisis management to protect the most vulnerable.

Liu is a pediatric emergency physician at CHU Sainte-Justine, a professor at McGill University’s School of Population and Global Health, and director of the Pandemics and Health Emergencies Readiness Lab (PEARL). From 2013 to 2019, she led MSF, where she oversaw responses to Ebola, the systematic targeting of medical facilities, and the global migrant crisis—work she chronicles in L’Ebola, les Bombes et les Migrants. She serves on multiple global health advisory boards and continues to advocate for pandemic preparedness grounded in humanitarian law and informed by her lived experience in the field.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: As MSF’s former International President, what were some of the biggest challenges you faced during the 2014–2016 Ebola outbreak?

Dr. Joanne Liu: The biggest challenge we faced as an organization was the overwhelming scale of the epidemic. Looking at the history of Ebola outbreaks, let’s take a step back. Ebola is a virus that causes viral hemorrhagic fever.

Ebola hemorrhagic fever has a case fatality rate of approximately 50% to 70%, depending on the outbreak and the healthcare response. In 2014, there were no specific treatments or vaccines. While we could diagnose the disease, there was no rapid test available. The challenge was that this was the largest outbreak in history in terms of the number of cases.

Before the 2014–2016 outbreak, the largest recorded Ebola outbreak had occurred in 2000–2001 in Uganda, with 425 cases and 224 deaths. The 2014–2016 outbreak in West Africa—affecting Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia—resulted in more than 28,000 infections and over 11,000 deaths.

Having collectively experienced COVID-19, we better understand personal protective equipment (PPE) and the importance of infection control in healthcare settings. But back then, we had to scale up these measures dramatically in West Africa.

Working with healthcare facilities without experience managing an Ebola outbreak was one of the toughest challenges. They lacked the experience, training, and infrastructure to handle such a highly contagious and lethal virus. As a result, when the outbreak began, many healthcare workers became infected and died.

We were working under extreme conditions. The biggest challenges were the limited number of healthcare personnel, the constant exposure to death, and the personal risk of infection. Every single day, we were confronted with the brutal reality of the disease’s lethality.

I remember doing ward rounds and seeing six patients who had died. In PPE, we could only stay in the Ebola treatment units (ETUs) for about an hour because of the intense heat and lack of air conditioning. We had to carefully time our medical visits to minimize risk and maximize efficiency.

To put this in perspective, at CHU Sainte-Justine in Montreal, where I work, we see about 90,000 pediatric patients per year. Our emergency department might experience a maximum of six deaths in a typical year. Yet, during the Ebola outbreak, I witnessed many deaths in a single ward visit.

The greatest difficulties were the shortage of trained staff, the constant exposure to death, and the ever-present risk of infection.

Jacobsen: In the past, you have been critical of the international response. What structural changes are necessary to expedite these types of responses to any outbreak like Ebola?

Liu: We criticized the response because the first cases were traced back to late 2013. However, if I am not mistaken, the outbreak was officially declared in March 2014. It was not until August 8, 2014, that the World Health Organization (WHO) declared it a Public Health Emergency of International Concern.

For about five to six months, we struggled to convince people that this outbreak was different. If we had surged our response capacity earlier, we could have made a significant difference in people’s lives. We worked hands-on in the field, but people were overwhelmed, and the large-scale response did not happen readily. It took several months.

What happened afterward was that the world realized—this was quite interesting—how significant a biological threat could be, not just for WHO but for the rest of the world. What does it mean when a biological threat emerges, spreads rapidly, and truly threatens lives?

For the first time, every day on the news for several weeks, people saw healthcare workers in personal protective equipment (PPE), wearing yellow hazmat suits, walking around and caring for patients. It was a striking image. It was very foreign and strange for medical professionals, but it captured public awareness. People suddenly understood, “Oh my God, this is real, and it can happen.”

What was particularly interesting back then was that countries in West Africa were quickly overwhelmed and needed help from the international community. However, the response from wealthier nations was slow. The global north did not get involved until they felt personally threatened.

And when did they feel threatened? It was when two volunteers from Samaritan’s Purse were medically evacuated to the United States at the end of July 2014. Suddenly, we went from indifference to panic—Ebola was knocking at the door of the Americas. It became a real threat, and there was an urgent push to act fast.

Following the outbreak, numerous evaluations of the response, including WHO’s performance, were conducted. One key outcome was the WHO’s decision to establish a dedicated Emergency Department with greater operational capacity to respond swiftly to such crises. That was one of the key legacies of the Ebola outbreak.

However, the bigger legacy that made a difference during COVID-19 was the development of a research and development (R&D) roadmap. This roadmap prioritized field research and identified the types of viruses for which vaccines should be developed. Additionally, a principle was established that scientific knowledge should be shared openly during a global health crisis.

This principle was critical during COVID-19 when the virus’s genomic sequence was shared early in 2020. Sometimes, people fail to connect the dots, but events unfold more smoothly than they might appear. Even though some people felt there were delays in responding to COVID-19, the process was significantly smoother than it would have been without the lessons learned from the Ebola outbreak of 2014–2016.

Jacobsen: When an outbreak hits—Ebola, COVID-19—experience suggests only coordinated action can contain it. From your vantage as a clinician and former MSF president, what are the principal obstacles to turning that imperative into population-level solutions across member states and multilateral institutions? Where do you see the bottlenecks—governance, financing, supply chains, data sharing, or operational surge capacity? And how much do misinformation and disinformation now degrade public trust and slow response compared with earlier crises?

Liu: I think the main impediment to an adequate response, if we were to have another large-scale epidemic that escalates into a pandemic, would likely be leadership—or rather, the political will to take decisive action.

This is a real concern because one of the unfortunate legacies of COVID-19 is the widespread mistrust and distrust in leadership. People increasingly question facts and data, sometimes outright refusing to believe them or assuming they are part of a larger conspiracy.

At the same time, disinformation and misinformation fuel this skepticism, making public health responses even more difficult. We are in a much more difficult position than before COVID-19.

What is particularly disheartening is that despite our scientific advancements—sending robots to Mars and launching satellites around Earth—a significant portion of the population still does not believe in science.

What strikes me the most, and I should have known this, but was naïve at the time, is that after the 2014–2016 Ebola outbreak, I participated in numerous tabletop simulations and crisis response exercises. And you know what? We never imagined a scenario where state leaders would refuse to believe in science and facts.

That is the greatest challenge we face today.

Jacobsen: Now, the Kunduz hospital airstrike. In 2015, there was a U.S. airstrike on an MSF hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan. MSF called the attack a war crime and demanded an independent investigation. It was widely condemned. What were the key factors or failures that led to this tragedy?

Liu: On October 3, 2015, the Kunduz trauma center was struck by airstrikes five times in the middle of the night. It was unexpected because the hospital was fully functioning, and we had been operating there for over five years. 42 people died, 14 MSF staff died.

We began negotiating our presence in Kunduz between 2008 and 2011, and we officially opened the trauma center in 2011. It was a 110-bed facility with an intensive care unit, an emergency room, three operating theatres, and 100 hospital beds. It was always at full capacity, treating patients with severe injuries.

At the time of the attack, the frontlines were shifting. The hospital was previously located close to the frontline but on the government-controlled side. However, just days before the attack, control of the area shifted to the opposition—the Taliban.

MSF always maintained a strict policy of neutrality, treating patients from all sides of the conflict. Both government forces and opposition fighters received care at the facility. However, this shift in territorial control affected what happened.

One crucial point to remember is that we were always transparent. We communicated regularly with all parties involved in the conflict and shared our exact GPS coordinates multiple times. Everyone knew where we were.

In that area, we were one of the few buildings with lights on in the middle of the night because, as you may know, there was no central electricity. Everyone relied on generators.

It is possible that the hospital’s ending up on opposition-controlled territory played a role in what happened. We will never know for sure. There have been several investigations, and we requested an independent inquiry from the Humanitarian and International Fact-Finding Commission (HIFCC). However, it never happened because the two countries involved—Afghanistan and the United States—did not give their consent.

Jacobsen: How did this change MSF’s approach to operating in conflict zones?

Liu: We conducted our internal investigation at MSF, and our findings were published and publicly available.

One of the most damning aspects of this tragedy, as I detailed in my book, was that once the attack began, we were unable to stop it. We called everyone—we contacted the United Nations, the special forces, the Pentagon—but we could not get the airstrikes to stop.

Afterward, rebuilding trust and dialogue was extremely difficult. You have to understand that 42 people died, including 14 of our colleagues. The entire MSF movement was in mourning, yet we had to continue our work. We had to care for people—not just in Kunduz, but everywhere.

This is why we fought to clarify the rules of engagement and the laws of war. Do we share the same interpretation of these rules? That question led us to support the work on U.N. Security Council Resolution 2286, which reaffirmed international humanitarian law (IHL) and the protection of medical facilities in conflict zones.

More specifically, we strengthened our direct lines of communication—particularly with the U.S. military. We established what we call an emergency contact system, which we symbolically refer to as a “red phone.” If something happens, we have a designated number to escalate the situation to a high-level chain of command immediately.

We thought we had such a system in place before the attack on Kunduz, but it failed. It was not functioning when we needed it most.

Jacobsen: Now, moving on to the migrant crisis. In Western media, we are seeing a significant rise in anti-immigrant and anti-migrant sentiment. This directly affects how governments handle migration crises and their mitigation efforts.

Many people are unaware that migrants have rights. On an international level, what are we seeing regarding migrant crises, both from a security and humanitarian perspective? What issues are they facing consistently? And are there specific challenges that are particularly severe for migrants today?

Liu: When discussing security and migration, one of the key points I emphasize is that if international humanitarian law (IHL) is not upheld, and if wars are fought without limits, then we should not be surprised that civilians flee. If we want to reduce forced migration, then civilians must be protected.

The reality is that today, 120 million people are forcibly displaced worldwide, and about 50% of them are internally displaced persons (IDPs).

Even when people flee due to horrific violence, they often try to stay as close as possible to their homes. They either relocate within their own country or seek refuge in neighbouring countries. 69% of refugees are in neighbouring countries of the places they fled.

And why? Because people want to go back home. No one wants to be a refugee. No one wants to start from scratch in an unfamiliar country, especially in a place where winter temperatures drop to minus 13 degrees. People do not want to be displaced. That is the first thing to understand.

From a security standpoint, we must return to the rules of war—the fundamental principles of protecting civilians. Civilian infrastructure, such as hospitals, schools, and markets, should not be considered legitimate targets unless proven otherwise. If we continue pursuing wars without limits, then we will inevitably see displacement without limits.

On the humanitarian side, forced displacement is happening everywhere. While the numbers are reaching record highs, displacement is not new. People have been moving throughout history due to adversity, conflict, and survival challenges.
Humans are inherently survivors. They will go where they believe they have a better chance of survival—for themselves, their families, and their children. Right now, 120 million people are in forced displacement, and they require humanitarian aid. Yet, funding for these displaced populations is extremely difficult to secure.

Take Sudan, for example. A war has been raging for over a year, yet it barely makes headlines. Twelve million people have been forcibly displaced in Sudan, but it is rarely discussed in the media. Why? Because media coverage is monopolized by a few conflicts—often those that directly affect the global north.

Jacobsen: The conditions in migrant and refugee camps are often dire. They rarely meet basic living standards. You have raised concerns about this before. What are some of the worst conditions you have witnessed?

Liu: It depends. There are refugee camps, but there are also internally displaced persons (IDP) camps. The reality is that there are more IDPs than refugees in formal camps. Right now, Sudan is breaking records for failing to uphold even the most basic standards of human dignity in its IDP camps.

The Gaza Strip is another example. The conditions there are devastating. We have seen unbearable, unsustainable images that speak for themselves. These are some of the worst examples of displacement crises today.

What was particularly striking in terms of refugee camps—and what shocked people—was what happened in the global north in places like Greece, Italy, and the Balkans during and after the start of the Syrian war. Millions of people were forced to flee.

Of course, when comparing those camps to refugee camps in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) or Ethiopia, the conditions are different. But what was truly surprising was seeing such dire conditions in wealthy nations—places that should have had the means to provide security, food, and necessities yet failed to do so. That was what I found particularly shocking.

I remember visiting a refugee camp in Greece, and a woman told me they could not go to the bathroom at night without facing the threat of sexual and gender-based violence. It was horrifying.

Jacobsen: What has changed for the better regarding global policy and law regarding migrants? And what remains inadequate or insufficient for the needs of over 100 million displaced people?

Liu: I don’t know much has improved in global migration policy. I had some hope in 2018 when the Global Compact for Migration was adopted in Marrakech. That agreement recognized that migration is inevitable and should be safe, orderly, and regulated. It was meant to establish a framework for making migration as safe as possible for those forced to flee.

But in reality, it was one of those “kumbaya” moments—a symbolic agreement that was not meaningfully implemented. Right now, I am deeply concerned about migration and the well-being of migrants worldwide—including here in Canada. Listening to political leaders, you hear migrants portrayed as the cause of all societal problems.

They are blamed for housing shortages, strained healthcare systems, and, in Quebec, the perceived decline of French language proficiency. This rhetoric extends to claims that migrants threaten the identity of Quebec’s citizens.

Framing migrants as a threat is absurd, especially when you understand that these are people fleeing for their lives. As a humanitarian worker, I find this mindset deeply troubling. And I acknowledge my bias—I always disclose it upfront. I am a product of migration.

Jacobsen: What is Canada doing right and wrong regarding migrants and humanitarian work? How does Canada measure up if we use international law and universal human rights as benchmarks for comparison?

Liu: Well, you just said it. If we were to politically reinforce the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) and universal human rights and truly follow the Global Compact for Migration—which we are a signatory to—then we would be in a much better position.

It is not as if the tools do not exist. They are there. The issue is implementation. Instead of applying them consistently, we choose when to use them based on political convenience.

Jacobsen: What other ways are migrants used as a form of political currency? Beyond the fear-mongering you mentioned earlier—where migrants are framed as a burden or a threat to local culture—how else do political leaders exploit migration for their agendas? The reality is that most migrants are simply trying to survive. More often than not, they are barely surviving.

Liu: For me, migrants have become a scapegoat. They are a convenient way to divert attention from our real challenges, which makes the situation even harder.

Building public support for migration is challenging when many Canadians feel uncertain about their own futures. And they are right—these are uncertain times.

When people feel economically and socially insecure, being open-minded, welcoming, and optimistic can be challenging. Suppose they do not feel confident that they can provide the basics for themselves and their loved ones. How can they be expected to extend that support to others?

That is human nature, and I do not blame people for feeling that way. People want security. If they feel they cannot provide for themselves, they will be reluctant to help others.

As humanitarians and leaders, we must listen to those concerns and find the right balance. But instead, migrants are being used as political currency—a convenient scapegoat for the broader challenges we face.

Jacobsen: Dr. Liu, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Liu: Thank you very much.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Voice in Exile: Marwa Dashti on Saving Afghanistan’s Free Press

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/08

Mohammad Fahim Dashti spent three decades defending Afghans’ right to know. A veteran reporter, editor, and organizer, he survived the bombing that killed his friend Ahmad Shah Massoud in 2001, rebuilt his career as editor-in-chief of Hasht-e-Subh Daily in Kabul, and helped found Afghanistan’s National Journalists Union (ANJU) to give reporters a measure of protection in a perilous profession. Born in 1972, Dashti belonged to the small cadre of independent editors who insisted that facts mattered even when power did not.

After months of recovery from his injuries, he returned to the newsroom, arguing that a free press was indispensable to any political settlement. A nephew of Abdullah Abdullah and a close associate of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Dashti became the public voice of Massoud’s National Resistance Front after the fall of Kabul in 2021, pressing the world not to look away. He was killed on September 5, 2021, during clashes with the Taliban in Panjshir Province, while opposing the movement’s takeover following the U.S. withdrawal.

His legacy now runs through his daughter, Marwa Dashti. Through the Fahim Dashti Foundation, she promotes free expression and offers concrete support to journalists uprooted by the Taliban’s return. Speaking from Albania, where she has built her own advocacy, Marwa argues that Afghanistan has been consigned to a “state of exception” in which women’s rights are treated as expendable. Feminism, she contends, is not an import but a daily act of resistance—and one that deserves international backing. The foundation’s current projects are deliberately practical: training displaced Afghan reporters so they can keep working in exile, and funding scholarships for Afghan girls in neighboring countries shut out of school at home. She also calls for sustained attention from governments and media organizations that once pledged not to abandon Afghan women.

In this conversation, Marwa reflects on her father’s example and the movement he helped build; on the world’s failure to stand up for Afghan women; and on the concrete ways outsiders can help.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Why is free expression indispensable to women’s rights—especially the work of advocacy—beyond merely having those protections formally codified on paper?

Marwa Dashti: Freedom of speech is essential, especially at the Fahim Dashti Foundation. My father spent approximately thirty years of his life working toward this cause. I witnessed firsthand how he and his colleagues helped make freedom of expression possible in a country where, during the Taliban’s first regime (1996–2001), even the idea of press freedom was unimaginable.

I saw how this freedom strengthened many people in Afghanistan—particularly women. After decades of systemic oppression, they were finally able to express themselves and speak freely. While this may not seem extraordinary to those living in Western democracies, it was a monumental achievement.

One of the main reasons women’s rights progressed in Afghanistan over the last two decades was that women had a platform. They could speak out, critique authority, and share their stories, which gave them visibility and agency.

Jacobsen: How do you remember your father?

Dashti: To me, my father was never just my father. When people speak to me and offer their condolences, many people say things like, “I’m sorry your father passed away.” But they sometimes forget that he was also my mentor in many ways. I specifically remember when I was four years old—I went to his office for the first time, and that was when I decided I wanted to become a journalist.

From then on, I would go to his office every day after school. I would sit in on meetings and watch his colleagues at work—it was incredible to witness. Seeing my father work was powerful, but knowing that he was also fighting for women’s rights, perhaps in part because he wanted me to have more opportunities as I grew up—that feeling is difficult to describe. Honestly, it was something else.

Jacobsen: How was your experience volunteering at Afghanistan’s National Journalists Union?

Dashti: I started volunteering there at 16, about two years before the Taliban took over again. I began by learning the basics—sending emails and doing standard tasks, the work any intern or volunteer would typically start with.

But the most important part for me was seeing my dad in action. That is what I call it—seeing him in action—because I do not think people understand how dangerous it was for us and our entire family. I do not think anyone outside knows the extent of the threats we received. Sometimes, we could not even go to school because the threats had become severe.

Yet, despite all this, my father continued to speak the truth—as he called it. He dared to critique leaders who could have responded in any way, including harming us, his children. But he still prioritized his work and his principles. That is something I will always admire.

Jacobsen: How was your time in Albania before coming to Canada?

Dashti: I went to Albania exactly one week after I received the news that my father had passed away. As you can imagine, I was in the shock phase of it all. I was in Pakistan when I heard the news, and honestly, that entire week is a blank in my memory. I think the trauma and the shock made it impossible for me to process anything.

The next thing I remember after learning about my father’s death was seeing my older brother in Albania—he had been in Turkey at the time, and we reunited a week later. I remember looking at the different members of my family and seeing how each of them was coping with the grief in their own way.

I saw my younger brother go through denial. I saw my mother go through a period of depression. Everyone processed the grief differently, of course. I remember thinking to myself: “Okay, I can either let this grief consume me, or I can step up and take responsibility for my father’s legacy and my family.”

That was the moment my advocacy journey began. I started giving interviews, speaking about women’s rights in Afghanistan, and working with my mother and my father’s colleagues and friends to begin planning the foundation. For me, Albania marks the beginning of my active advocacy journey.

Jacobsen: And you were there for eight months, correct?

Dashti: Eight months.

Jacobsen: Was it intended to be temporary, or was there a particular reason to move on from there to another country?

Dashti: No, it was always meant to be temporary. Right after the Taliban took over, we had to go to Pakistan because that was the only country we could access at the time. From there, we were planning to migrate to France.

But after my father passed away—again, that whole week is completely blank in my memory—a friend of my father’s reached out to my mother and suggested that we consider going to Canada instead of France. The main reason was the language. My siblings and I already spoke English, so moving to Canada would allow us to transition into a new life more easily.

Vital Voices, co-founded by Hillary Clinton, sponsored our flight and temporary stay in Albania. They also helped begin our immigration case to Canada. So yes, it was always planned as a temporary stay.

Jacobsen: Arriving in Canada without a language barrier is a significant advantage for anyone. How did you experience the cultural shift? Canada has a very different culture from Albania, Pakistan, or Afghanistan.

Dashti: Yes, there were moments of culture shock, of course. That is part of any major move. But with Canada, because of the large immigrant population, we had a cushion.

The Afghan community in Canada is huge. If we had gone somewhere else in the world, we might have felt like outsiders. But in Canada, almost everyone is either a first-generation or second-generation immigrant. You get this sense that refugees and newcomers built this country, giving you a certain feeling of belonging.

Of course, it is not the same feeling as being in your own country, but there is a sense of comfort and inclusion, to some degree.

Jacobsen: Is the character of Afghan identity in Canada different from what you experienced growing up at home?

Dashti: Yes. It is very different. Inside the chaos, it feels much bigger than when you step outside. When I was in Afghanistan, perhaps it all felt too normal—maybe even desensitized. But I always say this: whenever I tell people I am a woman or a girl from Afghanistan, the first thing they say is, “Oh my God, your English is so good.”

I’m like—yes, I went to school like anyone else would. Right? I sometimes feel that people forget how normal our lives are. I was a regular teenager.

I had a One Direction phase. How much more “normal teenager” can you get? I went to school, I had friends, and we did typical teenage things. I know that the situation in Afghanistan now is very different from what it was when I was growing up, but I think when you’re on the inside, the ethnic divisions that have existed in Afghanistan for centuries don’t feel as prominent or problematic as they appear from the outside.

Unfortunately, I do see some Afghan diaspora communities—especially outside of Afghanistan—where those ethnic divides are deeply ingrained. I don’t understand why. I cannot explain it because, as someone who lived in Afghanistan all my life, my friendships were never based on ethnicity. We were friends. We were like sisters. In the workplace, too—I saw my father working closely with people from all ethnic backgrounds. That never prevented them from collaborating.

But unfortunately, in some Afghan communities outside the country, I do see lingering prejudice and divisions.

Jacobsen: Has the international community abandoned Afghanistan?

Dashti: Yes, I would say so—definitely. I was at the United Nations a few weeks ago in March and was there last year for the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW). Last year, I felt so proud. It was one of my lifelong dreams to go to the UN. Growing up in Afghanistan seemed almost impossible, but I made it.

But this year, that pride was gone. I didn’t feel anything, because just a few months earlier, the same institution had invited the Taliban. The same people the UN claims to stand against. The same people the world claims to support us against. And they gave them a platform.

It was simply disgusting to me.

And now we are hearing reports that the Trump administration might re-engage in Afghanistan—possibly to regain control of Bagram Air Base—and may even collaborate with the Taliban. That feels deeply unsettling. I understand that a lot has happened in the world since the fall of Kabul—the war in Ukraine has captured much attention, and now there’s the ongoing crisis in the Middle East.

But at this point, it feels like the international community is trying to normalize what is happening in Afghanistan. And to be very frank with you, I think they are paving the way toward formal recognition of the Taliban—by normalizing them.

Jacobsen: It sounds like a marketing campaign for a failed product—presenting failure as if it were a success.

Dashti: Exactly.

Jacobsen: How do you balance personal aspirations in your new life with the responsibility of continuing your father’s legacy?

Dashti: My life changed drastically after my father passed away. I often tell people that I was spoiled as a teenager. I was the only daughter in the house, and of course, I was my dad’s favorite.

After my father passed away, I inherited not only his legacy but also the responsibility of supporting my entire family. My older brother and I have had to step up because our mother does not speak English. We are now responsible for providing for our family and continuing our father’s work.

Honestly, losing my father was deeply painful. But the person I have become because of that loss—the strength it gave me, the strength I discovered in myself, and the way I have continued his legacy—I believe he would have been proud of that.

Jacobsen: How do you view other humanitarian crises, particularly in light of the severity of the situation in Afghanistan?

Dashti: I believe that anywhere in the world where innocent people are being killed, tortured, or stripped of their basic human rights—whether it is in Ukraine, the Middle East, or elsewhere—it is wrong. Innocent people should never be casualties. They should never be harmed because political leaders play games or execute military agendas. So my position on that is very clear: no innocent human being—especially children—should suffer due to someone’s political or military objectives. That should never be acceptable.

Jacobsen: This year’s Commission on the Status of Women revisited the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action on its 30th anniversary; among other things, the text underscores women’s roles in peacekeeping and humanitarian relief. That framework envisions women not as auxiliaries but as central actors in peace processes and humanitarian operations.

Turning to Afghanistan, a clear-eyed reading suggests that the United States and its allies—largely Western and male-led—helped lay waste to the country over two decades of war, undertaken under expansive post-9/11 security claims and marked by grave intelligence and policy failures.

After the state collapsed, another male-dominated force—the Taliban—installed a rigid theocracy. Though adversaries, both camps consigned women and girls to the margins, leaving Afghan women to absorb the costs of external intervention and internal repression alike.

From your vantage point, what should the role of women be in humanitarian crises and in the defense of equal rights? And how should that role be understood when the pressures come from both outside military actors and authoritarian rulers at home?

Dashti: I think most reasonable people would agree: if you oppress half the population, your country is not going anywhere. That applies whether we are talking about the West or Afghanistan.

In Afghanistan, I feel that Afghan women are constantly underestimated. Their strength and potential are overlooked—largely because, for decades, most Afghan women have been denied opportunities in education and careers.

But that does not mean we lack ability or willpower. On the contrary, Afghan women have consistently shown strength, resilience, and the ability to lead and build. We need the space and freedom to do so.

I mean, speaking as someone who lived in the city and had a relatively normal life, I cannot claim to fully understand the experience of a woman living in a rural area—someone who has been heavily oppressed. I always say I cannot speak to their reality.

But I see incredible strength and immense potential in Afghan women across the board. If they were given the opportunity, they could have built a society that, frankly, many men would not have been able to. I truly believe that.

As a feminist, I think many women today are afraid to call themselves feminists, unfortunately, because feminism has, in some cases, been misunderstood or misrepresented as a man-hating ideology. But at its core, feminism is about equality of opportunity, choice, and dignity.

And I would never judge another woman for not identifying as a feminist because the entire point of feminism is to ensure women have the freedom to choose. If a woman chooses not to identify as a feminist, that is her decision. I do not have the right to criticize her for that.

Still, I believe the core values of feminism should be woven into the fabric of any society—especially societies like Afghanistan. Afghan women possess strength, unlike anything I have seen in any other community.

I do not know if you have ever read him, but Giorgio Agamben, the Italian philosopher, wrote about what he calls the “state of exception.” He describes how modern states, often in the name of emergencies or security, dismantle a society’s legal and political framework.

And when that framework is dismantled, people are left exposed—vulnerable to violence, because they are stripped of their legal and political rights. I believe Afghanistan is in exactly that kind of state right now. The Taliban are actively dismantling our legal and political systems under the pretext of an emergency or a return to “order.”

I think Afghanistan is, again, in a “state of exception”—in the sense that Giorgio Agamben defines it. What people often do not realize is that feminism in a state like Afghanistan is fundamentally different from feminism in Western societies.

In Afghanistan, feminism is about challenging the regime itself—challenging the entire system. In contrast, in Western societies, feminism often focuses on securing rights within an existing and generally functioning state structure.

The fact that Afghan women are standing up to a regime as brutal and rigid as the Taliban is admirable. It should be globally recognized. And the fact that the international community is now attempting to normalize the situation in Afghanistan is heartbreaking.

Jacobsen: How can people get involved, donate, or volunteer their skills for the Fahim Dashti Foundation?

Dashti: The Dashti Foundation has been operational for over two years now. We have carried out several projects, including training programs for journalists in Afghanistan through online platforms. We have also hosted multiple events in collaboration with organizations such as the United Nations, with the support of several governments, including those of the Netherlands, Canada, and the United States.

Right now, we are focusing on larger, long-term initiatives. One project aims to offer scholarships to around 12 girls from Afghanistan, allowing them to pursue secondary education in neighbouring countries. We’re also working on a four-year strategic plan to support the Afghan community here in Canada.

Unfortunately, when Afghan professionals immigrate, finding jobs in their own field can be incredibly difficult. We are developing programs to provide training courses that align with Canadian journalism standards for Afghan journalists who were forced to flee. We aim to help them secure internships that can ultimately lead to full-time employment. This would help those individuals achieve self-sufficiency and benefit the broader Canadian society and economy.

We will need significant volunteer support and financial backing to make this happen. People can help by contributing their time, skills, or funds to the Fahim Dashti Foundation and our upcoming projects.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today.

Dashti: Of course.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inside the Porn Economy: Gail Dines on Bodies, Profit, and Power

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/09/04

Dr. Gail Dines is the founder and CEO of Culture Reframed, as well as a professor emerita of sociology and women’s studies at Wheelock College in Boston. Drawing on more than three decades of scholarship on the pornography industry, she is widely regarded as an authority on how porn shapes culture, sexuality, and social norms. She has advised government agencies in the United States and abroad—including in the United Kingdom, Norway, Iceland, and Canada—and in 2016 launched Culture Reframed, which develops education aimed at building resilience to porn’s harms.

Dines co-edited the best-selling textbook Gender, Race, and Class in Media and wrote Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, translated into five languages and adapted into a documentary. Her work has appeared across major outlets such as ABC, CNN, BBC, MSNBC, The New York Times, Time, The Guardian, and Vogue. A regular presence on television and radio, she is also featured in documentary films, including The Price of Pleasure and The Strength to Resist.

In her research and public advocacy, Dines argues that decades of evidence show a strong association between pornography consumption and violence against women. She contends that mainstream porn cultivates harmful sexual attitudes, lowers empathy, and normalizes misogyny, racism, and sexual violence. Distinguishing a radical-feminist, harm-based critique from conservative moralism, she focuses on measurable social effects rather than questions of private morality.

According to Dines, porn distorts how men and women understand sex, relationships, and consent. She calls for comprehensive, “porn-resilient” education for young people and for broader social responsibility in addressing the industry’s outsized influence.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, I’m here with Professor Gail Dines, the founder of Culture Reframed. My first question, Gail: what is the connection between pornography and violence against women?

Gail Dines: We have over 40 years of empirical research from different disciplines that show that boys and men who consume pornography are more likely to engage in sexually aggressive behaviour, more likely to accept rape myths, more likely to develop harmful sexual attitudes toward women, and may experience increased anxiety, depression, and reduced empathy for victims of sexual violence. This happens because they are repeatedly exposed to depictions of sexual violence and objectification. Most mainstream Internet pornography today is hardcore—it’s cruel, brutal, and dehumanizing toward women.

As men and boys watch and become aroused by it, they internalize the ideologies embedded in these images. A key point about pornography is that it portrays women as always consenting, no matter how degrading or violent the act is. This gives the impression that women enjoy being mistreated, which is often far from the truth, as they may be coerced or paid to act in these scenes. This reinforces the harmful idea that it is acceptable to dehumanize and abuse women. We have substantial peer-reviewed research from fields such as psychology, sociology, and media studies that corroborates these findings.

Jacobsen: What research links pornography to sexual aggression?

Dines: Regarding the research linking pornography to sexual aggression, our website is a good resource. One in particular, titled “Understanding the Harms of Pornography,” lists many studies. Additionally, our academic library contains over 500 peer-reviewed articles on this topic. Scholars such as Paul Wright, Chyng Sun, and Jennifer Johnson have contributed important work. The strength of social science research is not in isolated studies but in the coherent pattern that emerges when we review a large body of work. The research shows a clear correlation between pornography consumption and violence against women.

Jacobsen: How does hypersexualized media align with human rights violations, particularly regarding youth?

Dines: Hypersexualized media, even content that isn’t classified as pornography, and pornography itself can be viewed as violations of civil rights because they infringe on young people’s ability to construct their sexuality. The multi-billion-dollar media and pornography industries are shaping the sexual attitudes and behaviours of young people worldwide, which strips them of their autonomy in this area. These industries commodify and monetize sexuality, taking control away from individuals and turning it into a product.

Young people deserve the opportunity to develop a sexuality that is meaningful to them, not one dictated by the interests of pornographers seeking profit. Additionally, there are significant human rights violations against women in pornography. The treatment many women endure in the production of hardcore pornography can be likened to torture, violating international human rights conventions. If the same acts were done to any other group, they would likely be recognized as torture. That’s how extreme much of mainstream pornography has become.

Jacobsen: What are the social and health consequences of pornography consumption?

Dines: Basically, pornography is shifting how we think about women, men, sex, relationships, connection, and consent—all of these issues. What you see in society is that when pornography becomes the “wallpaper” of your life, as it does for young people today, it becomes the main form of sex education. This shifts the norms and values of the culture, and it’s happening internationally. This is not a local problem. Any child with a device connected to the Internet is being fed a steady diet of misogyny and racism—there’s an incredible amount of racism in pornography—and the idea that men and boys have a right to ownership of women’s bodies, regardless of what women want. There’s also the notion that women’s bodies exist to be commodified and used however men wish. This sets up women and girls to be victims of male violence. Meanwhile, we are trying to build a world of equality between men and women.

Pornography shreds that possibility—not only in terms of sex but also in employment, the legal system, and more. It sends the message that women exist only to be penetrated, and often in the most vile and cruel ways possible. So, pornography undermines women’s rights across multiple levels and within multiple institutions.

Jacobsen: You raised an interesting point about the nature of consent. What is the framework of consent in pornographic imagery and in the industry itself?

Dines: First, let’s start with the imagery because the industry is slightly different. In the images, she consents to everything. The one word you rarely hear in pornography is “no.” It’s rare. If you go onto Pornhub or any other adult website, where most men and boys consume pornography, you won’t hear “no.” Now, there are some rape porn sites where the woman says “no,” but those are at the far end of the spectrum. I study mainstream pornography, such as what’s on Pornhub. In terms of consent, we often question whether a woman truly consents; this is where the industry comes in. While they might sign a consent form, we don’t know under what conditions it was signed.

Also, pornography is where racism, sexism, capitalism, and colonialism intersect. The poorer a woman is, the more likely she is to be a woman of colour with fewer resources, and the more likely she is to end up in the porn industry. These are not Ivy League graduates lining up to do this. These are women who have had few choices. When you have limited options in life, especially due to economic hardship, it is challenging to argue that consent is fully informed or voluntary.

Jacobsen: For those able to exit the industry, what are the ways they manage to do so, and what are the psychological and emotional impacts, as well as the physical effects?

Dines: It’s extremely hard for women to leave pornography. First of all, we know that women in pornography experience the same levels of post-traumatic stress disorder as prostituted women. Many of them are also under pimp control. The psychological, emotional, and physical tolls are severe, making it difficult for them to leave the industry.

And also, where are they going to go? Especially in pornography, where your image is everywhere, women who have been in the industry, even if they get out, live in constant fear that their employers, children, and partners will find their content online. The issue becomes extremely difficult. You never really escape pornography once you’ve been part of it. Even if you leave the industry, you’re never fully out of it because your image remains online. It can take many years to recover emotionally and physically.

Many women endure severe physical harm—STIs and injuries to the anus, vagina, and mouth due to the hardcore nature of the acts. What’s interesting is that, in the case of prostitution and trafficking, there are many survivor-led groups helping women exit the industry. This support isn’t as prevalent for women in pornography, and the reason is that these women feel so exposed. They feel vulnerable even after leaving the industry because their images remain there.

Remember, an image on Pornhub can go viral, spreading across all the porn sites, so you never know who has seen it. You never know if the person you meet has seen it, which creates a constant feeling of vulnerability.

Jacobsen: You made an important distinction between liberal feminism and radical feminism. Can you clarify that distinction about pornography?

Dines: Yes. The critical distinction is in the ideological framing. Radical feminists were among the first to highlight the violence of pornography—both in terms of the harm to women in the industry and the impact on women in society. Radical feminism grew out of a focus on violence against women. Over time, they recognized that pornography is part of that violence.

Liberal feminism, on the other hand, tends to be more neoliberal, emphasizing individualism. The argument often centers around the idea that “she chose it,” that it’s about sexual agency. But what we know about these women is that this is not a true sexual agency. If anything, it strips them of their sexual agency and does the same to all women. Women often look at pornography to see what they should be doing for the men who consume it. Radical feminists are anti-pornography because they see both its production and consumption as a major form of violence against women, and they understand that it contributes to real-world violence as well.

Jacobsen: What are the industry’s tactics, and how do they compare to those of the tobacco industry?

Dines: The pornography industry employs tactics similar to the tobacco industry, such as bringing in pseudo-academics to argue that there’s no harm, framing research in ways that downplay the issues, and lobbying. The pornography industry has a powerful lobbying arm, much like the tobacco industry did. They know the harm their product causes, but they’re not interested in liberating women from harm—they’re in it to make money.

And so, all predatory industries will do whatever it takes to make money, irrespective of the incredible social impact it will have. The United States is known for not having as strong a FACTED (Family Life and Sexual Health Education) program as Canada. However, Canada, at its best, still has its gaps.

Jacobsen: So, how does pornography act, as you mentioned earlier, as a filler for sex education and a particularly poor one for young people, and potentially for older people?

Dines: Let’s focus on younger people. Developing an interest in sex is a natural part of development, often starting from puberty. But because we don’t have good sex education, the content is outdated and doesn’t speak to the reality that kids live in today. So, where are kids going to turn when they have access to devices and a vast amount of free pornography? Pornography fills that gap, but poorly.

What is needed, and what Culture Reframed provides, is a porn-critical sex education curriculum. If you visit our website, we have a program for high school teachers (and some middle school teachers), which includes PowerPoints and detailed instructions on how to teach it. We don’t show pornography, obviously, but we focus on building porn-resilient young people. Unfortunately, in many cases, sex education isn’t prioritized, and many sex ed teachers aren’t even specialized in the subject.

They might be math or physical education teachers, told a month before, “You’re teaching sex ed.” We frequently hear from people who are unprepared and have no idea where to start. Interestingly, studies show that students immediately pick up on this lack of expertise. Research indicates that students are aware that their sex ed teachers don’t know how to teach the subject, don’t want to do it, and aren’t addressing issues relevant to their lives. As a result, sex education has effectively been handed over to pornographers.

Jacobsen: A question comes to mind. We’ve discussed liberal feminism versus radical feminism in framing the issue. But within radical feminist discourse, are there any internal objections or disagreements on this critical view of pornography?

Dines: Radical feminism tends to agree widely on this topic. Are you asking about internal conflicts?

Jacobsen: Yes, specifically within radical feminism.

Dines: Any disagreements are quite minor, mostly centered on how to define the issue or address it. But there’s a strong, unified belief within radical feminism that pornography is violence against women, both in its production and consumption. We have major arguments with liberal feminists, Marxist feminists, and socialist feminists. We don’t tend to have many internal debates about pornography within radical feminism. However, we do have disagreements on other topics.

Jacobsen: There may be surface-level critiques from traditionalist, conservative, or religious groups that object to pornography on moral grounds, often based on a transcendentalist or ethical view of sin. Yet, they seem to reach a similar conclusion as you do.

Dines: Yes, but the conclusions, although they may appear similar, are quite different. Right-wing moralists are often concerned with what pornography does to the family, particularly how it affects men. They argue that it may cause men to stray or damage family cohesion. Radical feminists, on the other hand, have a critique of the family as the place where women are most at risk, as we know from the evidence. We are concerned with the harm to women, children, and society in general, but our stance is not based on moralism.

We refer to this as a harm-based issue, not a morality-based issue. That’s not to say some right-wing organizations don’t adopt some of our arguments—they do—but the core driving force behind our opposition to pornography is different. They oppose it from a moral perspective; we oppose it because of the real harm it inflicts on individuals and society.

Jacobsen: What would a healthy societal view of sexuality and sex education look like?

Dines: Much of what we’ve built on Culture Reframed is what that should look like, to be honest. A healthy view of sexuality begins with the individual owning their sexuality. It evolves naturally as a person grows. Of course, it’s rooted in equality, consent, non-violence, and genuine connection and intimacy.

This doesn’t mean that sex is only for marriage or long-term relationships, but that there is some level of connection and intimacy involved. That’s what makes sex meaningful in the end. If you don’t know the person you’re having sex with, as is often the case in pornography, you become desensitized. That’s why the industry constantly escalates the content.

If you were to film regular people having sex, most of the time, it would be so dull that you’d fall asleep watching it. The fun and excitement come from actually having sex, not watching it. So, for pornography to hold viewers’ interest, they have to keep ramping up the adrenaline through more intense and bizarre acts.

Jacobsen: Is part of the core issue the dehumanization and depersonalization that comes with pornography? It seems like there’s a disconnection—people go to their computers, consume pornography, and then return to their regular lives as if nothing happened. It’s like their day becomes fragmented and disjointed.

Dines: Absolutely. That’s a great point. There have been studies done on this. One interesting study showed two groups of men: one group watched a regular National Geographic movie, while the other watched pornography. Afterward, they were asked to interview a female candidate for a job, and the chairs were on rollers. The men who had watched pornography kept rolling their chairs closer and closer to the woman. They also found that these men couldn’t remember the woman’s words.

This kind of behaviour shows how pornography impacts the perception of others, particularly women, and how it disrupts their ability to interact meaningfully in real-life situations.

So you’re right. When you think about it, much pornography is consumed at work. Then you leave that cruel world where men are depicted as having every right to women’s bodies and go back to working in a world with women where you don’t have those rights. It’s interesting because we have the #MeToo movement on the one hand, which is crucial for explaining what’s going on. On the other hand, pornography is working against everything the #MeToo movement is trying to say about consent and women’s bodily integrity. Even men’s bodily integrity is compromised in pornography—nobody has bodily integrity.

In pornography, the body is there to be used in any way possible to heighten sexual arousal, usually involving high levels of violence. I haven’t seen many films where this wasn’t the case.

Jacobsen: We’ve already covered building porn resilience in children, or at least how important it is. How far do gender inequality and sexual violence reflect each other in women’s rights movements, particularly within the frame of pornography?

Dines: Let me make sure I understand. You’re asking about the relationship between gender inequality and sexual violence and how this plays out in the context of movements like #MeToo, correct?

Jacobsen: Yes.

Dines: I addressed some of this earlier when I talked about equality in other areas of life and how pornography undermines it. Gender inequality and sexual violence are deeply intertwined. If there were no gender inequality, sexual violence would be unthinkable. Sexual violence is typically used to destroy and control women and to show power and dominance. That’s why we must call it “sexual violence”—because it weaponizes sex against women.

Without gender inequality, this kind of violence wouldn’t even be conceivable. It’s built into the very structure of gender inequality, and in turn, it perpetuates and exacerbates that inequality. It’s a vicious cycle. Gender inequality fuels sexual violence, and sexual violence deepens gender inequality.

Jacobsen: Just to be mindful of that, then. We talked about the psychological impact earlier. What are the similar psychological impacts on boys and girls, rather than the differences?

Dines: Similarities around what, specifically?

Jacobsen: In terms of pornography consumption and its impacts.

Dines: We know very little about girls. There aren’t many studies at all on girls’ exposure to pornography, and, as in many areas, girls and women are often under-researched. One of the few studies by Chyng Sun, Jennifer Johnson, Anna Bridges, and Matt Ezzell does show a few things. Some girls and women go to porn not to masturbate but to see what boys and men are doing, so they can reproduce that behaviour.

They also found that girls and women who become addicted to pornography, similar to men, lose interest in real-world sex, preferring pornography. They become isolated and depressed. So, if they do go down the route of addiction, the impact is quite similar to that on men, except they don’t become violent.

Jacobsen: What are the key points of feminist and anti-pornography activism, particularly in your book Pornland, intersecting with issues of gender, sexuality, and human rights?

Dines: That’s what the whole book is about. Pornland was written to explain the modern-day pornography industry in the age of the internet. People were talking about pornography as if the Internet hadn’t happened. I take a radical feminist perspective, using research to back up the claims and focus on how pornography undermines women’s human rights.

There are chapters addressing racism, showing how women of colour are especially targeted, both for their race and gender. I also discuss how mainstream sites are increasingly making use of images of young-looking women—sometimes they could be children, it’s hard to tell. So, they might be underage or made to look underage.

The main argument is that we live in a world that is completely inundated and infested with pornography. As a sociologist, I’m interested in the sociological impact. I borrow from psychological literature but focus on the macro level. How is pornography not just shifting gender norms but cementing the worst aspects of them? It hasn’t invented misogyny, but it has given it a new twist and continues to reinforce it across various institutions.

Jacobsen: Gail, any final thoughts or feelings based on our conversation today?

Dines: We’ve buried our heads in the sand for too long. For people who weren’t born into the internet age, it’s hard to understand just how much pornography is shaping young people. There’s been a massive dereliction of duty on the part of adults in helping kids navigate this world they’ve been thrown into, often left to sink or swim on their own—and many are sinking. The kids I talk to feel overwhelmed by pornography, and studies back this up. Many wish there were far less of it because they recognize the adverse effect it has on their sexuality, their connections, and their relationships.

So, it’s time we step up and take responsibility as adults.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Gail.

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The Scientist Who Thinks Our Brains Might Doom Us

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/24

Thomas Homer-Dixon, one of the world’s foremost social scientists, has spent his career probing the forces that push societies toward crisis and collapse. As director of the Cascade Institute, a Canadian research center dedicated to understanding and mitigating global threats, he applies the lens of complexity science to phenomena such as climate change, economic instability, and political polarization. His work examines how seemingly small shifts in complex systems can unleash outsized consequences, eroding resilience and accelerating humanity’s precarious trajectory.

Homer-Dixon has written extensively on the destabilizing effects of rising authoritarianism, from Donald Trump’s radical influence to the ways artificial intelligence deepens epistemic fragmentation. He has also explored the unsettling possibility that intelligence itself may carry the seeds of self-destruction—yet he remains committed to identifying pathways toward a sustainable future. His research combines scientific rigor with a willingness to engage big, unsettling questions, whether drawing on the Drake Equation or the Peter Principle to illuminate the paradoxes of human progress.

An accomplished author and public intellectual, Homer-Dixon’s work has appeared widely, from academic journals to The Globe and Mail. His insights bridge science, politics, and leadership, offering frameworks for navigating the complex crises of our time. The Guardian has praised him as “one of the most informed and brilliant writers on global affairs today.”

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I’m grateful you could join me today—it means a lot. To start us off, how can complexity science help us make sense of immense global challenges like man-made climate change and widespread economic instability, and what tools does it give us to confront them more effectively?

Thomas Homer-Dixon: Right, you’re getting straight to the point. That’s a terrific question.

As most people do, I came to complex systems science somewhat indirectly. However, within my discipline—political science, conflict studies, and international relations—the conventional ways of thinking about causation didn’t help me untangle what was happening in my study areas. They didn’t adequately explain the underlying causal dynamics.

Over about 15 years, I transitioned into complexity science and developed a much clearer understanding.

At its core, complexity science helps us understand non-linear phenomena—situations where relatively small changes in a system, whether in an economy, climate, geopolitical structure, or ecological system, can lead to significant and sometimes unexpected consequences. Conversely, it also helps us understand why, in some cases, considerable interventions appear to have little or no impact.

The proportionality of the relationship between cause and effect in complex systems breaks down. In our everyday world, we think of small changes causing minor effects, small causes having minor effects, and significant modifications producing significant effects. So, there’s a proportionality.

But in complex systems, that breaks down. This means that complex systems—again, we’re talking about everything from ecologies to economies to the climate system to even the way the human brain works—have the capacity to flip from one state to another, from one equilibrium or stability zone to another, often in quite unpredictable ways.

The business of complexity science is identifying the various possible stability zones, what configuration of an economy or a political system will be stable, and what factors can reduce that stability and cause it to flip to another state.

To give a contemporary example, we’ve just seen a flip in the United States political system—a reconfiguration—from one equilibrium to something else yet to be determined. Mr. Trump generates enormous uncertainty, so the nature of that new equilibrium isn’t entirely clear yet. We have some ideas, but that is a classic example of non-linearity.

In an ecological system, a non-linearity would be something like the cod fishery collapse off the east coast of Canada in the late 1980s and early 1990s. That was one of the most productive ecosystems in the world, and it has wholly reconfigured itself. It will never return to its previous level of productivity, which was incredibly abundant in biomass production.

The 2008–2009 financial crisis was another example of non-linearity. Complexity science aims to identify the factors that produce these sudden changes—these flips—and anticipate them. However, the other side of this work is that once we understand those connections and causal relationships better, we may be able to induce changes in a positive direction.

We might be able to cause positive flips—positive in a value sense—good flips instead of bad ones. At the Cascade Institute, we divide our work into two areas. One focuses on anticipating pernicious cascades or harmful non-linearities, and the other on triggering virtuous cascades that benefit humankind. We then drill down in these areas to identify threats and opportunities using complexity science.

Jacobsen: Around the world, ideological polarization seems to be intensifying, not only in the United States during the Trump years but across a range of societies. Complexity science suggests that when several tipping points are reached—whether all at once or in succession—they can unleash powerful non-linear effects. Do you see today’s deepening polarization as one of those moments, where competing ideologies could drive us into a new wave of unpredictable, destabilizing dynamics beyond the recent election?

Homer-Dixon: Yes. So, part of the framing of complexity science—and it’s almost inherent in complexity itself—is the recognition that a lot is happening. Within conventional social science, or even conventional science, there’s a strong emphasis on parsimony—identifying relatively straightforward relationships between causes and effects.

Within complexity science, there’s less emphasis on parsimony. There’s an initial recognition that the world is complex, with numerous factors operating and interacting in ways that are, at least at first, difficult to understand. You won’t develop a good understanding by focusing on single variables or isolated factors. You have to examine multiple elements simultaneously. That is the foundation of how all complex systems work.

Frankly, that’s what initially attracted me to complexity science. I was grappling with the broader issue of the relationship between environmental stress and violent conflict. As I studied factors like water scarcity, forest degradation, and soil depletion—and how they interacted with conflict—it became clear that multiple causal pathways were involved. Many interconnected factors had to be taken into account. So, I needed a different framework rather than a simplistic approach that looked at single causes and effects.

That’s the background. Now, you can find more details on polarization on the Cascade Institute website. We have developed a set of hypotheses about the factors driving social polarization and deepening social divisions—factors that are far more complex than standard analyses suggest. We use a four-pathway model to explain polarization. The first pathway consists of economic factors—rising inequality and economic precarity- fueling polarization.

The second pathway involves social and managerial factors, precisely the decreasing capacity of societies to address complex problems. Our technocratic elites and experts are increasingly perceived as incompetent in handling crises, whether related to healthcare, climate change, or managing the pandemic. This leads to a delegitimization of expertise and expert governance—a growing rejection of specialists and institutions.

The third pathway is connected to our information ecosystem—social media, information overload, and how these influence communication. These dynamics amplify emotional negativity, making people more inclined to engage only with those who share their views rather than those who think differently.

The fourth pathway is more fundamental: epistemic fragmentation. People increasingly live in their knowledge bubbles, developing their versions of reality and dismissing alternative perspectives on truth. This fragmentation fuels a breakdown in shared understanding.

We have four distinct pathways and are studying how they interact. These interactions can create precisely what you suggest—tipping points in people’s attitudes.

However, these four pathways can be considered underlying stresses in our social systems. Over time, these economic, managerial, cognitive, informational, and epistemic factors make our social systems less resilient. They make people angrier, more afraid, and more distrustful of institutions.

Many of these changes can occur gradually, but then suddenly, you get a significant event—like the political shift in the United States—where the institutional arrangement of an election triggers a system-wide flip.

The best way to think about these polarization processes is that they have drained resilience from our social systems, making them more vulnerable to abrupt shifts that ultimately harm people. In this case, the flip was an institutional one. However, the long-term changes in people’s attitudes, ideologies, and belief systems haven’t been so much a flip as a gradual erosion of resilience.

That erosion manifests in institutions where a radical right-wing regime comes into power in the United States. This is a clear example of non-linearity—where long-term trends, or stresses, accumulate relatively linearly over time, much like tectonic pressure before an earthquake. Once they reach a certain threshold—bang—you get the quake, and the system flips to another state. In this case, that flip was a shift in control of federal institutions in the United States.

Jacobsen: Let me put this in two parts. First, do you think President Trump will go down as one of the most consequential presidents in American history? Second, there’s now a massive nine-figure investment on the table for artificial intelligence. AI has moved well past being just a trendy buzzword—it’s become a driving force for high-tech firms, major investors, software development, and breakthrough innovation. Do you see these areas steering the development of AI, or is it more accurate to say that AI will end up reshaping them instead?

Homer-Dixon: Yes, 100%. These are related but distinct questions. Let’s talk about Trump first.

The answer is clearly yes—he is already one of the most consequential presidents in American history, alongside Lincoln and Washington. In a recent piece in The Globe and Mail, I argued that he would also be one of the most consequential figures in human history, and I laid out the reasons for that.

One reason is that he is one of the most influential individuals in the world—perhaps alongside Elon Musk. However, he and many people around him are profoundly ignorant of how global and national systems function, even at a basic level.

For example, he doesn’t understand how tariffs work or their economic consequences. That ignorance is deeply consequential because there will be moments when deep system knowledge and strategic intelligence are needed to navigate an acute crisis.

I often point to John F. Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis as an example. He surrounded himself with top experts, forming what he called ExComm, the Executive Committee of the National Security Council, to carefully think through the U.S. response to the Soviet placement of nuclear-capable missiles in Cuba.

I can’t imagine Trump doing anything remotely similar. He has surrounded himself with individuals who are radically ill-equipped to manage the complex systems they now control.

They have their hands on the levers of these systems, yet they are radically ill-equipped to know how to position those levers effectively. So, that’s point one.

Point two is that Trump’s relationship with his followers drives him in a more radical direction. I won’t go into all the details, but if he fails to implement his agenda, he will become more radical, not less. He will seek out more enemies, attempt to attack them, and crush and destroy both perceived enemies within the United States and those outside it.

Point three is that multiple global systems—climate, geopolitical structures, and more—are already highly stressed and near tipping points. Trump could push them past those thresholds in various ways. One prominent example is climate change. He is actively rolling back climate action.

Essentially, his policies amount to humankind giving up on addressing the climate crisis. That alone could change the trajectory of human history and civilization.

If he escalates tensions into a nuclear conflict, which his actions significantly increase the risk of, that too would mark a defining inflection point for humankind. So, when you take these three factors together—his radicalization, the fragility of global systems, and the existential risks he exacerbates—Trump is among the most consequential figures in human history.

That’s a controversial position, but it was interesting to see the response to my article, published three days before his inauguration; three weeks later, people are already reassessing and saying, “No, that view wasn’t exaggerated.”

Now, on artificial intelligence, which is equally relevant. AI dramatically accelerates what we call epistemic fragmentation. It enables the creation of multiple contradictory realities and allows for the substantiation of false narratives. People can manufacture evidence at will using AI, making it difficult—if not impossible—to discern whether information has any real-world grounding.

This is all part of the more significant shift toward anti-realism. Increasingly, people live in massively multiplayer game-like realities, and AI enhances the ability to generate convincing but completely false realities. Worse, these fabricated narratives can be weaponized against groups or political opponents.

So, regarding your point on AI, I am deeply concerned. I have been in contact with many experts who are central to this debate and the development of AI itself. One of the fundamental issues with our world today is that we don’t know. Due to the inherent complexity of our systems, we are witnessing an explosion in possible futures.

Take, for example, DeepSeek, a breakthrough that dramatically changed AI energy consumption estimates overnight. We previously assumed AI required massive energy and material inputs into server farms, but suddenly, DeepSeek cut those estimates by 90%.

Yet, despite these developments, we don’t fully understand the pathways AI will take. There are still enormous unknowns across technological, political, and social dimensions. This uncertainty offers some potential for hope. Within that very uncertainty, there will be positive outcomes—opportunities we can’t see yet, even from AI.

However, I am profoundly concerned about AI’s ability to exacerbate epistemic fragmentation, further entrenching the creation of multiple conflicting realities. These alternative realities will not only shape the way people see the world but will also be weaponized against one another. AI is likely to worsen polarization rather than help us overcome it.

Jacobsen: Your comments call to mind the perspectives of two intellectual figures who represent strikingly different traditions of thought—Margaret Atwood, the Canadian novelist, and Noam Chomsky, the American linguist. Each has reflected on the relationship between ignorance and intelligence, and Atwood once distilled her view with a stark observation: “Stupidity is the same as evil if you judge by the results.”

Homer-Dixon: That’s very good. That’s true.

Jacobsen: I’ve been thinking about the points you’ve made so far, and they bring me back to a question that Chomsky once raised—though it actually traces to Ernst Mayr. He suggested that “intelligence is a kind of lethal mutation.” It’s an unsettling thought when you consider that beetles and bacteria are thriving quite well without it. So when we look at AI and its implications, the question still lingers: could intelligence itself prove to be a lethal mutation?

Homer-Dixon: Yes, we are modifying our environment to such an extent that we may ultimately cause extinction. You’ve encountered this in your discussions—the famous estimate regarding the longevity of intelligent life in the universe, which is embedded in the Drake Equation.

Frank Drake was the head of SETI—the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence. I once visited the SETI offices in the Bay Area. At least at one point, Drake had a custom license plate that read something like “IL = L,” “Intelligent Life = Longevity.”

In his equation, Drake included a series of factors that could contribute to the development of life: the size of planets, their distance from their stars, whether water exists on Earth, and other standard variables.

But the final factor, L, stood for longevity—essentially, the question of whether intelligent life would survive long enough to reach a stable and enduring state. That factor dominated everything else for him because intelligence might ultimately destroy itself.

I don’t think they are.

Human beings—and this is where I have a soft spot for accelerationism, people like Thiel and Musk—are extraordinarily creative, especially in moments of crisis and extreme stress. Things don’t look real right now, particularly existential problems like climate change.

The Peter Principle by Laurence J. Peter and Raymond Hull was published in 1969.

The basic idea is that within bureaucracies and organizations, people get promoted to their level of incompetence—they rise until they reach a position where they can no longer do their job effectively, and then they stop advancing.

What we may be witnessing with problems like climate change is that humanity has reached its level of incompetence. We have solved everything up to this point. Still, eventually, we will face a challenge too complex to overcome.

It’s an open question.

I’m not prepared to count humankind out yet. I have two kids—one is 19, the other 16—and they are very worried. But I keep returning to this: the world is so complex that we don’t know its game.

There may be an explosion of possibilities, but we can’t see the adjacent possible. These could be technological, institutional, ideological, or belief-system shifts. We don’t know. That is precisely why the Cascade Institute exists. We are trying to identify those possibilities and which ones can be leveraged.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time. I appreciate it. It was nice to meet you.

Homer-Dixon: Great questions.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Alexander Hinton on White Nationalism’s Long Arc

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/18

Alexander Hinton is a distinguished professor of anthropology at Rutgers University and director of the Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights. A UNESCO Chair on Genocide Prevention, he is a leading scholar of political violence, white nationalism, and atrocity crimes.

In It Can Happen Here, Hinton traces the continuity of white power movements in the United States and situates them in global patterns. He shows how grievance, demagogic rhetoric, and social-media ecosystems mobilize fear, draws resonances with Nazi propaganda and other extremist ideologies, and warns of democratic backsliding. His earlier book, Why Did They Kill? Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide probes the historical roots of extremism and structural racism.

Hinton earned his Ph.D. from Emory University in 1997 and lectures internationally. Professor Hinton, thanks for joining us today.

Alexander Hinton: Thank you so much. It’s a pleasure to meet you as well.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: When you map the evolution of white nationalism in the United States, what through-lines stand out? Today it sits at the center of cultural and political debate, even though it hasn’t always been named as such.

Hinton: Yes. The context depends on where we are in the world, as historical connections and interactions exist. One example is Nazi Germany, where ideas moved back and forth, influencing white supremacist ideology.

More recently, in relation to my book It Can Happen Here, I testified at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia. This UN-backed hybrid tribunal consists of both UN and Cambodian personnel. I testified there in 2016, around the same time that Donald Trump, then a presidential candidate, was running for office. Much of his rhetoric echoed themes I write and teach about.

I am not suggesting that Trump was comparable to Pol Pot or Hitler in any way. However, his rhetoric—including dehumanization, references to enemy invaders, and discussions of migrant caravans—is part of a historical pattern. These narratives frequently appear in contexts of mass violence, genocide, and atrocity crimes. Recognizing this, I thought, “This is something to watch closely.”

At the same time, many people were making the false equivalence of claiming that “Trump is Hitler.” At one point, this was a viral meme while I was testifying. These discussions were circulating widely, and I was already working on a book about my experiences at the tribunal, which later became Anthropological Witness.

Of course, Trump won the election. We entered what I refer to as Trump 1.0, followed by events such as Charlottesville and the Unite the Right rally in 2017. That rally was a turning point in public perception. Richard Spencer’s “Heil Trump” salute was widely seen, and people began to recognize that elements of the white power movement had gained visibility within his support base.

During Trump 1.0, most of his supporters tended to be older, white, religious, and less formally educated. It is always important to specify formal education because education exists in different forms, but this was a demographic where he had substantial support.

He also received backing from figures such as David Duke, though it is crucial to clarify that this was not the core of his support. However, the white nationalist element was present. This became undeniable in Charlottesville, where marchers chanted, “Jews will not replace us” and “You will not replace us.”

These streets—whose streets? Our streets. But the discourse of “Jews will not replace us” caught everyone’s attention at the time. It was a while back.

Some people may not even know about it at this point. Still, it was certainly an international event as well as a domestic one. A series of white power shootings then followed that.

We had Robert Bowers and the Tree of Life synagogue attack. We had the Walmart shooting in El Paso. There was one in Southern California. Moving forward into the present, we had the Buffalo Tops shooting. Suddenly, there were multiple attacks. Bowers’ shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue, in particular, drew much attention.

So, I decided to take a deep dive into my book, It Can Happen Here, which argued that what many saw as a spectacular aberration—embodied by Trump 1.0 and Donald Trump—was, in fact, not at all discontinuous with U.S. history. I don’t go into this in great detail, but obviously, it also ties into global history.

The first part of the book traces the history of white power in the U.S., going back to the founding of the country and, moving forward, examining how systemic white supremacy has operated.

Later, I wrote an article discussing one way to conceptualize this history: through the lens of micro-totalitarianism. This framework helps capture the reality that while the U.S. has functioned as a democracy for a significant portion of its population, within that same system, there have been people who have lived under conditions resembling totalitarian rule.

For example, enslaved peoples—and later, Black Americans during Jim Crow—experienced a level of control over their lives that mirrored regimes like the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The state and local authorities exercised overwhelming power over what individuals could say, do, think, and learn.

The book’s argument is that it can happen here. It has happened here. Can it happen again?

Of course, it can happen again.

If you think about it, only in the 1960s did the U.S. begin to break away from predominantly white power structures. Of course, the U.S. is not a monolith—there is a great deal of variation within it. However, the civil rights movement ruptured this historical pattern. Ironically, some gains from that era are now under attack in the U.S.

The vast majority of U.S. history has been characterized by white power and white supremacy. If you visualize it on a timeline stretching from Jamestown in the early 1600s to the present, the overwhelming portion of that history consists of enslavement, the dispossession of Native American peoples, and systemic racial injustice.

I emphasize that acknowledging history means looking within ourselves. All of us have good aspects and flawed aspects. The U.S. has achieved many great things, but there is also a shadow side.

To invoke Carl Jung, we all have a shadow, and nations do as well. One of the most disconcerting and bizarre arguments I’ve encountered is that we should ignore or avoid engaging with this side of history. However, just as an individual’s healthy growth requires acknowledging their strengths and flaws, nations must do the same to move forward.

This debate continues to play out in the U.S. today.

It was interesting, coincidentally, to see Elon Musk recently argue that Germany should forget about the past. The argument that people should not feel guilty or personally responsible as a major part of their lives makes sense. However, the idea that we should ignore the fact that certain groups have been dispossessed—while attempting to remedy past abuses without placing blame—is more complicated.

In the U.S., much of this has played out with younger white male voters. That is a longer discussion. But ultimately, we have to confront the shadow side of history. To answer your question, yes, this has been a reality in the U.S. for most of its history. While some aspects remain interwoven with society today, things are much better than 40 or 50 years ago.

Trump is not an exception. He is certainly spectacular because he knows how to control a crowd and command attention. However, what he represents is not a break from U.S. history—it is continuous with it.

Jacobsen: In your view, how does political rhetoric—the themes you’ve outlined—work to legitimize white-nationalist movements and animate what you call their Jungian “shadow sides,” bringing once-fringe ideas into mainstream conversation?

Hinton: Yes, that is an interesting question. Of course, this is obvious, but it bears repeating: the advent of social media and global interconnection has amplified and accelerated ideas that existed long before.

White power groups were among the first users of the Internet, and many people are unaware of this. They made global connections early on and were well-positioned by the time we entered the smartphone era, starting with the iPhone in 2007, which brought massive changes.

The reason I mention this is that we now have different ideological “bubbles”—though “silos” might be a more accurate term—where communities gather and reinforce one another’s views. One well-known example is 4chan, a notorious hub for white power extremists.

These groups develop their own coded language and references, and we often see ideas move from these underground spaces into mainstream discourse. A clear example is how language from platforms like 4chan, Telegram, and Gab gradually surfaced on larger platforms such as Facebook and X (formerly Twitter).

For instance, during the last election cycle, there was a JD Vance “pedophiles” trope that emerged. That narrative originated in extremist circles on 4chan and Telegram before surfacing in public demonstrations—such as marches in Springfield—where it gained visibility. Eventually, it bubbled up into mainstream conservative discourse, reaching figures like JD Vance himself.

This phenomenon is tied to a broader strategy within far-right and white power extremist circles: shifting the Overton Window. The Overton Window refers to the ideas considered acceptable in mainstream discourse. Over time, what was once considered fringe or extremist can become normalized through repeated exposure.

Much of the rhetoric that is now common in political discourse—including on platforms like X—was once confined to far-right extremist spaces. Elon Musk, for example, frequently tweets narratives that align with these ideas.

Take the concept of the “Great Replacement.” It has been phrased in different ways, but at its core, it suggests that non-white immigrants are intentionally replacing white Christians in the U.S. There is a factual element in the sense that demographics in the U.S. are changing, and the white population is projected to lose its majority in the next 20 to 30 years.

However, in extremist circles, this demographic shift is framed as intentional—as if there is a coordinated effort behind it. That naturally leads to the question: Who is orchestrating this?

At the mainstream conservative level, the answer tends to be “Democrats.” But within white power extremist discourse—going back to Charlottesville and earlier—the belief is that Jews are orchestrating it.

Everything ties into the belief that there is a plot to subvert white power and ultimately destroy white people. This brings us to the idea of white genocide, which predates much of the recent discourse.

In 2015, during the European immigration crisis, we began to see the widespread circulation of replacement theory narratives. This rhetoric was later imported into the U.S. Still, the underlying trope had been there long before in the form of the white genocide theory.

By the time we get to Robert Bowers, the perpetrator of the Tree of Life synagogue shooting, he has fully embraced this ideology. His motivation was the belief that Jews were helping immigrants “pour into” the U.S. That was his key justification.

On his Gab homepage—a far-right extremist platform with strong Christian nationalist leanings—Bowers had several disturbing elements. Among them was an image of a radar gun, which prominently displayed the number 1488.

At first, this number might seem odd, but once you examine its symbolism, a pattern emerges. 1488 is a combination of two elements: 14 Words – A white supremacist slogan coined by David Lane, a member of The Order, a white nationalist terrorist group from the 1980s. 88 – A reference to “Heil Hitler” (H being the eighth letter of the alphabet).

The Turner Diaries deeply influenced the Order itself. This novel has been called the “bible” of white supremacy. The book tells the story of white people rising against what they see as an existential threat, forming a group called The Order to eliminate non-whites and so-called “race traitors.”

This novel inspired real-world actions. The actual Order, a violent extremist group, emerged in the 1980s, robbing banks and engaging in other criminal activities to fund their white nationalist cause. There was even a film adaptation of The Turner Diaries released at the end of 2024.

David Lane, one of The Order’s members, was arrested and imprisoned, where he later wrote the White Genocide Manifesto. In this document, he ends with 14 Words, which I will not repeat here, but the essence is a call to protect white children from what he describes as a nefarious plot to wipe out the white race.

So, when Bowers displayed 1488 on his Gab profile, he was signalling deep ideological alignment with this extremist lineage. This illustrates the connection between extremism and political discourse.

What has happened in recent years—intentionally—is that far-right groups have sought to mainstream these ideas. This includes groups one step removed from the “hard” far-right, such as the so-called alt-right, which gained visibility during the Charlottesville rally.

The alt-right has heavily promoted the idea of metapolitics, which argues that the battle is not fought through physical violence but through the control of hearts and minds. This is where cultural narratives come into play.

A major talking point within these circles is cultural Marxism. This conspiracy theory claims that Jewish intellectuals from the Frankfurt School came to the U.S. with the intent of brainwashing the population. This theory, like many far-right narratives, often ties back to anti-Semitic tropes about Jews orchestrating societal change.

The goal of these extremists is to shift the Overton Window—the range of socially acceptable discourse—by normalizing once-fringe ideas.

This tactic has been highly effective. Using humour, irony, and gradual exposure, ideas once confined to extremist circles have entered the mainstream discussion.

For example, replacement theory, which was once framed explicitly as white genocide, has now been repackaged and is widely discussed. The core idea remains the same, but the language has been adapted to make it more palatable for broader audiences.

I can go to Telegram right now and find videos of far-right extremist groups protesting immigrants in hotels. There is one group, in particular, I am thinking of that carries signs explicitly referencing “replacement.”

At the same time, this rhetoric appears at the highest levels of government. JD Vance, for example, has alluded to the idea of “Haitian immigrant invaders.” He did not explicitly use the term “replacement.” Still, his language framed these immigrants as savages—suggesting that they eat pets, that they do not understand American customs, and that they do not belong. The implication was clear: they are not fully human.

We have seen this kind of rhetoric before and know where it leads. While Vance himself may not have made direct connections to white nationalist narratives, far-right extremist groups certainly did. They took his remarks and amplified them within their communities.

This is part of a broader strategy. By shifting the Overton Window, you gradually make formerly unacceptable ideas more mainstream. From the perspective of these groups, that is how you advance your cause.

Jacobsen: We’ve covered history and ideology, but what about risk factors? Given today’s rhetoric and the broader ideological climate, how likely is it that this discourse escalates—not merely into mass protests, a constitutionally protected right in the United States—but into targeted intimidation, violence, vandalism, destruction of property, or Americans doing harm to other Americans?

Hinton: That is a great question; the answer depends on when you ask it.

If you had asked in 2020, in the lead-up to the Biden-Trump election, the warning signs would have been there.

For those of us who study atrocity crimes—a term encompassing genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, as well as broader political violence—many indicators of potential mass violence were present.

At that time, the U.S. was experiencing: a global pandemic created instability, an economic crisis further fueled public unrest, and the mobilization of heavily armed far-right groups.

One key catalyst for political violence around the world is a contested election. Historically, contested elections frequently lead to violence, especially in fragile or polarized democracies.

Two of the biggest risk factors that can escalate political violence into crimes against humanity are: a contested election—which we had in 2020, and democratic backsliding also occurred at the time.

Authoritarian regimes tend to be more stable in this regard—unless they deliberately target specific groups. However, democracies are not immune. Suppose you look at the historical treatment of Indigenous peoples in the U.S., for example. In that case, you see state-backed violence occurring within a democratic framework.

The greatest instability occurs when a country moves between political systems—either sliding into authoritarianism or undergoing democratic reform. In 2020, the U.S. experienced significant democratic backsliding, which heightened the risk of political violence.

At that time, I wondered: What if Trump had not been banned from Twitter? Before the January 6th insurrection, Twitter was his primary tool of communication. When the platform removed him, he temporarily lost his direct channel to millions of supporters. There was no Truth Social then, so his ability to escalate tensions was reduced.

I wrote about this in an article for Project Syndicate, analyzing the high potential for violence at that moment. And indeed, we saw January 6th unfold—a violent attempt to overturn a democratic election.

Fast forward to 2020—isolated attacks by mass shooters were, and still are a reality. Undoubtedly, such attacks will continue, even though the U.S. government has ramped up efforts to combat them. However, I expect that response to diminish under Trump 2.0—but that is a different discussion.

During the last election cycle, there was renewed concern about election-related violence and the potential for political conflict. The movie Civil War was widely discussed in this context, and multiple think tanks conducted war game simulations to explore possible crisis scenarios in the U.S.

The potential for unrest was real—not necessarily large-scale mass violence, but certainly protests, civil strife, and individual acts of violence. But then the election happened.

Democrats hesitate to call it a blowout, but that is essentially what it was. While the Republican candidate did not win most of the popular vote, that did not matter—he won all the battleground states. He made massive inroads with nearly every demographic.

Some key numbers: He secured most of the Latino vote, especially among Latino men—around 56-58%. There was a major swing among young white voters. His base expanded, even though his core support remained the same.

This time, the opposition was defeated and unable to regroup significantly—at least for now. That will likely change over time. The primary mobilization against his policies has been through court cases, which are currently the most effective avenue for opposition.

However, the Democratic Party lacks a clear message. They are struggling to articulate a compelling narrative after what happened. One key shift has been in rhetoric around race.

For many conservatives, being called a racist was one of the most politically damaging accusations. That label stung, and it became a unifying grievance among MAGA supporters.

Having attended MAGA events and read numerous MAGA-related books, I can confirm that this sentiment frequently arises. At rallies, Steve Bannon and others openly dismiss accusations of racism, saying things like, “They can call us racist or not racist—who cares?”

The Republicans, using the metapolitics strategy, leveraged this effectively. They weaponized cultural issues, including wokeness and critical race theory, and launched a devastating political attack against Democrats.

When they folded trans issues into this broader critique, it created even greater challenges for the Democrats.

At the same time, inflation and immigration became major voter concerns. The immigration issue, in particular, had shifted geographically—it was no longer perceived as a crisis only at the southern border. Instead, the impact was being felt in cities, including places like New York, where I live.

The rhetoric around immigration shifted from policy to economic resentment: “why are we giving money to immigrants when we need it here?” and “crime is increasing because of immigration.”

This bread-and-butter combination of economic and immigration concerns was a major factor.

However, what consistently received the loudest applause at MAGA rallies—which I attended as a researcher—were statements about “woke” issues, particularly trans rights.

This became a huge political problem for the Democrats.

One of the major strategic shifts within the Democratic Party over recent years has been a greater focus on identity politics. However, that strategy backfired in this election. Now, the question is: What happens next?

Will Democrats return to their working-class roots? That remains to be seen. Of course, they will continue to advocate for the rights of people of colour and marginalized groups, but the political landscape has shifted.

In many ways, Democrats now face the same kind of political tarnishing that Trump supporters once experienced.

So, there we are. I mention this because there is no immediate threat that Trump needs to deal with—he is in total control. He is sailing along, calling this the golden age, as he puts it.

He says there is now a “light” over the United States and the world because he holds power. So, this is the political reality at the moment.

The risks, aside from mass deportations, include sending people to Guantanamo Bay, detaining individuals in handcuffs, and various other abuses that, according to reports, are already unfolding.

To recap, I explained that this is not a static issue—you have to look at it over time because the situation constantly evolves.

It depends on the context. In 2020, we had one scenario and in the 2024 election, we had another.

However, the threat of election-related violence is now lower—primarily because Trump has consolidated power. He has also expanded his base by adopting a broad anti-DEI, anti-woke, American Marxist discourse, which has politically damaged the Democrats.

As a result, the Democratic Party is in a weakened position. They lack a clear message and are still trying to recalibrate. This means there is no real opposition right now.

There is always the possibility of white power extremist attacks or isolated incidents. Still, there is not much concern in terms of a civil war or large-scale protests escalating into violence.

However, looking ahead to 2028, the situation is far less predictable.

As I mentioned, politics is fluid—things change depending on unforeseen events. We cannot predict the future, but we can anticipate potential risk scenarios: a contested election in which Trump remains in power, but a Democrat appears to have clearly won led to actions that impede a peaceful transfer of power. Trump is running as J.D. Vance’s vice president, mimicking Putin’s political model in Russia.

I do not think that Trump will attempt to secure a third term, as some fear. However, the broader concern remains: what happens during the next power transfer? That is where things could get ugly.

So, in response to your question, I expect more episodic violence, rather than sustained, large-scale unrest. Regarding systemic issues, we will have to monitor the ongoing mass deportations, which have already begun and are expected to escalate.

But here is the key point: Trump’s opposition is now significantly weaker.

It is difficult for his critics to label him and his supporters as “racist” when he has just won the majority of Latino voters. That fact alone diminishes the credibility of those attacks.

With no strong opposition, we will unlikely see any major upheaval soon.

Jacobsen: You’ve described how social media and digital platforms have widened the reach of white-nationalist rhetoric, white identity, and related discourse. For this conversation, I want to draw a clear line between two groups: first, people who regard “white identity” as a cultural descriptor—say, someone of French or Dutch ancestry who values French or Dutch traditions; second, those who adopt a race-based, identitarian political ideology, which is qualitatively different from the first.

These are distinct categories and deserve different analyses. With that distinction in mind, how do social platforms and the broader online ecosystem—recommendation engines, engagement incentives, monetization schemes, influencer networks, and moderation gaps—amplify white-nationalist ideas, shuttle conspiracy theories into wider circulation, and accelerate the slide from cultural identity talk into overt political extremism?

Hinton: Massively.

That is the one-word answer.

This is the “secret sauce,” so to speak. And it goes far beyond white nationalism—it applies to everything.

Rumors spread rapidly.

For example, there have been cases where false rumors involving Dogecoin (Doge), USAID, or other topics have spiked online, gaining momentum even though they are completely untrue.

People exist in silos, where they consume headline-driven information without fact-checking sources. These narratives spread like wildfire, sometimes being deliberately planted by populists and at other times being adopted and amplified by populists after they gain traction.

So, where are people gathering now?

Many left-leaning users have migrated to Bluesky, which means that X (formerly Twitter) has shifted further to the far right than it was before.

I used to have to go to Telegram to find certain extremist content. Now, I can find it quite easily on X—sometimes even amplified directly by Elon Musk himself.

For example, the South African “white genocide” narrative has resurfaced recently. That was a controversial talking point during Trump 1.0, but today, it is not controversial.

Why? Because the Overton Window has shifted, and there is no significant opposition to it. So yes, your question speaks to a larger issue—the question of information consumption.

Where do people get their information?

One of the educators’ main objectives is teaching media literacy. Education should never be about promoting a left-wing, right-wing, or centrist agenda—it should be about teaching people how to critically evaluate sources and information. It should be centered on critical thinking, allowing people to apply it in whatever way they choose.

One way to foster critical thinking is to encourage students to evaluate their news sources and ensure that their media diet is not one-sided.

For example, I always tell my students: I read The New York Times, but I also read The Wall Street Journal. Use platforms like Tangle or similar aggregators that present what the left and the right are saying about a given issue.

I have contributed to The Conversation in some of my more recent public-facing writing. This academic platform makes research accessible.

I also make an effort to explain the perspectives of the MAGA world to people on the left, who often do not fully understand it and tend to reduce it to a simple narrative of fascist authoritarianism. Ironically, in the MAGAverse, many people mirror this perspective—except they believe there is an impending takeover by authoritarian Marxists.

Both sides are locked into these narratives. This kind of binary thinking happens all the time. Each side sees itself as resisting authoritarianism and gravitates toward easy explanations.

This division is particularly evident when comparing platforms: Bluesky vs. X (Twitter)—two completely different realities. Many groups use Telegram, but it is frequently associated with fringe ideologies. Truth Social—a political echo chamber.

We are increasingly living in bubbles.

For educators, the key challenge is teaching students not to take everything at face value: just because you see something on TikTok, it does not mean it is the news. Do not immediately retweet something without questioning it. Always be critical, think twice, and examine different perspectives.

Because, in reality, things are never as simple as one-line answers make them seem.

This ties back to an earlier point about how the left often characterizes the MAGA world as racist—just as MAGA supporters frequently label the left as radical Marxists.

Both of these are caricatures—stereotypes that obscure reality. It is easy to define the other side with a one-word smear. Taking a deep dive, analyzing the issues critically, and engaging with nuance is much harder.

That kind of deep thinking is challenging for many people. Now, that is not to say the words racist or Marxist should never be used. However, people should apply critical thinking when using them.

One final point—when people use words like racist or hater, they individualize the issue. This shifts attention away from the larger historical and systemic problems. For example: saying “structural racism” focuses on systems and institutions. Saying “a racist” focuses on an individual’s character.

However, individuals are raised within these larger social structures, and people need to think critically about this. This applies to both sides because it is part of how human beings understand the world.

The philosopher Theodor Adorno, a member of the Frankfurt School, described this as reification—or “thingification.” This is when we reduce complex social realities to fixed, simplistic categories.

The goal of critical thinking is to resist this tendency, unpack complexity, and move beyond surface-level labels.

Jacobsen: How do white nationalism and other far-right movements in the United States and Europe compare with parallel extremist ideologies—Islamist militancy, Hindu ethnonationalism, and beyond? Where do their logics overlap—in recruitment, grievance, mythmaking—and where do they distinctly diverge?

Hinton: Yes. So, you are asking an anthropologist—which makes this a tricky question.

Anthropologists emphasize the importance of understanding historical and cultural contexts in depth. Because of that, I do not want to dive too deeply into contexts outside my expertise; I will stick to the ones I know best.
That said, I study these movements comparatively and examine their larger macro-dynamics. There are many continuities between them.

For example, the “replacement” discourse we discussed earlier does not exist solely in the United States and Europe. It also manifests in India.

The notion that an external or internal group is “invading” and threatening to take over is widespread. This fear-based formula appears in many societies.

Recently, I was re-reading for my classes about Hermann Göring and Joseph Goebbels, among other Nazi leaders. While imprisoned, Göring was interviewed by a psychologist, who asked him about the past and how things had unfolded in Nazi Germany.

Göring’s response was striking: he said that people do not naturally want war. But if you tell them there is an evil enemy—one that is threatening society, contaminating the nation, or destroying its values—Then they will go to war.
This logic is deeply effective and has been used across history.

Of course, it is not the entire story. Still, mobilizing grievance and fear—whether about “outsiders” or even “insiders” who are framed as existential threats—is a universal tactic in extremist movements. One case that is slightly different in South Africa.

The history of colonialism and land ownership creates a unique dynamic. Unlike in replacement narratives, where the fear is about “invaders,” the tension in South Africa is framed differently.

The Black African majority is reclaiming land that was historically taken. The white minority, which still owns significant land, perceives this as an existential threat.

That is where the conflict emerges. It is not about outsiders coming in—instead, the perception is that the existing population is being “targeted” for destruction.

This is why Elon Musk recently tweeted about a rally in South Africa where someone called for action against white landowners.

The reality is that white South Africans still own vast amounts of land. However, the far-right framing of this situation revives the “white genocide” narrative.

This same existential fear—the idea that “they want to destroy us”—exists in many different extremist movements. It is a deeply resonant message for people who feel their identity, culture, or way of life is under siege.

Earlier today, while preparing for my class, I reflected on Göring’s words. His strategy was simple: Make people afraid. Tell them there is an enemy. They will go to war for you.

This pattern repeats across history—and we continue to see it today.

Jacobsen: Thank you so much for the opportunity. It was great to meet you.

Hinton: Yes, great. I hope this discussion was helpful. Thanks for your interest.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Dear God and Company: Confronting Clergy Abuse and the System That Enables It

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/07

Clergy sexual abuse is not confined to any one faith, denomination, or country—it is a global crisis rooted in power, secrecy, and institutional self-preservation. In this conversation, survivors, advocates, clergy, legal scholars, and researchers confront the patterns that allow abuse to persist and the systemic enablers who shield perpetrators from accountability. From the misuse of spiritual authority to the failure of church leadership to act, their testimonies reveal both the depth of the harm and the urgent need for reform. Together, they ask the questions that religious institutions have long avoided—and challenge the structures that have turned sacred spaces into sites of betrayal.

Katherine Archer is the co-founder of Prosopon Healing and a graduate student in Theological Studies, soon to begin a Master’s in Counseling Psychology. Her work lies at the intersection of academic research and nonprofit advocacy, focusing on clergy abuse within the Eastern Orthodox Church. Archer champions policy reform to address adult clergy exploitation, advancing a vision of healing rooted in justice, accountability, and survivor support.

Irene Deschênes, a survivor of clergy sexual abuse, first reported her case to the Diocese of London (Ontario) in 1992. Nearly three decades later—after a Supreme Court of Canada ruling—she reached a civil settlement in 2021. With a background in sociology and a career in social services, Deschênes co-founded Outrage Canada, a national, non-religious coalition demanding accountability from the Roman Catholic Church and justice for victims. Known for asking Canadians, “Where’s the outrage?” she works to prevent further abuse, protect children, and keep survivor voices in the public conversation through media appearances and documentary work.

Amos N. Guiora, J.D., Ph.D., a legal scholar and former IDF officer, has made a career of confronting institutional complicity and promoting bystander accountability. Author of The Crime of ComplicityArmies of Enablers, and The Complicity of Silence, Guiora draws direct lines between Holocaust history and modern abuse cases. His advocacy was instrumental in Utah’s 2021 bystander law, and through the Bystander Initiative, he presses for survivor-centered legal reforms. “All hands on deck,” he insists.

Father Bojan Jovanović, a Serbian Orthodox priest and Secretary of the Union of Christians of Croatia, is recognized for his unflinching critiques of institutional failings within the Church. His book Confession: How We Killed God and his leadership in the Alliance of Christians of Croatia reflect his commitment to ethical reform and moral reckoning. Jovanović calls for transparency and open dialogue as prerequisites for restoring trust in religious life.

Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr. led Forest Hill Presbyterian Church in Cleveland Heights, Ohio, for more than three decades. Known for his passionate preaching and deep commitment to justice, compassion, and community leadership, Lentz retired in 2024 after a distinguished ministry. During his tenure, he inherited and confronted the traumatic legacy of clergy sexual abuse, guiding the congregation through its aftermath.

John Metsopoulos, a former Connecticut state representative and Fairfield’s first selectman, has publicly accused two Greek Orthodox bishops—Metropolitan Athenagoras Aneste (2017–2019) and the late Metropolitan Iakovos Garmatis (1970)—of sexual and psychological abuse, as well as financial misconduct. Now living in Central America, Metsopoulos advocates for institutional accountability and supports fellow survivors through the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP).

Dr. Hermina Nedelescu, a neuroscientist at Scripps Research in San Diego, investigates the brain’s circuitry to better understand the neurobiological roots of abnormal behavior, particularly in the context of trauma and substance use. Her current research examines how sexual trauma is encoded in the brain, with the goal of improving therapeutic strategies for PTSD and addiction comorbidity.

Professor David K. Pooler, Ph.D., LCSW-S, teaches at Baylor University’s Diana R. Garland School of Social Work. Specializing in trauma, abuse, and institutional responses to misconduct, Pooler is a committed advocate for survivors. His research focuses on systemic injustice and ethical accountability within faith-based organizations.

Dorothy Small, a retired registered nurse, has been a vocal survivor advocate with SNAP for decades. Having endured both childhood and adult clergy abuse, she began speaking out long before the #MeToo movement brought wider attention to such experiences. A cancer survivor and grandmother, she now writes about recovery, resilience, and personal freedom, amplifying survivor voices and pressing for institutional reform.

Michelle Stewart is a cult survivor, author, and activist whose memoir Judas Girl: My Father, Four Cults & How I Escaped Them All recounts her harrowing upbringing in extremist religious groups. Now based in Colorado, Stewart advocates for survivors of religious abuse, focusing on the harms of coercive control and religious trauma in children. Through public speaking, education, and support work, she pushes for greater awareness and protection for the vulnerable.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Drawing on your experience, conversations, and research, what broad trends and facts have emerged—either definitively or with near-conclusive certainty—in international cases of clergy-related abuse? Which truths, when stated consistently and publicly, are most crucial for reshaping the informational landscape—not only around misconduct in general, but clergy abuse in particular?

Katherine Archer: Clergy abuse has nothing whatsoever to do with sex; rather, it is sexualized violence that, at its root, is about power and control. We are now learning that the majority of clergy abuse survivors may be adult women, but because historically adult abuse has been mislabeled as an “affair,” women do not easily come forward and report their experiences. Many women delay disclosure or never disclose, and this isolation in secret-keeping exacerbates the injury.

Finally, clergy sexual abuse cannot be separated from spiritual abuse. There is significant spiritual injury before or as part of the abuse, and it is inseparable from the clergy abuse. This causes a truly profound double-injury, in that typically a victim-survivor has greater difficulty turning to a Higher Power or to one’s spirituality or religion to heal from a tremendous injury. In this way, it differs from other types of violence, wherein one might decide to turn to a Higher Power to heal. The place of healing is also a place of injury. It is like taking medicine that also feels poisonous.

There is a third, even greater injury when a religious community aligns against a victim-survivor. I would say that in most communities, congregants might understand that a priest exploiting an adult congregant is abusive as a theoretical idea. Still, when it comes to a situation in front of them, they do not view the adult victim that they know as an injured party. It’s common to label the adult victim with a mental illness in a derisive, dismissive way, and this is yet another abuse. If a victim-survivor is experiencing symptoms of what is termed mental illness, perhaps the priest’s actions induced depression, anxiety, or whatever it may be. The victim is not “crazy.” This is ignorant, and it’s unacceptable.

Irene Deschênes: What I have seen, not only from my personal experience, but also with working with other survivors of clergy sexual abuse, is that the church hierarchy’s knee-jerk reaction is to contact their lawyers before doing anything else. One would think a moral institution that purports to offer compassion and care to the most marginalized in society would instead take a pastoral approach to survivors who come forward. Sadly, this happens more often than not. First, the Catholic Church attempts to litigate its way out of dealing with the real issue – care and healing of the victim they created. Don’t get me wrong, most survivors need the monetary compensation that a civil suit might provide to deal with an interrupted work history. However, most victims merely want to hear, “What happened to you was wrong. It should never have happened to you. This is what we’re going to do…and, what do you need from us?” These words were never spoken to any survivor I have worked with in the 33 years that I have been advocating for and with survivors.

Secondly, members of the hierarchy, globally, obfuscate when speaking to their flock, the media, the public, and, more importantly, to survivors that come forward. The Roman Catholic Church have staff and unlimited financial resources. How can survivors’ voices, individually or even collectively, ever be heard with limited to no resources to tell our truths?

Thirdly, the secrecy is mind-boggling. Whether it be with meeting a member of the hierarchy or in litigation, a lot of information is held to the chest. Canon law even speaks of ‘secret files’ that must be maintained. Most survivors are told they are “the only victim,” and there is no way to verify or refute it. The church hierarchy has this information but refuses to release it to the public or even to lawyers or plaintiffs. It’s common knowledge that perpetrators rarely only have one victim; therefore, it’s of great importance that victims know they are not alone and that there have potentially been allegations against a clergy perpetrator.

The seal of the confession is making news in the United States as of late. Roman Catholic priests who learn of a child being abused by a penitent (one confessing to a priest) are not required under canon law to report the abuse. In Canada, everyone is a mandated reporter. Everyone. However, those professionals who work with the marginalized in our communities have a greater obligation to report. Does canon law supersede civil law? The church seems to think so.

Finally, on our website, our values are the extreme opposite of what the church espouses vs. what they do, in my experience.

Dr. Amos Guiora: To fully appreciate clergy abuse requires that we recognize the critical role played by enablers. While attention is generally focused on the perpetrator of the abuse, the role of the person in a position of authority/status who knows or should know of harm to vulnerable individuals demands our attention. That is the individual I define as the enabler. In a series of books and articles, I have argued that the enabler must be held accountable for the harm they caused. It is for this reason that I have engaged with legislators, the media, the broader public, survivors, and thought leaders both in the U.S. and internationally, with the aim of criminalizing enablers by enacting legislation addressing the crime of enabling.

In examining clergy abuse, I have focused on the actor who directly protects the institution, indirectly the perpetrator. Interactions with clergy abuse survivors shed powerful light on the harm caused by the enabler upon recognition that the perpetrator had previously abused and should not have had access to the vulnerable individual.

As I learned when writing two books addressing enablers, Armies of Enablers, and The Complicity of Silence, and a series of law review articles, the impact of the harm caused by enablers was, more often than not, a revelation (the word is not used theologically) to the survivors whose primary focus, for understandable reasons, been on the perpetrators. However, when we would “reverse engineer” the interaction with the perpetrator, the survivor would come to understand that absent the enabler, the abuser would not have been able to commit the heinous crime/s they did.

While I am not a person of faith (I am a secular Jew), I have come to appreciate the powerful role of the Church as an institution and the clergy as an individual in the life of a person of faith. Undoubtedly, in the overwhelming majority of cases, this triangular relationship is positive. Of great significance to the believer, the question before us is what happens when abuse occurs and is reported to faith leaders. THAT (caps intended) is the question that demands our attention; as I have come to learn, in many cases, the report is either not believed or the abuse of clergy is “shuffled” off to another location. Both reactions are devastating for the survivor who was not only physically abused but, no less significantly, emotionally injured.

Understanding the harm caused to them would result in neither punishment of the perpetrator nor acknowledgment of the abuse to which they had been subjected, which often resulted in re-victimization. This is the essence of institutional complicity, whereby (in the faith context), faith leaders make the conscious decision to prioritize the “good name” of the church, thereby casting asunder the survivor for whom, in many cases, the abusive clergy was an individual whom they revered and held in the highest regard.

The all-but instinctual reaction to hunker down, reflective of institutional protection, is oft-repeated, almost akin to a time-tested manual with one clear purpose: protect the institution, consequences to the individual be damned. Criminalizing the enabler is necessary to address institutional complicity that protects the abuser while re-victimizing the survivor and placing in harm’s way individuals who will encounter an abusive clergy in the future. Who is the beneficiary of the act of enabling by those whose primary obligation is to protect the vulnerable?

In a clergy-faith context, failure to address the consequences of the harm caused by the enablers is akin to saying to people of faith: we knowingly abandon you, and no less egregiously, we are consciously placing other vulnerable individuals in harm’s way. That, in a nutshell, is the essence of enabling.

The time to act is now, with the understanding that as the lines are written, an individual who should have been protected is in harm’s way because of enablers who have committed the act of enabling. To address this, we need an “all hands-on deck” approach, inspired by a handwritten letter from a Holocaust survivor who once wrote me, “You give voice to the voiceless.”

Ask any survivor: we do not have the luxury of time; given the numbers and accounts of clergy abuse, addressing the crime of enabling demands our immediate attention.

Fr. Bojan Jovanović: First hard fact: Abuse within religious structures is not a “failure” of individuals, but a result of a hierarchical system that enables complete control, isolation, and impunity for perpetrators. Abuse happened—and continues to happen—precisely because of the power that religious office holds: the unquestioning of authority, manipulation of conscience, and the belief that the institution stands above the law. These are not isolated incidents; they are patterns.

The handling of internal disciplinary processes, without mandatory reporting to the state, has allowed rapists to be transferred from one location to another without any punishment. These “internal proceedings” are nothing more than a smokescreen to evade legal accountability. Every such cover-up is an act of complicity, which, in legal terms, qualifies as aiding and abetting or concealing a criminal offense.

Thousands of victims never got the chance to speak out because they were threatened with spiritual consequences—that they would be excommunicated, that they would “harm the Church,” that they would lose their community. This is institutional intimidation. In many cases, those who tried to report abuse were ridiculed, belittled, and their testimonies discredited.

To this day, in many countries, there is no legal framework that obligates religious officials to report suspected sexual abuse. This puts religious institutions above the law, and this must be dismantled in public discourse. Because an institution that delivers moral sermons while protecting rapists is not a sanctuary—it is an organization that must be held accountable like any other. If not more so.

Rev. Dr. John C. Lentz Jr.: What must be consistently stated in public discourse is the amount of clergy sexual abuse (aka “misconduct”) that continues to occur. Furthermore, it is not just a Roman Catholic issue.

I think it is important to note what denominations have done in the past 20 years or so to confront cases of abuse. For example. I know that in the Presbyterian Church USA, there are now criminal background checks for every hire of pastors, Directors of CE, Music directors, and staff. Sexual misconduct trainings are held for all elected leaders of the congregation, and all who volunteer with children (birth through 18) must have said training. Any allegations against a pastor must be reported to the Presbytery (regional governing authority,) and all allegations must be shared with all other Presbyteries if a job transfer is requested. However, it has not stopped abuse from taking place.

In the PCUSA, pastors are legally mandated to report cases of sexual abuse and misconduct. If a pastor is accused, then the Associate Pastor or Clerk of Session (ordained lay leaders) is legally mandated to report the pastor.

I think that most Protestant denominations have moved in the right direction in the matter of sexual misconduct and abuse in the past two decades. However, enabling and covering up continue. The status and perceived power of the pastor or priest continue to create barriers to reporting and accountability.

John Metsopoulos: It is not the fault of the abused, and it can happen at any age. It is a fallacy that it only happens to the young. The abuser uses many forms of abuse, including physical, sexual, emotional, and financial. They may use others to degrade the victims and increase their power and control over the victims. The abuser starts building up the abused, making them feel special, and then they begin to tear them down. In addition, the abuser attempts to alienate them from family, friends, and persons who might see a change in the behavior of the abused. Once they are isolated, the abused now has no one to trust, and the abuser now has complete control over the victims. The abused feels totally alone emotionally and mentally. The abused is further confused as they may enjoy the physical aspect of the abuse, as the body tends to respond to the abuse.

The abused hunt their victims, and seek out victims for the innocence of a person and their depth of faith. The stronger the faith, the greater the opportunity for the abuser. The abuser seeks out individuals whose family is going through turmoil. The abuser seeks out victims whose families have deep faith and would never believe a member of the clergy would abuse anyone. They make the victims feel that what is normal in their lives is abnormal and only they can bring normalcy. Abuse is a total, all-consuming devastation that leaves them alone and deprived of self-respect.

Dr. Hermina Nedelescu: The first truth is this: accused sexual offenders employed as “clergy” by Church institutions often remain in ministry—unimpeded—unless they are criminally convicted and physically imprisoned. Church administrators routinely go to extraordinary lengths to shield or reassign these individuals, often prioritizing institutional reputation over victim safety. This persistent pattern is exactly why enabling behavior must be criminalized, as law professor Amos Guiora has argued through his extensive work on the “enabler” phenomenon.

There is a noteworthy trend. In the Russian and even in Romanian Orthodox churches in Russia and Romania, sexual perpetrators are held accountable at higher rates than sexual perpetrators in Orthodox churches in the United States. Our preliminary data show that more accused clergy are defrocked or penalized by the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia compared to other jurisdictions.

The second truth is even more grotesque: victims of clergy sexual abuse are frequently blamed for their abuse. Church officials often reverse the roles, casting the victim as the perpetrator and the perpetrator as the misunderstood “man of God.” The immense power differential between clergy and laity suddenly disappears from their moral calculus.

We are talking about a crime—so, lacking any legitimate defense, they default to blaming the victim. I read about a case that involved a 4-year-old child accused of “encouraging” an adult man by wearing his boxer shorts. If defenders can stoop to blaming a toddler, they certainly won’t hesitate to call the abuse of an adult woman an “affair” or something “consensual.” That word—“consensual”—has become a favorite among Church apologists, conveniently ignoring the inherent coercion that comes from spiritual authority. But sexual abuse cloaked in sacraments is still sexual assault, which is a crime. Calling it “consensual” doesn’t make a crime any less criminal.

The third truth is a demographic pattern that should raise immediate red flags: clergy sexual abuse cases often involve victims who are decades younger than their abusers. Many of these clergy are well beyond retirement age, yet inexplicably remain in active ministry—exempt from both moral scrutiny and mandatory rest.

And finally, at a recent academic conference on religion and sexual abuse, we presented findings from our research into hundreds of clergy sexual abuse cases within Orthodox Christian communities. The data is clear: the Orthodox Church has a clergy sexual abuse problem. This is not hearsay. This is research-based.

Among U.S.-based Orthodox jurisdictions, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America stands out for having the highest number of reported sexual misconduct cases in the public domain. Oddly enough, this American jurisdiction answers to a high-ranking official based in Istanbul—who was even honored this year with the Templeton Prize for his climate change advocacy.

I find it deeply troubling that a man can be celebrated while disregarding the suffering of women and children who were, and continue to be, abused by clergy under his spiritual authority. There can be no climate justice without social justice. Yet while victims suffer here at home, ultimate decision-making power remains half a world away, seemingly more invested in liturgical pageantry and accolades than in justice for the abused.

Dr. David Pooler: In public discourse around clergy sexual abuse, we must first name it as a phenomenon that is about the abuse and misuse of power, role, and position of a religious authority. The responsibility for the safety of people in interpersonal relationships is on the professional in a position of power. And this is especially true in relationships where someone with more power represents God.

This religious authority does not have to be a pastor or priest only. It is far more about the way the person has power in any given religious system. Even a volunteer who is given much authority and power can use their position to have sex with someone they support.

When the victim is an adult, we must unequivocally state it is not an “affair” and the person being targeted is not “participating willingly.” We must smash the idea that the victim in adult clergy sexual abuse wants this or should be responsible for stopping it. The harm done to a victim is profound and complex. The reason this is so urgent is that officials and spokespersons within religious systems continue to use the idea that it is an unfortunate case of consenting adults who had an inappropriate relationship. The longer we tolerate a false and misleading narrative like this, the longer clergy sexual abuse can be done with impunity, and the harm done to survivors overlooked or minimized.

Dorothy Small: The firm facts and broad trends—based on my personal experience and on conversations with other survivors of clergy-related abuse, whether as adults or as children—are consistent across international cases: dismissal, disbelief, victim-blaming and shaming, retaliation and ostracism after reporting, loss of faith or religious community, and the protection of clergy perpetrators and institutions over the needs of the abused. Silence is rewarded; speaking out is punished, often for the very reasons I’ve listed.

Victims frequently struggle with the emotional impact of grooming tactics. Trauma bonding formed through intensive grooming creates a powerful attachment, akin to an addictive mood-altering substance on brain chemistry. This bond gives the illusion of being “in love,” fostering an addictive pattern that overrides rational judgment. Pursuit behaviors—chasing after what once felt good—are fueled by intermittent reinforcement, alternating “love-bombing” with withdrawal and emotional coercion. This cycle drives the exploited person to dismiss the pain in search of the next emotional high. The victim often falsely believes their involvement was “consensual,” when in reality it was the result of manipulation, not genuine care or love.

Regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, or culture, human beings tend to respond similarly to such abuse, though specific factors can create unique challenges. For example, males sexually abused by males often experience heightened embarrassment and shame, which can adversely affect sexuality. Adults abused by clergy frequently feel responsible not only for what happened but also carry the guilt and shame projected onto them by their abuser.

Michelle Stewart: While most Eastern Orthodox clergy are not abusers, the hierarchical structure creates an environment in which abuse can flourish. Though the majority of clergy are likely well-intentioned, the system of spiritual authority within the Eastern Orthodox Church often acts as a petri dish for misconduct. Allegations must typically pass through multiple layers of hierarchy, where, in my experience, the benefit of the doubt is more often given to the accused than to the victim.

A well-documented example is the case against my former brother-in-law, Fr. Matthew Williams. Another is St. Innocent’s Academy, where reports of student abuse were ignored or minimized for years. In both cases, the Church’s delayed response not only obscured the misconduct but effectively enabled it.

The Church frequently resists external oversight, minimizing legal accountability. When it does respond to allegations, legal action is often delayed or actively resisted. My first encounter with this came nearly twenty years ago in the case of Christ of the Hills Monastery, when ROCOR (Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia) vigorously defended monks accused of child sexual abuse—even supplying character witnesses. As the then-spouse of one such witness, I overheard private conversations in which participants acknowledged the allegations could be credible. Yet the institutional response prioritized church sovereignty over victim protection, with statements like “this is a matter for confession” or, more bluntly, “this is none of the legal system’s business.” Similar dynamics are now playing out in the Fr. Matthew Williams case.

Confession and the authority of the spiritual father are often weaponized to silence victims. In Judas Girl, reflecting on my own experiences and broader patterns of abuse—particularly within ROCOR—I wrote: “There is no greater predator than the one who convinces you they have power over your soul.” Those unfamiliar with Eastern Orthodoxy may underestimate the influence of the spiritual father, especially within the sacrament of confession.

While I do not advocate eliminating confession for those who find it spiritually meaningful, it is important to note two critical points: In many states, clergy are mandatory reporters; however, the seal of confession often exempts them. Many Orthodox believers are taught that obedience to one’s spiritual father is essential for salvation—even when that guidance is ethically or spiritually troubling.

In my own case, when I disclosed emotional or spiritual abuse by my husband or clergy during confession, I was rebuked and told I was spiritually deficient for harboring resentment. I was told such matters were not mine to speak of, but rather the abuser’s to confess. This pattern is not unique to me. Several victims I’ve spoken with shared that after disclosing sexual abuse during confession, they were advised not to speak publicly—reinforcing a culture of silence and spiritual coercion.

Jacobsen: What question is the most crucial to ask about clergy-related abuse to you?

Archer: The most urgent question is why all 50 states do not have legislation holding criminally liable clergy persons who misuse their position of trust and authority. A clergyperson is in a position of trust and power relative to their congregant. A doctor or therapist cannot sexualize a relationship with a patient because professional ethics and state boards recognize the power differential and expressly prohibit this behavior. It is known to be abuse. There are no state boards for clergy. Why is it that clergy get a “pass” on ethical standards, when I would argue that there is even more implicit trust and intimacy in a relationship of soul-care?

I view this from the perspective of an Orthodox Christian, with an understanding of the long history of soul-care within Orthodox Christianity; however, the spiritual intimacy between clergyperson and congregant holds within many other faith traditions as well. Orthodox tradition recognizes a long history of psychotherapy, or care of the psyche. This is different from mental health therapy as it is practiced with a superbill and a co-pay, but truly no different ethically if a priest sexually abuses a man or woman who has gone to him for help. It should be criminalized so that a victim-survivor can gain some understanding of the injury, and a priest cannot continue to pastor.

In the absence of this kind of law in every state, many church bodies “investigate” these abuses as though they were affairs. There may be substantial evidence of what we term misconduct, but it is viewed through the lens of it being an “affair.” This is a reprehensible protection of the institution over a human person who has experienced severe injury. Church investigating bodies, which include attorneys and clergy, inflict greater injuries when sexualized violence is mislabeled as an “affair.” As a society, we should demand that all clergy understand this issue– even if religious seminaries are not addressing this subject well enough for clergy to use the correct language.

Deschênes: The hashtag I used on Twitter was #thechurchcantpoliceitself—and that’s exactly what has been happening for a long time. There is no transparency, only secrecy. All matters are handled internally, leaving victims unaware of what discussions take place or what decisions are made. Many survivors are told the offending clergy is no longer serving their community. Yet, in reality, they often remain in place or are quietly transferred to another parish—sometimes across provincial or federal borders—where new victims can be found.

The Roman Catholic Church, as many can attest, has changed little in its thinking or modus operandi. The few changes that do occur happen over a lifetime, not years or decades. The Church should reevaluate how it responds to victims. One member of the hierarchy once said, when told that most victims simply want an apology, “That can’t happen, because then we set ourselves up for litigation.” Survivors who have endured litigation know how arduous, re-traumatizing, and drawn-out the process can be—delaying healing, if healing is even possible.

My question is: why not evolve and change your approach when a victim of sexual assault by one of your members comes forward? Why is litigation the first response? Why protect your “brother” instead of a member of your flock? What do you lose by treating victims with compassion and care?

I believe the secrecy exists to protect the Church’s reputation. It may have worked in the past. But with the internet, survivors can find one another, offer mutual support, and learn—often through the media—about credible allegations against clergy. What is the Church’s real reputation today? Person A: “Our parish priest was charged with sexual assault.” Person B: “Another one? Well, that’s the Catholic Church for you.” That is the reality now. What institution would want that?

Metsopoulos: What is the true number of cases of abuse by clergy? It seems that a true figure does not exist. It is important to get a true number, as it is a lot higher than the churches or their attorneys admit. They do not want to face the problem, as it is a problem that is at the core of the church’s organization. The abusers in the churches are the majority of the institution. The clergy all have incriminating evidence on each other and blackmail each other to silence each othe,r preventing the truth from coming out. To get a true figure would decimate the churches, and it would become apparent that the rot goes all the way to the top.

Also, the legal professionals associated with the churches are not concerned with the truth coming out, but with protecting the church, allowing the abuse to continue.

The attorneys and churches, under the pretext of wanting to end clergy abuse, seek victims to share their traumatic events to bring justice, when in fact they are attempting to cover the tracks of the abusers and discredit the victims of abuse. The goal is not to achieve justice for the victims but to evade the law. The attorneys play both sides against the middle. They are the worst of the legal profession and, in some ways, worse than the abuser, by providing false hope for the abused.

Why are victims afraid to come forward?

The victims are victimized by the church, the public, friends, and family. They feel isolated, empty, and guilty for coming forward. They feel shame and guilt for allowing it to happen and allowing it to continue. They may confuse healthy sexual relations with abuse. In the end, the victim is victimized and left alone.

Nedelescu: The most urgent question is this: Why are church officials who knowingly enable clergy sexual abuse not held criminally liable?

People including Melania Sakoda and Cappy Larson have spent decades cataloging the crimes of abusive clergy within the Orthodox Church (all jurisdictions), and while that work is continuing by Katherine and I, it is no longer enough. A new frontier of accountability must now target the enablers—the bishops, chancellors, general counsels, and senior administrators who receive complaints, suppress evidence, intimidate victims, move or cover for perpetrators, and then dare to call themselves “spiritual leaders,” “protecting the Church,” or seeking “truth.”

These enablers rarely touch the criminal justice system. Why? Because our legal frameworks still treat institutional cowardice and bureaucratic cover-up as unfortunate oversights rather than as deliberate acts that perpetuate harm. And yet, without the enabler, the perpetrator cannot persist. The real scandal is not just the abuse—it’s the system that sustains it.

We must stop pretending these enablers are merely misguided managers. They are collaborators. Their silence, their memos, their settlement clauses—all of it—forms the infrastructure of abuse. And until we criminalize enabling behavior, the Church will continue protecting predators while branding survivors as “unstable,” “sinful,” “temptress,” or “misunderstood.”

The urgent question is no longer “Who abused?” but “Who knew—and did nothing?” And if the answer is a bishop or a synod or a patriarch, the next question must be: When will that enabler be indicted?

Pooler: To further advance the study of justice in clergy-related abuse, the most crucial question to ask is what barriers stand in the way of churches setting up rigorous protocols to prevent abuse from happening and responding well when abuse is discovered or reported? One answer is Clericalism, the invisible force at play that teaches people to trust a spiritual authority and distrust themselves blindly. Religious leaders benefit from this arrangement, and therefore, religious systems appear impervious primarily to outside feedback and seem to struggle to reflect and accurately appraise how well they train leaders, develop useful processes to deal with abuse, and respond to survivors. In my observation, churches are largely ineffectual in addressing these issues and cannot admit it to themselves or others. And truly, one of my most profound questions is “why”? It would seem to me that churches could lead the way and model to society the virtues of kindness, generosity, care, and create robust and thoughtful responses when a leader injures someone in their care. But churches appear to fail at this repeatedly and often. And a second question is, why aren’t churches asking this question for their own sake? The fact that there isn’t a great answer to either of these questions deeply troubles me.

Small: The most urgent question about clergy abuse is this: Why is it still an issue today, given the decades of documented complaints, known victims, and our expanded understanding of the serious, lifelong health consequences? Addiction, for example, is one such consequence, with far-reaching effects. It is a global epidemic, and research has long shown that at the root of addiction often lies complex post-traumatic stress and other severe mental health conditions, frequently stemming from abusive relationships and relational traumas.

In other caregiving professions, abuse has been met with legal consequences—heavy fines, imprisonment, and loss of licenses—effectively removing offenders from positions of trust. Yet in religious institutions, whose reach and influence are vast, the problem persists. This is a public safety crisis of epic proportions. The data clearly show the profound damage such abuse inflicts on mental and physical health. The most powerful institutions have the capacity either to heal and unify, as they were meant to, or to cause lasting harm, as history has shown.

Why, then, is it so difficult for religious institutions to sanction and remove offenders instead of shielding them—often by transferring them to new locations where they can prey on the vulnerable again? The Catholic Church’s global presence, for instance, allows abusers to be relocated to other countries, where they continue to exploit trust. Vulnerability is universal; trust itself makes anyone susceptible. While minors are the most at risk, vulnerability spans all ages.

Why is immediate corrective action so rare when credible accusations arise? At the very least, institutions could remove the accused from active roles and make their names public. By the time a survivor fully recognizes they were abused, decades may have passed. Concealing an abuser’s identity only leaves others at risk. During the grooming phase, a victim may sense something is wrong, but the perpetrator—armed with authority and institutional backing—can manipulate, plant doubt, and gaslight the target into confusion and compliance. This dynamic not only weakens victims but also enables escalating abuse.

Stewart: The most urgent question is: How can external accountability be meaningfully enforced within the Eastern Orthodox Church, particularly among the clergy?

Abuse can occur in any organization and may never be fully eradicated. However, the decisive factor is how institutions—especially those in positions of authority—respond when abuse surfaces. Their response determines whether the organization actively works against abuse or inadvertently becomes a breeding ground for it. In hierarchical systems like Eastern Orthodoxy, abuse is not merely the result of individual misconduct; it is often facilitated—and concealed—by the very structures designed to provide spiritual guidance. The rigid church hierarchy, combined with the protections of confession, can allow perpetrators to avoid legal scrutiny, while internal mechanisms have consistently failed to safeguard victims.

As documented abuse cases accumulate, the Church—and those responsible for holding it accountable—now stand at a critical crossroads. Raising awareness is an essential first step, but the next imperative is to implement enforceable mechanisms of accountability that address and dismantle the systemic enablers of abuse. While some within the Church hierarchy may resist what they perceive as external intrusion, there is, hopefully, a broader majority of clergy and faithful who are willing to support reform. Their participation is not only desirable—it is likely essential to achieving meaningful change.

Jacobsen: Everyone, thank you for taking a little time to discuss this straightforward topic with complex derivatives. I appreciate the courage, forthrightness, and honesty.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Foreign Money, Ethnic Violence, and a Nation in Ruins

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/31

Nasir Hassan is a veteran Sudanese human rights advocate who has lived in Switzerland since 1993. As president of For Sudan, an NGO focused on humanitarian aid, Hassan speaks candidly about the devastating war engulfing Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF)—a group widely accused of atrocities, particularly in Darfur.

In this wide-ranging conversation, Hassan outlines the RSF’s ethnic violence, foreign support from the United Arab Emirates, logistical coordination via Chad, and the catastrophic toll: over eight million Sudanese displaced. Urging immediate Western engagement, Hassan calls for a shift in international aid and policy to bypass sanctions and deliver direct support to those suffering on the ground.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Nasir, thank you for joining me. You’re a longtime human rights defender from Sudan living in Geneva. Can you share more about your background—your work in Switzerland and your experience in Sudan?

Nasir Hassan: I have lived in Switzerland since 1993. I am the president of For Sudan. Our organization focuses primarily on humanitarian aid. Right now, Sudan is experiencing a devastating civil war. This war is destroying the country. Many people have been killed or displaced.

The RSF was originally a government-backed militia known as the Janjaweed during the Darfur conflict. It was later formalized into a paramilitary force under the Sudanese government. However, in April 2023, tensions between the SAF and RSF escalated into full-scale war, with both sides vying for control of the country. The RSF has been accused of committing widespread atrocities against civilians, particularly in the Darfur region, including ethnically targeted violence against non-Arab communities. I firmly affirm that the legitimate authority to defend and protect Sudan lies with the internationally recognized government and the national military institutions, led by the President and the Security Council, under the leadership of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Sovereignty Council.

At the same time, I categorically reject the notion that the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) represent a legitimate national army. The RSF is an ethnically driven militia that serves agendas unrepresentative of the Sudanese people and operates in the interest of foreign actors—most notably the United Arab Emirates, which has supported the group through funding and arms. Their actions have deeply fractured Sudan’s unity and gravely threatened the safety and sovereignty of its people.

The responsibility for national defense must remain in the hands of national institutions that represent and protect all Sudanese—regardless of ethnicity, region, or background—not forces driven by sectarian loyalties or acting as proxies for external powers.

Jacobsen: When we talk about this war, are the divisions you’re referring to primarily ethnic, religious, or some combination of both?

Hassan: It is primarily ethnic. The RSF has been accused of committing atrocities along ethnic lines, particularly targeting non-Arab groups. They have carried out mass killings, sexual violence, and displacement of civilians in towns and villages. If this were purely a conventional military conflict, we might not be standing here today. However, this war has targeted civilians. Armed fighters have entered homes and killed people based on ethnicity or perceived affiliations. Anyone can be accused—whether they are Islamist, part of the former regime, or have no political ties at all.

Ordinary people, with no involvement, are caught in the violence. Initially, we had no involvement in politics. We focused on humanitarian work. However, after witnessing the scale of suffering, we felt compelled to act and understand the underlying causes. We tried to mediate and open a dialogue. In doing so, we discovered that external actors may also be influencing the situation. There have been credible reports that the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has provided support—either material or political—to the RSF.

The UAE has commercial interests in Sudan, including agriculture, mining, and port access. These relationships complicate the situation further. Sudanese authorities have welcomed foreign investment, but the involvement of foreign powers in this internal conflict is deeply concerning. It appears that outside actors are capitalizing on Sudan’s instability.

We did not expect neighbouring countries—our so-called brothers—to play a role in fueling violence or benefiting from our suffering. Now, we stand with our people, with our institutions—not out of loyalty to any regime, but because we believe it is the only way to protect the population. General Burhan and the SAF have not been accused of the same level of ethnically targeted violence as the RSF. Even among the RSF’s ethnic communities, not all individuals support the violence.

However, the RSF’s actions have included indiscriminate attacks. If you enter certain areas now, you risk being targeted solely for your appearance or identity. That is unacceptable. The war has also had a profound impact on education.

Educated people within the RSF’s ranks have sometimes used their positions to justify or intensify the conflict through racist ideology and the pursuit of power. They want to consolidate control, displace others, and dominate the state.

But if you see them now, they have started to fight each other as well. Even the tribes that were aligned with them are now accusing one another of collaboration. They are accusing each other of betrayal. They have turned on themselves. It has become a truly bloody conflict. I have never seen anything like this. I attempted to translate parts of some videos, but I could not continue—it was too challenging. So brutal. You cannot imagine. It is unimaginable that a human being could do such things. Maybe a machine, yes. However, can a human being cut or kill a person like that?

Jacobsen: You’ve described an immense humanitarian disaster. For Western audiences unfamiliar with the scale of the conflict, can you give us a sense—how many people have been killed or displaced, both inside and outside Sudan?

Hassan: Right now, over 8 million people have been displaced. Eight million. The total population is around 50 million. That is one of the countries. People have either fled the country or left their homes and communities.

Jacobsen: For context, that’s nearly one-eighth of the population of Canada. Let’s turn to the international dimension. You’ve mentioned the UAE’s involvement. What do you believe are the most critical facts that the international public should understand?

Hassan: They support these groups with money and weapons. Also, some neighbouring countries support certain military elements. Because someone from the country, someone who truly feels Sudanese, would not commit atrocities against his people like this. However, the individuals I have seen—many of whom come from the same tribe that stretches from northwest Sudan to Mali. This entire region shares similar customs.

They dress alike and think alike. Moreover, many of them show extreme brutality, especially towards Black Africans. People like my brother, Abdel Jabbar, and his family—when they are seen, they are treated as if they are insects. Just kill him. He has not done anything. Just find him and kill him. Shockingly, they did not even know that people with such hatred lived among us in Sudan.

Jacobsen: What you’re describing—this kind of brutality and dehumanization—echoes patterns we’ve seen in history. In the West, parallels are often drawn with the Nazis tried at Nuremberg, where many lacked any discernible empathy. Do you think the same kind of moral corrosion is at work in Sudan?

Hassan: The core issue here is that the Emirates has misled the leaders at the top. If the Emirates stopped their financial, weapons, and logistical support for this war, the conflict would end within a month—not because everyone would be defeated, but because the fighters would question why they are continuing.

Without external support, especially for these unofficial paramilitary forces committing brutal acts, the war would resolve on its own. There are also people from this tribe who are in Sudan. You can imagine—even in Canada, you would never expect one tribe or group to control all others while everyone else is expected to remain silent. That is not acceptable.

Jacobsen: You mentioned tribal dominance—one ethnic group attempting to impose control across regions. For a North American audience, especially in a country like Canada with its own history of colonialism, how would you explain the lived consequences of that kind of power imbalance?

Hassan: But how do you solve these problems? You solve them through power-sharing, by engaging in dialogue, and by investing in development—especially in regions that have been neglected. Development reduces conflict.

These groups causing problems come primarily from desert regions. Sudan is a vast country. Developing the entire territory, including the desert and areas near the Nile, is challenging. Combine that with limited resources, underdeveloped education systems, and ongoing external interference, and the situation becomes even more complex.

Jacobsen: Beyond the UAE, are there any other foreign governments or regional actors—directly or indirectly—playing a role in fueling the conflict?

Hassan: They have also manipulated Chad. Chad is our neighbour, and we have always believed its people are kind—and many are. However, Chad has also been influenced by financial considerations.

A lot of the logistics for this war—transporting weapons, moving people—have come through Chad into Sudan. Other neighbours, such as Egypt in the north, have stayed out of it. To the east is Ethiopia. They have not intervened either, although historically, our countries have not always had the best relations. Still, as people, Ethiopians have supported us.

When they faced conflict in their own country, they fled to Sudan as refugees. We welcomed them—we had no problem with that. We still have no issue with refugees, but we do take issue with armed groups entering our land to dominate us.

Some of our people are just farmers—straightforward people. They cannot read or write. Some do not even speak Arabic well. However, these invading forces accuse them of being part of the regime.

Jacobsen: It’s a haunting detail: fighters accusing ordinary farmers of being regime loyalists, even when many are illiterate and uninvolved in politics. At the end of the day, most people are just trying to survive. Would you agree?

Hassan: And this is what happened. If they were targeting specific political figures or entities, we could understand that even if they were misusing those targets.

Jacobsen: So if the RSF’s targets were actual regime figures or former political elites, as brutal as that still might be, at least the violence would have some twisted rationale. But that’s not what’s happening, is it?

Hassan: Yes.

Jacobsen: Apart from the Sudanese government and yourself, who else is actively advocating for human rights and peace in this conflict? Are there credible voices or organizations still operating on the ground?

Hassan: Yes. The government is genuinely trying its best. We can see it. Wherever people can escape from these armed groups, they flee to areas controlled by the government military. Not because they believe the military is powerful but because they feel safer there. Otherwise, they would not survive—even if they had done nothing wrong.

They could be killed on the street. It all depends on which soldier is standing in front of them. Some of these fighters even enter people’s home and strip the floors—taking the tiles, the mosaic flooring. It is beautiful. They remove it to bring it back to their areas. The mattresses, the things you sleep on—bed sheets.

They take those, too. It is such a ridiculous obsession. They take refrigerators, fans, and air conditioning units. Their thinking is on an entirely different level. It is not that we oppose them just for the sake of opposition. We oppose them because of what they are doing—because it is inhuman.

Jacobsen: Finally, what else should people in North America know—especially those reading this interview—about what’s urgently needed in Sudan, and what kind of international action might actually make a difference?

Hassan: Peace requires that weapons be removed from the hands of those causing harm. The RSF are the only armed group acting like this in Sudan. If you go to my family’s home—any of the areas—they only have kitchen knives in their houses. Maybe a stick, in case of a disagreement between neighbours. But not weapons. Not weapons meant for killing people or destroying buildings, airports, or banks.

To achieve peace, we need support from the people. Many Sudanese living in the West are trying to help their relatives, attempting to relocate them out of dangerous areas. However, now, when these militias catch people, they demand payment. If they know you have family abroad, they say, “Pay us.” You “have to” pay—sometimes 10,000 francs, or $10,000. If you do not, they will shoot the person.

We need help. We need food. People have no shelter. Moreover, there are also problems with sanctions. For example, I, along with others, attempted to create an organization called Insane Organization—a humanitarian group similar to a charity. However, we were unable to open a bank account here in Switzerland because Sudan is subject to sanctions. However, we are not the government. We want to help the people.

When we asked how we could do that, they told us to work through a Swiss organization. However, we cannot go through them because we do not have formal offices. We send money directly into people’s hands so they can buy food. Sometimes, they create community food centres where they cook all day. Neighbours from all over come to take food and return to their homes.

We support that. In areas where fighting is ongoing, we cover the costs of transporting people out—utilizing cars, drivers, and fuel.

We need the West to take this seriously. There is a history behind this—like what is happening to Palestinians now. It is the same. There is no justification. Anyone who fights, if they have any feelings at all, will recognize that this is wrong. No one should even have to tell him. If you are human, you should know—should I do this much harm to another human being? There is no need.

Thank you.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

When Pilgrims Become Targets: A Human Rights Officer on Jihadist Violence in Kashmir

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/27

Global Human Rights Defence (GHRD), a non-governmental organization with special consultative status at the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), has long worked to spotlight the consequences of religious and ethnic violence in overlooked regions.

In this interview, conducted by one of its human rights officers, the organization discusses its latest advocacy work on Kashmir following the deadly attack in Reasi, Jammu and Kashmir, where Hindu pilgrims were deliberately targeted. Drawing from field reports and UN submissions, the officer outlines a pattern of extremist violence enabled by transnational jihadist networks—many with alleged ties to Pakistan.

GHRD emphasizes the urgent need for stronger accountability mechanisms within the United Nations framework, while also exposing the gendered tactics used to terrorize communities and dismantle their social fabric. With decades of advocacy behind them, they now warn that the threat is no longer contained within Kashmir’s borders—it’s metastasizing, with implications for global security. Through diplomatic engagement, documentation, and public awareness campaigns, GHRD seeks not only to honor the victims but to demand sustained international action.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What exactly is being presented here today?

Global Human Rights Defence: I am a human rights officer at Global Human Rights Defence, an NGO with special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

Jacobsen: In relation to the recent terror attack in the Reasi district of Jammu and Kashmir, what broader themes are being addressed beyond the specific incident and its victims?

Global Human Rights Defence: We are here to raise awareness about the broader human rights situation in Jammu and Kashmir and, more importantly, to demand accountability at the international level. There is credible concern that terrorist groups operating with support from elements within Pakistan have carried out attacks like the one we saw in Reasi recently. We aim to bring these concerns to the attention of the international community and advocate for the establishment of accountability mechanisms through the United Nations and its various bodies and procedures.

Jacobsen: How has the response been so far—both from the public and within UN channels?

Global Human Rights Defence: The response has been modest—we have only been here for a few hours. This action is primarily focused on raising public awareness. In parallel, we have submitted detailed written reports and communications to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and other UN mechanisms. Unfortunately, the situation in Jammu and Kashmir often receives less attention due to the volume of global human rights crises. Our objective is to shift that attention and elevate the issue.

Jacobsen: Can you provide specifics about the victims of the Reasi attack? What made this incident stand out?

Global Human Rights Defence: In the Reasi attack, which occurred in June 2024, at least nine people were killed and over 30 were injured when militants ambushed a bus carrying Hindu pilgrims. What makes this incident especially disturbing is the apparent targeting of religious pilgrims. While investigations are ongoing, early reports suggest that the attackers may have had religious motives, given the nature of the victims and the context. This adds to a pattern of communal violence that raises grave human rights concerns.

Jacobsen: From your findings, what rationale or justification do the perpetrators offer for such attacks?

Global Human Rights Defence: Well, it is a very jihadist, nationalist kind of situation we are talking about. It is part of the jihad—part of eliminating non-believers or those who do not fit within their ideological system. From what we have observed, these are armed militant groups. According to our findings, they have been financially supported by Pakistan for some time. Pakistan has also provided shelter to ISIS and al-Qaeda members for decades. That is why we are calling on countries—particularly members of the Human Rights Council—to cease this type of funding. The European Union, for example, has a programme called the GSP+ (Generalized Scheme of Preferences Plus). It involves trade and financial support through association agreements. What we hope to achieve is a suspension or at least a thorough review of such support, based on human rights conditionality, so that terrorism like this can no longer receive financial backing.

Jacobsen: Given the support networks you’ve mentioned, is there credible concern that this kind of extremist violence could spread regionally or even globally?

Global Human Rights Defence: Absolutely. That is always the risk with terrorism—it does not respect borders. The network is already expanding. We are seeing evidence that different governments have ties to it. What began in Pakistan is now affecting India. Moreover, of course, with the proper financial and logistical support, it could expand anywhere. That is precisely what makes it so threatening in our view—it truly could be global.

Jacobsen: How are these killings typically carried out?

Global Human Rights Defence: I do not want to go into graphic detail, but virtually every form of violence you can imagine has been documented. Victims have been shot at point-blank range, execution-style. While not specific to these recent attacks, we have seen beheadings and stonings in past instances.

Jacobsen: Would you say there is a clear religious or ideological component to this violence?

Global Human Rights Defence: Exactly. These are jihadist methods—deeply rooted in an extremist religious ideology. The brutality is all too real and deliberate.

Jacobsen: Are there individuals who, out of fear or coercion, surrender or join the cause of these militant groups? Are there those who relent and join their cause to avoid being killed?

Global Human Rights Defence: I am not aware of any specific cases, but I can easily imagine that a deep sense of fear is instilled. The military in Pakistan wields considerable power, and we have seen many instances—not only related to terrorism but also involving the suppression of minorities, particularly in regions like Balochistan—where the crackdowns have been ruthless. This creates an atmosphere of fear across the country. I firmly believe that some individuals may turn to these organizations for a sense of security, something they are not receiving from their government, which is supposed to protect them.

Jacobsen: Besides military responses, what other entities—human rights organizations, policy actors, treaty bodies—are actively working to counter these networks?

Global Human Rights Defence: Sadly, not many organizations are currently working on this issue, which is precisely why we are here. However, this issue falls under several international mandates. For example, there is the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions. There is also the Committee Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Another relevant body is the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, which is especially important because enforced disappearances are a recurring issue in this context.

There are several international mechanisms available, but the key right now is advocacy. It is about ensuring that this issue stands out amid the many concerns these bodies face daily. These mandates also face limitations in terms of resources. What we are trying to do is amplify the voices of victims—many of whom can no longer speak for themselves—in the hope of achieving some measure of justice.

Jacobsen: Were any of the victims particularly prominent, or was this attack directed more broadly at ordinary civilians?

Global Human Rights Defence: I do not believe there were any prominent individuals among the victims, which, in a way, makes the situation even more disheartening. These were ordinary civilians. They were not politically active or involved in any movements. Most were simply family men—fathers.

Jacobsen: So the victims were primarily male?

Global Human Rights Defence: Regular working men, yes. They specifically selected the men from the group.

Jacobsen: Why do you think men were specifically targeted?

Global Human Rights Defence: I believe it is about striking the country where it hurts the most. They selected the men based on whether they identified as Hindu. Then they addressed the women and said, “You are going to have to watch this. We are going to execute your husband. Then you go back to your government and tell them what we have done.” It is a tactic of intimidation. At the same time, it is about stripping the country of its human capital—its men—and traumatizing the women to inflict maximum psychological damage.

Jacobsen: Are there other details or patterns in this case that are important to highlight?

Global Human Rights Defence: Generally speaking, this was not an isolated incident. While this particular event gained media attention—especially with the brief escalation between India and Pakistan that followed—it is essential to recognize that such acts of terror happen almost daily, though often on a smaller scale. This conflict has been building for decades. What we saw is only the tip of the iceberg. There is far more to this than what meets the eye. That is why a simple ceasefire agreement, such as the one currently in place, is insufficient. We need a comprehensive investigation. We need stronger accountability mechanisms. That is the only way to prevent such atrocities from occurring again in the future.

Jacobsen: Thank you for taking the time to speak with me.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Inside the UN: A Young Diplomat’s First Look at Global Governance

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/18

Sarah Sydra Anissa Faraoun, who holds a Bachelor’s degree in Applied Human Sciences, recently completed a three-week internship at the UN Office in Geneva through U.P.I.C.E., under the mentorship of Ambassador David Fernández Puyana. Raised in a diplomatic household, Faraoun found the UN’s atmosphere both welcoming and intellectually vibrant. She was particularly struck by a decolonization conference and a high-level session on Israel-Iran tensions—moments that underscored the weight of global diplomacy.

While not actively participating in protests, she witnessed peaceful demonstrations and came away convinced that young voices are too often sidelined in international affairs. A passionate advocate for diplomacy and global engagement, she admires the work of Pascal Boniface and draws inspiration from literature on personal development. As UN budget cuts loom, she’s especially attuned to the uncertain future of unpaid internships and the accessibility of such opportunities.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Could you walk us through your personal and academic background? What drew you to the United Nations, and how did you secure this internship opportunity?

Sarah Sydra Anissa Faraoun: I currently hold a Bachelor’s degree in Applied Human Sciences. As part of the graduation requirements for my degree, I was required to complete a three-week internship, totaling 90 to 105 hours. I was fortunate to undertake this internship at the United Nations Office in Geneva, in collaboration with U.P.I.C.E. (Unión de Promoción de la Identidad y Cultura Española), thanks to the support of Ambassador David Fernández Puyana. The internship lasted three weeks.

Jacobsen: Do you come from a family with a history in diplomacy or international affairs?

Faraoun: Not specifically with the United Nations, but I have always been in a diplomatic environment thanks to my parents, who are both Algerian diplomats. My father served in administrative posts in Paris, Tunisia, and Brussels. I was born in Tunisia and lived there for four years. We then moved back to Algeria for two years before relocating to Brussels for five years. Later, my father was again posted to Paris. Currently, my mother is serving as a consul in Grenoble, France, and my father is the Director General of Finance at the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Growing up in this environment has constantly exposed me to international diplomacy and enriched my understanding of global affairs.

Jacobsen: Having spent nearly three weeks immersed in the UN’s Geneva operations, what patterns or dynamics have stood out to you—whether in the formal sessions or the day-to-day environment?

Faraoun: Yes, I just completed my internship at the United Nations. It ended on July 9th and began on June 16th, which aligns with the 59th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, currently taking place at the UN Office in Geneva. One noticeable trend is the collegial and international atmosphere. I found it easy to engage with representatives and meet new people. Everyone is very open and welcoming, even with the cultural and linguistic differences we all bring to the table.

Jacobsen: Were there particular moments during the Human Rights Council or related events that left a lasting impression on you?

Faraoun: Yes, one moment that stood out was a session discussing the current tensions in the Middle East, particularly regarding the situation involving Israel and Iran. A high-level representative delivered a speech that drew significant attention from delegates and attendees. It was a moment that underscored the gravity of the geopolitical issues discussed at the UN and left a lasting impression on me.

Jacobsen: Did any specific speeches resonate with you—either for their content, delivery, or the issues they spotlighted?

Faraoun: Speeches that stuck with me? The first one I remember was during a side event—a conference on decolonization. It focused primarily on the Sahrawi people. We had the opportunity to hear from a lawyer, a professor, the ambassador of Tanzania, I believe, and an activist. It was the activist’s speech that left the most profound impression on me. She shared that her husband had been imprisoned for ten years. Her testimony was incredibly moving. That was one of the speeches that resonated with me the most. There were others during different conferences. I would also say that it was deeply impactful when speakers addressed topics such as the right to education for women and human rights in Afghanistan.

Jacobsen: On my way to the UN, I came across a one-person protest. Have you noticed any larger or more significant demonstrations, either near the UN complex or elsewhere in Geneva? Or has the atmosphere remained largely calm?

Faraoun: By the way, I was invited to participate in one. Representatives from various associations encourage participation. However, I did not have the chance to join or fully witness a demonstration myself. I did pass by several protests that were held in front of the Palace of Nations. They were relatively calm.

Interestingly, the ambassador shared some information with me—not quite an anecdote, but a fact—about the fountains located directly in front of the palace. They are designed to prevent mass gatherings, helping to limit and control the size of demonstrations. So, it is good to know that this feature serves a purpose in maintaining order.

Jacobsen: From your vantage point, how would you characterize the way disagreements are handled between high-level international representatives during proceedings at the UN in Geneva?

Faraoun: Disagreements are generally handled quite diplomatically. Yes, they are addressed respectfully and with decorum. The key is always to seek a resolution to the issues at hand. That is the essence of diplomacy.

Currently, I am looking forward to an event primarily organized by Algeria, which will take place tomorrow—Friday, June 27th—from 12:00 to 1:00 p.m. at Place des Juges Femmes, within the Algerian delegation. As an Algerian myself, I feel directly involved and eager to hear what will be discussed, what ideas will be presented, and what concerns will be raised.

Jacobsen: The UN is facing a budget shortfall, which has already led to cuts across various programs. Without getting into the politics behind it, what do you think the implications might be for internships, volunteer roles, and job opportunities for young people seeking a future in international work?

Faraoun: It could affect future internship opportunities. For example, in my situation, I am not paid. Therefore, I believe that for unpaid internships, the impact may not be significant—as long as the internship remains unpaid, opportunities may still be available.

Jacobsen: Over the past few weeks, what kinds of comments, concerns, or reflections have you heard from other participants or observers?

Faraoun: I have not necessarily heard frequent comments. It was quite varied. Opinions differ—so yes, quite varied. I do not have any particular frequent comments that come to mind.

Jacobsen: Do you have any favorite quotes that speak to internationalism, justice, or peace—words that have guided or inspired you during your time here?

Faraoun: A favourite quote? I am thinking…I am trying to recall the books I have had the opportunity to read.

Jacobsen: I keep returning to Gandhi’s legacy every time I pass by that statue. Does that kind of symbolism resonate with you?

Faraoun: There is one. She is in one of my books, but I do not want to say anything inaccurate.

I tend to focus more on personal development books—those related to psychology and inner growth. Therefore, it is not directly related to the internship I am currently undertaking. However, I am also very interested in books on international relations, human rights, and geopolitics.

I like Pascal Boniface; his writing interests me a lot. I have had the opportunity to read several of his works. I am not writing any books at the moment, but it has always been a project that interests me—perhaps in the future, when I have gained more experience. I am currently reading The Man Who Wanted to Be Happy by Laurent Gounelle. So again, it is more focused on individual and inner development.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time.

Faraoun: You are welcome.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Democracy Rewards the Pathologically Self-Interested

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/12

Ross Rosenberg is an internationally recognized authority on codependency, narcissistic abuse, and trauma recovery. As the CEO and founder of the Self-Love Recovery Institute, he has become a trusted voice in mental health circles—an in-demand therapist, speaker, and expert witness. His breakout book, The Human Magnet Syndrome, has sold over 190,000 copies and been translated into 12 languages. In his latest work, Codependency Cure, Rosenberg introduces the concept of Self-Love Deficit Disorder (SLDD), a reframing of traditional views on codependency that blends clinical insight with accessible guidance.

With decades of clinical and teaching experience, Rosenberg’s work offers a vital bridge between psychological theory and real-world application, helping individuals escape toxic relational patterns and reclaim a sense of self-worth. In this wide-ranging conversation with journalist Scott Douglas Jacobsen, Rosenberg examines the volatile intersection of narcissism, codependency, and politics. He argues that narcissistic traits—particularly covert narcissism—can offer distinct advantages in political life, enabling candidates to manipulate public perception and prey on voter insecurities.

Rosenberg connects SLDD to a broader vulnerability among citizens to propaganda, fear-driven politics, and cult-like political loyalty. He warns that the psychological spectacle of modern politics, amplified by social media and disinformation, erodes democratic resilience. To counter this, he calls for greater civic awareness, historical perspective, and psychological literacy as essential tools for recognizing manipulative leadership and safeguarding democratic integrity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Ross, thank you for joining me today. Hello from Reykjavik.

Ross Rosenberg: Scott, it’s great to talk to you again. We’ve had many conversations.

Jacobsen: Today, we’re going to be focusing on politics, self-love deficit disorder, and narcissism. If you were to apply these analyses of individual psychology, how would you fit them into the American political system?

Rosenberg: Wow, that’s a really big question. So, let me unpack what you just asked. So, you want to know how my ideas of codependency or self-love deficit disorder, the human magnet syndrome, and narcissism. People who follow me understand that the human magnet syndrome states that codependents are reflexively attracted to narcissists, and narcissists are attracted to codependents because they’re inversely opposite. Their personalities match with each other. How do my human magnet syndrome and other related ideas relate to politics? Well, that’s a big question. I look at politics as a business and a profession, and like all businesses and professions, the very best succeed and rise to the top. Those who cannot succeed, who lack the same talent, or who cannot find a way to meet and surpass their goals tend to struggle. And so, politics, by its nature, I define it as a job where you represent your constituents in a governmental position.

You speak for them, you advocate for them while representing the country, the city, the jurisdiction, the area that you come from, and you represent that. A politician must be selected and possess a certain personality trait, and none of them are mutually exclusive. None of them is selfless. All successful politicians must figure out a way to make themselves appear attractive, to be seen as the person who will represent them and stand up for them. Therefore, they must create a persona that aligns with what they believe their constituents want and one that is more appealing than those of their competitors running for election. In essence, begin with narcissism, a self-centered approach to life where you think about yourself more than the needs of others. It helps in politics because if you’re going to be elected, you have to make everyone aware of who you are and what you stand for. Well, that sounds narcissistic.

Jacobsen: Another aspect of adopting a persona is presenting yourself as something you’re not—essentially, a kind of fabrication. How does this contribute to the construction of a false self?

Rosenberg: That is very dismaying and very upsetting for me and, of course, other people. It is endemic in politics that if you’re going to win an election, you have to figure out a way to present yourself in a manner, in a fashion, that resonates with the people that you want to vote for you. You must continually reinvent yourself as a person who stands for and advocates for specific issues. And these issues change, devolving and evolving, so you have to keep changing yourself. And the person who does that well and keeps tabs on the pulse of their constituents, the people who are going to elect them, is going to get elected. And because what is important to Americans, Canadians, and whoever is listening to this podcast or YouTube video, it changes. It changes generationally. It changes culturally. It changes historically. So, politicians have to keep changing.

Suppose you’re a person with a set of ideas and morals, and you have a specific vision that remains consistent throughout your lifetime. In that case, you won’t get elected because people’s ideas, needs, and wants change. Therefore, the person who can be malleable and change themselves, create or recreate their persona, and conveniently adjust their beliefs or lack thereof to match what they believe the voters want requires a certain personality type. And I don’t think it’s healthy. It’s narcissistic, and it’s very sad because these are the people who win elections.

Jacobsen: In the U.S., we often divide people into conservatives and liberals. Are there consistent personality traits that tend to align with either group?

Rosenberg: If we look at politics and we break down what is a liberal, what is a Democrat, or we break down what is a conservative, what is a Republican, and we go to what used to be the general ideas, the general descriptions, is that Republicans and conservatives represented big business. They wanted less government interference. They believe that if you are left alone, the forces of the economy drive the country to success and comfort. If there’s too much government oversight and regulation, it becomes too bureaucratic and harmful to the creative process, which not only creates businesses but also businesses that create jobs, which in turn create money and spending, and this whole idea of financial success or the trickle-down theory.

By the way, I don’t have a political science background, but that is what I understand as Republican and conservative, as it used to be. Now, let’s look at liberals and Democrats. They believe that the government has a responsibility to all people, whether they’re homeless, poor, mentally ill, independent of colour, or sexual orientation. It’s a very open philosophy that emphasizes the importance of taking care of one another. And because it is so easy for humans and local jurisdictions, cities, states, and governments to overlook this, they create programs and laws that are inclusive and consider people who are disenfranchised. And they believe that government programmes have to be created. People must be responsible for these programs so that they work and help those who can’t otherwise represent themselves and achieve success.

Suppose you can accept this basic explanation of Democrats, liberals, and conservative Republicans. In that case, I have tried my best not to speak about them qualitatively differently. However, if you look at these two, you don’t see them as bad but rather as different ideas. I read this in Neil deGrasse Tyson’s book Cosmic Perspectives or something similar. And in this book, it just blew me away. He said Democrats and Republicans have a lot in common, but we never talk about it.

But I’m talking about differences. And if we talk about those differences, a person who takes care of others, who sacrifices themselves to help other people, not necessarily codependent, that’s more pathological, is going to line up with liberal ideology and politics or consider themselves a Democrat.

A more self-centred person believes the world is better if everyone takes care of themselves and believes that is how we solve problems. We take care of our communities. We take care of our families. That will align with the Republican or conservative ideology. So, I believe that in extremes, now that we’re looking at extremes, the extreme person who gives everything and doesn’t take much for themselves is codependent. Well, the extreme of someone who takes everything and it’s completely all about themselves, well, that’s pathologically narcissistic. This is essentially my relationship compatibility continuum that I talk about in my Human Magnet Syndrome book, where I discuss codependence and pathological narcissism regarding the distribution of love, respect, and caring. Codependence, give it all away; pathological narcissists take it.

So if you accept my explanation about liberals and conservatives as far as how they see the world and what they believe how government can function, which is not dysfunctional, well, then I’m asking the viewers or listeners to accept, well, in the most dysfunctional sense, the most self-orientated are going to be the pathological narcissist and the most selfless orientated are going to be codependents. And in politics, pathologically narcissistic people do much, much better in getting elected than any person.

It is a valuable asset, which sounds terrible because what I’m saying is a personality disorder, which is a horrible thing for people, let alone anyone that’s in a relationship with them; that becomes a benefit for the politician because it allows them without much empathy, without much inner turmoil, cognitive dissonance to mould themselves and shape themselves in any form possible to get elected, not feel bad about it and covertly try to represent your constituents in a beneficent, caring, decent way. But behind the scenes, they’re just about themselves.

Those people get elected because they have it’s a horrible paradox; they have the necessary pathological skillset to beat other people and to figure out ways to crush the other side while getting other people to like them and to vote for them. And by the way, this goes on both sides of the aisle. You can be a pathological narcissist and be a liberal. You can be a pathological narcissist and be a conservative. As much as I say liberal politics aligns with people who are more orientated and conservative politics is more self-orientated, the person who has a personality disorder gets to invent themselves. And that’s why I believe the term covert narcissism is a very important term when we understand politics and politicians.

Jacobsen: In politics, we have leaders, followers, and movements made up of both. How do tactics like fear, loyalty tests, and emotional manipulation within these movements reflect the psychological dynamics of narcissistic abuse or codependency?

Rosenberg: If we look at the history of humanity, I look at it as humans, by their very nature, are very selfish, territorial, and warmongering. Let’s think of that and go back as far as we can to the furthest history we have humans as homo sapiens. We’ve been around for approximately 200,000 years. Still, modern humans can be traced back around 20,000 years, and written history begins about 10,000 years ago. From the very beginning of any historical representation of humans, whether it’s cave paintings or actual writings by the Sumerians in cuneiform, I believe that we started wars and people conquered. There were constant kings’ fights. It is human nature. I had a teacher once who joked that a few million years from now, if aliens discover Earth after we wipe each other out and the world out, they’ll find archaeological remnants of humans and try to figure them out. They’re going to go; what’s wrong with these people? They fought all the time. They kept killing each other.

Well, if you accept that as basic human nature and that the part about loving and taking care of each other is an evolution of that, that is also a part of human nature, but it’s not as strong, and it has less power to it, and it cannot ever beat the dominant, narcissistic, controlling, power-hungry forces in the world. And that is why these benevolent figures in society, who represent humanity, love, and caretaking, are upheld. We celebrate them, but they never really stick around for a while. They get assassinated. They get toppled. Something happens, and they become corrupt.

So if we understand that the forces in the world are more geared towards domination and control, the type of person who’s going to be successful at that, and I neutrally use successful kind of, success is not positive, are going to be people that are selfish, self-centred, manipulative, who are covert narcissists or malignant narcissists who can shape themselves and get masses of people to believe that they represent them. They want to stand up for them. They aim to lead them and establish a concept of the mother country, the father country, the motherland, and the fatherland. And whether you’re Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Gaddafi, Castro, or we go through all of these despots, these horrible humans who took control of their countries, they began by getting people to like them and support them.

How do you do that? Well, you have to be a covert narcissist, which is a narcissistic personality disorder and sociopath, or you have to be a sociopath, or what we call a malignant narcissist, which is a combination of narcissism, sociopathy, and paranoia. So sadly, these pathological traits give people the power and strength to be successful in politics or whatever it takes to rule or dominate people and countries. That’s how I think it fits in with the whole idea of politics, narcissism, and codependency. It’s a lot to think about.

Jacobsen: How might citizens with SLDD traits be more vulnerable to political disinformation, propaganda, or even cult-like political allegiance?

Rosenberg: Just to be fair, I think the people who are susceptible to propaganda are independent of their orientation or codependency, and can also be self-oriented or narcissistic. All people, regardless of their background or type, are susceptible to disinformation and propaganda because everyone has ideas about what they want in a government or what they need from it. And the narcissist politician, In Sheep’s Clothing: Understanding and Dealing with Manipulative People, which is a great book by George Simon, who coined that term, well, if they can fool you and become the person that you believe represents them, well, they’re going to vote with you. That applies to all aspects of my relationship compatibility continuum.

Jacobsen: You’ve suggested that individuals with certain personality disorders often succeed in political contests. What psychological warning signs should the public—not just constituents—watch for when assessing political leaders?

Rosenberg: The warning signs are not heeded. People want so badly to have someone protect them and represent them. And politicians are so good at activating wounds in a way that gets people to understand how much they’re hurt and say, “Well, I represent you. I will stand up for you.” And in a perfect sense, with a hypothetical, perfectly healthy politician, they’re going to say the same thing. “This isn’t good. I represent good; vote for me, and I will help you.” Well, the narcissists are going to say the same thing. “This is what I will do to help you: good, bad, or otherwise.” The necessary discernment is to gather historical information about this person and their record.

Voting for or upholding issues or promises they have made is crucial for discerning the difference between promises and follow-through, as well as their consistency. Because politicians continually reinvent themselves, and yes, they might say, “I stand for this, and I’m going to make sure that I vote for it and get it passed if elected,” and they might do so. But what were they, say, five years ago, if they were a politician? Did they have the same belief set? And that’s where you have to do your homework. And very few people want to do that. And that’s very sad, but it’s the truth. Very few people want to do the historical digging to find out who this person is, what their central beliefs are, and how consistently they pursue those beliefs in their job, compared to someone who keeps shifting and changing based on what they believe people want, so that they can get elected.

Jacobsen: Do you think social media has intensified these political dynamics? In other words, are we seeing age-old patterns in human behavior and political organization—only now amplified by the reach and speed of digital platforms?

Rosenberg: Absolutely. When I wrote the second edition of The Human Magnet Syndrome, I was upset about how the 2016 election unfolded, and it impacted a chapter I had written. And my publisher gave me some great advice, and he said, “The world doesn’t want you to talk about politics, Ross. They want you to talk about psychology.” And so, we took that part out of the book. However, my research revealed that social media has been instrumental in spreading information, disinformation, and propaganda in every election since 2016. There are countries such as China, Iran, and Russia that invest millions, millions, and millions of dollars in creating disinformation through social media.

It was so intense and grandly organized that, according to the research I saw, they stated that if they could have eliminated the interference from other international players or countries, the election would have had a different outcome. That’s important because if a powerful country believes that different US presidents will be more beneficial to them. They can sway the American public by 2% or 3% through disinformation on social media, then that can significantly alter the election’s outcome. So, absolutely, 100%. Social media is a primary source of information for many people.

And unfortunately, a significant percentage of these people, although not a majority, do not fact-check. And that is sad. Millions of people will believe what they are told and will not seek countervailing information or evidence to either prove or disprove it. And most people, especially during the 2016 election and the subsequent election, obtained their political information from social media sources.

Jacobsen: Anything you would like to add?

Rosenberg: I’m passionate about it, but I rarely talk about it because I know that if people believe that one person is better than the other, you know, one political group is better than the other, people don’t change their minds. If you go to a party and a Christian wants to get a Jew to change their religion, it never happens. A Republican will never get a Democrat to change their ideas. It just doesn’t happen. If someone holds these beliefs, whether it’s in religion, philosophy, or politics, they’re unlikely to budge because of what one person says. I do a lot better in my life by just keeping my opinions to myself. But you, my friend, you’re a troublemaker. So, I hope the people who are listening to this hear a balanced approach that is neither anti-Republican conservative nor anti-Democrat liberal, but more of an explanation of how narcissism or pathological narcissism impacts our politics and why that’s not good for humankind.

Jacobsen: Ross, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate your expertise.

Rosenberg: And everyone, this guy’s smart, young, ambitious, and he will go wherever he needs to go to get information. You’re now in Reykjavik, Iceland. Didn’t you go to Ukraine to research the Russian-Ukrainian war? You’ve got a lot of courage, my friend.

Jacobsen: I went to Ukraine twice. The second book project is done. I have to format it and publish it. So, that’s also upcoming.

Rosenberg: Thank you, Scott. The world needs people like you. And thank you for this interview. And it helps people understand politics or people in general. So, I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Šukrija Meholjic on the Legacy of the Srebrenica Genocide

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/06

Šukrija Meholjić is a Bosniak survivor of the Srebrenica genocide who fled in 1992, eventually resettling in Norway. A self-taught artist and published author, he began drawing caricatures in a refugee camp in 1993 as a way to process the trauma of war and displacement.

Over the past three decades, Meholjić has created hundreds of illustrations and authored three bilingual books in Bosnian and English, with his work exhibited internationally. Through both his art and writing, he commemorates the victims of genocide, confronts denialism, and grapples with the nationalist forces that continue to threaten Bosnia’s fragile unity. His work is at once deeply personal and profoundly political—a therapeutic act of memory and a public plea for vigilance.

In this conversation, Meholjić reflects on the haunted legacy of Srebrenica, describing it as a “city of ghosts,” scarred by irrevocable demographic loss and the enduring shame of global indifference. He speaks of the moral imperative to remember—through education, memorials, and official recognition—and warns of the dangers posed by ongoing denial and secessionist rhetoric. His testimony, like his art, is a form of resistance—a personal reckoning and a collective call to never forget.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the legacy of the Srebrenica genocide?

Šukrija Meholjić: That is complicated. After the genocide, Srebrenica became a city of ghosts. Only a small percentage of the original population remained. The majority were killed or displaced during the genocide in July 1995.

However, the persecution and killings of Bosniaks in eastern Bosnia had begun much earlier, during the war that started in 1992. Between 1992 and 1995, thousands of Bosniak civilians were killed in towns and villages across the region, including in areas like Bijeljina, Zvornik, and Vlasenica.

The genocide in Srebrenica in July 1995 marked the most brutal and concentrated episode of mass killing. Over 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were systematically executed by units of the Bosnian Serb Army of Republika Srpska under the command of General Ratko Mladić. It was the worst atrocity in Europe since World War II and has been legally classified as genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice.

Some older survivors did return to Srebrenica after the war, but the town had changed irreversibly. It became a place of silence and sorrow, with more dead commemorated than living remembered. The demographic destruction and post-war neglect contributed to ongoing depopulation.

Life after the war has been brutal. Today, young people who return to the area face high unemployment, inadequate healthcare, limited educational opportunities, and a lack of cultural and economic infrastructure. As a result, many continue to leave Srebrenica.

Srebrenica is no longer what it once was—and it is unlikely to regain its former vitality any time soon. That is all I can say for now. I am unsure whether I will continue discussing this issue or move on to something else.

Jacobsen: How did this evolve for you?

Meholjić: I am one of the original residents of Srebrenica who had to leave in the early stages of the Bosnian War back in 1992 before the siege of Srebrenica began. Two days before severe fighting reached the town, I evacuated with my family in an attempt to save them. Eventually, it became clear that returning was impossible as the war escalated.

We first went to Croatia, where we lived for a year, and then relocated to Norway, where we still reside. Every summer, we return to Bosnia and Herzegovina—especially to Srebrenica.

During those visits, we usually go to honour the victims. It is a painful and challenging experience not to see my friends, neighbours, and those I lived with for so many years. Instead of shaking their hands, I now visit the Memorial Center in Potočari to pay respects to their remains.

This is the reality that life has imposed, but we must continue forward. We must never forget Srebrenica—for the sake of those who were killed, for those of us who survived, and for the generations yet to come.

We must remember Srebrenica because it represents the deepest wound in the history of Bosnia. It is the tear on Bosnia’s face. Moreover, it is essential to recognize that the genocide in Srebrenica was not an isolated act. Mass killings and ethnic cleansing of Bosniak civilians took place in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well—such as in Prijedor, Foča, Višegrad, and elsewhere.

We must remember Srebrenica in every possible way to prevent such crimes from ever happening again—anywhere in the world.

I will not remain silent, but I will not destroy myself through my illustrations and caricatures, which I began creating in a refugee camp in Norway. I drew my first caricature shortly after arriving in Norway in 1993. From then on, I continued drawing them, one after another.

In a way, it became a personal therapy—an outlet to release the emotional burden I carried, filled with questions: Why? Why did all of this happen? Why did my neighbour—someone I had sat with and shared food and drink with—suddenly take up a gun and shoot at my friends and me?

It was initially incomprehensible to me. However, the political agenda behind it became clear. The leadership in Serbia, under Slobodan Milošević, sought to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina into two parts—collaborating with Croatian President Franjo Tuđman. Their goal was to eliminate Bosnia and create a “Greater Serbia” and a “Greater Croatia.”

That plan, however, never fully succeeded. Although the international community imposed an arms embargo on all of the former Yugoslavia in September 1991, the former Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) and its vast arsenal were essentially handed over to Serbian leadership. This gave the Serb forces a significant military advantage.

Meanwhile, in 1993, the Croatian Defence Council, with support from the Croatian Army, began attacking Bosniaks in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina—furthering the joint goals of Tuđman and Milošević.

In response, the Bosniaks—along with all patriots of Bosnia and Herzegovina—united to form a comprehensive defence force. This led to the creation of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which mounted effective resistance against both Serb and Croat forces.

At one point, this army advanced close to Banja Luka, a key stronghold in the region. When it seemed that the liberation of Banja Luka was near, Milošević appealed to U.S. President Bill Clinton and diplomat Richard Holbrooke, who was leading peace negotiations, to stop the Bosnian forces and initiate peace talks to end the war.

Tragically, that request was granted. The war was halted, and the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed. In retrospect, had the offensive continued, Bosnia and Herzegovina might have been preserved as a unified, sovereign state—without the internal divisions that persist to this day. Thirty years later, the successors of Milošević’s ultranationalist policies still deny the genocide and continue to push for separatism.

Today, leaders of Republika Srpska—one of the two constituent entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina—are attempting to secede. Though Republika Srpska has no legal right to unilateral independence, its leaders, with the backing of Serbia, continue attempts to divide the country and destabilize its sovereignty.

Jacobsen: What did the international community do well?

Meholjić: First of all, what did they fail to do correctly? The United Nations had its representatives in the so-called protected area of Srebrenica–Žepa. This zone was established in 1993, not 1995.

There were United Nations peacekeeping troops stationed there, mandated to protect the civilian population. However, when the Bosnian Serb Army, under the command of Ratko Mladić, attacked the Srebrenica enclave in July 1995 and carried out genocide against the population—not only in the municipality of Srebrenica but also in surrounding areas—the UN troops did not intervene. They did not prevent or stop what the Bosnian Serb soldiers were doing to the civilians.

Srebrenica was left entirely alone in the world. The international community, particularly the United Nations, failed to take action. They stood by and did nothing. Moreover, that failure will remain a moral burden for the rest of their lives.

We will never forgive the United Nations representatives for that failure. Because had they truly wanted to protect Srebrenica, not a single life should have been lost during the genocide of 1995. Unfortunately, it took until very recently for the UN General Assembly to adopt a resolution officially designating July 11 as the International Day of Remembrance of the Srebrenica Genocide.

That is a significant step. We thank them for that because now no one will be able to say, “I did not know about Srebrenica,” or “I did not hear that a genocide happened there,” or “I did not know who the perpetrators were,” or “I did not know who the victims were.” The resolution makes it clear: July 11 will be marked internationally as a day of remembrance for the genocide when close to 8,000 Bosniak men and boys from Srebrenica were systematically murdered.

That is a significant achievement. From now on, this day will be commemorated worldwide. It will not be forgotten. It will become part of school curricula, institutional memory, and educational programmes. It will shape how future generations understand and remember this tragedy.

Moreover, it will serve as a starting point to prevent similar genocides from occurring in the future anywhere in the world.

The next step must be for the international community—though still present in Bosnia and Herzegovina—to show greater resolve and capacity to help maintain Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign, unified state.

Currently, I cannot say I am satisfied with the level of political engagement among the international community. Too often, it relies on working through the internal leadership of Bosnia’s institutions—while ignoring the persistent obstructions from political elites.

We face daily political obstruction, particularly from the ruling elite in Republika Srpska and also from nationalist elements in the Croat-majority areas of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These factions consistently block the implementation of constructive decisions at the state level—decisions that would move Bosnia and Herzegovina in the direction it desires and deserves.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is geographically in Europe. It is in the very heart of Europe—but it is still not a member of the European Union. It must become a member.

We must all work toward that goal. If Bosnia and Herzegovina can join the EU, many problems in both the Balkans and Europe will be alleviated. I repeat: I am not satisfied with the international community’s impact on the present situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a centuries-old country with a history that stretches back more than a thousand years.

Bosnia and Herzegovina has a turbulent and dynamic history, but it has always existed. It is the oldest of all the neighbouring countries in the Balkans. However, today, we live surrounded—both internally and externally—by forces that seek to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina into parts.

However, this will not happen. As long as we, the sons and daughters of Bosnia, live anywhere in the world, we will fight for our state—our homeland—because it is our only homeland.

As a citizen of Srebrenica, I contribute in the ways I can. I have been working for over 30 years on illustrations that depict the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, focusing particularly on the genocide in Srebrenica, on proceedings at the Hague Tribunal, and other key decisions related to Srebrenica.

I have created over 500 illustrations and published three books featuring my work. These books are bilingual, in Bosnian and English. They are housed in libraries worldwide. I have also held 30 exhibitions of my illustrations.

People have responded positively to my work, which shows me that I am doing my part. I am not trying to ease the conscience of those within the United Nations, nor do I claim to have saved lives. However, at the very least, I want to help prevent such tragedies from happening again in the future.

Today, we are witnessing the proceedings at the International Court of Justice related to Gaza, where the international community is again struggling to prevent the daily killing of innocent civilians—whether by bullets or bombs.

I continue to write for various Norwegian news outlets, contributing information and perspective on what is happening in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I have given my utmost because Srebrenica and Bosnia and Herzegovina live deeply within me. They run through my veins, and I will never stop.

I wish no harm on anyone, but what happened to us in Srebrenica and Bosnia and Herzegovina is unforgettable. It will remain part of our collective memory.

Jacobsen: Thank you for your time.

Meholjić: Thank you for the interview.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Long Campaign to Free Belarus’s Political Prisoners

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/05

Tatsiana Khomich is one of Belarus’s most prominent human rights advocates, a co-founder of the Free Belarus Prisonersorganization, and the designated representative for political prisoners on the Belarus Coordination Council. She is also the sister of Maria Kalesnikava, a celebrated opposition figure who was sentenced to 11 years in prison in September 2021. In the years since her sister’s arrest, Khomich has become a tireless voice on the international stage, traveling across Europe to press for her sister’s release and draw attention to the more than 1,400 political prisoners languishing in Belarusian jails.

Khomich often speaks of the trio of women who helped ignite Belarus’s 2020 pro-democracy movement—Kalesnikava, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, and Viktar Babaryka—and the brutal crackdown that followed. While the prison population remains alarmingly high, more than 300 detainees have been released since mid-2023, many of them elderly or gravely ill. These releases, Khomich notes, have been driven by strategic diplomacy and international pressure, including efforts like the #ReleaseNow campaign.

Still, she warns, progress is fragile. In her view, only sustained diplomatic engagement, targeted sanctions, and ongoing humanitarian negotiations can offer protection to those behind bars—particularly as Belarus continues to navigate the gravitational pull of larger geopolitical forces.

Tatsiana Khomich
 (Oslo Freedom Forum)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your focus on human rights?

Tatsiana Khomich: My sister, Maria Kalesnikava, was sentenced to eleven years in prison in September 2021. In 2020, Maria was one of the leaders of the opposition campaign supporting Viktar Babaryka, a key presidential contender who was barred from running and later sentenced to fourteen years on politically motivated charges. After Babaryka’s arrest, Maria joined forces with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of another jailed candidate, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, and Veronika Tsepkalo to form the now-iconic “women’s trio.”

This trio symbolized peaceful resistance and inspired mass protests across Belarus. Despite the scale and spirit of the movement, the regime responded with brutal crackdowns. Five years later, Maria remains imprisoned, and over 1,400 political prisoners are still held in Belarusian jails, according to human rights organizations such as Viasna.

We are advocating for engagement and humanitarian negotiations with the government to save lives. Many political prisoners suffer serious health issues—at least 29 are known to have cancer, diabetes, or cardiovascular conditions. Eight prisoners have died in custody, and the actual number could be higher.

There are also approximately 170 individuals who face extreme social or family hardship due to political repression. In some cases, both parents are imprisoned, leaving children in the care of grandparents or forcing them into exile. Others affected include the elderly and people with disabilities. The oldest known political prisoner, Aliaksandr Lubeika, is 77 years old.

Minors have also been prosecuted: some were arrested as young as 16. Over recent years, international attention on Belarus has waned, even as the humanitarian crisis has deepened. The policies pursued by Western governments so far have not led to the mass release of prisoners or significant political change.

That said, there have been some modest positive developments in the past year. Since mid-2023, the government has pardoned or conditionally released over 300 prisoners. These releases have occurred periodically, and the most recent group, comprising 16 individuals, including some with severe health conditions, was freed recently.

We urge democratic nations, including the United States and the European Union, to play a more active role in supporting humanitarian negotiations. In the past six months, multiple visits by U.S. diplomats to Belarus have coincided with the release of detainees, including 14 individuals with U.S. citizenship or ties, such as Siarhei Tsikhanouski. Others released include citizens of Sweden, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, and Japan. While not all of them are classified as political prisoners, many were detained under politically repressive circumstances.

These actions show that while repression continues, the government is also sending signals of willingness to improve relations with the West. Strategic humanitarian engagement could help secure more releases—and ultimately save lives.

Moreover, we have heard it clearly in recent months through their communication, especially from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and even from Lukashenka himself. I believe this is one of the ways that has made the release of political prisoners possible. Belarusian human rights organizations initiated and publicized a campaign in democratic countries under the name #ReleaseNow.

It was primarily Belarusian human rights and civil society organizations that developed a declaration—a manifesto—urging democratic governments, as well as the Belarusian authorities themselves, to engage in negotiations. The goal is simple: to save lives. Some political prisoners are in such poor health that they do not have time to wait.

I hope that my sister will be included in one of the future rounds of releases.

Jacobsen: Like yourself, many family members have been deeply inspired by years of advocacy and research.

Khomich: Yes, for a long time, I believed—and we talked about it—that the prominent opposition leaders from 2020 would be the last to be released. However, we now see that it is not necessarily true. The recent releases show that change is possible. It is a significant step for us and a strong outcome of international negotiations.

We also understand that Belarus is part of a wider regional crisis—the war between Russia and Ukraine—and that the geopolitical context is shifting. This shift is creating space for discussions and negotiations that could lead to the further release of political prisoners.

Jacobsen: Are there comparable international cases? For example, Venezuela?

Khomich: Yes. In Venezuela, political prisoners have also been used as leverage or part of negotiations. Some of those cases date back even longer than ours, predating 2020. These people are often silenced in similar ways.

Jacobsen: And in those situations, do they follow a similar pattern? Long criminal sentences, political repression, years of silence, and then, eventually, selective releases?

Khomich: Yes, that is the pattern. Political prisoners are often sentenced under vague or inflated charges. Many become seriously ill or die in prison. Then, after years of suffering, some are released—but the struggle remains constant. In Belarus, we had never seen this scale of repression before. Ten years ago, there were only a few dozen political prisoners. Now there are over 1,400. Even back then, the leaders of the movement were usually the last to be released, typically after serving nearly their entire five-year sentences.

By “term,” I mean the period between presidential elections. At that time, there was also a warming of relations between Lukashenka and the West. Now, the situation is entirely different. The broader regional context, particularly the war in Ukraine, has a significant impact on developments in Belarus.

Regarding sentencing, there are more than 140 political prisoners in Belarus who have been sentenced to more than ten years in prison. Some have been given sentences of up to twenty or even twenty-five years. As I mentioned, there are individuals over 60 or 70 years old who are facing life sentences. For them, it is effectively a death sentence.

Yes, there have been some releases this year, especially of older adults with severe health conditions. However, it is not enough. We need more.

We should not have illusions about the nature of these transactional relationships. Some of these diplomatic visits were made possible because they were publicly linked to discussions around sanctions and the exchange of political prisoners.

So yes, I think it is time to use all available instruments—including sanctions, diplomatic engagement, and international pressure—as tools to secure the release of political prisoners. These instruments are not an end in themselves; the goal is to improve the situation and, ultimately, end repression in Belarus.

We also need to be realistic. Lukashenka is likely to remain in power for some time. It is currently challenging to envision a complete democratic transition. However, incremental improvements—such as releasing prisoners and halting political repression—are possible. It will take time, but I do believe it can happen.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Tatsiana.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Christian White Nationalists are Thriving in British Columbia

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/07/03

Sir James Douglas, often hailed as the Father of British Columbia, looms large in the collective memory of the community where I was raised. His legacy is not just remembered—it is revered. Yet to venerate him without scrutiny is to ignore the dissonances embedded within his story. As Chief Factor of the Hudson’s Bay Company and later colonial governor, Douglas blurred the lines between private profit and public duty. He granted monopolistic privileges to his own company and family, weaving personal gain into the colonial fabric.

His governance reflected this entanglement. By imposing property-based voting qualifications, Douglas effectively disenfranchised broad swaths of the population. The treaties he negotiated with First Nations—especially the Douglas Treaties—were signed under suspect conditions, often on blank sheets with terms inserted after the fact. Indigenous signatories, unaware of the full scope of these agreements, unknowingly surrendered immense tracts of land. During the gold rush, Douglas’s heavy-handed licensing policies and delayed responses to conflicts such as the Fraser Canyon War did little to protect Indigenous communities. Violence erupted, and villages burned. He also recruited Black settlers from California, less out of egalitarianism than political expediency, hoping to secure their loyalty in a shifting demographic landscape.

Douglas, a man of Guyanese descent married to a Cree woman, defies easy categorization. His legacy is not a matter of simple condemnation or celebration but a duality of ambition and exploitation, idealism and self-interest. That tension remains deeply embedded in Fort Langley today—a township marked by contradictions and inhabited by a curious coalition of hipster intellectual farmers, affluent Evangelical Christians, and politically active citizens whose reach extends into federal spheres.

I speak from within this complexity. Having served on heritage committees in both Fort Langley and the broader Township of Langley, I can attest to how seriously locals take the idea of heritage—even when that heritage proves inconvenient. One elder committee member, a Euro-Canadian woman, once snapped at me during a meeting, “I know who you are,” a remark steeped in latent hostility and social surveillance. These tensions are not abstract; they have shaped my lived experience.

The more recent history of Fort Langley intersects uncomfortably with the Evangelical presence centered around Trinity Western University (TWU). That story begins with a scandal. In 2005, TWU faced a human rights complaint involving Neil Snider, the longest-serving university president in Canadian history. Snider had helmed the university for 32 years, overseeing significant growth and cultivating a powerful institutional identity. Within the Evangelical lexicon, he was believed to be filled with the Holy Spirit.

But his 2006 retirement came on the heels of sexual misconduct allegations. Internal reports and media scrutiny questioned the administration’s handling of the matter. The community, understandably embarrassed, responded with a familiar instinct: concealment. I understand this impulse; religious institutions often circle the wagons when confronted with such crises. A colleague’s mother once rationalized Snider’s behavior to me by saying, “He was lonely,” referencing a deceased or estranged spouse. Such rationalizations reveal much about the elasticity of excuse-making within tightly-knit religious communities.

ChristianWeek’s article “Trinity Western resolves human rights complaint” documented the complaint and its settlement, prompting internal policy reviews. Interviews with former faculty hinted at deeper discontent. The Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT) conducted an inquiry that focused on TWU’s Community Covenant—a document that faculty were required to sign, affirming a particular set of religious beliefs and behaviors. Scholars William Bruneau and Thomas Friedman raised alarms about how such requirements might suppress academic freedom and skew hiring practices. Their findings remain a touchstone in Canadian academic discourse.

By 2011, TWU and similar institutions became acutely aware of their public image. That year, the Institute for Canadian Values ran a controversial advertisement opposing LGBTQ-inclusive education, supported by the Canada Christian College and published in the National Post and the Toronto Sun. The backlash was swift and widespread. While the Post issued a retraction, the Sun did not.

From 2005 to 2015, TWU faced mounting internal and external pressures. Archival memos and former administrators revealed dissent over enforced religious conformity. Most Christian universities in Canada are private and Evangelical, and TWU, as the largest among them, became a symbol of these tensions. Repeated journalistic efforts to speak with dissenting students and faculty were mostly rebuffed, though a few agreed to off-the-record conversations. They painted a portrait of an institution governed by rigid executives, indifferent to internal diversity and unresponsive to calls for reform.

By 2016, discontent spilled into online spaces. Students and alumni criticized the university’s treatment of LGBTQ individuals. One former student described an environment where coming out was fraught, even dangerous. Another pointed to a “thriving rape culture,” claiming that multiple victims remained silent out of fear they would be disbelieved or shamed.

Maclean’s examined these themes in its article “The end of the religious university?” linking early administrative policies to the mounting legal and cultural backlash. The BBC reported on TWU’s attempt to open a law school, branding it a homophobic institution. These reports laid the groundwork for what would become a landmark Supreme Court case.

Xtra Magazine, a Canadian queer news site hosted on Medium, in-depth coverage featured searing testimonials from LGBTQ students, revealing systemic marginalization. Legal journals dissected the Supreme Court decision that ultimately denied TWU accreditation for its law school, arguing that the Community Covenant clashed with constitutional equality rights. The ruling, a decisive 7-2 verdict, signaled a turning point.

In response, TWU amended its policy to make the Covenant optional for students. However, as a Reddit poster, purportedly a current student, pointed out, the decision was driven by accreditation pressures and business concerns, rather than a moral awakening. Faculty and staff remain bound by the Covenant, and TWU’s mission to produce “godly Christian leaders” remains intact.

From 2019 to 2021, TWU’s cultural inertia persisted. In a piece for Xtra, Carter Sawatzky noted that the policy change had little impact on the campus climate. “TWU has doubled down on its social conservatism, at the expense of queer students like myself,” he wrote. One particularly jarring episode involved a student who attempted suicide and was subsequently expelled. TWU cited “inability to self-regulate” as justification. Mental health professionals and advocates viewed the move as indicative of systemic failings. The Toronto Star and CBC News covered the case, placing it within a broader national concern about campus mental health.

In 2021, the Langley Advance Times reported that TWU denied a student group’s request to host an LGBTQ storytelling night. Sawatzky again spoke out, emphasizing that sharing personal narratives should not be controversial. Yet, the university deemed the event incompatible with Evangelical values.

The scandals deepened. CBC News reported on the conviction of a TWU security guard for manslaughter. The article, “Former guard at B.C. university found guilty of manslaughter,” detailed an incident from Fall 2020 involving “a man wearing all black” who had wandered into student residences and was seen rifling through belongings. Security guard Howard Glen Hill confronted the intruder, Jack Cruthers Hutchison, and, according to reports, struck him in the head, pulled his hair, and spat on him. When police arrived, Hill was “in a neck restraint, limp and unresponsive.” He died two days later in the hospital. Hutchison was ultimately charged with manslaughter. TWU responded with a brief statement: “The university has no comment on the court ruling. TWU’s commitment has always been to safeguard our campus community, and we continue to provide a safe place of learning for all our students.”

Langley Union, in its piece titled “Trinity Western University President’s Son Linked to Prolific White Nationalist Account,” reported on digital forensic evidence tying the TWU president’s son to a high-profile white nationalist social media presence. While the son’s actions must be considered distinct from those of his father and the institution, the connection nonetheless raised serious concerns and made headlines.

The account associated with the son posted incendiary content, including statements such as: “I believe in a white future. An Aryan future. A future where my children will make Indian Bronson shine our shoes. Where brown people cannot secure a line of credit, Black people pick cotton. We will win – this is what we fight for,” and “I am a colonialist. I make no effort to hide this. I believe in worldwide white supremacy.”

The Nelson Star added further dimension to the regional picture in its report, “‘Alt-right’ group uses Fort Langley historic site as meeting place.” The article described how a local pub in Fort Langley had become a regular gathering site for an openly self-identified white nationalist group. As one former supervisor once observed to me, “I don’t know what is wrong with we the white race.” That may be a sentiment rather than a structured ideology, but it still reveals a troubling cultural undercurrent. This entire microcosm offers a glimpse into the broader and often uneasy intersections of race, religion, and identity in Canadian sociopolitics—particularly among some Evangelical enclaves where allegations of racialism, if not outright racism, occasionally surface.

TWU officially promotes a policy called Inclusive Excellence. Its public statement reads: “We aim to promote a consistent atmosphere of inclusion and belonging at TWU by establishing a shared commitment to diversity and equity founded in the gospel’s truth. Christ came to save, reconcile, and equip all people (Rev. 7:9), and the incredible array of gifts God has given us is evidence of his creativity, beauty, and love of diversity.” Yet, one administrator reportedly commented informally that a particular event was “not in line with Evangelical values.”

These contradictions are not isolated to Langley. In the United States, the legacy of racial exclusion within Christian education remains evident. Bob Jones University, for example, banned interracial dating until the year 2000, sparking debates about federal funding and accreditation. In Australia, Christian colleges have come under scrutiny for enforcing policies that exclude LGBTI+ students and faculty. The United Kingdom has also experienced friction between faith-based institutional codes and national equality laws, though generally with less intensity than in Canada. Meanwhile, American Evangelical influence continues to spread in Canada, particularly in Indigenous communities. Some Canadian churches, for example, now have Ojibwe pastors—a sign of both cultural engagement and contested terrain.

A Xtra Magazine piece titled “The Painful Truth About Being Gay at Canada’s Largest Christian University” chronicled the experience of a gay student, pseudonymously called Jacob. When peers suspected him of being gay, they sent messages like, “We hate everything about you, and you better watch your back because we are going to kill you on your way to school.” Despite the threats, Jacob said, “I loved the community here so much that I did not want to jeopardize those relationships.” That’s what it means to live in the closet—not out of denial, but out of preservation.

Another student, Corben from Alberta, explained, “My parents, I think, kind of wanted Trinity to be for me sort of like reparative therapy, which is why they would only help financially with this school.” Former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau led a legislative effort to ban conversion therapy—a pseudoscientific practice aimed at altering a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity. Since 2016, the practice has been outlawed in Malta, Germany (2020), France (2022), Canada (2022), New Zealand (2022), Iceland (2023), Spain (2023), Mexico (2024), Greece (2024), and Belgium (2024). Still, that was TWU, and Fort Langley—where I grew up—is inextricably tied to this institution and its shadow.

The Langley Advance Times reported on a blackface incident in a 2017 Chilliwack school yearbook, part of a “mock trial.” The justification, like others before it, relied on the thin defense of context. Just as excuses were made for Snider’s legacy, they surface again in episodes like this. British Columbia has not been immune to clerical sexual misconduct, either. The Archdiocese of Vancouver became the first in Canada to publicly name priests involved in decades of abuse. Other prominent cases, including those of Michael Conaghan, Damian Lawrence Cooper, and Erlindo Molon, reflect a broader pattern of clerical exploitation and institutional evasion of accountability. I wish this weren’t the truth, but it is the history we have.

In 2022, a TWU dean resigned under pressure for her stance on gender issues. A Reddit user alleged that TWU administrators had “tried to make her leave her position as dean because she… stated she was an LGBTQ+ ally,” only to follow her resignation with impersonal bureaucratic statements of loss and regret.

From living there, I can attest that excuses like these are often recycled in local social media threads. Community intimidation is real, and it’s not just socially corrosive—it’s bad for business. What’s being protected isn’t morality, but image. As many LGBTQ students at TWU have experienced, and as many outsiders to the broader community have learned, the resistance isn’t grounded in theology; it’s rooted in public relations. Langley is a wealthy place in a wealthy country, and money often determines what is spoken, forgotten, or buried. The Fort Langley Night Market was repeatedly shut down due to vandalism and alcohol-related incidents—another example of how image management takes precedence over genuine community repair.

Discussions continue online about the quality of a TWU degree. One comment captures the sentiment: “So before anyone says ‘it’s an immigration scam,’ it’s not—but most of TWU’s programs are essentially useless for immigrating to Canada. Any non-degree program from a private school disqualifies you from applying for a PGWP. That said, it does offer a couple of degree programs that may lead to one.”

Local disputes are not confined to institutional campuses. Brandon Gabriel, an Indigenous artist, and Eric Woodward, a developer and now mayor, have been at odds for more than a decade. Their conflict echoes older colonial dynamics. Gabriel represents the pushback against erasure; Woodward has painted buildings pink in protest, a showy symbol of his frustration with regulatory and cultural resistance. Woodward has his supporters—those eager for development—and his detractors. He embodies another complicated figure in Langley’s contemporary political landscape. As ever, a minority of loud actors project their theatrics onto a quieter public that endures the consequences.

Between institutionalized LGBTI discrimination, local blackface scandals, and latent homophobia, Langley is not an outlier—it’s a microcosm. Christian white nationalist undercurrents are not unheard of here. That they exist alongside the veneration of a colonial founder who was a mixed-race timocratic administrator married to a Cree woman is no contradiction at all in Canada—it’s continuity. It shows how unexamined myths crystallize into social realities.

Welcome to Langley—a light introduction. Home, sorta.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Gospel According to Mark Driscoll: Masculinity, Control, and Reinvention

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/06/08

Today I’m joined by Ashley Darling, a former member of both Mars Hill Church and Trinity Church in Scottsdale, Arizona—two congregations shaped by the distinct theology and culture of New Calvinism under Pastor Mark Driscoll. This movement fused rigid doctrine with a stylized vision of masculinity, casting male dominance as both the spiritual mandate and an evangelistic strategy.

In our conversation, Darling examines the gender politics and cultural dynamics of New Calvinism, interrogating how Driscoll’s rebranding of “biblical manhood” sanctified control, authority, and aggression as divine virtues. She speaks candidly about the systemic harm to women—ranging from normalized abuse and enforced silence to lasting psychological trauma. Darling also details how Driscoll leveraged public relations and theological rhetoric to rehabilitate his image in Arizona, sustaining a model of leadership cloaked in repentance but resistant to accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Ashley, can you help unpack those two ideas for us—what is New Calvinism, and how was masculinity used in its missionary efforts?

Ashley Darling: Yes. These are connected but distinct ideas. New Calvinism was a movement that emerged in the early 2000s, characterized by a resurgence of Reformed theology among younger evangelicals. It was deeply influenced by thinkers like John Piper, Tim Keller, and later, Mark Driscoll and Matt Chandler. At its core, it affirmed traditional Calvinist doctrines like predestination, total depravity, and the sovereignty of God. Still, it presented them in a modern, culturally engaged, and often emotionally restrained way.

Although New Calvinism didn’t outright ban women from theological discussions, it was rooted in a complementarian framework that assigned distinct roles to men and women. Leadership, especially in the church and home, was reserved for men. That theology, over time, shaped the culture of churches associated with the movement.

One thing that attracted many men to New Calvinism was its emphasis on structure, clarity, and what some saw as a more rational, no-nonsense theology. It avoided the emotionalism or ecstatic spirituality often found in charismatic churches. Instead, it offered something more intellectual and systematized. For many men, particularly those who felt alienated by more emotive expressions of Christianity, that was compelling.

Mark Driscoll, in particular, combined intellectual Reformed theology with a hyper-masculine, confrontational style. He was one of the few high-profile pastors to openly challenge the “feminization” of the church. He encouraged MMA-style aggression and rugged manhood and positioned male headship as essential to both spiritual and cultural renewal. In doing so, he created a platform that attracted young men seeking purpose, authority, and a sense of identity.

Jacobsen: And when we talk about masculinity being used as a kind of missionary tool, or even as branding—how did that function in his church, and why was it so effective, especially in contrast to churches with predominantly female congregations?

Darling: That’s a great question. At its core, it was marketing, and Mark Driscoll knew it. His background in communications played a role. He understood that he had to speak their language to build a church that attracted young, unchurched men. He framed Jesus not as gentle or meek but as a fighter, a carpenter, a man’s man. He used masculine imagery to frame spiritual leadership, fatherhood, and theology.

In evangelical churches, it’s common for women to outnumber men. Driscoll flipped that by appealing directly to male identity. And here’s the strategic part: if you get the men, statistically, the family often follows. So, it was also a pragmatic approach to church growth.

But we have to be honest—there was also a financial incentive. If you follow biblical tithing, converts tithe ten percent of their income, supporting the institution. So, targeting men wasn’t just theological but structural and economic. Driscoll’s model was successful, but it came with a cost.

At Mars Hill and Trinity Church, the desire for strong leadership sometimes evolved into authoritarianism. When power becomes a defining theological virtue rather than humility or service, it can open the door to abuse.

Jacobsen: And so, if you could expand on the role of power and how it was framed within these churches, there were men who already felt they had power and seemed to be reinforcing it among their peers or even over their wives. But there were also others, as you’ve noted before, who carried deep emotional wounds. How did Driscoll’s approach speak to both groups?

Darling: Yes. For the men who already felt they had power—those who were always trying to assert it in front of their guy friends or over their wives—Driscoll’s message validated them. It confirmed, “Yes, I am doing this right by lording my power over those I see beneath me.”

But it also spoke powerfully to another group—men who carried deep, unprocessed father wounds: emotional neglect, constant criticism, or the sense that they were never good enough. For them, Driscoll’s framework offered an emotional escape. Instead of confronting that pain, they could trade emotional vulnerability for power. That’s a compelling exchange, especially for men in the church who were taught to suppress emotion.

Mark Driscoll brought “authenticity” and “honesty” to this equation. He would say things like, “You men are weak. You’re effeminate. You’re failing in your God-given duty to lead your family.” It was deliberately confrontational. And in marketing terms, he was hitting the pain point. The classic strategy: “You don’t have X because you’re not Y.”

Whether it’s fitness or finances, that’s a familiar technique—aggravate the pain, then offer a solution. Driscoll applied that same model to masculinity and spirituality. He would shame men; even at its best, that system was still driven by shame.

But it worked because many men responded, “Yes, I need to stand up. I need to be a man of God.” And Mark Driscoll came in offering “truth,” no sugarcoating. That was compelling for many guys, especially in contrast to what I would call the Hillsong movement.

Hillsong churches were deeply emotional at the time. You’d walk in and be enveloped in lights, music, tears, and speaking in tongues. Every service felt like a spiritual spectacle. Mark Driscoll stood in violent contrast to that. He rejected it outright.

He said, “F*** that.” That kind of emotional display? That’s effeminate. That’s for the women. Let them have it at their conferences. But we—we’re men. We come into church to be strong. He painted Jesus as a badass, sword-carrying man and called other men to embody that same energy.

It was, honestly, considerable big dick energy—aggressively so. And it appealed to the broadest base of men in the church then. Even those outside the church found a sense of safety in it. They could come to church and not feel like it was a weakness or like they were caving to their wife’s demands. They could go and feel better about themselves.

However, it was ultimately a self-serving model. You weren’t going to church to worship. You would get your ego stroked to feel like you were the big man on campus, at home, and in public.

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Jacobsen: Critics of this, to give them their due, have called this a form of “performative masculinity.” Would you agree? And how would you unpack that critique?

Darling: Yes, I would agree. It has to be performative.

Because underneath all that posturing, there’s pain that’s never addressed. The model doesn’t leave space for vulnerability. So the performance becomes the substitute for authenticity. You put on the role of the strong man, the leader, the protector—but you’re never really invited to be known for your weakness. That’s not biblical masculinity. That’s branding.

Jacobsen: Because for men, especially married men, the highest standard of manhood in the church, regardless of denomination, often remains marriage. That remains the pinnacle of masculine identity. So when these men come into church with their wives and begin lording their manhood over them, it gives them a clear sense of identity, power, and self-worth. But that dynamic doesn’t function without women participating in it. The other side of the equation must also be emphasized for it to be effective.

Darling: For that model to function, women had to be taught to “fall in line.” So Mark Driscoll would either say directly or have his wife, Grace Driscoll, say things to women like, “Submission is beautiful. It’s not less than; it’s just different.” That message was a significant theme.

One of the most dangerous teachings, particularly for married couples, was the idea that women owed sex to their husbands. That was emphasized repeatedly. And it was incredibly harmful, especially for women who were already in abusive relationships with their “good Christian husbands.” Women who were already enduring physical or emotional violence were now being told that God obligated them to offer their bodies, regardless of consent or safety.

And that’s the core issue. It wasn’t just a pastor’s opinion—it was positioned as divine truth, framed as if God Himself was saying it. To that point, one of the key indicators that Mars Hill had cult-like characteristics was how closely Driscoll’s words were placed alongside, or even equated with, the voice of God. That stems from the New Calvinist framework. Within that structure, if you were the pastor, you weren’t simply someone who interpreted or explained Scripture. You were seen as a mouthpiece for God. That was the role.

So when Driscoll stood at the pulpit and said, “You’re not a man if you’re not leading your wife in this way,” or “If she thinks she’s in charge, something’s wrong,” or “If your wife isn’t happily and enthusiastically giving you sex at every opportunity, you’re failing as a husband”—you believed that was coming from God. Because he was the pastor, and in that environment, the pastor’s voice carried a sense of divine authority. That’s where it became hazardous.

Jacobsen: Let’s dig into that last point a bit. What happened when someone started to question these ideas? Do you not necessarily question the pastor directly, or even the junior pastors, but within the community setting or your own home, say, to your husband?

Darling: You would be ostracized. The response was: Why would you question that? And this is where Calvinism gets cold, rigid, and binary. It’s all black and white.

Ironically, many people in New Calvinist circles consider themselves scholars, deep theological thinkers. For example, my ex-husband had his master’s degree in theology from Liberty University, which is well-known in the United States for its religious studies programs. He was drawn to that intellectual framework.

So, if you tried to raise a concern or disagree, you weren’t met with openness. If they acknowledged your point, it would come as “I can see how you would think that. If I were in your position, I might think that too.” But it always ended with, “Let me introduce you to higher thinking.”

That was the default response. It wasn’t a dialogue but a subtle form of dismissal wrapped in intellectual superiority.

You learn to go along with it because they would talk to you in circles. Ultimately, dissent was framed as dissent against God. Mark Driscoll elevated himself to the voice of God within his community and implicitly empowered that same mindset in the men under his teaching.

These men were commanded to be the spiritual leaders of their homes. That meant they were expected to teach their wives and children about theology, interpret Scripture, and set the tone for the household’s spiritual life. It positioned them as the final authority, not just regarding leadership but regarding access to spiritual knowledge.

So, if you, as a woman, wanted to explore something outside the narrow teachings of New Calvinism—maybe a different theological perspective or a more inclusive spiritual framework—and you brought that up to your husband, it was framed as rebellion. Because those men had been taught that they were God’s designated mouthpiece in the home, disagreeing with them was often treated as disagreeing with God Himself.

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Jacobsen: What about something you mentioned earlier—charismatic continuationism? That’s a phrase people may not be familiar with.

Darling: Yes, so charismatic continuationism is the belief that the spiritual gifts described in the New Testament—like speaking in tongues, prophecy, and healing—continue to this day. That’s in contrast to “cessationism,” which holds that those gifts were given in the early church to authenticate the gospel and were later withdrawn.

There is considerable debate within Christian circles about this. Most Calvinists, including traditional Reformed churches, are cessationists. They believe those gifts ended with the apostolic age. However, the charismatic and Pentecostal traditions affirm that those gifts are still active and accessible.

Mark Driscoll pivoted on this. Toward the end of his tenure at Mars Hill, and especially during his relaunch at Trinity Church in Arizona, he began embracing more charismatic elements. He partnered with Charisma Media and released Spirit-Filled Jesus, emphasizing prophetic impressions and phrases like “God told me…” So, he transitioned from a hardline Reformed stance to something more hybrid—part Calvinist, part charismatic.

Jacobsen: Let’s place this in context. Most people today know Driscoll as the pastor of Trinity Church in Scottsdale, Arizona. But before that, he was the founder and public face of Mars Hill Church in Seattle. Can you walk us through the timeline of Mars Hill’s rise and fall and its rebirth, so to speak, in Arizona?

Darling: Sure. So Mars Hill Church was founded in 1996 in Seattle and gained momentum in the early 2000s. By 2010–2012, it was one of the fastest-growing churches in the U.S. Mark Driscoll had become a national voice in the New Calvinist movement. This was before the advent of short-form content like TikTok or Instagram Reels, so the primary way to access his teachings was through YouTube sermons or podcast downloads from the Mars Hill website.

He wasn’t charismatic in the Pentecostal sense—not initially. His sermons were aggressive, bold, and highly structured, drawing in a large number of men with the appeal of strong, unapologetic leadership.

That said, many women also found his message compelling—but for different reasons. To put it bluntly, if you were a “pick-me girl,” you probably loved Mark Driscoll. Because if you played by the rules—if you submitted, stayed sexually available, and supported your husband without question—you were praised. You were worthy of being “picked.” And I say that with self-awareness. That was me.

Jacobsen: So Mars Hill collapses, but Driscoll reemerges in Arizona. After his resignation in 2014 following multiple allegations of spiritual abuse, authoritarian leadership, and financial misconduct, Mars Hill dissolved. A few years later, Driscoll resurfaced in Scottsdale, Arizona, founding Trinity Church. Why Arizona?

Darling: I can only speculate, but it’s a red state with many transplanted evangelicals, a high rate of churchgoing households, and very little institutional memory of what happened in Seattle. It was a fresh start for him, but not necessarily a fresh approach.

Jacobsen: Quick clip point of clarification here, Ashley. “Pick me” is an American colloquial term. It is sharp and evocative—but for those outside the U.S. context, can you define it? What exactly is a “pick-me girl”?

Darling: Sure. A “pick-me girl” is someone who craves male attention so much that she’ll say or do whatever she thinks will appeal to men. She’ll agree with anything they say and laugh at all their jokes—her whole vibe is, “Pick me! Pick me!” It’s a kind of performative femininity centred entirely around male approval. And within the church context, that identity can easily align with specific teachings on submission, modesty, and obedience to male authority.

Jacobsen: Now, moving from that to a broader theological frame—let’s talk about the link between doctrine and praxis, specifically around the concept of “father hunger” and what, from an external perspective, might look like hypermasculinity. Internally, it’s often framed as “authentic manhood” or “biblical masculinity.” Is that a fair characterization? And what’s the relationship between those ideas and the gender constructs taught in this theology?

Darling: Yes, that’s a fair framing. So, stepping back, in the 1990s, culturally, we were starting to see a lot more visibility and public acceptance of LGBTQ individuals, especially in the wake of the AIDS crisis in the ’80s. That decade had pushed many queer people into hiding. However, by the 1990s, a shift had occurred through television, film, and legal protections toward greater social inclusion.

And the church, especially evangelical Christianity, tends to be reactive to culture rather than proactive. As this shift was occurring in society, the church responded defensively. This was also the rise of the so-called “apologist era,” and debates began to center around what were perceived as the two most significant threats to Christian morality: abortion and homosexuality.

At the same time, churches began realizing that closeted gay people were already part of their congregations. So, new questions emerged: Does your church affirm LGBTQ individuals? That divide became very public very fast.

Now, a lot of the cultural stereotypes—especially in America—frame gay men as “effeminate.” In conservative evangelical circles, any perceived proximity to that stereotype, even among straight men, being soft-spoken, gentle, artistic, and emotionally expressive was utterly unacceptable. It wasn’t just about sexuality. It was about masculine identity.

So when Mark Driscoll came on the scene, what he offered was a kind of aggressive, exaggerated masculinity that repackaged the most toxic aspects of male behaviour as holy. He said: “This is what it means to be a man of God.” He took this idea of “father hunger”—men’s deep, unresolved pain from emotionally absent or abusive fathers—and filled that void not with healing but with dominance.

He told men that the church didn’t have to be emotional or “feminine.” It could be tough, loud, and gritty. For many men who had felt alienated from the church due to its emotional tone or were afraid of being perceived as soft or effeminate, this was a revelation. They were being told: “You belong here. You can be strong. You can be in control.” So in a way, it was a rebranding of the church—away from its emotional, nurturing associations and toward something hard-edged and “manly.”

There was even a joke in Christian circles back then: “Church is for women.” It was a place where people cried, hugged, and became emotional. That was seen as feminine. Driscoll blew that apart and said, “No, church is for warriors. Church is for fighters.” Many men bought into that vision, not necessarily because it was spiritually true, but because it permitted them to express power, anger, and dominance under the guise of godliness.

Mark Driscoll says, “This is what a real man looks like.” He wasn’t crying. He wasn’t emotional—except when it came to anger. And that made many men sit up and go, “Oh. So, the worst parts of toxic masculinity are the best parts of being a holy man? Cool.”

It was this unspoken permission: “I don’t have to change anything about myself. I can take all these traits I already have—anger, control, dominance—and amplify them. Not only does that make me more masculine, it makes me more holy.”

For many men, that was deeply affirming. Because we’re all human, we want to feel in control. That’s a primal need. We want to avoid death and feel like we have some agency in the world.

This brand of Christianity—Driscoll’s version—offered both. Eternal security: “You don’t have to worry about dying because you know what the afterlife holds.” And immediate control: “Here’s how to take charge of your life and household.” That combination? It was brilliant marketing. And that’s how he got them.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk more about “head of household” or household headship—this idea that men are meant to provide, protect, and lead. These aren’t unique ideas to Mars Hill or even to Driscoll. Figures like Steve Harvey, who blend Christian themes with cultural commentary, promote the same beliefs, especially in communities where traditional gender roles are emphasized. Women in those settings are highly motivated to adopt the model because the church exerts such a significant social influence. But if we narrow it down—let’s say, within the Anglo-American evangelical framework—what does household headship mean in practice? What does it look like today?

Darling: Yes, “head of household” is aurally loaded. It has deep traditional roots. Historically, it referred to the man as the provider, the protector, the one who sets the moral and financial direction of the home. It was always paternalistic, but Mars Hill stripped away any nurturing aspect and repackaged it as more about dominance and control.

This wasn’t about care or stewardship—it was about power. And that’s important. The phrase had existed for a long time, but Mars Hill and Trinity Church reframed it in a way that felt like reclaiming something “lost.”

Historically, yes, men were the hunters and providers, while women stayed home to tend to domestic responsibilities. However, as society changed, women entered the workforce, gained independence, and made financial decisions—these shifts were perceived as a threat to traditional Christian gender roles.

In response, a cultural and theological backlash ensued. The message became: “Men, step up. Take back the leadership of your homes. Reclaim your role.” Simultaneously, you had second-wave and third-wave feminism rising, and women were saying, “Actually, no. I’m the one leading this home. I make the money. I make the decisions.”

There was this deep tension—this ideological clash. What emerged from that was a surge of Christian literature, sermons, and workshops all focused on gender roles: what they “should” be, how to “restore” them, and how to “discipline” the home into biblical order.

The result was a kind of spiritual cold war happening in households. Women were increasingly independent, but men were being told that their very godliness depended on asserting control. That dynamic is still playing out today in churches across America.

Jacobsen: So there’s this kind of back-and-forth—men saying, “I want to be in charge,” and women responding, “The hell you are.” It created tension, right? A kind of ideological tug-of-war.

Darling: What we saw in the early 2000s—through figures like Mark Driscoll, Matt Chandler, Francis Chan, and others—was a collective attempt to reassert control within that gender dynamic. These were the intellectual pastors, the theological heavyweights of the New Calvinist movement. They asked: “How do we make this compelling for men to step up and lead again?”

The answer was to incentivize them. The message became, “If you take charge, you’ll be rewarded with power and sex.” So they went to women and preached, “Relinquishing your power is the most godly thing you can do. Give up your autonomy. Give up your consent.” That was the transactional framework: men lead, women submit.

They preached both sides of that coin. Women were already craving love and affirmation from their husbands. And when you sat in a Driscoll sermon and heard him gush about his wife, it was easy to get pulled in.

Jacobsen: There’s a whole TikTok trend mocking that, right? Pastors are standing at the pulpit saying, “My wife is so hot,” over and over again. It’s performative.

Darling: Yes, 100 percent. There is a specific genre on TikTok where people parody this. Mark Driscoll would get up and say, “My wife—she’s so hot. I love her. God, she’s beautiful. My wife is hotter than yours.” And he meant it. There was even a moment where women in the congregation echoed that, like a weird sort of competition.

And women bought into that narrative. Because here was this pastor—moderately attractive, sure—but married way out of his league, and worshiping the ground his wife walked on in public. Women saw that and thought, “God, if my husband listens to this guy, maybe he’ll talk about me that way too.”

That’s how they got the women. That’s why I say if you were a “pick me” girl, you were highly susceptible to that theology. You were already willing to trade some autonomy for perceived love and admiration.

Jacobsen: The way I’m hearing it, from the social and theological trends of that brand of evangelicalism and the feminist responses, there’s no balance, no mutuality, no conversation. “I’m in charge.” “No, I’m in charge.”

Darling: It’s this classically American pendulum swing—from one extreme to another. There’s no room for nuance—the more complex the framing on one side, the more extreme the reaction on the other. You had hardline feminism developing in response to hardline patriarchy. Then, even more reactionary masculinity is being built to defend that patriarchy.

Jacobsen: And then Mars Hill collapses. And Trinity Church rises.

Darling: Yes, the whole dynamic was—and still is—deeply unhealthy. What’s fascinating and disturbing is how forgiveness was used to justify Driscoll’s return. He had built something enormous, then burned it down. Yet, within a few years, he re-emerged in Arizona, planting Trinity Church as if nothing had happened.

Jacobsen: So the question becomes: what’s the social mechanism by which someone can crash a movement of that scale and then be accepted again—by a new congregation—as if the past doesn’t matter?

Darling: That’s exactly it. There’s a deeply embedded notion in evangelical circles of “grace” that, when weaponized, allows spiritual leaders, especially male ones, to escape accountability. They’ll say, “He’s repented. We’ve forgiven him. Let’s move on.” But the people harmed by his leadership? They’re often still reeling. Still silenced. Still dismissed.

So you see, it’s not actual repentance or restitution—it’s rebranding. He’s back with a name change, a location shift, a few new catchphrases, and boom. The theology remains unchanged, as does the model. Only the platform has.

Pastors are excellent at crisis PR. They know how to slip out of almost any situation. And that’s precisely what Mark Driscoll did—he victimized himself throughout the entire collapse of Mars Hill.

Instead of taking responsibility, he spun the story and said, “This is spiritual warfare.” That’s a classic Christian playbook move: when accountability surfaces, blame Satan. Say that the backlash is demonic opposition. That tactic works every time—it deflects criticism and repositions the leader as the one under attack.

We were trying to hold him accountable. We were saying: “You can’t treat your staff like this. You can’t treat your wife like this. You can’t scream at people and call it leadership.” But he refused to accept responsibility. Many of us were sending emails, trying to speak out and create some form of collective accountability within Mars Hill, because we knewwhat was happening wasn’t right.

Still, some people remained die-hard defenders. And here’s where it gets alarming: some people will sit in church, and if a pastor gets up and says, “I had sexual relations with a 15-year-old, but I repented,” they’ll applaud. They’ll say, “Yes, thank you for your honesty. We forgive you.” The amount of blanket, uncritical forgiveness in the church can be toxic.

That’s what happened with Driscoll. He launched a massive PR campaign, framing himself as a spiritual warrior under attack. He claimed that those of us trying to hold him accountable were tools of the enemy. That is textbook cult leadership. It follows the same trajectory as almost every other cult: the inner circle gets wise to what’s happening, toxic behaviours come to light, and when they’re exposed, the leader deflects everything.

They say, “I didn’t know,” or “None of this is true. Could you believe it? This is an attack on our mission.” They paint themselves as martyrs, and that’s precisely what Driscoll did.

Jacobsen: It wasn’t just a collapse—it was a rebrand. And he needed time to plan that.

Darling: Yes. It took him a minute to start a new church because he had to do market research. He had to ask, “Where do I still have support? Where will people still come and listen to me preach?”

The answer was Republican states, places with a strong evangelical base and some cultural insulation. Arizona was a strategic choice. It’s a red state with conservative values, but it’s still on the West Coast and has a veneer of progressiveness in certain pockets. For Driscoll, that was the perfect happy medium.

And yes, some people from his Mars Hill days—including myself—lived in Arizona. He knew that. He likely counted on people coming out of curiosity, or even offering him grace and a second chance.

So, his reemergence wasn’t just accidental. It was a well-orchestrated crisis public relations campaign, and it worked. He rebuilt. He rebranded. And he still has a substantial following, especially among men who continue to buy into the same rigid, patriarchal model he’s been selling for years.

Jacobsen: I don’t think it came up directly in our earlier conversations, but I’ve been writing about Trinity Western University—a kind of Canadian counterpart to Liberty University. That finance-based, fundamentalist institutional world—that’s the environment I grew up around.

Darling: That makes sense. It’s a parallel path. The structures are similar—the theological rigidity, the emphasis on hierarchy, the idealized gender roles, and the blending of religious power with institutional branding. Whether in Canada or the United States, these conservative evangelical subcultures unfold similarly.

Jacobsen: I recently wrote an article based on Reddit commentary and mainstream articulation. In one thread, someone mentioned a disturbing account of sexual assault on a Christian campus. One commenter said, “I know at least five women who have been raped on campus, but they’re afraid to say anything—so they don’t.”

For women in that kind of community, especially those who are married and are being told that submission is a divine command, how many would you say are dealing with PTSD from sexual assault but are either hiding it or feeling unsafe talking about it?

Darling: A lot. There are many women in that position. Dr. Jessica Johnson conducted extensive ethnographic research on Mars Hill Church, focusing on the experiences of women within the congregation. Dr. Rose Madrid-Swetman was a pastor and adjunct faculty member at The Seattle School of Theology & Psychology who provided pastoral care to individuals who left Mars Hill Church.

She interviewed women who had been in those marriages—women who had internalized the Mars Hill theology and were dealing with severe emotional trauma. Some of them were still married. Others were divorced. But the core theme was the same: these women were conditioned to stay silent.

Even now, on social media, you’ll see waves—every so often, the “hate train” for Mark Driscoll comes back around, and more women come forward with their stories. They talk about being married to men who fully bought into that theology—hook, line, and sinker. Some of these men were emotionally or sexually abusive. And their wives were told to stay, to submit, to serve.

And yes, some women are still in that environment, still saying, “My pastor will protect me.” But many have left, and they’re just beginning to process what they’ve experienced.

Jacobsen: That’s horrifying.

Darling: Yes. It is. It’s important. It needs to be heard.

Jacobsen: Thank you so much. This conversation—it’s been a long time coming. I’ve been waiting for this opportunity for, I don’t know, probably seven years.

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How America’s Allies are Watching it Fall Behind

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/06/02

George Carrillo is the co-founder and CEO of the Hispanic Construction Council (HCC), an organization dedicated to advancing Hispanic professionals in the construction industry through workforce development, advocacy, and access to business resources. A U.S. Marine Corps veteran and former sheriff’s deputy who specialized in child and domestic abuse cases, Carrillo went on to serve as Oregon’s Director of Social Determinants of Health. His career—bridging frontline service, community advocacy, and senior policymaking—offers a rare and layered vantage point on the intersections of labor, public health, economic equity, and national security.

Carrillo brings a resolutely mission-driven approach to public service. His work highlights the structural forces that shape opportunities in America, including racial and economic disparities, fragmented public systems, and the often-overlooked consequences of policy decisions on marginalized communities. Whether in the context of health equity or workforce inclusion, Carrillo consistently centers the need for strategic coordination and the empowerment of underserved populations to build societal resilience.

In our conversation, Carrillo offers a pointed critique of the Trump administration’s politicization of national security—specifically, the replacement of experienced National Security Council officials with loyalists. He warns that this approach weakens interagency coordination, erodes diplomatic continuity, and undermines public safety. Beyond the personnel shifts, Carrillo draws attention to deeper systemic damage: cratering morale among career civil servants, diminishing institutional accountability, and the normalization of authoritarian posturing in democratic governance.

At the same time, Carrillo is not without examples of what principled leadership can look like. He praises countries such as Canada for their commitment to international cooperation and civic integrity. Rooted in a belief that service should reflect enduring national values, Carrillo often returns to the words of John F. Kennedy as a compass point. For him, public service is not simply a job—it is a lifelong commitment to equity, dignity, and national integrity.

Taken together, Carrillo’s experiences—as a Marine, a law enforcement officer, a state policymaker, and a civic leader—form a holistic understanding of how democratic institutions succeed or falter. His insights offer a sobering, urgent, but ultimately hopeful vision for public service at a time when its very foundations are under strain.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me today. So, what are the immediate strategic risks of replacing seasoned National Security Council officials with political loyalists?

George Carrillo: Yes. Particularly concerning is that national security and foreign policy decisions require continuity, expertise, and coordination across agencies. When these roles are filled by political appointees with limited relevant experience, as in certain instances during the Trump administration, it can undermine the national security strategy.

National security is inherently complex. Effective operations require collaboration between federal agencies, such as the FBI, CIA, Department of Defense, and the Department of State. These entities must coordinate intelligence gathering, operational logistics, and diplomatic communication, often in rapidly changing environments.

You need individuals with operational, diplomatic, or military experience who understand interagency processes and can act with precision and foresight. Appointing individuals without such knowledge, including some with media or partisan political backgrounds, introduces strategic risks. For example, some NSC appointees under Trump, such as political operatives and media personalities, drew criticism for lacking relevant expertise.

Recent reports from within the Department of Defence indicate ongoing concerns about leadership vacancies and policy instability. Such disarray can have real implications for defense readiness and diplomatic positioning.

This trend represents a significant risk to national safety. Leadership choices at the federal level can have a direct impact on Americans’ security. This was evident during the Trump administration, which saw high turnover in national security roles and tensions with career officials. There is concern that a second Trump term or similar leadership style would repeat these patterns.

This political oscillation between administrations and parties should not interfere with the integrity of the executive agencies. Regardless of whether a Democrat or Republican is in office, key national security positions should be filled by individuals with demonstrated qualifications and leadership capacity.

These agencies, particularly those involved in defense and intelligence, require professionals who can lead under pressure and possess a deep understanding of the mission. The national defense relies on structured, multi-agency collaboration. When politically driven change management interrupts that structure, it can compromise the effectiveness of entire operations.

Having worked in government myself, I’ve seen that every time a new administration enters—whether at the state or federal level—there’s often significant disruption. This constant churn undermines stability, and with instability comes a loss of institutional credibility.

Jacobsen: Given the volatility of today’s international order—with recurring crises and sudden geopolitical disruptions—how does a diminished level of institutional competence hinder our ability to adapt and respond swiftly? In what ways does this erosion of expertise slow down decision-making and make those responses less effective?

Carrillo: It opens us up to attacks—whether on foreign soil or at home. The lack of cooperation and the breakdown in intelligence gathering severely limit our ability to defend ourselves against future threats.

Trump’s selections for cabinet positions and national defense leadership are highly disarrayed. The individuals hired under Peter Hegseth—his pick for Secretary of Defense—raise significant concerns. There is an absolute lack of clarity and coordination, making us vulnerable to exploitation.

If we are attacked overseas, we could face a difficult situation. The question becomes: How are we going to respond? Is the intelligence we are gathering credible? Do we have the mobility and logistical readiness to mount a proportionate and timely response? These are the uncertainties we are dealing with.

Jacobsen: When institutional competence erodes, intelligence failures aren’t just more likely—they become more dangerous. In your view, what are the most critical intelligence gaps that are likely to widen? While lowered competence can be discussed in broad strokes, it often takes on specific shapes. Where do you see the most acute vulnerabilities forming—particularly in areas where the American public could face the greatest risk?

Carrillo: One significant risk is our current understanding of Russia’s threat, particularly to European nations, and how that threat could directly impact the United States.

Another is our relations with Arab countries. What Trump is doing now is deeply concerning. He has accepted gifts from foreign nations, which raises questions about the ethics of those exchanges and how they might entangle him or align him with specific actors in the Middle East. That compromises our credibility and complicates our diplomatic relationships.

And then there’s the threat that the American people often do not see: Who is planning an attack on the United States right now? We know that plans are constantly being developed against us globally. Are we properly allocating resources to get ahead of those threats? Many of us, including myself, do not have confidence that the current leadership is truthful or transparent about what is happening domestically and abroad.

Jacobsen: What are the implications for NATO? The European Union seems to be taking more assertive steps toward military and defensive independence from the United States, even within NATO member countries. What are the consequences of the deeply rooted intelligence, defense, and military ties among NATO countries?

Carrillo: You can see it on their faces whenever Trump talks—NATO allies are visibly concerned.

I agree with the president on a few points, such as the expectation that all NATO countries should contribute their fair share financially. That is a legitimate discussion. However, the alliance goes far beyond finances. NATO’s core tenets include intelligence sharing, operational coordination, and a collective commitment to defend one another against shared threats. Those require mutual trust and strategic stability.

Currently, I want to believe that the United States will continue to stand by its NATO partners and that our commitment will be guided more by principle than by dollars and cents. But with this administration, it is hard to predict. What NATO needs now is to keep moving forward with unity and purpose, regardless of the unpredictable nature of U.S. leadership.

NATO needs to demonstrate, especially within Europe, that it will not allow Vladimir Putin to continue acting as the aggressor, seizing territory from Ukraine. The burden is also on the United States to determine how we will participate. Will we stand by our oldest and most reliable NATO partners, or will we retreat and try to avoid conflict, which often only delays and worsens future crises?

What I see in President Trump is the repetition of past mistakes. We are reliving the same missteps that led to greater global instability, similar to the hesitation that preceded the United States’ entry into World War II. Many historians argue that had we joined sooner, the war would have ended faster with fewer casualties.

I also see shades of Richard Nixon’s approach—this idea of isolating ourselves while trying to posture as dominant. The result is a looming disaster regarding NATO solidarity and military readiness as we weaken our alliances through trade wars, aggressive rhetoric, and a general shift toward authoritarian-style leadership.

He operates under the mentality, “We’re the United States—no one can touch us.” That is arrogant. I do not think our NATO allies, nor should they, appreciate it. I believe Europe will need to respond with strength and signal that there is new leadership in the free world, possibly emerging from within Europe itself.

Ideally, the United States should remain the leader of the free world, but currently, we are not demonstrating a presence that inspires trust or confidence.

Jacobsen: While attending the 69th Commission on the Status of Women at UN Headquarters in New York, what struck me wasn’t just what the United States said—but what it didn’t. On American soil, the most revealing insights came not from official remarks but from informal conversations. I met a group of Canadians—each of us had arrived independently—and we found ourselves voicing the same unease: “Are we safe here?” That question lingered, even for me. I later spoke with three women—two African, one a Muslim Canadian—and each shared legitimate concerns about personal safety while in the U.S.

That, I think, is telling. My second key takeaway was about how the world views the United States. Increasingly, the global community is no longer seeking a hegemon. There is a growing recognition of America’s duality—its strengths and its profound flaws. Rather than a rigid top-down leader, people see the U.S. more like a windbreaker goose in a V-formation: not commanding from above, but guiding from within. Yet under the current administration, there’s a sense that the lead goose is drifting to the rear while Europe is quietly taking the front—particularly on issues like human rights and moral leadership within their respective spheres.

Given all this, what’s your sense of how Americans see the world right now? Do they recognize this perceptual shift from abroad, or are they still imagining themselves in the lead?

Carrillo: It depends on who you ask, to be honest.

From a global perspective, the United States is not currently well-regarded; however, this depends on the context.

What worries me most is the way we are forming relationships right now with authoritarian leaders like Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-Un. That signals a troubling shift in values and alliances. It alienates our traditional partners and undermines the global trust that the United States once commanded.

We seem to speak nicely about authoritarian leaders while speaking terribly about our democratic allies. That is deeply concerning—not just for Americans but the world. When the so-called leaders of the free world appear to be cozying up to autocrats, it sends the wrong message.

I did not necessarily agree with the previous approach, which avoided dialogue altogether. We should continuously pursue conversation and bring people to the table. However, I do not believe Trump’s approach is the right one. It is a snowball effect: now, he is changing how we engage with foreign partners and talk about foundational values like human rights and dignity.

At the same time, domestically, using the phrase “diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI)” is suddenly seen as negative. So the question becomes: “What do we stand for as a country anymore?” We are losing sight of our core American identity.

Jacobsen: Canada?

Carrillo: Yes—Canada. I appreciate the current prime minister’s approach. It is professional but firm. His recent response to President Trump was a good example of maintaining dignity while showing strength. That kind of leadership earns respect.

Many may consider Canada to be the most stable and respectable leader when people think of North America today. Canadians know how to represent themselves and foster authentic partnerships. Meanwhile, the U.S. can come off as arrogant, as though having the biggest economy or the strongest military entitles us to dominate.

But every great nation in history has eventually crumbled. George Carlin once joked, “Because you have the most flavours of Rice-A-Roni doesn’t mean you’re the greatest.” Exactly.

That is how I feel as an American. I can only imagine how others around the globe now perceive us.

When I served in the military, people genuinely saw America as a beacon of hope. I do not think that perception holds in the same way anymore.

Jacobsen: What words come to mind when you think about the current makeup of the administration? I am trying to remember the Japanese term for the “front face” a group shows to the public.

Carrillo: You might think of tatemae—the public face, as opposed to honne, the private truth.

In any political system, yes, there will be internal disagreements. However, just as in a family, those discussions should occur behind closed doors. You have media relations and public events to present a unified front because you represent millions. It is not just politics—it is diplomacy and responsibility.

As for the second Trump administration, the words that come to mind are rebellious and vindictive. That perception stems not only from Trump’s mugshot following his criminal conviction but also from the language he uses, like discussing the military toward domestic protests or threatening political opponents.

These are dangerous narratives in a democratic society. This increasingly feels like a revenge tour—not a campaign rooted in service or vision. One of the most important values instilled in the military is the concept of accountability.

Jacobsen: We’ve seen cases where Signal groups of prominent journalists and publishers coordinate the release of classified or sensitive material to the public—and in many instances, there appears to be little to no accountability. Misleading statements are sometimes made in advance. And then, once the facts emerge, no one is held responsible. The issue simply fades from view, swept under the rug.

Contrast that with the military context. As you know, U.S. service members operate under a dual legal system: civilian law and the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). The UCMJ tends to be far less lenient—particularly in a country like the United States, where the legal system is already highly punitive. If a service member breaks the law, they can face consequences under both frameworks.

So what would happen if a higher-ranking officer—say, a major or above—were to violate the law? How would that accountability process unfold in the military, and how does it compare to the virtual impunity we often see in civilian or media settings?

Carrillo: You’re right. In the military, there’s a higher standard, period. And because that standard is higher, if you make a mistake, especially as a ranking officer, you are held accountable under the UCMJ. The system does not spare you. It is intended to maintain discipline, order, and trust within the chain of command. You can lose your rank and pension and even face imprisonment. There is absolute and enforceable accountability.

What we see now in the civilian sphere, particularly among political appointees and cabinet-level officials, is that they are not held to the same level of accountability. In most cases, the worst that happens is dismissal or quietly resigning.

However, there has been virtually no accountability system in the Trump era, not even for Trump himself as Commander-in-Chief. That is where the Supreme Court got it wrong, especially in its recent ruling that a sitting president cannot be prosecuted for actions taken while in office. Trump has interpreted that as a blank check to do whatever he wants, unconstrained.

Now, he governs almost entirely by executive order. Even when those actions violate the Constitution, they become a matter of legal debate rather than immediate consequences. And in that legal gray zone, no one can stop him in real-time. There’s no enforcement mechanism.

Take the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, an undocumented immigrant who was deported. A federal court ordered the administration to bring him back, and Trump’s team ignored the ruling. There has been no consequence for that defiance. Nothing could be done.

We are in a constitutional crisis, even though the administration may deny it. We are allowing a sitting president to violate the Constitution he swore to defend. The judiciary’s failure to enforce clear limits has created a precedent of unchecked executive power.

Jacobsen: How does all this impact the morale and retention of career national security professionals?

Carrillo: Right now, morale is incredibly low. There has been significant turnover, and what is particularly disturbing is the number of positions being cut, especially within our national security infrastructure. And interestingly, these cuts are being made across all agencies.

They’re trying to funnel more money into certain agencies, but many career professionals realize it is time to retire. If you are not politically aligned with the president, you likely will not have a job—you will be dismissed.

This is happening across the government. The people doing the real work—career civil servants—have continuously operated independently of partisan politics. I recall being in public service: it didn’t matter who was president. We never talked about politics. We focused on the mission and the job at hand.

But now, regardless of job performance, people are targeted for their political affiliations. That is not how a professional, nonpartisan civil service should function. Dismissing people based on party loyalty rather than merit threatens the integrity of government institutions.

Jacobsen: Let’s close on a lighter note. What are some of your favourite presidential quotes?

Carrillo: From Trump?

Jacobsen: From any president.

Carrillo: One of my favourite quotes is from John F. Kennedy: “Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.” That quote has stayed with me throughout my life.

I have worked in government, served in the military, worked as a police officer, and later in social services. I have always tried to give back, represent underserved communities, and defend the ideals this country is supposed to stand for.

That quote captures the spirit of public service. It has guided how I live my life: How can I give back? How can I serve my country or my community?

Jacobsen: George, thank you so much for your time and expertise. It was an absolute pleasure to meet you.

Carrillo: Thank you. I appreciate it.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Antisemitism Isn’t Just a Bug in the System. It’s Being Amplified by It.

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/30

As Australia headed into its 2025 federal election, a darker undercurrent pulsed through its digital platforms. CyberWell, a watchdog group specializing in online antisemitism, uncovered a disturbing trend: antisemitic narratives were not just circulating—they were being algorithmically amplified to more than 257,000 users. Using proprietary monitoring tools guided by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, CyberWell flagged 548 posts between November 2024 and April 2025. Of those, 80 were confirmed antisemitic.

The responses from social media platforms varied starkly. X (formerly Twitter) removed just 5% of flagged content, citing permissive “civic integrity” policies, while Facebook removed nearly 90%. Classic antisemitic conspiracies—like the Kalergi Plan—reemerged in digital camouflage, retooled into memes and coded language to evade detection.

CyberWell argues that such normalization of Jewish hatred poses a direct threat to democratic norms, public safety, and civil discourse. They advocate for mandatory IHRA-based moderator training and stronger enforcement. Platforms like YouTube and Facebook, which maintain clearer policies and trusted partnerships, demonstrated more robust moderation. But as the data suggests, uneven enforcement leaves critical gaps—ones that extremists are all too eager to exploit.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How did CyberWell identify and verify the posts?

Tal-Or Cohen Montemayor: CyberWell utilizes a combination of social media listening tools and a proprietary monitoring system to identify posts that are highly likely to be antisemitic, according to the IHRA working definition. Between Nov 11, 2024 – April 22, 2025, CyberWell’s monitoring technology flagged 548 posts in English on Facebook, X (Twitter), TikTok, and YouTube that included keywords related to the Australian federal election and had a high likelihood of being antisemitic.

Of the 548 posts, CyberWell selected a sample for manual review. In total, 80 posts were confirmed as antisemitic according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism by CyberWell’s research team. The high level of engagement around a select sample of just 80 posts indicates that the exposure of deeply anti-Jewish narratives ahead of the election period in Australia is far worse than what CyberWell’s research indicates.

Jacobsen: Elon Musk’s X platform removed only ~5% of flagged antisemitic election content compared to 54.2% in 2024. What explains the dramatic drop in moderation?

Montemayor: The significance of removal between X and other platforms is largely due to their policy approach to election-related content. Much of the hate speech that intersects with election issues is mistakenly perceived by X and their moderators as political expression and, therefore, allowed on their platform. X is the platform with the most permissive “Civic Integrity” policy, and it appears that much of the antisemitic election-related content is categorized under this policy as far as they are concerned. This extraordinarily low rate of actioning open Jewish hatred is not something we have encountered before.

Additionally, the gap between X’s rate of removal of antisemitic election content and their average rate of removal in 2024 highlights a key issue when relying on user reporting and escalation to major social media platforms, particularly to X: response time. The average rate of removal of reported antisemitic content by X in 2024, as collected by CyberWell, is a snapshot at the end of the calendar year, giving the platform many months to respond to our reporting. X’s average rate of removal of the antisemitic Australia election dataset collected by CyberWell is approximately 5% reflects the rate of removal three to five days after reporting it to X. While platforms take days to respond to user reports, the engagement algorithms continue to push and suggest content, especially ahead of events of wide public interest like a national election.

Jacobsen: Your report mentions the use of classic antisemitic conspiracy theories, such as the Kalergi Plan and alleged Jewish control over political parties. How have these narratives evolved?

Montemayor: The dominant antisemitic theme that election antisemitism centers around is conspiracy theories about Jewish global control and influence. These narratives characterize Jews as manipulative puppeteers who secretly control governments, political leaders, and the electoral process itself. Antisemitic conspiracy theories—such as the Kalergi Plan and claims of Jewish control over specific political parties—have evolved online by merging with contemporary political narratives and global events.

On social media, this very old anti-Jewish idea is often repackaged using coded language, emojis, and memes. The conspiracy theories suggesting secret Jewish control frequently surface in discussions about major political events, such as federal elections, where antisemitic tropes are embedded within broader ideological discourse. This blending allows hate actors to evade platform policies and challenges enforcement in practice while spreading this harmful narrative to mass audiences during times of increased social sensitivity and tension. This is extremely dangerous for the Jewish community in Australia, which is already experiencing a marked rise in violent and targeted attacks.

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Jacobsen: How have these gained traction in digital political discourse during election cycles?

Montemayor: CyberWell will be releasing a comparative analysis of antisemitic narratives during election cycles, examining how these anti-Jewish trends have gained popularity and audience during the UK, U.S., Canadian, and Australian elections towards the end of the summer.

However, we can share that in each of the four election cycles, classic antisemitism criticizing disproportionate Jewish power and conspiracies of covert control are the most prevalent types of Jewish hatred in election antisemitism across the board. This indicates that the dominant antisemitic theme in this dataset centers on conspiracy theories about Jewish global control and influence.

Notably, this form of classic antisemitism, consistent with the second example of the IHRA working definition, closely aligns with the core principles of major social media platforms’ hate speech and hateful conduct policies. This content includes offensive generalizations, harmful stereotypes, and conspiracy theories targeting a “protected group,” including those defined by religious affiliation or belief.

Since these carve-outs and protections are already recognized by most large social media platforms in their policies, it is reasonable to expect that platforms would enforce their policies against this type of content effectively. In practice, however, enforcement of election-related antisemitic hate speech appears to be significantly lower than typical enforcement rates against online Jewish hatred.

Political rhetoric focused on candidates and party platforms, including those that are irate and critical, are an important part of freedom of expression and political speech. However, the targeted violence against the Australian Jewish community and other Jewish communities across the globe has proven that online conspiracy theories and hatred has real-world consequences.

Jacobsen: How does CyberWell’s application of the IHRA working definition of antisemitism help distinguish rhetoric?

Montemayor: The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism is a globally recognized consensus definition, rooted in multi-disciplinary expertise, that CyberWell uses as a discourse analysis tool. The eleven examples featured in the IHRA working definition provide a framework for a lexicon focused on identifying particular beliefs, conspiracy theories, and narratives that are the cornerstones of Jewish hatred. We apply the definition as a tool for narrative analysis context. It not only helps us monitor specific narratives online but also organizes and allows us to track spikes in particular tropes, accusations, slurs, and narratives.

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Jacobsen: What are the strengths and weaknesses of the IHRA definition of antisemitism? How can social media companies improve enforcement during elections?

Montemayor: A major strength of the IHRA working definition is that it provides a comprehensive consensus definition of antisemitism that addresses the multifaceted nature of Jewish hatred as it has evolved over time and up to the modern day.

The IHRA working definition through the eleven categories laid out in the definition covers the evolution of Jewish hatred from its historical roots in religious antisemitism, race-based Jewish hatred during the Holocaust to its most modern iteration, political antisemitism via vilification of Jews as agents of the Israeli state, demonization of the concept of Jewish self-determination and using the state of Israel or the Israeli identity as a touchstone for promoting classic and openly anti-Jewish tropes, biases and hatred. However, as one of the most complex forms of hatred, even this working definition needs updates.

For example, CyberWell’s research of online antisemitism, particularly the October 7 denial campaign, has revealed that purposeful denial of atrocities or attacks committed against the Jewish community is a form of current antisemitism. The denial or ‘false flag’ narrative, either blaming the victims for the attack or erroneously claiming that they set up the attack, has also been used to delegitimize and dismiss the attacks against the Jewish community in Australia from Sydney to Melbourne. The recognition of Holocaust denial and distortion as a form of antisemitism, featured in the IHRA working definition, should be applied to the purposeful denial or distortion of atrocities committed against Jews for being Jews.

Some social media platforms have gone on the record stating that they use the IHRA working definition as a reference point when updating their policies, but the truth is the practitioners and enforcers of the policies, the content moderators, often outsourced by major platforms to third party providers around the world, are unfamiliar with the IHRA working definition and there is no indication that it is part of their regular training material.

A more comprehensive application of the IHRA working definition within the existing policies of the social media platforms, making sure the definition is part of content moderator training and implementation of recommendations from off-platform experts like CyberWell, including reliance on specialized datasets and keywords around events like the elections, would significantly impact better enforcement of digital policy on social media.

Jacobsen: There is a growing normalization of antisemitism online and offline in Australian society. What are the urgent consequences of this normalization?

Montemayor: The normalization of antisemitism—both online and offline—erodes social tolerance and creates an environment where hate speech, hostility, and violence against Jewish citizens is more likely to be accepted or ignored. It emboldens extremist actors to act criminally and violently, legitimizes dangerous conspiracy theories that erode trust, and fosters a climate of fear within Jewish communities. When antisemitic rhetoric goes unchecked, it weakens democratic norms and desensitizes the public to open bigotry and hatred. This is why many Jewish communities are experiencing increased incidents of harassment, threats to community safety, and the risk of real-world attacks—the increased violence is fueled by online radicalization and algorithmically charged hate speech. The platforms must be responsible for systematic and effective enforcement of their own digital policies in order to stem the tide of increasing violence.

Jacobsen: Facebook and YouTube demonstrated stronger enforcement. Why are they more proactive? Are they more successful?

Montemayor: Unlike the other platforms, YouTube takes a more defined stance by including specific policies on hate speech related to elections and civic integrity. The platform explicitly prohibits hate speech and harassment in the context of elections. Reflecting this policy, YouTube had the fewest antisemitic posts in the dataset. While the removal rate stood at 0%, this is attributable to the fact that only one video was identified during the monitoring period.

Overall, CyberWell’s research across platforms suggests that the more explicit a policy is, the more effectively it is enforced. This is true in terms of technological resources, such as pre-emptive AI removal through classifiers and human content moderation, which reviews users’ reports of violating content. While Facebook does not currently include explicit clauses in their policies targeting election-related hate speech, Facebook demonstrated the highest rate of content removal, taking down 89.47% of the reported posts. It is also worth noting that CyberWell is a trusted partner of TikTok and Meta, but not an official partner of YouTube. This may support stronger response mechanisms by Meta for reported antisemitic content.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Tal-Or.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Can Journalism Draw Parallels with the Council of Nicaea?

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/23

On May 18th, in honour of the 1700th anniversary of the Council of Nicaea, a Croatian Christian association invited me to give a virtual speech. The following is my contribution to the conference.

***

Distinguished guests, esteemed colleagues,

With sincere gratitude, I accept the opportunity to address this gathering of international intellectuals, researchers, and religious scholars. This occasion is both solemn and celebratory, as we mark the 1700th anniversary of the Council of Nicaea, a foundational moment in the theological and institutional development of Christianity. Though I come to you not as a theologian or confessional believer but as a humanist and a journalist grounded in secular principles, I approach this event with profound respect for its historical gravity and moral resonance.

The Council of Nicaea, convened in 325 CE, was not merely an ecclesiastical deliberation. It was a forged coherence in doctrinal chaos, a work to unify diverse communities under a shared conceptual framework. The idea was to assert that truth must be sought collectively and with a seriousness of purpose. This ambition, couched in theological terms of the day, remarkably echoes the vocation of journalism.

Journalists operating in open, pluralistic societies such as Canada are entrusted with a public responsibility not unlike that of the Nicene Fathers. We are to confront genuine ambiguity, interrogate prevailing narratives, and seek the contours of truth in the cacophony of competing claims. The mechanisms differ: evidence over exegesis, investigation over revelation. Even so, the ethical thrust remains analogous.

To practice journalism with integrity now is to swim against currents of misinformation, polarization, and sensationalism. We do not gather in councils. We ‘convene’ in newsrooms, editorial boards, and digital spaces. We have a responsibility because we shape public consciousness. Moreover, we often give voice and clarity to the sentiments already present within it.

We should strive to exercise discernment. We do not amplify what is popular but accurate and proportional. These may include aspects of fairness and justice. Some accurate and proportional truths reveal unfortunate realities: unfairness and injustice.

As a humanist, I operate within a worldview anchored in reason, empirical inquiry, and the inherent dignity of all persons. I do not profess metaphysical certainties, but I am not without conviction. Akin to Christian ethical traditions, the humanist lifestance esteems truthfulness, compassion, and defence of the vulnerable. These values should transcend doctrinal boundaries and offer a common cause, particularly in an age needing principled dialogue.

There is an urgent need for rapprochement between religious and secular actors in the public sphere. The gates of truththemselves are under siege, and some walls have been breached. We must not conflate differences with hostility. We should recognize our shared concerns and common moral aspirations. We converge around shared imperatives: human rights, peace, intellectual honesty, and epistemic humility.

Journalism functions as a moral cartography. It maps the terrain. It informs, yes. But it also describes, interprets, orients, and records. It buttresses the elements for building the future by creating the narratives for it.

The Council of Nicaea engaged in a similar project. It defined orthodoxy and stabilized the foundations of collective meaning. While I may not subscribe to the theological conclusions, I recognize the profundity of the aspiration: to reconcile truth and conviction with coherence in the community.

Today, as we reflect on the legacy of that council, let us reflect on the character of our institutions—both religious and secular. Are they upholding the truth or succumbing to expedient falsehoods? Are they fostering understanding or estrangement? Ultimately, do they deserve the public’s trust?

These questions transcend tradition. We must continue to ask these questions rigorously and together.

In closing, I thank you for the opportunity to speak across differences and to dignify those differences on concerns of the intellectual commons. In the space between faith and reason, as between the meaning of music made between a note and a rest in a piano piece by Orlando Gibbons or Johannes Bach, we may yet rediscover that most elusive and essential of social goods: the truth.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Gospel of Denial: How Churches Continue to Fail Clergy Abuse Survivors

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/22

Today, I’m joined by Katherine Archer, Father Bojan Jovanović, Dr. Hermina Nedelescu, and Dorothy Small for a wide-ranging discussion on clergy abuse—its psychological toll, institutional roots, and pathways to reform.

Katherine Archer is the co-founder of Prosopon Healing and a graduate student in Theological Studies. She will begin a Master’s in Counseling Psychology in the fall. Her work focuses on clergy abuse within the Eastern Orthodox Church, blending academic research with nonprofit advocacy. Archer champions policy reform addressing adult clergy exploitation, advancing a vision of healing grounded in justice, accountability, and survivor support.

Father Bojan Jovanović, a Serbian Orthodox priest and Secretary of the Union of Christians of Croatia is known for his searing critiques of institutional failings within the Church. His book Confession: How We Killed God and his work with the Alliance of Christians of Croatia underscore a commitment to ethical reform and moral reckoning. Jovanović advocates for transparency and internal dialogue as essential steps toward restoring trust in religious life.

Dr. Hermina Nedelescu is a neuroscientist at Scripps Research in San Diego whose research probes the neurobiological underpinnings of human behavior, particularly in the context of substance use and trauma. Her current work explores how trauma, including sexual abuse, is encoded in the brain’s circuitry and how community-based interventions can address PTSD and addiction in survivors of clergy abuse.

Dorothy Small is a retired registered nurse and longtime survivor advocate with SNAP. A survivor of both childhood and adult clergy abuse, Small began speaking out long before the #MeToo movement gave such voices a broader platform. A cancer survivor and grandmother, she now writes about recovery, resilience, and personal freedom, amplifying the strength of survivors and the urgency of institutional accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In 2024, journalists faced unprecedented threats, with at least 124 killed—the highest number recorded to date—though some sources report 122. The violence in Gaza accounted for a significant share of these deaths. Beyond physical danger, journalists today confront a host of pressures: online harassment, legal intimidation, surveillance, the erosion of press freedoms, and increasing self-censorship. I’ve experienced several of these realities myself. That is the nature of this work.

Each of you here has encountered similar challenges through very different lenses: as a distinguished member of the Serbian Orthodox clergy, a young adult woman within the Orthodox community, a Catholic youth, and a neuroscientist. These identities frame the most critical points of contact within each of your narratives. You all chose to speak out—something most people never do. So let me ask: Once someone breaks that silence and becomes outspoken—whether about their own experience or on behalf of others—what happens? What shifts and consequences follow when the truth is no longer kept quiet?

Katherine Archer: When I was 21, I came forward and reported a clergyperson for what I experienced as a violation of trust and an abuse of pastoral authority. If I had to choose one word to describe how I felt in the aftermath, it would be annihilation. The Orthodox Church upholds the use of icons in worship and annually celebrates the Triumph of Orthodoxy–a commemoration of the end of iconoclasm, or the historical period when people smashed and destroyed icons.

I have often felt a deep dissonance between the reverence given to painted wood as the representation of the human person and my own experience, as a living person, coming forward with a painful and vulnerable account of harm involving a priest. Over the years, I have spoken with many survivors who shared similar feelings after trying to report experiences of abuse within Orthodox Christian communities—whether through conversations with fellow parishioners, clergy, or through official channels.

It is a beautiful and moving tradition to process around the church holding icons on that particular Sunday in Lent. Yet it is profoundly more difficult to carry the weight of someone’s story, confront painful realities, and respond compassionately to a living human reporting such things.

Father Bojan Jovanović: When I first spoke the truth, my truth experienced a paradox: liberation and humiliation in the same breath. I talked about the attempted sexual abuse I survived within the Serbian Orthodox Church and about an even more harrowing reality — the knowledge that a child had been raped and murdered in a monastery. The facts were clear, but the world I spoke them into could not receive them.

Instead of being a space of light and confession of sin, the Church became a prison of denial. Some immediately tried to silence my voice, to “protect the Church,” as if the truth were the threat and not the crime. Others looked at me with discomfort, as if I were the one disrupting the order. Theologically, I felt like a prophet bringing truth, only to be met with stones. Psychologically, it was only the beginning of confronting the deep trauma I had suppressed and wrapped in silence for years.

Hermina Nedelescu: I received supportive responses from most individuals and institutions. In contrast, the response I experienced from the Greek Orthodox Church of America was, in my view, deeply disappointing and lacking in basic compassion. From my experience, their response felt—and continues to feel—fundamentally inhumane.

Dorothy Small: Reporting the sexual assault by my grandfather, just shy of age six, resulted in a slap across the cheek by my grandmother and a swear in French. Ultimately, it resulted in no further abuse by my grandfather. However, almost a year later, living under the same roof as the predator, my grandmother brought me to a Catholic orphanage to be adopted. At the last minute, I was adopted by an aunt and uncle. They were abusive. I feared them. But they were familiar. I feared the orphanage far more. It was unknown. Plus, I feared nuns.

Reporting the schoolteacher helped to stop the harassment my best friend was receiving. It also caused me to be blamed and scorned by my parents. I only had one friend who stood beside me. Ultimately, I ended up moving across the country to escape a small town and the state where I lived. I could not recover from the emotional consequences of living in that state. It took about three or four years for the emotional pain to ease. My parents contacted the principal of the school, mandating that the teacher had until evening to reveal what he did with me to his wife, or my adoptive father would pay him a visit to his home. He had to tell his wife.

Reporting the priest led to a massive fallout. On a work visa from a foreign country, he was pulled from the ministry in the diocese here and remanded to his bishop, where he returned to active ministry. I was banned by the pastor of the Church from all ministry for reporting him. If I had not, I could have continued ministry even though they knew what happened. Silence would have been rewarded. I lost a few close friends due to the publicity of the lawsuit and their discomfort being associated with me. I feared retaliation beyond being shunned, ostracized, and ridiculed, which led to my retreating at home for six weeks, afraid to leave. Some told me that I was hated and accused of seducing the priest.

Once loved and accepted by my church community, I fell sharply from grace. There was also a backlash from my adult son. I ended up walking away from the community that was like a family. It caused marked spiritual confusion and distress for well over five years.

Jacobsen: How were people helpful in this coming-out experience?

Archer: The community of survivors and advocates is incredible. I have come to know some incredibly fierce, strong, and benevolent people. I am moved by people like law professor Amos Guiora and some of the attorneys we have spoken to, who are empathic but knowledgeable and have a fierce resolve to help survivors see justice.

I am excited about the community I will join in the fall to start working towards my Master’s in Counselling Psychology, with professors willing to engage with complex ideas and not turn to binary thinking or platitudes. I do not think a person needs a vast community, but since we are wired to connect with others, some community is necessary for healing. It can be a community of another person, holding a story with respect and tenderness and unwilling to inflict further harm. That is a true “triumph over iconoclasm,” by the way.

Jovanović: Individuals — not institutions, not the majority, but individuals — became lighthouses in my night. These people did not demand proof but listened to my heart. Psychologists, friends, and a few believers who truly understood Christ’s message of love and justice — helped me rediscover my humanity. Their support was not in words, but in the silence where I could cry without shame.

From a theological perspective, it was through these people that God drew near to me. Paradoxically, it was only after I left the institution that called itself His house that I felt God’s presence in my pain. Through them, I understood that faith is not unquestioning loyalty to an institution, but the courage to break with evil in the name of truth, even when that evil is draped in robes.

Nedelescu: Colleagues, mentors, and even strangers responded with empathy and moral clarity, affirming that speaking out was valid and necessary. Some institutions took immediate steps to understand what happened and offered to help in any way possible, whether through documentation, emotional support, or a safe space to be heard. Those responses reminded me that despite my suffering, individuals and institutions are committed to accountability, dignity, and survivor support.

In contrast, the only institution that responded in a reactionary and, in my view, deeply disappointing manner was the Greek Orthodox Church of America. That response had a severe emotional impact on me and compounded the trauma.

Small: With my grandfather, I suppose that although initially, it met with a shocked reaction from my grandmother, there was no further incident the remainder of the time I stayed with them. The positive thing about the schoolteacher was the response I received from the superintendent. I expected to be chastised. Instead, he listened as I berated myself. He interrupted and told me never to speak harshly and negatively about myself again. I was just talking about myself and the way I was spoken to at home. The teacher, however, only received a verbal warning. He did not lose his position.

With the priest, the victim advocate for the diocese was very kind and supportive. One woman from my parish ended up standing beside me throughout everything, even though she did not understand anything about dealing with someone with so much trauma and symptoms, as well as clergy abuse of adults.

After the lawsuit was mediated, I found a spiritual director ed, who became a strong support person. The lawyer I retained was phenomenal. He had a degree in clinical psychology as well as in law. I also contacted SNAP, which is a nonprofit organization for those abused by clergy. I also had a therapist initially, but she did not understand the complex nature of clergy abuse. I ended therapy.

Jacobsen: How were people unhelpful in this coming-out experience?

Archer: People who will not access a body of knowledge on trauma, consent, or abuse, including spiritual abuse, have said atrocious things to me over the years. I was abused by a man starting when I was 14, so I have been in this space of being a “survivor” (and actually, I do not always like that word) for a long time. However, over time, with healing, ignorant words feel like tiny ant bites as I move towards the people committed to modeling authenticity in their lives and growing and learning.

When people say atrocious things, I think, “Thank you for showing me who you are so I can move far away from you.” So, the unhelpful people have ultimately been helpful, after all, in allowing me to disconnect and attach to healthier people and communities. There are healthy communities; we do not have to feel stuck in sick communities.

Jovanović: The unhelpfulness of people was most deeply expressed in their silence. It was not just the words of denial — the quiet distance, the turning away, that wounded me the most. Some even tried to convince me I had misunderstood what had happened, that “people like that do not exist in the Church,” as if I had imagined my trauma.

The abuser did not inflict the most significant pain, but by those who knew, suspected, or heard, and did nothing. Their theological passivity, their silence in the name of “peace” and “God’s order,” is what spiritually broke me the most. They failed to see Christ in me as the wounded one. They trusted those in vestments more than the truth of a broken soul. Moreover, that, in my most profound conviction, is the greatest betrayal of faith.

Nedelescu: How the Greek Orthodox Church of America has responded has, in my view, been profoundly unhelpful—and continues to be. Rather than expressing empathy or taking responsibility, I experienced their response as involving victim-blaming, narrative distortion, and a general attitude that felt fundamentally inhumane. From my perspective, their actions appear more focused on protecting the institution than on acknowledging the harm I experienced at the hands of one of their high-ranking employees.

That kind of ongoing institutional response doesn’t just fail survivors—it intensifies the harm and reinforces the very silence we are trying to break. It is profoundly disheartening to witness such reactionary and defensive behavior from individuals in positions of authority who, in my view, knew—or should have known—that serious harm had occurred and failed to act to mitigate it.

This aligns with what Professor Amos Guiora, a leading expert on sexual assault and enabling behavior, defines as the “enabling phenomenon.” As he writes, an enabler is “an individual able to reasonably know another individual has been harmed and/or is likely to be harmed yet fails to act to minimize the harm to that individual.”

Finally, the words of Diane Langberg resonate with me: “Systems that cover up abuse through deception, coercion, or abuse of power mimic the perpetrator and revictimize the victim. Tragically, many lives have been sacrificed on the altar of secrecy for the sake of the church or the mission.”

Small: The comments made by those who just did not understand the abuse of adults by clergy were tough. My grandmother struck my face with an open hand. My grandfather threatened me after the assault that if I told, he would tell everyone I was lying and I would get into trouble. No one would believe me.

Much is the same when I reported the priest as an adult. Many stood beside him and turned away from me. I think just the fundamental lack of knowledge and understanding, as well as the impact on their religious practice, made it more complicated than if what happened were with a stranger or anyone but a priest as far as the school teacher admitting to my parents, who discovered evidence in my room, that the teacher caused me to hear some of the most horrific things any person who calls himself a father should ever say to any teenager.

His words took deep root. He was a sadistic bully who left a lifetime of damage in his wake. The consequences of being raised by the aunt and uncle, as well as devastating early childhood loss, left me vulnerable to subsequent abuse, culminating in what transpired with the priest at age sixty.

Jacobsen: Thank you all for continuing to break new ground by offering distinct perspectives on this less-discussed darkness in the community ecosphere around abuse.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

From Ruins to Resin: A Curator’s Fight to Save Ukrainian Heritage

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/18

Today, I’m joined by Tetyana Fiks, a Ukrainian cultural manager and curator based in Kyiv, whose work highlights the power of art in times of conflict. Born and raised in Ukraine, Tetyana has played a central role in promoting Ukrainian culture on international platforms, with significant contributions to projects such as the War Fragments Museum, the Bouquet Kyiv Stage Festival, and Kyiv Art Sessions.

The War Fragments Museum, which exhibited at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) in London, uses epoxy resin-encased war artifacts to convey the personal stories of Ukrainians affected by war. Through this work, Tetyana emphasizes culture as a universal language that fosters empathy, identity, and resilience. She delves into the ethical considerations of preserving and displaying wartime artifacts, the production challenges her team has faced, and the crucial role of partnerships in sustaining these efforts.

Her involvement with the Bouquet Kyiv Stage Festival and Kyiv Art Sessions further reflects her dedication to making Ukrainian art accessible to global audiences. Through storytelling, artistic expression, and memory, Tetyana Fiks continues to champion Ukraine’s cultural resilience in the face of adversity.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How do soft disciplines—such as the arts and cultural fields—contribute to the development and preservation of a society’s identity? And in what ways can these disciplines be effectively conveyed to international audiences as instruments of cosmopolitan diplomacy?

Tetyana Fiks: Do you mean in Ukraine specifically or in general?

Jacobsen: In general, we’ll narrow it down to Ukraine shortly. You’ll see where I’m going with it.

Fiks: I ask because we’re living through extraordinary times in Ukraine. So everything feels different here. But for me, culture is an international language. Everyone can understand cultural expressions—paintings, music, performances- no matter where you live. Culture allows us to communicate across borders and deliver important messages.

As a cultural manager, it’s essential for me to share these messages through Ukrainian culture and to highlight them internationally—especially because Ukrainian culture was suppressed and overshadowed by Russian culture for a long time.

Now, even many Ukrainians are discovering their own culture anew, so it is not only important—it is vital. Culture can also be a kind of weapon in that it shapes identity and perception, which we need to understand.

Jacobsen: How would you compare and contrast your experiences—not just with different cultures themselves but with how they evolve? Culture is not a fixed thing. It’s shaped by what people do.

Fiks: Are you referring to the cultures in Ukraine, the UK, or the U.S.?

Jacobsen: Primarily Ukraine and London since both are relevant to your work. But if you want to also reflect on the U.S., we can include that. How do these cultures feel and express themselves from within? And how are they perceived from the outside? Having that dual internal and external perspective can help you see where misunderstandings arise when cultures are interpreted out of context.

Fiks: I prefer not to discuss others’ mistakes in interpreting cultures. But yes, when you’re positioned between different cultural spheres, you notice how culture is often misunderstood. Each society has its own cultural rhythm, values, and symbols. Understanding those—both from the inside and the outside—is crucial for meaningful cultural exchange.

For culture, freedom is crucial. No matter if you’re an artist or an art manager, you should feel free in what you’re doing because art is about freedom. Of course, not all artists can work freely, but still—whether it’s Ukrainian culture, British culture, or the culture of any other country—they’re all different because culture is always tied to a specific context. It’s heritage. It belongs to a place and its people.

But in general, culture is important for me—and, of course, for many others. As I said before, it’s an international language. Whether it’s Ukrainian or Spanish, it’s interesting to me. When I go to another country, visiting a museum is the only way to understand it truly.

Only after that do I feel, “Yes, now I understand this country.” That’s how I connect emotionally and intellectually with a place and its people.

Jacobsen: You mentioned that Ukraine is experiencing a special moment in time, and that’s an important point. How do you bring culture forward uniquely during such extraordinary times?

Fiks: It’s a very interesting time because now the world knows about Ukraine. But often, the only thing people speak about is the war. And, of course, people are tired of hearing about war. We are tired too—but we have no choice. People outside Ukraine have a choice.

So we—my project, my colleagues, my team—try to speak about the war through the language of art. For example, we try to address the war through artistic means with the War Fragments Museum. We realized that people can understand the message when it’s conveyed through a beautiful piece of art.

It doesn’t hurt you at first glance. It becomes painful to read the story behind the piece and understand what it represents. But visually, it’s still a work of art. And that’s powerful. It’s the best way—not just for our project, but many artists and cultural managers are doing this. They are talking about the war and saying, “Look what we are going through,” but they are doing it in a way that isn’t overwhelming or traumatic for the audience.

So, if you want to speak now about Ukrainian culture and art, you must address the war. But if you’re a cultural manager, you cannot harm people emotionally with your work. You must find a way to deliver the message without being too harsh—at least try.

Jacobsen: What is the process of collecting and preserving war artifacts in the cubes?

Fiks: So, it’s a resin. So yes, you can damage a cube, but you can’t break it easily. That was important for us because the resin is long-lasting. It will survive for many years.

We collected all the artifacts and stories in February 2022 and 2023. We also went on expeditions to different cities and villages—some of which were occupied or near the front line—because we wanted to show the stories that most people would never see in the news.

It was important for us that these stories and these people not become just statistics—because they have names. The cities have names, and we wanted to make them visible. So we collected the stories. We talked to people. We spoke with soldiers who had gone through captivity. These experiences will always stay with us. Our team still remembers every story, every face, and every person we spoke with.

It was painful, but I’m glad we did it. It changed us—my team and me—and gave us a deeper understanding of the project. At first, we didn’t think we would go on expeditions. We thought we would write to volunteers and ask them to send us their stories and artifacts.

We received maybe 20 artifacts this way, but then we realized that was not enough. That could not be the core of this project. If we wanted to truly be part of it—and for the project to become part of us—we needed to go. We needed to talk to people and find these stories ourselves. And we did that. I’m grateful we did because it transformed the project.

Jacobsen: How do the artifacts from places like Kherson, Mariupol, or Sumy differ in terms of what they represent—historically and emotionally—compared to artifacts from other cities?

Fiks: I can’t compare artifacts. Even two artifacts from Mariupol—I can’t compare them. Each cube contains someone’s life. And every life is unique. You cannot compare one to another.

That’s why each cube is important. Of course, you might expect that artifacts from Mariupol or Lviv would be different—and they are. But they all carry a piece of the war inside. A war of this scale spreads across the entire country. Maybe Lviv is not on the front line, while Kharkiv is—but all the artifacts are still about war. They are about people. And that’s why I won’t compare any artifact or story.

Jacobsen: How do you balance historical documentation with emotional storytelling?

Fiks: We try to keep that balance because it’s important. Facts matter. Facts are things you can verify—true and check them online. But emotions matter, too, because this project is about people.

And no matter where you live—whether it’s the U.S., Canada, the UK, or Spain—when you read a story about a woman giving birth under missile strikes, you can imagine that. Or when a father buries his 13-year-old son next to the house because he can’t leave his home—you can imagine that, too.

I don’t even know how to describe it. But it’s personal. And as a human being, you understand this. It’s not about philosophy or abstract ideas. It’s about the basic things we all need—eating, living safely, giving birth in normal conditions. These are universal experiences.

Jacobsen: How does the museum aim to combat—using that word carefully—war fatigue or the desensitization that can come with prolonged exposure to war and suffering?

Fiks: Honestly, I think we’ll only truly understand that after the war is over. Right now, yes—we are tired. But it’s more than tiredness. It’s real fatigue.

Still, we know we have to keep going. We have to fight. We must support those on the front lines—our soldiers, our military. And we can’t allow ourselves to say, “Oh, I’m tired, I’ll do nothing.” We don’t have that luxury.

Everything you’re saying—yes—is something we must face once this war is over.

Jacobsen: Have you received contributions directly from soldiers? So you go there and gather stories in person—someone finds an artifact in the rubble of an administrative building, a primary school, or something belonging to a loved one on the front line. Maybe that soldier is now injured and cannot return to combat. Have you had moments where people heard about your project and gave you something, saying, “I want this to be preserved in resin and remembered”?

Fiks: Yes. I was amazed when Azov soldiers—who had been in Mariupol, were captured, taken to Russia, and eventually returned—shared their stories with us. We interviewed them after they were released from captivity while they were still in the hospital.

They gave us the one thing they had kept with them during captivity in Mariupol. I told them, “This is something you could give to your children or grandchildren—priceless.” But they said, “No. We want this to be part of history. We want it to be in a museum. We want this story to be told.”

I was deeply moved. When I say “I,” I’m also speaking on behalf of my team because this is a team project. We felt a huge responsibility. They gave us something that is beyond value. And then it became our mission—not to make the project famous—but to speak through this project, to speak with it.

So yes, we have these stories—especially from soldiers of Azov—and I’m very grateful we had the opportunity to talk to them. It was important for them to tell their stories, and it was important for us to listen.

Jacobsen: Soldiers have protocol. Politicians have messaging strategies. First responders have procedures. Doctors have ethical guidelines. For cultural managers and museum professionals, what is the protocol for the ethical and responsible handling of artifacts—even if those artifacts are embedded in resin and cannot be shattered, only damaged?

Fiks: The question of ethics was crucial for us. We had to ask ourselves with every story: “Is this, okay? Are we doing the right thing?”

Because we are living through the war, too, we are under missile strikes. We are not sitting in another country, calmly evaluating everything from a distance. No—we’re here. We’re under pressure and stress, like everyone else.

So we thought about it a lot. But we truly tried to make the project as ethical as possible. And I believe we succeeded—because we haven’t received a single message from any soldier, any official, or any private person saying, “Your project is unethical,” or, “You shouldn’t be doing this,” or, “You’re misrepresenting our stories.”

That tells me we’ve managed to approach this with the care and respect it demands.

But it was a hard question for us. With every story, we asked ourselves: Is it okay to share these things? Is it ethical? We questioned ourselves constantly.

Jacobsen: What is the importance of collaboration and partnerships? As you noted, museums do not come together alone—there’s a team. But what about teams working with other teams? How do you build partnerships? How do you maintain them? And how do you determine which ones are appropriate, especially for a project as sensitive as this?

Fiks: Of course, collaboration is important. In every field, it matters—but especially in cultural work. We collaborate with museums and galleries within Ukraine, and we also collaborate with partners outside of Ukraine. But for us, there are some key principles.

The most important is that the organization or person supports Ukraine. They cannot have any ties to Russia. That’s essential—because we cannot present the stories of Azov soldiers, for example, while collaborating with someone with connections to Russia. So our partners must support Ukraine, have no relationship with Russia, and not travel to Russia, among other things. Those are our non-negotiables.

Jacobsen: What has been the short-term impact of the exhibitions and the museum?

Fiks: That’s correct—our project is not just about the museum. We have two goals. One is to exhibit the resin cubes in Ukraine and internationally. The second is to raise funds through them. People can purchase a cube from our website, and the proceeds go to one of three charitable foundations we support.

Out of 300 cubes, we now have about 130 left—so we’ve already sold more than half. But we decided to reserve 30 to 40 cubes to donate to museums in Ukraine and abroad. We want this to become part of historical memory.

I should have said this initially: our project is about memory. Memory is essential to every nation because it shapes the future—it shapes future generations. We created this project for them to help them understand what happened. So yes, we will keep several cubes for permanent collections, but we are also using the rest to raise support. That balance is working well so far.

Jacobsen: What is your favourite cube?

Fiks: Oh, I can’t say that I have one favourite. But I really loved one—it has burned wheat inside.

Jacobsen: Burned wheat?

Fiks: Yes. It came from the Mykolaiv region. During the harvest season, there were heavy strikes in the area. The fields were burning—but farmers kept working to save the grain. Because in Ukraine, grain is everything. It is our bread—our symbol of life.

There are many photos of grain fields on fire, yet farmers continue to gather what they can. One of those farmers sent us a handful of scorched grain. The grains were whole but darkened by the fire. We turned that into a cube.

I loved that cube. It was sold in just one day.

But truly, I can’t say I have a favourite. These cubes are part of us. This isn’t just a project about art—it’s about war, about our people. And it will always be part of us. I don’t have a favourite cube or a favourite story. All of them are part of us, the team.

Even when someone buys a cube, I’m always happy—because it means we can help the foundations we support. But when I’m packing the cube, I always pause. I feel, “Okay…I understand I have to let it go,” but it’s still hard for me every time.

Jacobsen: The way the cubes are shaped—do you design them, so they are faceted in a way that allows light to reflect through them? So you can see the object more clearly no matter what angle you view it?

Fiks: They all have the same shape and size—15 centimetres by 15 centimetres. We have professional partners who manufacture them. This isn’t something just anyone can do. It takes a lot of resources, expertise, and time.

The epoxy resin we use was developed specifically for this project. It’s very difficult to produce a cube of this size that is still so transparent, so we waited a long time for this resin to be developed. Once we had it, we worked closely with our partners to figure out how to embed the objects to make them look like they’ve always been there.

But it wasn’t easy—it was a long and complicated process. I’m really glad we succeeded in producing the cubes exactly as we envisioned them. It’s a full production, not something that can be done in an office setting.

Jacobsen: I noticed in the online photos, especially from the angles at the vertices of each cube, that there’s a reflective quality—almost like the object inside is mirrored or glowing. Was that something you specifically requested from the resin and cube designers, or did that effect emerge?

Fiks: That effect wasn’t something we planned. It became apparent while we were already producing the cubes. We didn’t predict or request it in advance—but it turned out beautifully.

Jacobsen: How long are these cubes expected to last? Since this is a custom-made epoxy resin, does it have a longer shelf life than standard epoxy once it’s set?

Fiks: Yes. These cubes are designed to last forever. As I’ve said before, you can damage them but not break them. That was part of the idea. They will work like amber capturing history inside them.

Jacobsen: That also sounds like a metaphor.

Fiks: It can be seen as a metaphor. But yes, they are full solids. They will last. I hope they will last forever.

Jacobsen: What was Evgeni Utkin’s role and vision in founding the War Fragments Museum?

Fiks: Evgeny is a special person for all of us on the team. Before the full-scale invasion, he brought us together for another project. Without him, we would never have met or created the War Fragments Museum.

He supported us throughout the entire process—during the preparation period, during production, and once the cubes were ready. He helped in many ways, and I couldn’t list them all. He’s an incredibly important figure in this project. Without him, it wouldn’t exist in the way it does now.

Jacobsen: Were there any moments when the project nearly didn’t happen?

Fiks: There was one serious challenge. When we started producing the cubes, we had a donor and specific milestones to meet. But then a rocket struck the production site where the cubes were being made. We had to postpone everything.

Still, we overcame that delay and finished production in time to meet our project milestones. So yes, it came close, but we made it happen. That was the one major incident. Thankfully, everyone was alive.

Jacobsen: Is there a particular quote from any of the stories—an excerpt or phrase from the descriptions that stand out to you?

Fiks: A quote? I’m not sure I understand the question.

Jacobsen: Ah, yes—so the cubes, as I understand, come with descriptions or accompanying stories. Is there one of those—not necessarily your favourite—but one you’ve been thinking about recently? Something that continues to resonate with you because of its poignancy?

Fiks: Yes, now I understand what you mean. I still carry some sentences from those stories in my mind. I remember certain lines. Not just one—I have a few of them that stay with me and that I think about often.

But they are painful, so I prefer not to say them aloud. I think everyone who’s interested should visit our website and find their own quote. Your quote will be different, depending on your circumstances, your thoughts, and your life. Everyone interested should find their own.

Jacobsen: Tetyana, thank you so much for your time today. It was a pleasure to meet you, and I appreciate your expertise.

Fiks: Thank you so much, Scott. It was nice to meet you, too. Thank you for having me.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Who Watches the Watchers? A Conversation on Digital Rights and Decentralization

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/13

Today, I’m joined by Alexander Linton, a leading voice in the fight for digital privacy and a central figure behind Session, a privacy-first messaging app developed by the Australian nonprofit Oxen Project. With a background in communications and over five years of work on the Session project, Linton has emerged as a staunch advocate for end-to-end encryption, decentralized networks, and open-source development.

As the public face of Session’s outreach and education efforts, he promotes a platform designed to minimize metadata and safeguard user anonymity—principles that are increasingly under siege in today’s surveillance-driven digital landscape. Linton writes and speaks regularly on the future of privacy technologies, legislative overreach, and digital autonomy, grounding his advocacy in the belief that privacy is not a privilege but a basic human right.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Your background is in journalism and media. How did you transition into digital rights and technology?

Alexander Linton: It was a relatively smooth transition.

The media is such an exposed group these days. Journalists are constantly in the spotlight when it comes to digital rights. So many examples exist where media workers have had their data or communications compromised. So, if you’re passionate about media or journalism, that passion often translates well into working in digital rights. Of course, you end up on the other side of the table. Instead of reporting on issues, you’re now helping build the tools that protect people from them.

That said, I’ve always tried to prioritize human needs when developing technology. I honed this perspective while working directly with people, especially when producing stories or researching sensitive topics. This mindset carries over to building and promoting privacy tools.

Jacobsen: Broadly speaking, what does “digital privacy” mean in something as diverse, expansive, and porous as the Internet?

Linton: That’s a good question. There are a lot of ways to approach digital privacy, and it matters both on a personal level and at a societal level.

On a personal level, digital privacy touches our lives constantly. Something as simple as seeing a targeted advertisement for something you didn’t realize you needed — but that an algorithm already knew you did — is a basic example of how privacy issues play out daily.

But more insidiously, digital privacy affects the kind of content we see, the information we’re exposed to, and the narratives that shape public opinion. It can influence voting behaviour, shift belief systems, and ultimately rewire society. That’s when the concept of digital privacy moves from being a personal issue to a collective one.

The consequences are systemic. These platforms collect and aggregate data on a massive scale — and over the last two decades, our appetite for technological innovation has far outpaced our commitment to protecting privacy. We’ve ended up in a position where privacy has been sidelined in favour of convenience, speed, and profit.

And now, we’re starting to see the ripple effects of that. From the erosion of trust in institutions to increased surveillance and manipulation, the cost of ignoring privacy is becoming increasingly visible—not just individually but also in how our communities function and societies cohere.

Jacobsen: I keep coming back to the question of whether threats to digital privacy are best understood as a matter of who or what. On one hand, threats are always evolving—becoming more sophisticated as defenses struggle to keep pace. And the usual suspects are still in play: governments, corporations, individuals. But there’s also a less visible tier of actors—lone wolves who operate in the shadows, outside even of collectives like Anonymous, which, for all its controversy, often champions worthy causes.

So how should we be framing this? Are threats to digital privacy primarily about who is behind them—or what systems, technologies, or failures are enabling them?

Linton: Those things go hand in hand, but at the end of the day, it’s who — because it’s us that is affected when privacy deteriorates. And when we talk about at-risk groups like journalists, hacktivists, whistleblowers — or anyone who might be especially sensitive to privacy — a lot of the time, these are people who are well-resourced, or at least more motivated and better equipped to protect themselves than the average person. However, privacy works best when it’s collective.

Suppose you’re the only person practicing privacy out of a group of a hundred. In that case, you stand out — and that can actually make you more vulnerable. You get a kind of “herd immunity” effect with privacy.

Ultimately, while digital privacy benefits everyone, it is especially important for the vulnerable—people in our communities who may be at risk. Whether they’re vulnerable because of their work, who they are, or where they live doesn’t matter. What matters is that improving digital privacy can strengthen and protect those people—and their rights.

Jacobsen: People see buzzwords thrown around, which, unfortunately, shouldn’t be buzzwords like “closed source” and “open source.” OpenAI took its name from the idea of open-sourced AI. What does “open source” mean?

Linton: Sure. Open source refers to publicly available source code of a piece of software. That means anyone can inspect it, audit it, and, in many cases, contribute to it. It also means anyone can recompile it themselves to ensure the software they’re running actually matches the publicly available code. This is important for building trust, verifiability, and security in software. It’s also important to encourage collaboration, fairness, and transparency when developing technologies that shape our lives.

Now, in the example you gave — OpenAI — AI is clearly going to be a major force in society in the future. So everyone who has a stake in that future (which is all of us) must be able to see what’s happening and potentially shape its direction. The closed source is the opposite: the source code is hidden, and you cannot verify how the software works or whether it’s doing what it claims.

You can’t take pieces of it and build your tools. Generally, this is done so that a company can protect its intellectual property and profit from whatever that technology is.

A simpler definition…It’s quite tricky, but the basic idea is that open source means I’m going to show you how I’m making this thing. Regardless of what it is—it could be your iPad—I will show you all the detailed steps and little pieces that go inside so that, if you wanted to, you could build your own iPad, and it would work exactly the same.

A closed source is when you go to the shop and buy the iPad, which works—but you have no idea how it works or what’s inside. That’s the core difference between open source and closed source.

Jacobsen: How does Session differ from other secure messaging apps like Signal or Telegram?

Linton: The basic principle we’re working with is that the technological systems we use today are essentially critical infrastructure for protecting our rights—things like freedom of speech, privacy, and even freedom of assembly. Encrypted messaging apps are incredibly important tools for maintaining those rights.

The problem is that the systems we rely on today place our rights in the hands of individual companies—or, in some cases, one very rich person. We trust them to continue protecting those rights. Everyone has an agenda, and politics or profit can shift. What’s acceptable or protected today might not be tomorrow.

Suddenly, the speech you thought you had, the communication you believed was private, could be stripped away.

The idea behind Session is to address this risk through disintermediation — removing the reliance on a single company or person to uphold your rights. Instead, we use a decentralized system operated by the people whose rights are at stake. It’s a much more equitable and democratic approach. But technology hasn’t typically worked this way, which is what makes Session different.

So the first way that Session is different is that it’s decentralized. While we have a foundation — responsible for issuing grants and contributing to Session’s open-source development, we don’t run the network that stores and routes messages.

That’s a significant difference between something like Session and something like Signal.

Now, don’t get it twisted — I trust Signal and the people who work there. They’re good people, for sure. But this is a philosophical difference — a different approach.

Technologically, as you mentioned earlier, there’s also additional metadata hardening that Session does, which most messaging apps don’t go through. For example, Signal requires a phone number when you sign up. Even though that number may not be shared or logged for long, Signal can still see who you’re messaging, when you’re doing it, and your IP address.

That kind of information is valuable in the era of surveillance capitalism. Now, to their credit, Signal chooses not to exploit it—which is great.

But Session takes a different approach. Because we operate using a decentralized network, we can use onion routing—a concept championed by the Tor Project—to protect metadata such as IP addresses and prevent the timing correlation of messages.

Jacobsen: That’s powerful. This is a good point for distinguishing between P2P, onion routing, VPNs, double VPNs, and dedicated IP. They’re each distinct, but they matter to people thinking seriously about privacy.

Linton: Absolutely. I can definitely do that. Let me backtrack a little to where I was — Tor.

Tor invented onion routing, which basically means that your message is wrapped in multiple layers of encryption and sent through several nodes in a network. The first node peels off one layer of encryption and sees only the address of the next node.

Typically, there are three nodes in a route. The first node sees the sender’s IP but has no idea where the message is ultimately going. The final node sees that a message is being delivered to someone, and it sees the recipient’s IP — but it has no idea where the message originally came from.

In practical terms, this means that no single part of the network ever has access to the full picture. Your conversations—and the sensitive metadata that surrounds them—are obscured by design. That’s only possible because of Session’s disintermediated and decentralized architecture.

This process happens in Session by default, but users can also add a layer of protection by using VPNs.

A VPN — or Virtual Private Network — works on a simpler principle. It acts as a middleman. If you’re using WhatsApp, for example, instead of WhatsApp seeing your actual IP address, they see the IP of your VPN.

That’s better, but there are trade-offs. While the platform doesn’t have your IP, it still has your account data — like your phone number and possibly your contact list — which can still be used to identify you and the people you’re talking to.

There are variations like double VPNs, where traffic is routed through two VPN servers for added privacy, and dedicated IPs, which assign a unique IP to you — often for business or stability reasons — but which may be less private in terms of anonymity.

P2P — or peer-to-peer — involves direct user connections, sometimes exposing IPs unless wrapped in privacy layers.

Unlike all of these, onion routing is built specifically for anonymity, distributing trust across the network. That’s why it’s so important in privacy-preserving tools like Session.

Still, a VPN can often be a useful anonymizing tool, but it’s definitely a step down from onion routing when it comes to minimizing metadata.

Another major difference in our system is that because we don’t have a central company routing messages or managing accounts, we can’t use an identifier like a phone number — which is more of a legacy system — to handle addressing or account creation. In fact, there’s no way to create an account at all on Session because there’s no central authority with which to register.

Instead, we generate a key pair on the user’s device. If you’re familiar with public-key encryption, that means private and public keys. Your private key is used primarily for decrypting messages, while your public key is what other people use to encrypt messages sent to you.

You share your public key, and anyone can send you a message that only you can decrypt with your private key. It’s generated locally, so you never need to register anything with anyone. Using some clever mathematical techniques, we can use this public key for addressing inside the decentralized network.

You never need to use a personal identifier like a phone number, which, as a journalist, I’m sure you know can be quite sensitive information to give out when using a messaging service.

Those are the main ways Session differentiates itself from something like Signal, WhatsApp, or Telegram.

Jacobsen: So, how can people protect their privacy? What’s on the cutting edge of the need to protect privacy? I’ve encountered things like double VPN and “onion over VPN,” which essentially add extra layers to the onion. They are helpful but slow things down, especially the double VPN setups. What are your recommendations? And what are you seeing in the future?

Linton: Absolutely. So, first of all, we have systemic problems in how we build technology — and those problems don’t just come from how the tech itself works. They also come from our government structures, how tech companies are regulated (or not), and how funding works in the tech space. All of this contributes to the privacy issues we see today.

Now, all of these tools—VPNs, onion routing, encryption—are fantastic, and the people working on them are absolutely brilliant. But often, it feels like we’re applying Band-Aid solutions to a structural wound.

We often shift the burden of solving this systemic issue onto the consumer. The individual is expected to outsmart the system—and that’s not fair. People often end up isolating themselves by using privacy tools. For example, you’re stuck if you want to use a secure messaging app, but none of your friends are on it.

Okay — that’s the end of the rant. So, what can people do? What are some practical steps? My advice is always to start small and build up. This is a big issue, and it’s easy to throw your hands up and say, “Well, my privacy is already compromised. My data’s already out there. What’s the point?”

But there is a point. Start with the things you use every day. If you use email constantly, find an email provider that supports encryption and has strong privacy-focused policies. If you use messaging apps a lot, find one that is end-to-end encrypted at a minimum—and ideally, one backed by a nonprofit structure like Signal or Session.

If you’re big on social media, say you use Twitter, and maybe look into alternatives like Bluesky or a federated platform like Mastodon. Use what aligns with your own digital habits.

If you’re concerned about network privacy, there’s an ongoing debate about VPNs and whether they’re just privacy theatre. It really comes down to this: do you trust your ISP, or do you trust a VPN company more? The answer depends on your country, your ISP’s practices, and the legal obligations in your jurisdiction.

That said, onion routing is a huge step forward from VPNs in protecting anonymity and minimizing metadata. It’s the more robust, privacy-first option, especially when integrated by default, like in Session.

However, most of the time, when you use a VPN, you don’t even notice it’s running — unless a website blocks you. Things often get noticeably worse if you use an onion network like Tor. Some websites break completely, you get blocked more frequently, and page load times can be significantly slower.

Even further along the spectrum, there’s a concept called a mixnet, which is an even more advanced type of obfuscation overlay network than onion routing. Mixnets group packets together and send them through the network with delays, making it impossible to deanonymize the data using timing attacks.

Timing attacks are a surveillance method only highly sophisticated adversaries can carry out. To monitor when packets are sent and received, you’d need access to the physical Internet infrastructure, such as fibre cables, routers, and middleboxes. Based on that timing, it becomes theoretically possible to deanonymize users, even using a privacy-preserving network like Tor.

Researchers have shown that timing attacks can work, in some cases, even against Tor. Mixnets, like the one used by Nym, address this specific vulnerability.

However, as you might expect, using a mixnet can cause an even bigger impact on user experience. The trade-off between privacy and convenience becomes more extreme.

So, we’re looking at an unsustainable situation in which we ask everyday users to make serious sacrifices in usability to protect their privacy. That’s not a reasonable long-term model.

We need a more privacy-forward approach — giving people privacy by default rather than making them jump through hoops. Tools like mixes are important, but ideally, people shouldn’t have to think about them at all.

Jacobsen: What ethical frameworks are presently in place — or in development — for digital privacy in an era of narrow AI and increasingly sophisticated good and bad actors?

Linton: I’m not as familiar with the AI side of things. But in terms of frameworks that address human actors — both good and bad — there’s a general principle of aiming for “the most good for the most people.”

Let me give an example of digital privacy: Privacy tools like encryption have immense value. They protect the people who uphold democratic society—activists, journalists, lawyers, and human rights defenders.

They also offer essential safeguards for people living under oppressive regimes or anyone vulnerable for social, political, or personal reasons.

So, when we ask whether we should build and deploy privacy tools, the answer becomes clear: yes. The benefits—the very real protections they offer—far outweigh the hypothetical risks. Privacy strengthens the fabric of a just society.

We should advocate for and implement it as broadly as possible, not only as a technical matter but also as a moral imperative.

Jacobsen: Are there any final points people should definitely know about digital privacy that we haven’t already covered?

Linton: Yes — two quick ones.

First, as you said earlier, people often encounter a lot of buzzwords: encryption, onion routing, end-to-end encryption, and open source. These are important concepts, but they’re only parts of the puzzle. We really want to address privacy at its root. In that case, we need to reckon with the broader system of surveillance capitalism.

That system—extracting data for profit—poisons a huge part of today’s tech industry. The good news is that there are better ways to design systems. We can embrace alternative governance models and open-source practices that are more accountable, equitable, and privacy-respecting. That’s where real structural change begins.

Second—and on a more optimistic note—it’s easy to feel pessimistic or helpless about digital privacy. But it’s not too late. Tools, communities, and developers are working to build better systems. The future isn’t written yet, and if we act with purpose and clarity, we can still shape it to protect our rights.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Alexander.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Can Capital Be Faithful? The Global Iman Fund’s Quiet Revolution

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/10

Ghalib Salam brings more than 27 years of experience in business development to his new role as Vice President at Global Growth Assets Inc., where he oversees the Global Iman Fund, a Sharia-compliant and ethically focused mutual fund recognized multiple times with the FundGrade A+ Award. The fund invests primarily in technology, healthcare, and consumer sectors, guided by the rigorous screening standards of the Dow Jones Islamic Market Titans 100 Index. Prior to this role, Salam served as Director at the Royal Bank of Canada in Toronto, building a track record of leadership across Canada’s financial sector.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: The Global Iman Fund has received the FundGrade A+ Award multiple times. Could you explain what sets the fund apart and what this recognition represents?

Ghalib Salam: Sure. The Global Iman Fund is part of Global Growth Assets Inc., an investment fund with over $850 million in assets under management (AUM) and in operation since February 1998.

Global Growth Assets Inc. is part of the Global Family of Companies, a multifaceted financial organization founded in 1998, with over $3.6 billion in assets under management and administration.

The Global Iman Fund is a mutual fund that adheres to Sharia-compliant investment principles and offers socially responsible investment opportunities. It provides investors with long-term growth through a diversified global investment portfolio that meets ethical and faith-based investing standards.

The Global Iman Fund is available through various distribution channels, including financial advisors, banks, and online platforms.

Jacobsen: The Global Iman Fund has received the FundGrade A+ Award for several consecutive years. Could you elaborate on the significance of this recognition and what it reflects about the fund’s long-term performance and positioning?

Salam: The award recognizes high-performing investment funds based on risk-adjusted returns, consistency, and overall portfolio strength. The ranking methodology evaluates funds against industry benchmarks across multiple tolerance levels.

Funds that receive this distinction are recognized as high-grade, actively traded funds well-received by dealers, financial advisors, and investors.

Jacobsen: What does the investment portfolio of the Global Iman Fund focus on? You alluded to shared principles. How do those principles feed into the portfolio itself?

Salam: Let me share the mechanics of how we select the portfolio. We are the fund manager, and we also have a portfolio manager—UBS is our portfolio manager. There is a Sharia Council that devises a portfolio as part of the Dow Jones Islamic Market Titans Index, selecting 100 publicly tradable companies that comply with Shariah investment principles. UBS then selects specific entities from that portfolio. The composition of investments varies over time, but the approach remains long-term, focusing on sustainable growth.

The portfolio is diversified across different industry sectors. Approximately 37% of the fund is technology-centric, around 14-15% is in service and communications, and close to 13% is allocated to consumer services, with another 13% spread across other industries. These are the high-level concentrations in terms of sector segmentation.

Jacobsen: If you were to break down the size of each of those 100 companies, would you deal with a top-heavy structure where a few large companies dominate, or would the investments be more evenly distributed?

Salam: Yes, indeed. In the case of the Global Iman Fund, these are global companies. More than 80% of our portfolio is U.S.-based, with the remainder comprising approximately 15% European companies and around 5% Asia-centric investments. The fund is entirely U.S. dollar-denominated, providing investors with stability and liquidity.

So, talking about specific names, much of this is publicly available information, but for the benefit of this interview, I’ll highlight some key holdings. Our portfolio combines technology, consumer services, and healthcare-focused investments. We hold shares in Amazon, Apple, Nvidia, Google, Alibaba, and Eli Lilly. As you can see, we focus strongly on technology and consumer-driven industries.

Before diving into specific companies, it’s essential to understand why the Sharia Advisory Board selects these 100 entities. A key principle is that income from non-compliant (or “impure”) sources must not exceed 5% of total revenue. Impure sources mean revenue must not be derived from industries such as alcohol, tobacco, pork and pork-related products, banking, insurance, conventional financial services, weapons, defense, entertainment, gambling, adult content, and casinos.

The portfolio is carefully structured to align with Sharia-compliant ethical investment guidelines.

Jacobsen: Could you elaborate specifically on the technology sector? Companies like Microsoft, AMD, Google, and Nvidia are heavily involved in semiconductors, AI, and cloud computing—volatile but high-growth industries. Do you expect this to be the most profitable sector of your portfolio over the next five years?

Salam: As an investment fund manager, it’s difficult for me to make specific forward-looking statements on expected profitability, as our portfolio managers at UBS are the key decision-makers regarding equities selection and holding periods. However, I can say that these companies are positioned at the forefront of technological advancements, especially in areas like AI, data processing, and semiconductor manufacturing.

The long-term outlook for these sectors remains strong, but their volatility requires strategic portfolio balancing. Our portfolio managers assess market conditions and sector performance to ensure that our investments align with our long-term growth objectives while remaining within the risk parameters defined by the fund’s mandate.

However, I can give you the due diligence rationale behind selecting any asset in the portfolio. One of the key questions might be—why is 38-39% of the fund tech-centric? The reason is simple: that is where the market shift is happening. This transition is accurate, and technology continues to dominate growth sectors globally.

The due diligence process carried out by our portfolio manager involves multiple steps. First, they analyze public disclosure documents, interview management teams, and investor relations representatives, and compare peer group performance metrics. After completing these assessments, they engineer the portfolio, ensuring all investment criteria are met. Once selected, each asset is subject to an ongoing risk management framework designed to mitigate exposure and maintain portfolio balance.

Regarding market volatility, we recognize that no investor operates in isolation—we are part of a broader investment community. We embrace market shifts as they happen, ensuring the portfolio remains structured yet flexible enough to withstand fluctuations while avoiding extreme risk concentration. The goal is to preserve stability while still responsibly leveraging high-growth opportunities.

Jacobsen: Regarding mutual funds like the Global Iman Fund, what should investors understand about the risks and disclaimers involved? And conversely, what are some potential advantages such investments can offer?

Salam: Regarding risk, all investments—including mutual funds—involve the possibility of losing money or failing to generate expected returns. The degree of risk varies from fund to fund, but investments with higher potential returns generally carry higher risks. Investors must carefully assess their risk tolerance before making investment decisions.

Investing in mutual funds like the Global Iman Fund involves a range of considerations. One major factor is concentration risk—when a portfolio leans heavily into specific sectors or a limited group of companies, it can become especially vulnerable to downturns in those areas. Likewise, exposure to emerging markets introduces political, regulatory, and economic uncertainties that can heighten volatility. Market fluctuations are inevitable; while the fund is structured to weather short-term shifts, investors should be prepared for periods of instability.

Additional risks include liquidity challenges, where exiting an investment quickly may not always be feasible, and regulatory shifts, which can reshape compliance obligations as financial laws evolve. For international investors, currency risk is also a factor—the fund is primarily denominated in U.S. dollars, so shifts in exchange rates can affect returns for those operating in other currencies. These factors underscore the importance of a well-informed, diversified investment approach.

There are many other potential risks, but these are some of the most significant factors I want to highlight here.

Jacobsen: What about the potential benefits of investing in this type of fund?

Salam: Our fund’s disclaimer and investment information are publicly available through our website, where we provide an official prospectus. This document is purely for informational purposes, outlining the terms, conditions, and potential risks of investing in the Global Iman Fund. Investors are always encouraged to review the prospectus carefully and consult financial advisors before making decisions.

Again, as a mutual fund administrator, we cannot guarantee that all the information is always complete or current due to the nature of the investment risks we discussed earlier. Market conditions and regulations are subject to change without notice. Mutual funds are not guaranteed investments—their value fluctuates frequently, and past performance may not necessarily be repeated. For this reason, we strongly recommend that potential investors read the prospectus carefully before investing.

Additionally, all documents, whether portfolio manager-driven or included in the prospectus, typically contain forward-looking statements. These statements are predictive and rely on future events and conditions over which we have no control. Investors need to understand that forward-looking statements are made with due caution. However, investment decisions should not be solely based on these statements, as market conditions and external factors can impact outcomes.

When you asked about possibilities and benefits, the number one benefit I can highlight is that Sharia-compliant investing is highly attractive for investors who prioritize ethical and socially responsible investment strategies. While Sharia compliance is an Islamic qualification for investing, we also have a significant number of non-Muslim investors who seek funds that align with their ethical and social values. Many investors are drawn to Sharia-compliant funds because they offer a clear conscience. They know that investments are made under strict ethical guidelines that exclude industries like alcohol, tobacco, gambling, and conventional financial services.

Another benefit is that our fund has consistently delivered strong yields. While I won’t quote specific numbers here, its performance has been at par or above par compared to other mutual funds in the marketplace. Furthermore, our risk management strategies ensure that performance remains stable while maintaining a high-quality portfolio that offers substantial long-term value for investors.

Today, we hold two key distinctions. We are the oldest Sharia-compliant mutual fund in the market and, as of today, the largest.

As awareness of Sharia-compliant investing grows, we benefit from a first-mover advantage. While we do not actively influence investment decisions, we are in a strong position to attract investors looking for a proven and ethical financial product—one that is not necessarily Muslim-centric but instead appealing to all individuals who prioritize ethical responsible investing.

Jacobsen: Great. Thank you for your time today—I appreciate it.

The views expressed by Global Growth Assets Inc. and its partners reflect market conditions at the time of publication and are subject to change. These opinions may differ from those of other associates or affiliates and do not constitute investment advice. Mutual fund investments may be subject to commissions, trailing commissions, management fees, and expenses.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

America’s Regress: Kristen Monroe on Trump, Misogyny, and Moral Collapse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/09

In this wide-ranging conversation, political scientist Kristen Renwick Monroe examines the erosion of democratic norms in the United States during the Trump era, the surge in authoritarian tendencies, and the intensifying cultural backlash against marginalized communities—particularly immigrants, women, and transgender individuals. A Chancellor’s Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine, Monroe is a leading scholar in political psychology, ethics, and moral choice. She is also the founder and director of the Interdisciplinary Center for the Scientific Study of Ethics and Morality.

Educated at Smith College and the University of Chicago, Monroe has devoted her career to investigating the moral foundations of political behavior. Her acclaimed books—The Heart of AltruismThe Hand of Compassion, and Ethics in an Age of Terror and Genocide—explore how identity shapes altruism, moral courage, and even complicity in genocide. She has received numerous accolades, including the Nevitt Sanford Award from the International Society of Political Psychology and the Harold Lasswell Award from the American Political Science Association for lifetime achievement.

Monroe critiques Trump’s disregard for constitutional principles and his polarizing leadership style, stressing the need for empathy, institutional integrity, and shared human values. She speaks passionately about the importance of gender equality and the urgency of placing more women in positions of power, drawing favorable comparisons to the inclusive political systems of countries like Finland and Sweden.

Through personal anecdotes and sharp analysis, Monroe warns of a growing tide of xenophobia and legal manipulation by Trump’s allies. Though she hopes to see a woman elected president, she argues that ethical leadership and sound policy must come first. The conversation ends on a hopeful note—with a call for unity and recognizing the common humanity that should bind Americans together, not drive them apart.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Let’s start big. What is your sense of the first 100 days of the second Trump administration?

Kristen Renwick Monroe: The journalist fact-checkers are going wild with Trump before we start.

Let me tell you the joke about Trump dying and going to heaven. He sees all these clocks and asks, “What is the deal with the clocks?” They reply, “Everyone has a clock. That one is George Washington’s. He never told a lie, so the hands never moved. Every time someone tells a lie, their clock moves one minute.” Trump points to another and says, “Well, that one’s only moved twice.” “That is Abraham Lincoln’s clock,” they say. “He only told two lies.” Trump then asks, “Where is my clock?” “Oh, Saint Peter’s using it as a fan,” they reply.

A homemade sign can best capture the first 100 days. I saw one in a neighbor’s window during a walk one day. It read, “OMG GOP WTF.” People have used that expression so much now.

I never used to say “WTF,” but I have started saying “ED”—for “expletive deleted”—because, frankly, Trump has flooded the zone with executive orders and policies that attack virtually everything I have cared about my entire life.

He has targeted civil rights and human rights. His economic policies make no sense at all. I completed two postdoctoral fellowships and was one of the few Americans to be a Killam Fellow at the University of British Columbia, specializing in political economy. These policies are starting to do the damage we feared they would.

He has cut off portions of foreign aid and treated foreign leaders with great disrespect. His treatment of President Volodymyr Zelensky during his first term—pressuring him to announce an investigation into a political opponent—was outrageous. His treatment of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was deeply undiplomatic and embarrassing.

As an American, I am embarrassed to have him as president. I am upset about it, and so is everyone I know. I do not believe he understands the full consequences of his actions.

As a political psychologist, I know there is a good movie out called Unfit. It was made during Trump’s first term by psychoanalysts, mostly professionals trained to assess individuals’ psychological fitness. They argued that he was not fit to govern from a psychological standpoint. He is undoubtedly a narcissist, a bully, and an extortionist. I do not think he understands how much he is hurting many people.

Moreover, as David Brooks has said, that is part of the point. He is a narcissist who needs power, and to have power, you have to show that you can hurt people. He seems to take great pleasure in doing that. That is what is so troubling.

Regarding the United States’ global standing, I don’t blame other countries for not trusting us in the future. He has done irreparable harm to America’s reputation in the international community and significant damage to democratic institutions at home.

I am currently working on a book examining how he has harmed institutions. However, fundamentally, he is authoritarian by nature. He aspires to be a despot. He admires people like that. Yes, he has done a few things that have had some positive impact, but overall, I agree with what Jimmy Kimmel said: his grade would be somewhere between an “F” and a “U.”

Jacobsen: On the psychoanalytic aspect, there are also elements of Cluster B personality disorders beyond narcissism. One key trait among several of those disorders is a lack of remorse. Was there any commentary around that part of the human personality about Trump?

Monroe: Yes—lack of empathy. You need empathy to experience remorse. Moreover, I do not think he has any. That is, in fact, part of the definition of a sociopath.

Now, these definitions—according to the DSM—vary. They shift depending on revisions and diagnostic criteria, whether you are talking about a sociopath or a psychopath. However, Trump does not appear to have empathy for anyone. I do not think he has what we would consider a conscience. I do not believe he regrets anything.

His contact with reality is tenuous. I do not think he even understands the things he says. He makes statements that are so strange that people are left wondering, “What are you talking about?” They will show footage from the first day of his administration—there are pictures of the inauguration crowd. He sent Sean Spicer to say the photos were doctored and that his crowd was bigger than Obama’s. However, the photographs clearly show that it is not true. So he says demonstrably false things.

He is claimed to be the best president since Lincoln, possibly the best president ever. He has even compared himself to Christ. If you listen to him, you think, “What are you talking about?” He said, “Canada wants to become the 51st state.” Where does he get these ideas?

He makes things up, like the idea that Greenland will become part of the United States or that we’re renaming the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America.” I do not know where he gets these things; they seem to pop into his head. So, no. He has shown no remorse for anything he has ever done.

Jacobsen: And what about the lack of empathy, especially in how he treats people, particularly women?

Monroe: I thought about that, especially since you mentioned you wanted to discuss women. I would say he is an all-purpose abuser. It is not just women. I am not sure Trump singles women out more than anyone else—he tends to go after everyone. However, does he treat the women in his life well? No. The stories we read do not suggest that. For example, burying his ex-wife Ivana on a golf course—that seems odd and in poor taste.

There is such a profound disconnect. People of good taste, with any empathy or concern for others, would not do the things he has done. It is hard even to know where to begin.

His relationship with Melania, for instance, appears transactional. I saw an interview in which she was asked, “Would you have married him if he were not rich?” and replied, “Would he have married me if I were not beautiful?”

At first, when Melania did not immediately move to Washington after the inauguration, the public story was that she wanted her son Barron to finish school. That seemed thoughtful until it came out that she was renegotiating the prenuptial agreement. She knew she had leverage, and she wanted more money. The one consistent thing about Trump is his obsession with money and power.

Just the other day, a significant article appeared in the upper right-hand corner of the front page of The New York Times about how his children are profiting financially from his political position through his companies on a scale we have never seen before. No other U.S. president has owned golf courses and hotels where government officials and diplomats would stay, often at taxpayer expense.

There is a story from when one of his sons—Eric, I believe—was in college. They wanted to host a small golf tournament to raise money for a children’s cancer charity. They asked to use one of Trump’s golf courses. He agreed but charged them full price, like any other client. He did not offer a charitable discount.

As the tournament became successful, he raised the fees. Then, he required that they put a couple of his people on the charity’s board. Eventually, he took over the whole operation. Even if politicians are venal or corrupt, they usually have a soft spot for their children. They may do questionable things to benefit them, but it is not just favouritism in Trump’s case. It is empire-building through his family.

Biden may have had a little of that, yes. However, in retrospect, I cannot blame Biden for pardoning Hunter—if that even happens—because the kinds of things Hunter has been accused of are minor compared to what Trump has done.

It is like what Everett Dirksen, the Senate Minority Leader from Illinois in the 1950s and 60s, reportedly said: “That gives hypocrisy a bad name.” Trump has done egregious things, and he has used his children to enrich himself. They have all made fortunes, and he is making a fortune, too.

Now we see things like “Trump coins,” photoshopped images of him as the Pope. He has even talked about wanting to be like the Pope. You begin to question his grasp on reality seriously. However, the most disturbing thing about Trump, for me, is how many people voted for him.

Including people close to you, including one of my sons. He is a Bernie supporter. He hated what the Democratic Party did, thinking they failed the working class. Moreover, I cannot argue too much with that criticism. However, why would you vote for Trump? I also have a few good friends—dear people—who voted for Trump. After Trump was in office, I asked one of them, “Are you upset?” He said, “No. At least he is doing something.”

I do not know what to say to people like that. There is also the husband of a good friend I have known since I was 12. She is religious. She supported Trump because of abortion. Moreover, I thought—what is that doing? I remember speaking to her husband after the immigrant children were put in cages. I asked, “How can you support someone who does something like that?” Moreover, he said, “Well, the stock market’s doing great.”

Again, I did not know what to say. Is that what matters most? As long as your investments are up? However, now Trump is hurting the stock market, too. Moreover, so many people I know…it will get worse. However, he has already done enormous harm to the United States’ image and its democratic institutions.

There is just so much damage. However, two significant factors are at play: one, the United States’ standing in the international community, and two, the rise of rival powers, especially China.

Jacobsen: Let’s begin with the broader international landscape, and we can turn to China as a secondary focus. After World War II, the United States played a central role in creating and leading many of the global institutions we still depend on—what we now refer to as the “rules-based international order.” That framework has been under strain for some time, but Trump’s presidency markedly accelerated its destabilization. He undermined alliances, withdrew from foundational agreements, and treated long-standing partners with open contempt.

This morning, I rewatched a lecture from around 2015, delivered shortly after the death of Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding Prime Minister. The speaker made a pointed observation: while the United States has unquestionably contributed to global progress and institution-building, it also inflicts significant harm when it turns against those same institutions. He phrased it diplomatically, but the message was unmistakable.

At that point, the U.S. had been the principal architect of global governance for nearly seven decades. Now, almost ten years on, it feels as though we’re witnessing a full-scale assault on that legacy—particularly on America’s international standing and its symbolic role in promoting democracy and the rule of law through global institutions. How do you interpret this shift?

Monroe: We started building the international order after World War I when it became clear that we live in a globalized world. You cannot isolate yourself. What happens in one country inevitably affects others. That realization led to the creation of various international organizations.

The League of Nations was an early attempt, but it lacked the enforcement power to prevent another catastrophic war. After World War II, we saw a much stronger push. Institutions like the Bretton Woods system, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank were all part of that framework.

At that time, the U.S., Canada, and parts of Latin America were largely untouched by the devastation of the war. The United States emerged as a significant global power, and with that power came the capacity and responsibility to shape the world for the better. If you want to be the most crucial country in the world, you must behave accordingly.

Beyond geopolitics, there is also the international economic system. We live in a globally interconnected marketplace—I am wearing a sweater that was probably made in China. You likely own things made in China. I remember when I was in graduate school, I was upset about child labor and exploitative conditions in places like China. However, living standards have increased in those countries, and there are temporary dislocations.

We benefit by getting affordable goods, and they benefit through rising wages and economic development. So, things do improve over time, even if unevenly. Now, I am not arguing that capitalism is inherently humane. It is not. However, it is more efficient than communism. Central planning does not work well—it is tough to coordinate an entire economy from the top down.

In addition to the economic systems, you also have essential developments in international law and human rights organizations. I have served as President of the Human Rights Section of the American Political Science Association, and I can tell you that these issues get complicated very quickly.

I recall a case—I believe it was in Peru—where the section was lobbying for labour reform. It had to do with child labour. Children under 16 worked longer hours than legally allowed in the U.S. However, the people on the ground said, “Don’t interfere. Do not try to change this from the outside.” Why? Because for them, even those problematic jobs were better than the alternative: extreme poverty or no income. These dilemmas clarify that global governance, human rights, and labour practices are deeply interconnected and require nuanced, culturally informed solutions.

In Peru, they told us, “If you are 14, you are pretty much an adult. You have to take care of yourself. If you make it impossible for us to work at 14, we are going to starve. Our families will starve. Girls will turn to prostitution.” People are desperate for money. So, it gets complicated. However, the world is interconnected—you cannot ignore that. Moreover, that is one of the things Trump has tried to ignore or actively undo. Take the issue of tariffs. Tariffs do not work—not the way they are being used now.

Historically, we used tariffs when the U.S. had no income tax. However, that was before the modern tax system. Some states, like Florida, do not have a state income tax. They rely heavily on tourism for revenue, and that works for them. However, most other states require an income tax to function correctly.

The broader idea of shrinking government sounds appealing to some people, but you must ask: “What does government do?” It is a tool. Like a hammer, it can smash a window or build a house. Government is neither inherently good nor bad—it depends on how it is used.

Trump and many people in the 2025 conservative movement seem to treat the government as inherently evil. However, that is just not true. Without government, you lose social services and the safety net. Look at places like Scandinavia—Finland, for example. Some people cite Indonesia as a happy country, though I do not quite see that. However, Finland consistently ranks among the happiest nations on Earth.

Why? Because they have a robust social safety net. If you get into a university in Sweden, even if you are from Canada, it is paid for. No tuition. No massive student debt. You will have healthcare, public housing, and pensions when you grow old. Yes, taxes are high. I have been to Finland and Sweden. Things are expensive. I remember giving a talk there—I had come from Southern California and forgot my gloves. I went out to buy a pair and saw beautiful leather gloves. I looked at the price: $200. I thought, “That’s not for me.” It was the luxury tax—leather was considered a luxury.

However, here is what is interesting: if you are a millionaire in Sweden and get a speeding ticket, the fine is proportional to your income. You do not pay the same as everyone else because $2.50 means nothing to a billionaire. So, they have structured things to make economic sense. This idea that we should cut back on government—well, it is not just misguided. It is, frankly, being executed foolishly.

They’ve hired a bunch of high-tech kids straight out of college who do not understand what is happening. At a recent National Academy of Sciences meeting, they announced cuts to research grants, using an algorithm to flag any proposals that included the term “DEI,” meaning diversity, equity, and inclusion. There was even a case where someone submitted a grant focused on the “diversity of pathogens”—and because the algorithm picked up the word diversity, the funding was pulled. It had nothing to do with social policy—it was scientific.

Jacobsen: Wasn’t there a case involving the keyword “gay” in the context of the Enola Gay exhibit?

Monroe: Yes. Because the keyword “gay” was present, it got flagged. It is absurd. I received something from the NIH—National Institutes of Health—that was equally troubling. It is hard to say which of Trump’s cabinet or political appointees has been the worst, but Pam Bondi recently made a particularly egregious statement. I do not know if you saw it but check The Daily Show.

She claimed that Trump’s policies on fentanyl saved the lives of 248 million people. She initially said 22 million, then jumped to 248 million. Moreover, she said it confidently, as if she were about to drop some groundbreaking statistic. She made it up. Completely fabricated. However, in terms of actual harm, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. might be doing the most damage right now, especially with his anti-vaccine rhetoric and conspiratorial positions.

As for the NIH notice, it stated that any grant involving a foreign national will no longer be funded. If you have a foreign collaborator, you either remove them or lose funding. I do not even know what to say about that. There is a case of a woman known in the research community as “the frog embryo lady.” She is a Russian scientist doing critical work on cancer at Harvard. She has publicly criticized Putin and now faces serious risks if she returns to Russia. Despite that, U.S. authorities would not let her into the country.

I have a close friend whose husband was the head of the cancer institute at NYU. She has told me private stories that do not appear in the media. For instance, the head of the Dutch National Cancer Institute, who is French, was recently turned away at the U.S. border. I do not know if it was because of his appearance, but he was denied entry.

My editor at Oxford University Press is an American citizen. She was held up at JFK Airport for about an hour after returning from a business trip to Turkey. They accused her of having a forged passport. She was born in the United States. They asked, “Are you sure?” These stories are bizarre.

There is a disturbing anti-immigrant, anti-foreigner sentiment right now. Moreover, the irony is overwhelming. The United States—arguably even more than Canada—was built on the idea: “Give us your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.” That was our identity.

My family history reflects that. The first Monroe in our line came as a POW. He was captured during the English Civil War—he fought for the Stuarts, which is deeply embarrassing—and deported by Oliver Cromwell to get rid of dissenters. He arrived here in 1630 as an indentured servant. That is how so many of us got here. That history of struggle, migration, and contribution is being erased in favour of fear and exclusion.

My mother’s family also came to America in 1630. They were Puritans from Holland who had fled England. They initially went to the Massachusetts Bay Colony and left almost immediately because even the Puritans were too intolerant.

So, this idea that there is something inherently wrong with immigrants or foreigners is deeply flawed. The foundational premise of the country was that if you come here, your children will be citizens. That is birthright citizenship.

Now Trump says, “I do not know—I will have to check with my lawyers.” I do not know if you saw the interview from a few days ago. He was on Meet the Press—on Sunday, I believe. A female journalist interviewed him and asked, “Would you uphold the Constitution?” Moreover, he said, “I do not know. I am not a lawyer. I would have to check with my lawyers.”

This man took the Oath of Office, only 34 words long. It is not complicated. It requires that he “swear to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” That is not optional. There is no ambiguity. As for birthright citizenship, it is guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment. If you are born in the United States, you are a U.S. citizen. That is not true in every country, and Canada has different routes to citizenship. However, in the U.S., it is explicit and constitutional.

You would have to repeal the Fourteenth Amendment to eliminate birthright citizenship. They asked Trump if he could run for a third term, and he said he did not know—he would have to ask his lawyers. This is where legal gamesmanship comes into play. Yes, the 22nd Amendment says you cannot be elected to the presidency more than twice. So perhaps they are playing with the wording. Maybe they are imagining a scenario where J.D. Vance runs as president, Trump as vice president, and Vance resigns after taking office, thus allowing Trump to step in.

I have very little respect for that kind of legal hair-splitting. However, he has some clever people working for him now. The Heritage crowd is not stupid. They include some sharp lawyers who will try to exploit every loophole they can.

What truly worries me, though, is not just the legal maneuvering. It is that a substantial portion of the American public—probably about a third of the population—genuinely agrees with him on these things.

Many people did not fully realize what they were getting. However, ultimately, what defeated Trump in 2020 was COVID and the economy. There was a general perception that—although the pandemic was not his fault—he failed to handle it well. Moreover, I do feel bad about the way the whole situation unfolded.

Biden did a good job. He implemented policies I found quite admirable. Because of COVID, he had to take strong measures. Yes, we had some inflation, but it was not extreme, certainly not compared to other countries. By global standards, our inflation was low. We came through it reasonably well.

On the other hand, Trump thinks he can do things far beyond what the Constitution allows. Moreover, we are starting to see the consequences. For example, The Washington Post recently published a story about three deportation flights that left the U.S. after a judge explicitly ordered them to return. One plane was even sitting on the runway when the order was issued, and it took off anyway.

That kind of defiance of judicial authority is alarming. The idea that immigrants have no rights at all is deeply troubling—not just ethically, but constitutionally. It violates the basic principles of due process and equal legal protection.

In the first 100 days of this new administration, there have already been over 350 lawsuits, and 129 court decisions have gone against the administration. However, they’re ignoring many of these rulings. So, no, it is not a good time in the United States. I was recently watching a program on the abolitionists, and it reminded me that we have had dark times before. However, this still feels different.

The idea that we can resolve these problems civilly, without violence, is something I sincerely hope for. However, we cannot do that with Trump. The only real solution may be to vote him out in the next election. I hope it happens. It did not occur in 2018—at least, not on the scale we had hoped for. The backlash was not as significant as many of us expected. So, I do not know. I am not hopeful. I am not hopeful. It is a bad time.

Jacobsen: Earlier, you used the idea of flooding the zone. I have three related questions. First, were they consciously and deliberately flooding the zone in as many areas as possible? Second, how does this aggressive “shock-and-awe” tactic relate to the openly expressed antipathy toward China? Third, how does this align with what Larry Summers has called economic warfare?

Monroe: I am not an expert on China, so I should be careful not to overstate anything in that area. However, regarding the 2025 group, they knew exactly what they were doing. They were targeting multiple institutions and norms at once. You asked earlier about women. The 2025 crowd seems to embrace an ideology where women are essentially expected to be barefoot and pregnant. That is not far from the actual positions they are taking.

I do not understand J.D. Vance’s wife. She is an immigrant whose parents are reportedly liberal. She went to Yale Law School, yet she appears to support his views, which include extreme ideas about women’s roles. This is similar to Elon Musk’s idea: have as many children as possible. Their vision is that women should stay home and focus solely on reproduction and homemaking.

Now, I do not think Trump himself necessarily believes that. I do not think he cares much about women’s roles. However, what troubles me more than Trump himself is how many people agree with these views. I do not think they are afraid of him. I do not think they are intimidated. They support what he is doing. There is much fear—fear of foreigners and people who are different. The “other.” Moreover, the “other” can be anything: arrogant women, people with dark skin, immigrants, and LGBTQ people.

There is still much racism in the United States. My friend Dianne Pinderhughes, the only Black woman to ever serve as president of the American Political Science Association and the International Political Science Association, pointed out something striking: the only person who successfully beat Trump was a white man.

Kamala Harris ran a strong campaign. She was not a bad candidate. Moreover, she did not play the identity card. She did not say, “Vote for me because I am a woman,” or “Because I am of color,” or anything like that. That is not a reason to vote for someone but not a reason to vote against them. She ran on policy. She had a good record and a lot to defend. However, there is pervasive misogyny in the United States. The assumptions are deep: that a man is inherently stronger than a woman, that women might be unstable because of their menstrual cycles—oh my god?

Jacobsen: That line of thinking still lingers—and is often unspoken but present. I should mention this here because it is relevant. I mentioned it in another interview, but it belongs in this one. I eventually connected with other Canadians when I attended the UN Commission on the Status of Women in New York, a two-week conference with hundreds of parallel events.

We had not coordinated beforehand—we all arrived independently—but we had a candid pre-session conversation. This shared, unspoken concern was almost unanimous: “Can I go? Is it safe?” Even in that environment, even as Canadians, there was hesitation. I look like part of the Mormon Tabernacle Choir or an evangelical youth pastor.

However, two women were African Canadian, and a third was Muslim. This anxiety—the question of safety and freedom to speak openly—was universal. We were trying to attend a gender equality forum. As Canadians, we were on friendly terms with our American counterparts, but the contrast in the political climate and underlying assumptions about gender was deeply felt.

Monroe: Yes, the American Political Science Association (APSA) is holding its annual meeting in Vancouver this year, in terrible timing. I have close friends and colleagues who are dark-skinned and foreign-born. They have been in the U.S. since graduate school. They are married, long-term residents, and genuinely wonderful human beings.

Neither of them is going to the APSA meetings. I advised one of them not to attend. He holds a green card and is in the process of applying for citizenship. I told him, “You do not know what these people might do. You cannot predict it anymore.”

It reminds me, unsettlingly, of Nazi Germany—when seemingly minor functionaries began enforcing arbitrary rules. I had a colleague whose daughter, in her early 30s, worked in a job that required frequent travel between the U.S. and London. She had one of those expedited travel passports that allowed for quicker processing.

Shortly after Trump won the election—in January or February—she went through the airport, saw the long line, and looked around for the shorter line she usually used. An official told her, “You are in the short line.” She asked about it, and the man responded: “You people—you rich, frequent travelers-you have had it too easy. We are going to make it harder for you now.”

That kind of sentiment—resentment from people who felt ignored or left behind—was something you saw in 1930s Germany. Back then, it was often directed at Jews. Today, in the U.S., it is directed at foreigners, immigrants, minorities, and in some cases, even white South Africans claiming persecution. The reality is grim. It feels like we have fallen down the rabbit hole. Alice in Wonderland. It is disorienting and surreal.

We are tumbling further and further down the hole. Those questions—what this all means, how far it will go—they are going to land eventually.

Jacobsen: What do you recommend people keep an eye on regarding gender equality?

Monroe: There are many things the U.S. could do better. The most important? Put women in office. That is the main thing. Once women are elected, they perform about the same as men. Some are excellent, some are average, and some are not great, just like men. I disagreed with Margaret Thatcher’s policies then, but she was undoubtedly a strong leader. Moreover, she governed no differently from a man would have. So if you put women in power, you will see—they can do everything men can. They do not act irrationally because of hormonal shifts or anything like that. That is a baseless myth.

However, the deeper issue is one of values—how we see and treat people. One of the most important shifts I would like to see—whether in the U.S. or globally—is a genuine recognition that we are all the same under the skin. Why care if someone’s skin is dark and mine is light? Why do we care about someone’s religion—what they believe privately in their hearts? Why do we care who someone loves or what they do personally?

We keep inventing reasons to discriminate against others. Moreover, if you think about it, it makes no sense. If someone is kind, if they try their best to contribute, why should I care about their skin colour, their religion, or who they are in a relationship with? Trump, on the other hand, has gone out of his way to target transgender people. I do not understand it. There are so few transgender individuals and even fewer in the military.

My second son, Nicholas, is a lawyer. He worked with the ACLU on a transgender military case against Trump during his first term. His case was one of four that went to the Supreme Court and was the only one not thrown out. Then Biden came into office, and the case became moot because Biden reversed the policy. However, now it is all coming back again.

Moreover, honestly, why do we spend so much time fighting over bathrooms? In Scandinavia, I attended meetings at Lund University in Sweden. They had single-occupancy bathrooms. Each was a small room with a toilet, sink, and mirror. You go in, you do your business—no one cares. There is no drama. So why is this such a massive issue here?

I am sorry, but this has become such a massive distraction in American politics, and the percentage of the population that is transgender is about 1.5%. That is very small. Moreover, the HASC (the House Armed Services Committee) is moving to remove all transgender individuals from military service.

The Supreme Court said it would let the lower court’s ruling stand, which upholds the exclusion. The case will have to go through litigation. However, in the meantime, it is another attack on a vulnerable group. I do not understand why we are so obsessed with targeting transgender people. Why do we care how someone dresses or expresses their identity? It makes no rational sense.

We are frightened of different people in this country, which is sad. We need to recognize that we have more in common than we think. The following person who can come along and be an effective leader—someone who can truly win—will be the one who focuses on the common ground we share, someone who appeals to our shared decency rather than exploiting the differences that divide us.

Trump has been a divider. He thrives on chaos. He positions himself at the center of every crisis—he creates the disruption and then claims he is the only one who can fix it. However, he is the one who threw it off track in the first place. It has been destructive for the country. I would love to see a woman president before I die. However, more importantly, I want someone with sound policies—someone I can believe in. I do not just want a woman for the sake of gender. For example, I would not want Pam Bondi to be President of the United States. That would not make me happy.

Jacobsen: Kristen, thank you for your time, insight, and expertise.

Monroe: Thank you again—it is good to know you are doing well.

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From Surface Entropy to Quantum Remnants: A Conversation with Behnam Pourhassan

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/07

In this wide-ranging conversation, Professor Behnam Pourhassan unpacks the intricate landscape of black hole thermodynamics and its profound implications for quantum gravity and cosmology. He explains how the entropy of a black hole is proportional to its surface area—a revelation that supports the holographic principle, which posits that information is encoded on boundaries rather than within volumes. The phenomenon of Hawking radiation, he notes, implies that black holes are not eternal but slowly evaporate over time.

Pourhassan delves into the thermodynamic phase transitions of black holes, explores quantum corrections to entropy, and examines the possibility of stable black hole remnants. He also discusses how dark energy propels the universe’s accelerated expansion and outlines how modified gravity theories seek to replace the notion of unseen substances with fundamental changes to gravity itself.

The conversation turns to the unique properties of anti-de Sitter (AdS) black holes and the role of the AdS/CFT correspondence, a theoretical bridge linking gravity to quantum field theory. Pourhassan also touches on a range of related topics—from cosmic strings and nonlinear electrodynamics to the statistical mechanics of gravitational systems and the implications of massive gravity for black hole physics. Crucially, he emphasizes the role of quantum information theory in addressing the black hole information paradox, a subject actively explored at the Canadian Quantum Research Center.

This interview will be featured in a volume of dialogues with leading thinkers in quantum cosmology, quantum gravity, and quantum information theory.

This illustration shows a supermassive black hole—an incredibly dense object with a mass ranging from millions to billions of times that of our sun. These cosmic giants are typically found at the centers of galaxies, hidden deep within their cores
 This illustration shows a supermassive black hole—an incredibly dense object with a mass ranging from millions to billions of times that of our sun. These cosmic giants are typically found at the centers of galaxies, hidden deep within their cores. (ESO; Click to enlarge)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How is black hole entropy related to surface area? Why is this significant?

Behnam Pourhassan: Black hole entropy is directly proportional to its surface area, which is a remarkable and profound insight into the nature of quantum gravity. This relationship suggests that a black hole’s information content is encoded on its boundary rather than distributed throughout its volume. This is a key aspect of holography, a principle stating that the physics of a higher-dimensional space can be fully described by a theory existing on its lower-dimensional boundary.

This idea’s significance extends beyond black holes—it provides a deeper understanding of quantum gravity and spacetime itself. The fact that a black hole’s entropy is determined by its surface rather than its volume aligns with the holographic principle, which proposes that all the information contained within a region of space can be represented by data residing on its boundary.

This perspective has led to major advancements in theoretical physics, including the AdS/CFT correspondence, which links gravity in a higher-dimensional space to a lower-dimensional quantum field theory. The link between black hole entropy and surface area is not just about heat and energy. It suggests something deeper about how the universe works—possibly that space and time come from quantum information stored on surfaces.

Jacobsen: How is Hawking temperature calculated? What does this tell us about a black hole’s ultimate fate?

Pourhassan: Hawking temperature is found by studying how black holes emit radiation due to quantum effects near their event horizon. This radiation, known as Hawking radiation, causes the black hole to lose mass over time slowly. The temperature of this radiation depends on the black hole’s properties, such as its size and gravity. This has important consequences for a black hole’s fate. Since it continuously emits energy, it will gradually shrink and eventually evaporate completely if it doesn’t gain more mass from its surroundings. This suggests that black holes are not eternal and that their information content is crucial in understanding the deeper connections between gravity, quantum mechanics, and thermodynamics.

Researchers using NASA’s Nuclear Spectroscopic Telescope Array (NuSTAR) have, for the first time, demonstrated a reliable method to determine the spin rates of black holes
 Researchers using NASA’s Nuclear Spectroscopic Telescope Array (NuSTAR) have, for the first time, demonstrated a reliable method to determine the spin rates of black holes. (NASA/JPL-Caltech; Click to enlarge)

Jacobsen: How can black holes undergo phase transitions? Is this akin to regular materials? If so, what are the extreme conditions for these phase transitions?

Pourhassan: Black holes can undergo phase transitions similar to regular materials, such as water turning into ice or steam. In black hole physics, these transitions are often studied using thermodynamic properties like temperature, pressure, and entropy. For example, in anti-de Sitter (AdS) space, black holes can exhibit a phase transition similar to the liquid-gas transition, where a small black hole can grow into a large one as conditions change.

These phase transitions usually occur under extreme conditions, such as high curvature, strong quantum effects, or external forces like a surrounding thermal bath. Studying these transitions helps us understand deep connections between gravity, thermodynamics, and quantum mechanics.

Jacobsen: How do quantum effects modify the formulae of classical entropy? What are the implications of this derivation?

Pourhassan: Quantum effects introduce corrections to the classical entropy of a black hole, usually appearing as additional terms beyond the standard expression. These corrections arise due to quantum fluctuations near the event horizon, affecting how information and energy behave in extreme gravitational fields.

One key implication is that these modifications help address the information paradox by providing a deeper understanding of how entropy behaves at quantum scales. Additionally, these corrections suggest that black holes might not completely vanish upon evaporation but could leave behind a remnant or release information subtly.

Black holes are extraordinary celestial bodies with gravitational forces so intense that they warp and bend space-time—the underlying framework of the universe
 Black holes are extraordinary celestial bodies with gravitational forces so intense that they warp and bend space-time—the underlying framework of the universe. (NASA/JPL-Caltech; Click to enlarge)

Jacobsen: What are the logarithmic corrections to black hole entropy? Are there implications for stability?

Pourhassan: Logarithmic corrections to black hole entropy arise from quantum and thermal fluctuations near the event horizon. These corrections modify the classical entropy expression by adding a term proportional to the logarithm of the black hole’s area. They appear naturally in many approaches to quantum gravity, including string theory and loop quantum gravity. These corrections have important implications for black hole stability. They influence phase transitions, thermodynamic stability, and even the final stages of black hole evaporation. In some cases, they suggest that a black hole might reach a stable remnant instead of evaporating completely, which could have implications for the information paradox and quantum gravity.

Jacobsen: Does dark energy drive cosmic expansion? What is the lesser importance of this to physics and greater importance to cosmology?

Pourhassan: Yes, dark energy is currently understood to be the main driver of the universe’s accelerated expansion. It plays a central role in the Lambda Cold Dark Matter (ΛCDM) model, which is the standard model of cosmology. Cosmic expansion (i.e., the fact that the universe is expanding) results from the initial conditions set by the Big Bang. Dark energy, however, drives the universe’s accelerated expansion, which was discovered in the late 1990s through observations of distant Type Ia supernovae. In the equations of General Relativity, dark energy behaves like a cosmological constant (Λ) — a form of energy that exerts negative pressure, causing the expansion to speed up rather than slow down.

Dark energy doesn’t yet fit into the framework of particle physics. It doesn’t interact with matter or radiation (as far as we know), and it hasn’t been detected in lab experiments. It’s more of a placeholder concept: we see its effects but don’t know what it is. No current testable theories in quantum field theory or particle physics fully explain it.

Dark energy accounts for ~68% of the universe’s energy content. It dominates the cosmos’s fate and shape. So, even if we don’t know what dark energy is, cosmologists must include it to accurately model and understand the universe’s evolution.

Jacobsen: What are modified gravity theories?

Pourhassan: Modified gravity theories are alternative theories to Einstein’s General Relativity (GR) that attempt to explain gravitational phenomena — especially things like dark energy, dark matter, and cosmic acceleration — without invoking unknown substances or energy forms. Instead of saying, “There must be something weird like dark energy making the universe expand faster,” modified gravity theories say, “Maybe our understanding of gravity itself breaks down on large scales.”

Researchers determine how fast supermassive black holes are spinning by analyzing the spectrum of X-ray light they emit, breaking it down into its component wavelengths
 Researchers determine how fast supermassive black holes are spinning by analyzing the spectrum of X-ray light they emit, breaking it down into its component wavelengths. (NASA/JPL-Caltech; Click to enlarge)

Jacobsen: What distinguishes anti-de Sitter black holes from the generic idea of black holes?

Pourhassan: Great question. This touches on some deep ideas in theoretical physics, especially about where gravity meets quantum theory. When people say “black hole” generically, they usually mean one that exists in asymptotically flat spacetime — like in our observable universe, that includes Schwarzschild black holes (non-rotating, uncharged), Kerr black holes (rotating), and Reissner-Nordström black holes (charged), these solutions assume that far away from the black hole, space is flat (like our every day, large-scale view of the universe).

An AdS black hole exists in a universe with a negative cosmological constant — a curved background called Anti-de Sitter space. An AdS black hole is a solution to Einstein’s equations in this AdS background. So, AdS black holes differ from generic ones because they live in a negatively curved universe. That gives them very different boundary behavior and thermodynamic properties, making them especially important in theoretical frameworks like holography and quantum gravity.

Jacobsen: Is it possible to connect gravity with AdS/CFT correspondence in AdS space with quantum field theory?

Pourhassan: Yes — and that’s precisely what the AdS/CFT correspondence does: it connects gravity in AdS space with a quantum field theory (QFT) on its boundary. This is one of the most profound ideas in modern theoretical physics.

Proposed by Juan Maldacena in 1997, this conjecture says: A gravitational theory in (d+1)-dimensional AdS space is equivalent to a conformal field theory (CFT) living on its d-dimensional boundary. This is also called the holographic principle because A higher-dimensional gravitational theory (the bulk) is encoded by a lower-dimensional QFT (the boundary).

Jacobsen: How can mass in the graviton in massive gravity theories give insights into black holes and cosmic architecture?

Pourhassan: Massive gravity is a bold attempt to increase our understanding of gravity at a fundamental level, and giving the graviton a mass changes the rules of the game for how we think about black holes, cosmic structure, and even dark energy. In standard General Relativity, the graviton — the hypothetical quantum of gravity — is massless. Massive gravity theories propose that the graviton has a tiny but nonzero mass.

Black holes in massive gravity can differ from those in GR: They may not obey spherical solutions, which can be time-dependent. Unlike standard black holes, they can exhibit hair (i.e., non-trivial fields outside the event horizon). Their thermodynamics may change, affecting entropy and temperature. The gravitational field falls off differently — potentially modifying how black holes interact with surroundings or even merger dynamics (relevant for gravitational waves).

We might be able to test massive gravity through precision gravitational wave signals (like deviations in waveform tails or the speed of gravity). Adding mass to the graviton affects how gravity behaves on large (cosmic) scales: A massive graviton weakens gravity at large distances, mimicking the effects of dark energy. Some versions of massive gravity can explain the universe’s accelerating expansion without needing a cosmological constant.

Jacobsen: What is the holographic principle? What does this mean for an informational view of black holes?

Pourhassan: The holographic principle (named by Leonard Susskind) is a profound and somewhat mind-bending idea from theoretical physics. It suggests that all of the information contained within a volume of space can be represented as a hologram — a theory that lives on the boundary of that space. In other words, the 3D reality we perceive might be encoded on a distant 2D surface. This idea originated from efforts to understand black hole thermodynamics and quantum gravity, particularly the information paradox related to black holes. The holographic principle flips our intuition. It suggests that spacetime and gravity might emerge from more fundamental, lower-dimensional quantum information.

Black holes aren’t cosmic trash compactors that delete data — they’re more like storage devices that encode it in a holographic way.

The chart illustrates the full range of the electromagnetic spectrum, with particular emphasis on the X-ray region
 The chart illustrates the full range of the electromagnetic spectrum, with particular emphasis on the X-ray region. (NASA/JPL-Caltech; Click to enlarge)

Jacobsen: How do black hole thermodynamics compare to a van der Waals fluid?

Pourhassan: I like this question — this is where black holes get surprisingly thermodynamic and start acting like weird versions of everyday matter. Despite being exotic objects, black holes follow laws that look just like thermodynamics. Surprisingly, some black holes behave just like fluids — particularly a van der Waals gas. A van der Waals fluid is a more realistic model of a gas than the ideal gas law. It includes attraction between particles and a finite volume of molecules.

In AdS space, black holes can be put into thermal equilibrium with their surroundings. This setup gives them well-defined pressure, volume, temperature, and entropy like a fluid. Physicists like Robert B. Mann found that charged AdS black holes (like Reissner–Nordström-AdS) have thermodynamic behavior very similar to a van der Waals fluid. These black holes show first-order phase transitions between small and large black holes — just like the gas\liquid phase transition of ordinary matters.

Jacobsen: How does electric charge influence a black hole’s stability?

Pourhassan: Adding an electric charge to a black hole introduces new physical and thermodynamic behavior. A black hole with charge is called a Reissner–Nordström black hole (non-rotating) or Kerr–Newman (if rotating too). Its metric describes a black hole with mass , charge , and possibly spin . The presence of charge adds a repulsive term to the gravitational field. The resulting spacetime structure becomes more complex. In AdS spacetime, charged black holes show even more interesting behavior: They can be more thermodynamically stable than uncharged ones. There’s a stable equilibrium temperature, especially for larger charges and larger AdS radius.

Jacobsen: How does merging nonlinear electrodynamics with gravity modify black hole solutions? Do any new effects come from this merger?

Pourhassan: Merging nonlinear electrodynamics (NLED) with gravity leads to modifications in black hole solutions by altering the behavior of the electromagnetic field within the gravitational context. In traditional general relativity, black holes are described by solutions like the Schwarzschild or Reissner-Nordström metrics, where electromagnetic fields behave linearly (i.e., the field strength is directly proportional to the charge). However, when NLED is introduced, the relationship between the electromagnetic field and its source becomes nonlinear, affecting the structure of black holes.

This nonlinearity can lead to new phenomena, such as the presence of regular (non-singular) black holes, where the singularity at the center is avoided. Additionally, NLED can modify the black hole’s charge and mass distributions, potentially forming exotic black hole solutions with different thermodynamic properties, such as entropy or temperature behavior. In some cases, the introduction of nonlinear electromagnetic fields can lead to the existence of black holes with different horizons or altered stability properties, enhancing the range of possible black hole configurations and phenomena in gravitational physics.

Captured by the ultraviolet imaging camera aboard the European Space Agency’s XMM-Newton telescope, this image reveals the striking spiral structure of the galaxy NGC 1365
 Captured by the ultraviolet imaging camera aboard the European Space Agency’s XMM-Newton telescope, this image reveals the striking spiral structure of the galaxy NGC 1365. (NASA/JPL-Caltech; Click to enlarge)

Jacobsen: What are cosmic strings?

Pourhassan: Cosmic strings are hypothetical, one-dimensional defects in the fabric of space-time that may have formed in the early universe. These strings are incredibly thin but incredibly long, stretching across vast distances. They are remnants from the time just after the Big Bang, potentially created during phase transitions when the universe cooled and matter began to organize itself. Imagine them as incredibly dense, stretching lines of energy that may have significant gravitational effects on nearby objects. Although they haven’t been observed directly, cosmic strings interest scientists because they could provide insights into the fundamental forces of nature, like gravity, and help us understand the very origins of the universe.

Jacobsen: How can statistical mechanics illuminate the microscopic nature of gravitational systems?

Pourhassan: Statistical mechanics helps to understand the microscopic nature of gravitational systems by focusing on the collective behavior of a large number of particles, such as stars or gas molecules, that make up these systems. Instead of studying each particle individually, statistical mechanics examines how the overall system behaves by considering averages and probabilities. In gravitational systems, like galaxy clusters or black holes, the interactions between particles (such as stars or gas particles) are influenced by gravity, which is a long-range force. Statistical mechanics can reveal how these particles distribute, evolve, and form structures like galaxies or black holes. It connects the microscopic interactions at the particle level to macroscopic properties such as temperature, pressure, and density, helping us understand phenomena like the distribution of stars in a galaxy or the behavior of matter near black holes.

Jacobsen: How does quantum information theory inform gravitational physics studying black holes? How are these quantum research ventures pursued at the Canadian Quantum Research Center?

Pourhassan: Quantum information theory plays a crucial role in understanding the behavior of black holes, especially in the context of their thermodynamics and the famous information paradox. One key area of focus is how quantum information behaves in extreme gravitational fields, like those near black holes. Quantum mechanics suggests that information cannot be destroyed. Yet, classical interpretations of black holes—especially the idea of the “event horizon”—suggest that anything entering a black hole would be lost to the universe, which creates a paradox. Quantum information theory helps to explore potential resolutions, such as the idea that information might be encoded in the radiation emitted by black holes (Hawking radiation) or that black holes might have an intricate quantum structure that preserves information in ways not yet fully understood. This theory bridges quantum mechanics and general relativity, pushing scientists toward a unified theory of quantum gravity.

At the Canadian Quantum Research Center, researchers delve into quantum information science to understand these extreme quantum phenomena. They explore foundational concepts like quantum entanglement and superposition and how these might apply in the gravitational context of black holes. Researchers might also study quantum computing models or use quantum simulations to explore how information might behave at the event horizon or in a quantum gravity framework.

These efforts aim to shed light on some of the universe’s deepest mysteries by developing new theories and computational tools that could eventually help reconcile quantum mechanics with the general theory of relativity.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Behnam.

Pourhassan: Thank you for the professional questions. I should add that the answers to most of these questions related to black hole thermodynamics are explored in detail in my book, Thermodynamics of Quantum Black Holes: Holography, which will be available online soon.

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How Christian White Nationalists Captured the U.S. Military

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/03

For this conversation, I’m joined by Michael Weinstein, founder and president of the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF), a nonprofit established in 2005 to safeguard the constitutional separation of church and state within the U.S. military. A 1977 honors graduate of the U.S. Air Force Academy, Weinstein spent over a decade in the Judge Advocate General’s Corps before serving in legal roles within the Reagan White House, including work on the Iran-Contra investigation.

In founding the MRFF, Weinstein set out to confront religious coercion and institutionalized favoritism toward Christianity across the armed forces. Since then, he has become one of the most prominent critics of rising Christian nationalism within the military and broader federal institutions. Under his leadership, the MRFF has challenged everything from the Department of Veterans Affairs exclusive promotion of Christian materials to the Trump administration’s so-called “Anti-Christian Bias Task Force,” which Weinstein decries as a dangerous step toward theocratic authoritarianism.

With over 94,000 clients, the MRFF continues to serve as a vital bulwark against religious extremism across national security agencies, active-duty units, and veterans’ services.

Michael L. “Mikey” Weinstein

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Your organization has grown from a Department of Defense (DoD)- focused initiative to one that spans all 18 national security agencies, representing a remarkably diverse client base—religiously, institutionally, and demographically. What does that expansion say about the scale and persistence of the issues you address within the U.S. military and national security establishment?

Michael Weinstein: While we began focusing on the Department of Defense, we now represent clients across all 18 national security agencies.

This includes well-known entities like the CIA, NSA, DIA, and FBI. We also assist clients in the U.S. Coast Guard, which falls under the Department of Homeland Security, and the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, under the Department of Transportation.

Additionally, we work with the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), especially given recent developments. As a veteran, I can attest to the importance of this work. Since our inception, we’ve represented over 94,000 individuals seeking assistance.

Approximately 95% of our clients identify as Christians, with about three-fourths being Protestants of various denominations and the remaining one-fourth predominantly Roman Catholic. We also represent individuals from every other religious and non-religious tradition—humanists, secularists, atheists, agnostics.

To the best of our knowledge, we currently represent around 18% of all active-duty Muslims in the military. Interestingly, we’ve had clients from every religious orientation except Scientology. We haven’t had one of those yet. I’m still waiting for Tom Cruise to call me.

Pete Hegseth during a Cabinet meeting at the House
 (White House)

Jacobsen: What criticisms has the MRFF raised regarding the Trump administration’s “Anti-Christian Bias Task Force” announced in February?

Weinstein: On February 6, President Trump signed an executive order establishing a task force to eradicate what he termed “anti-Christian bias” within the federal government. The task force, led by Attorney General Pam Bondi, reviews federal agencies for policies and practices perceived as discriminatory against Christians.

While the initiative purports to protect religious freedom, many—including the MRFF—are concerned that it may privilege one faith, potentially undermining the constitutional principle of church-state separation.

The MRFF views this move as reminiscent of historical instances where governments have sought to enforce religious conformity, raising alarms about the potential for increased religious coercion within federal institutions.

The Germans did the same thing with their citizens when the Nazis took over—children ratting out parents, grandparents, neighbours, teachers, coaches, or friends—anyone who was not toeing the party line. So we saw it happen again on February 6. We immediately saw the impact across the Department of Defense—all branches—and in the intelligence agencies I mentioned earlier. The only place we had not seen it yet was the VA.

Then Doug Collins, a former member of Congress who has a long history of attacking me and our foundation, issued an edict. He is, or was, a lieutenant colonel chaplain in the Air Force. This message was sent out at 52 minutes past the hour—on a Thursday, I believe—though it may have been a Wednesday. I forget the exact date. The directive was sent to all VA employees, making it clear that they would “root out anti-Christian bias.”

This comes from plans to eliminate between 60,000 and 80,000 VA jobs. Look, I’m a veteran. I receive all of my health care through the VA. I live in Albuquerque, New Mexico. My kids are also veterans, and they receive most of their health care through the VA. So, while this was not unexpected, just like getting hit by a foul ball at a baseball game—it still hurts. It is painful and disgusting to witness.

The irony is that the VA is, if anything, already pro-Christian. I happened to be at my VA Medical Center—Raymond G. Murphy Medical Center in Albuquerque. It is a large facility. I walked into their version of a Walgreens or Target. Every hospital has one—it is called the Patriot Store. You can buy sundries and sandwiches at a small convenience store.

For years, a wall inside that store has been filled exclusively with books from a company called Choice Books. And it is entirely Christian content—nothing but Christian material. So, over three years ago, on April 12, 2022, we filed a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. We wanted to see the contract the VA executed with Choice Books—how large it was and what the terms were.

They are now more than three years overdue in responding. We have contacted them repeatedly, asking, “Where is it? We want the contract.” They are well beyond the legally allowed response period. So now we are preparing to sue them—vigorously, aggressively, and swiftly—in federal court. We want to see that contract.

In a recent press release, we included a photo of that wall to demonstrate the VA’s pro-Christian bias. Many VA facilities also have chapels that display permanent Christian symbols. One particularly notable example is the VA Medical Center in Phoenix, Arizona.

It looks like a chapel—specifically, a Catholic chapel. However, VA regulations are clear: Chapels must remain religiously neutral, except during a specific worship service. The VA, like all the other agencies we have been fighting against, is an example of persistent pro-Christian bias.

We are now in our twenty-second year of this battle. The Military Religious Freedom Foundation has been active for about twenty years, but my wife and I spent the first twenty-two months fighting this issue as individuals before we formalized the foundation more than two decades ago. This is a textbook example of an agency captured by Christian nationalism—the ideological jet fuel that ignites, sustains, and gives life to this bias.

Christian nationalism seeks to replace democracy with a brutal form of far-right Christian theocracy—one in which even teenagers who speak out could be executed. The penalties for defying their doctrine are absolute. It is pulled directly from the pages of The Handmaid’s Tale by Margaret Atwood.

When Doug Collins issued his edict, we were inundated with people asking for help. I responded immediately. I issued an open letter and recorded a video message. Doug Collins is a vicious, unconstitutional Christian nationalist. He promotes a hateful, prejudiced vision of Christianity that aligns with extremist movements such as the New Apostolic Reformation and the Seven Mountains Mandate. We started seeing its political rise when John McCain made the catastrophic mistake of selecting Sarah Palin—who was affiliated with that movement—as his running mate.

So again, while we were not surprised, it does not mean it hurts any less. Collins’s directive told employees to submit any evidence of “anti-Christian bias”—and the implication was clear: if you know of something and do not report it, and we find out later, you will be punished anyway. As a result, we have doctors, nurses, medical technicians, administrative staff—people across the VA—calling us in fear for their jobs, terrified for their families’ futures.

And I have said this many times: I know people must live their lives. They must go to work, buy groceries, raise their children, and stay connected with their communities. But this is not business as usual.

The United States has become a fascistic state. We are the bad guys now. This whole “anti-woke,” anti-DEI push—along with their fabricated task forces, like the one to stop “anti-Christian bias”—is a cover.

The same tactic is being used under the guise of combating antisemitism, which now, in practice, often means refusing to allow any defense of Palestinian human rights. The implication is that if you criticize anything related to the situation in Gaza, the West Bank, the actions of the IDF, or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, you are labeled antisemitic.

It is all being fused into a single, toxic stew of hate, fascism, and authoritarianism. But I want to make one thing clear to the readers of this publication. There is no “anti-Christian bias” in the VA, the U.S. military, national security agencies, the Coast Guard, or the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy. What does exist—and what is noxious, poisonous, twisted, and treasonous—is malicious Christian nationalist bias.

As I mentioned, look at the reading material available in those little Walgreens- or Target-style stores inside every VA hospital. You will find one voice and one voice only: Christian. We will soon be litigating against the VA over this, as they continue to refuse to release the contract with Choice Books under our FOIA request.

Pete Hegseth is a poster child for Christian white nationalism
 Pete Hegseth is a poster child for Christian white nationalism.

Jacobsen: As a side note, from your perspective as a former military officer and legal professional—what would typically happen if someone at a high level in government used end-to-end encrypted apps like Signal to communicate with senior editors at major publications, and those communications were subsequently leaked?

Weinstein: That would likely lead to a general court-martial. In such a case, it would be tough for the accused to avoid ending up in Leavenworth or another military prison. Someone like Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth—who is closely associated with Christian nationalism and is, by many credible accounts, a misogynist and an alcoholic—would be facing serious charges if he were still in uniform and did what has been alleged.

If anyone else had done what Hegseth is accused of—under any circumstances—there would have been a general court-martial, likely followed by criminal proceedings. Right now, the Pentagon is in chaos. Mid-level officers and civilian employees are desperately trying to expose their superiors for secretly supporting diversity, equity, and inclusion—or, as they call it, “wokeness.”

You may have seen the incident during Hegseth’s visit to my father’s alma mater, the United States Naval Academy in Annapolis. To avoid provoking him, they removed memorabilia celebrating Jewish female graduates from the Jewish chapel. They even pulled nearly 400 books by Maya Angelou and others from the shelves. But Mein Kampf? That was allowed to stay.

This is the same anti-diversity, anti-humanist trend we saw decades ago—exactly the opposite of the inclusive vision that made Star Trek so revolutionary: a multi-racial, multi-faith, and even multi-species crew, like Spock, representing the strength of diversity.

Hegseth is a disaster, and those who support him are part of the problem. Some of them have recently been fired, but that is not enough. I refer to this situation as the “Thirteenth Stroke Theory.”

Russell Vought, author of 2025, seen here at the White House
 Russell Vought, author of 2025, seen here at the White House.

Jacobsen: What is that?

Weinstein: It is a metaphor used in legal arguments: the thirteenth stroke of a broken clock casts doubt not only on that hour but on everything that came before it. That is the stage we are at now. This is what we know about—what has surfaced in the media.

When the leadership of the Department of Defense—the organization that oversees the most lethal military force ever deployed—is saturated with Christian nationalism, the implications are catastrophic. Hegseth is just one example. But none of this should come as a surprise.

Hitler did not fail to telegraph what he was going to do. He wrote Mein Kampf. Christian nationalism’s equivalent of Mein Kampf is Project 2025, co-authored by Russell Vought—the former and current Director of the Office of Management and Budget, which, during my time in the Reagan White House, was considered the most potent part of the executive branch. Project 2025 is nearly 1,000 pages long, and they are executing it with chilling precision.

The Democrats, in contrast, appear utterly unprepared. I’ve said this before: I love Michelle Obama, but when she said, “When they go low, we go high”—no. No. When they go low, we go just as low to meet them where they are. We fight back legally, ethically, and morally—but we do fight back. We do not float above the battlefield and pretend civility alone will save democracy.

Right now, the Democrats look spineless and disorganized. My Congresswoman, Melanie Stansbury, held up a small sign during the State of the Union that said, “This is not normal.” She thought it was a civil rights moment. It was not. That is not how we fight back. That is not resistance. That is feckless adherence to hopeless tactics. The Democrats lost this round—and maybe the entire game—by failing to act with urgency and strength.

We now have a petulant, mentally unwell individual—essentially a two-year-old with unchecked power—commanding the U.S. military, our nuclear arsenal, and the entire executive branch. Republicans know this. They damn well know how dangerous it is. But many remain silent—either because they think they can benefit from the chaos through stock manipulation or increased donor support or because they are simply afraid.

Some are afraid that if they speak out, Trump will call them out publicly—and that could end in violence. We know something about that. We are threatened around the clock at MRFF. We are already on the “Enemies From Within” list.

Two years ago, a magazine distributed on Capitol Hill helped advance an amendment in the House version of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY2024 that would have made it a felony—under the Uniform Code of Military Justice—for anyone in the military to contact us for help. We spent six months fighting it, working with Senate Democrats to strip that provision before the bill reached President Biden’s desk in late 2023.

So yes, people are scared. But if anyone still wonders how a scientifically and technologically advanced society like Germany could have allowed Hitler and the Nazis to take over, I give you America in 2025. Hitler’s National Socialist movement only had about 7.9% support initially. It didn’t matter.

Remember, in the military, even if you are the most junior officer—a second lieutenant in the Marine Corps, Army, Air Force, or Space Force, or an ensign in the Navy—you outrank roughly 90% of the entire military because you are commissioned.

You know most of the military is enlisted. That’s why even the junior officer outranks the senior enlisted person. It is just the structure. Our country is now being controlled by an aggressive, fast-moving, well-funded, and well-organized poison—Christian nationalism. I mentioned this earlier. If you dig deeper, you will encounter movements like the New Apostolic Reformation and the Seven Mountains Mandate. These people have been planning this takeover for a long time.

These movements have been strategically organized since at least the early to mid-1980s, and arguably as far back as the 1940s and 1950s, with groups like The Family or The Fellowship. They are now in control.

Take what happened at the VA recently—the directive to “root out anti-Christian bias.” That is like declaring a mission to eliminate unicorns from VA hospitals. Unicorns are mythical creatures. Anti-Christian bias is a myth, too. It simply does not exist. What does exist is persistent pro-Christian bias, and it runs deep through the military, the Coast Guard, the Merchant Marine Academy, and the Maritime Service.

Jacobsen: What can people do in the next three to six months that would constitute real, effective activism?

Weinstein: I get asked this all the time. First, people need to stop operating on autopilot—as if the only goals of life are to circulate blood, reflect light, and breathe. That is not enough anymore. As I told our folks in a recent video, get off your butts. There is a quote—I forget who said it—but it goes something like: “What we think, know, and believe is of little consequence. In the end, all that matters is what we do.”

So: protest. Speak out. Make your voice heard. Donate. Support organizations—like ours and others—that are actively fighting this rise of authoritarianism cloaked in religion. You cannot just sit back and hope someone else will handle it.

At some point, your children—or your children’s friends, or your grandchildren—will ask: “What did you do to stop this?” That same question was asked after V-E Day (Victory in Europe) and V-J Day (Victory over Japan). People asked: “What did you do during the war?”

So you write a check, use your credit card, make a sign, and stand up. You join a protest. You go to town hall meetings and speak your mind. You refuse to be intimidated into silence.

I often describe it as being like a tarantula on a wedding cake. That’s what it feels like. We have lived that way for a long time. We live with bodyguards, elite-level defense dogs, firearms, security cameras, and an incredibly close relationship with local law enforcement. We do that because the work matters. You cannot afford to sit back and do nothing anymore.

You also cannot be focused only on financial security—asking “where my money comes from”—while democracy is under siege. We have never seen so many high-ranking military officials reaching out to us. These are not just 18- or 19-year-old enlisted troops or junior officers fresh out of the academies, ROTC, Officer Training School, or Officer Candidate School. That’s been flipped.

Particularly in the VA, most of the people contacting us now are civilians, and many are seniors. That tells you something. So people need to act—whether it is to leave a record of integrity for their children or their children’s children or simply to be able to look their neighbors in the eye and say, “I tried to stop this.” The difference between now and 1933? There was no social media back then. Now, we have the tools to resist publicly and collectively.

You need to act—not just because it is the right thing to do—but because it is the only thing to do. And I’ll say it one more time: The quote goes: What we think, know, and believe is of little consequence. All that matters is what we do.

Jacobsen: Mike, thank you again for the opportunity.

Weinstein: Thank you—grateful. Have a great evening.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

One Canadian Small Business on the Challenges of Cross-Border Trade

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/05/03

Brian Kroeker, President of Little Rock Printing, is navigating a sudden logistical disruption: DHL’s suspension of business-to-consumer shipments over $800 to the United States. To adapt, his company is consolidating orders and turning to alternate carriers—a shift that has introduced new challenges. While Canadian clients remain largely unaffected, American customers are now facing delays and rising costs—particularly punishing for small businesses operating on razor-thin margins.

Kroeker sees this moment as a potential tipping point that could accelerate a broader shift toward U.S.-based warehousing and a more business-to-business-oriented model. His advice for Canadian small businesses is clear: act quickly, stay informed, leverage digital tools, and maintain customer transparency.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How has your company prepared for the DHL policy pause?

Brian Kroeker: We have begun adjusting our internal workflows in anticipation of DHL’s policy pause. For any B2C orders over $800, we are working with customers to consolidate shipments into smaller value parcels or proactively shift some larger orders through alternative carriers. It’s not the ideal situation, but it will help reduce friction.

Jacobsen: What are the immediate operational or customer-facing impacts?

Kroeker: The immediate impacts are twofold. Operationally, we are dealing with more paperwork and coordination from the customer side and potential delays or surprise fees, which isn’t great for the broader experience. Although most of our clients are in Canada, we’ve made our U.S. customers aware of these changes and offer more transparent communication around customs timelines and order values.

Jacobsen: What effect might these changes have on American compared to Canadian customers?

Kroeker: This has a disproportionate effect on our American customers. Our Canadian customers aren’t impacted at all, while for U.S. B2C orders—especially for personalized or lower-margin products—we’re seeing increased cost pressure. Smaller businesses like ours, which operate on tight margins, feel that strain—mainly when every extra compliance step eats into time and labor.

Jacobsen: How do smaller businesses with smaller margins see these shipping and compliance burdens?

Kroeker: These types of issues aren’t new, but they do compound the broader challenges already being faced, such as rising shipping costs, currency fluctuations, and supply chain delays. So yes, you could say it compares.

Jacobsen: Does the added complexity compare with other challenges small businesses regularly face?

Kroeker: These types of issues aren’t new, but they do compound the broader challenges already being faced, such as rising shipping costs, currency fluctuations, and supply chain delays. So yes, you could say it compares.

Jacobsen: Will these U.S. customs enforcements accelerate industry-wide changes within Canada?

Kroeker: I think this may push some Canadian businesses to look at U.S.-based warehousing or 3PL partners, and in the longer term, it could accelerate broader shifts toward B2B fulfillment or localized production models for U.S. customers.

Jacobsen: Any advice for Canadian small businesses navigating these new customs protocols?

Kroeker: My advice is to do not wait. Figure out a solution now, talk to your carriers, understand the different options, and be ready to communicate clearly with your customers. Consider leaning on digital tools to flag order values at checkout and help guide compliance before shipping becomes problematic.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Brian.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Ukraine’s Brave1 Is Racing to Redefine Warfare

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/23

Artem Moroz serves as Deputy Head of Partnerships and International Cooperation and leads Investor Relations at Brave1, Ukraine’s flagship defense tech platform.

Born out of the Ministry of Digital Transformation, Brave1 was created to accelerate technological innovation amid the crucible of war. With backing from six key government institutions—including the Ministry of Strategic Industries, the Ministry of Economy, the General Staff of the Armed Forces, and the National Security and Defense Council—Brave1 has disbursed over $30 million in R&D grants across more than 500 projects.

Brave1 is reshaping Ukraine’s military landscape by fast-tracking battlefield-ready technologies such as drones and electronic warfare systems. It nurtures startup ecosystems, streamlines NATO Stock Number approvals, and fosters a resilient domestic supply chain by connecting civilian innovators directly with military needs. This initiative has become a cornerstone of Ukraine’s defense capabilities, enabling swift deployment of critical technologies on the front lines. As Brave1 continues to advance, it is not only fueling innovation but positioning Ukraine as a pivotal force in global defense tech and strategic resilience.

This Saturday, Brave1 marks its second anniversary with the “Defense Tech Era” showcase in Kyiv—a high-profile event bringing together senior government officials, investors, and leading industry experts.

Artem Moroz
 (LinkedIn)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for agreeing to this interview.

Artem Moroz: Let me clarify a few points.

First, six key ministries and organizations were involved as founding partners at the outset. As you mentioned, the Ministry of Defense and Digital Transformation were among them. In addition, the Ministry of Strategic Industries is also a founding partner—they are responsible for scaling solutions that reach later stages of development.

The Ministry of Economy is another founding partner, as financing is crucial to the project’s success. From the military side, we have the General Staff of Ukraine, representing the armed forces. Last but not least, the National Security and Defense Council, which coordinates most defence activities in Ukraine, is also involved.

So, those are the six founding partners. Since our focus is on technology, the Ministry of Digital Transformation is our primary stakeholder. We collaborate with all six but work most closely with them.

Since the launch of the grant program, we have distributed over $30 million in grants. These funds have come entirely from the Ukrainian state budget. We recently relaunched the program for 2025 and expect to distribute a similar amount, based on strategic priorities and expert evaluations of proposed solutions.

Regarding the scope of work, we are currently collaborating with over 1,500 companies that have submitted more than 3,600 products or solutions. The scale is much larger than many realize.

Jacobsen: The nature of modern warfare is evolving at an unprecedented pace. Remote operations, drone reconnaissance, intelligence-driven systems, and satellite surveillance have become foundational. As we enter a new era of hybrid warfare, how does Brave1 distinguish itself from conventional models of defense innovation?

Moroz: That’s a great question. I would step back and start with Brave1’s mission—why we exist. For Ukraine, we are being very pragmatic. Competing with a much larger country like Russia, particularly in terms of workforce and traditional military assets—such as tanks and artillery —is tough. Therefore, we are investing in areas where we can improve: agility, innovation, and technology. That’s the Brave1 approach.

So, our only real chance of winning this war—and defending our democracy and our country—is through innovation. It is about being more effective with the resources we have. The key, the “secret sauce,” is using technology and being the first to implement those technologies.

The Russians are strong, learning quickly, improving their solutions rapidly, and learning a great deal from us. So we need to move even faster—at least twice as fast.

At Brave1, our ultimate goal is to provide advanced technologies to the Ukrainian Armed Forces and to ensure they have all the necessary tools to repel aggression. We can do this in two main ways. One way is to source those technologies within Ukraine. However, to achieve this, we first need to nurture the ecosystem.

That’s why we provide grants and help companies obtain a NATO Stock Number (NSN), a requirement for any product procured by the Ministry of Defense.

We are aligned with NATO because we have a long-standing intention to join the alliance and share the same mindset and values with NATO and the European Union—those of Western democratic principles. From a technical perspective, we want to be well-prepared and interoperable. Codifying our products according to NATO standards is crucial, not only for the current war effort but also for our future integration and cooperation.

Defence tech is an industry that can lead Ukraine’s post-war economic recovery. It has the potential to become a significant source of export revenue, allowing us to sell our solutions to allies and partners and support global defence efforts—drawing on the hard-earned lessons we’ve learned.

That’s why the NSN process is essential. Brave1 also acts as a connector, linking the frontline with the tech developers. We collect insights from the battlefield, including what products are needed, emerging trends, and real-time challenges. We feed that information back to the developers so they can create solutions tailored to actual needs.

Once a new technology is created, the next challenge is rapid deployment. We must ensure that solutions can be quickly delivered to the military, scaled effectively, and used across brigades and battalions. Change is hard—especially in the military—and introducing entirely new systems comes with a learning curve. We must minimize that curve as much as possible.

When we see a new solution successfully implemented, we strive to ensure its widespread adoption, thereby enhancing the overall efficiency of our operations.

Ukrainian soldier on the front lines
 (Ukraine Ministry of Defence)

Jacobsen: How do you evaluate and select new defence technologies or projects?

Moroz: That’s really at the core of how Brave1 operates—and the value we aim to create. Any Ukrainian company with a registered legal entity is eligible to apply to be part of Brave1 by applying through our website. It’s an open call, an open form.

We have a three-step evaluation process.

First, we conduct a standard security check. We do not allow companies with connections to Russia or questionable histories regarding legality, taxes, or ownership. Once they pass that initial check, our expert committee thoroughly evaluates them.

We have around 80 experts with scientific, technical, and military backgrounds. Each project is assigned to three experts who assess it across multiple criteria, including scalability, uniqueness, relevance to national security, frontline applicability, and several other key factors. Based on these evaluations, projects receive scores.

If a project falls into the lower 50%, it is not eligible to join the Brave1 ecosystem. However, we provide detailed feedback to the team outlining what they need to improve, and they are welcome to reapply whenever they believe their solution is more mature.

The top 50% become official participants in Brave1 and receive a status we call BRV1. We begin working closely with these projects because they demonstrate the most potential, and we must prioritize our limited resources.

The top 20–25% become eligible for grants. The grant system is relatively straightforward: the higher a project scores in the evaluation, the larger the grant it may qualify for. Our grants range from $50,000 to $200,000 per product, not per company. So, if a company is developing multiple products in different areas, it can apply for multiple grants, and we’re happy to support it across those innovations.

To give you a sense of scale, we’ve distributed around $30 million in grants, which translates to roughly 500 grants issued so far.

Jacobsen: What is your approach when engaging with startups, the military, and international partners?

Moroz: Great question. If we look at it from a stakeholder perspective, our ultimate client is the people of Ukraine. First and foremost, our mission is to protect them. But beyond that, we also aim to instill confidence in the Ukrainian people that we can survive this war, that we have a chance to win, and that we will defend our homes and future.

The military is next in the chain. Our primary goal is to increase the survivability of Ukrainian service members through technology—to reduce the human cost of war. By leveraging new technologies, we aim to move people away from direct combat zones.

That’s crucial, especially considering the stark contrast between Ukrainian and Russian tactics. Our adversary is often willing to suffer high human losses for minimal territorial gains. We do not follow that strategy and do not have the luxury of doing so.

So, we are focused on implementing unmanned aerial, ground-based, or otherwise unmanned systems that can deter attacks, stop the enemy, and protect human life. Our philosophy is clear: we should utilize technology wherever it can replace a soldier.

So that’s the clear message—the value proposition—for soldiers: use technology to avoid putting your comrades and others at risk.

When discussing startups and companies, we’re working with a broad spectrum. On one end, we support tiny, garage-type startups. On the other, we also work with scale-ups—companies already generating hundreds of millions in revenue and preparing for international expansion when the time is right.

What is important to highlight is that most of these companies were established within the past two to three years. They are growing and developing solutions incredibly fast. We can confidently say that Ukraine is leading the world in new defence technology, particularly based on what is actively used on the front line.

Ukraine currently produces about 45% of its overall defence equipment domestically. However, regarding new, innovative defense technologies—such as drones, electronic warfare, and situational awareness systems—about 95% of the equipment used by the Ukrainian Armed Forces is locally produced. This speaks volumes about the effectiveness and adaptability of our local industry.

Even when equipment is donated or purchased from allies, it often fails to perform as well as expected in actual combat conditions. The cost-to-performance ratio is frequently unfavourable. Locally produced Ukrainian solutions are more efficient, reliable, and battlefield-proven.

Our value proposition for startups is to connect them directly with the military and help them scale as quickly as possible. As a government-backed initiative, Brave1 exists to support their journey from prototyping to full deployment.

One key enabler is the NATO Stock Number (NSN). This is crucial for procurement and integration across allied defence systems. Due to bureaucratic complexity, obtaining an NSN typically takes two to three years in Western Europe or the U.S. However, we’ve reduced this timeframe to an average of just two to three months in Ukraine. In one record-setting case, it was done in just nine days.

So, it is striking to compare a typical 1,000-day timeline in Western countries to a 9-day timeline in Ukraine. This opens up enormous opportunities for speed, agility, and responsiveness in defence innovation.

As a result, we’re now seeing international companies establish a presence in Ukraine. They’re setting up local legal entities and R&D centers to exploit this fast-track environment. Being close to the front line allows them to innovate at the pace required by modern warfare—which is extremely difficult if you’re operating far from the conflict.

Armed with the credibility of real-time testing and a NATO Stock Number obtained in Ukraine, these companies are now returning to their home markets in Western Europe and approaching their Ministries of Defense with proven, deployable solutions.

Ukrainians surveying their destroyed home
 (Oleksandr Ratushniak/UNDP Ukraine)

Jacobsen: You mentioned the high casualty toll on the Russian side—the stark human cost of the Kremlin’s strategy. Can you walk us through the estimated daily figures? What are we seeing in terms of Russian casualties, both injuries and fatalities? And what’s the typical range—from the highest spikes to the lower end?

Moroz: That’s a better question for the journalists, as they’re officially tracking and evaluating those numbers. However, public statistics are published daily by the general staff.

On average, Russia is losing around 1,000 personnel per day—killed and wounded combined. On some of the most intense days, the figure has exceeded 2,000.

What’s most striking is that even Valerii Zaluzhnyi, the former head of the country’s military and now Ukraine’s ambassador to the UK, once believed that if a sufficiently high attrition rate could be achieved, it would force Russia to reconsider its offensive strategies. That was the prevailing thinking during the first year of the full-scale invasion.

But a year later, in another interview and broader national reflection, the consensus shifted. Unfortunately, no clear threshold—no matter how many casualties—has yet proven sufficient to halt Russia’s advance. Despite the enormous losses, they continue pushing forward.

Jacobsen: What mechanisms does Brave1 employ to support defence tech innovations? Have all 500 grants been allocated?

Moroz: Yes, roughly 500 grants have been allocated to date, funded by the state budget. However, it’s essential to clarify that these grants are specifically intended to support research and development (R&D)—not scaling.

The goal is to support technologies in the prototyping phase, ideally up to Technology Readiness Level (TRL) 7, where they’re tested on the front line and a working prototype exists. However, scaling production—such as building a factory or a mass production line—is beyond the scope of grant funding.

That’s why we work closely with investors worldwide, covering the full spectrum of investment stages—from pre-seed and seed rounds to later-stage capital. Ukraine offers a compelling case: the defence technologies we support are battle-tested in real-world conditions. They’re innovating faster than most solutions you’ll see anywhere else.

Yet, these companies remain significantly undervalued compared to their Western counterparts. Empirically, a company in Ukraine at the same technological readiness level as a U.S. company would be valued at approximately 10 times less. Compared to Western Europe, it’s around three times less.

This is partially due to perception—Ukraine is still an emerging destination in the startup space. There’s risk. We don’t yet have the brand or reputation that Silicon Valley or Berlin might enjoy.

Also, exports remain limited. Due to national policy and the ongoing war, most weapons and defence solutions produced in Ukraine are directed to the front line. According to the prevailing political consensus that all defence production should prioritize national defence, export permits are restricted.

However, we now find ourselves in a unique position. The capacity of Ukraine’s defence industry has outgrown the available state budget. There is a significant manufacturing surplus.

At some point, export restrictions will need to be relaxed. When that happens, we expect a rise in international sales, and consequently, a significant boost in company valuation. This will enable these companies to operate at scale, reach new markets, and support the defense efforts of allied nations—all while contributing to Ukraine’s economic growth.

Jacobsen: What issues are you facing with resource constraints and supply chain disruptions?

Moroz: From the beginning, supply chain constraints did appear to be a serious threat—but now, they are becoming more of an opportunity. In Europe, the U.S., and Ukraine, most components—particularly those for drones—originally came from a single major supplier: China.

However, we do not consider China an ally. At best, it’s a transactional trade partner, particularly regarding components. However, it’s not a source we can depend on in the long term or take for granted. Recognizing this, many Ukrainian companies that previously focused solely on assembling finished products—such as drones—have begun to delve deeper into the supply chain and produce the components themselves.

Just a month or two ago, we held an event celebrating the production of the first 1,000 FPV drones made entirely from Ukrainian-manufactured components. That means 100% of the parts were sourced domestically—no imports, no Chinese components. This marked a significant trend: Ukraine is building internal manufacturing capacity for critical defence technologies.

This shift also presents a strategic opportunity for Europe and the U.S. If you’re looking for components that perform well under modern battlefield conditions—at a price point comparable to China and produced at scale—Ukraine is now a compelling option. Therefore, the supply chain is becoming a strength and strategic leverage point for Ukraine’s defense industry, rather than a weakness.

Jacobsen: Russia is reportedly dedicating nearly a third of its national budget to military spending, yet much of its equipment still harks back to the Soviet era. What does this reliance on legacy systems suggest to Brave1 in terms of strategic opportunity—particularly when it comes to the relevance and impact of your R&D efforts?

Moroz: I would disagree with that interpretation. While Russia allocates a significant portion of its budget to defense and relies heavily on Soviet-era equipment, such as tanks, it also invests heavily in modern technology.

They are refurbishing and deploying old equipment at scale, but they understand that artillery and traditional hardware alone are no longer game changers. The real breakthroughs altering the course of battles are technologies like drones and electronic warfare systems. And Russia is learning this quickly.

Take the Shahed drones, for example—long-range attack unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). I’m from Kyiv. I’ve been here since the very first day of the full-scale invasion. In the beginning, Russia used cruise missiles to strike Kyiv and other cities. That was the primary mode of long-range attack.

But over time, we’ve seen a shift. Cruise missile attacks have become much less frequent. Instead, drone attacks—especially Shaheds—have increased dramatically. What previously took a year’s worth of drone attacks to achieve, they are now accomplishing in a matter of months or even weeks.

We are also seeing swarming tactics evolve rapidly. Drones are no longer primitive, low-tech tools. They are increasingly incorporating jet engines, extended range, and greater precision. In many ways, they are starting to resemble cruise missiles in capability, albeit at a fraction of the cost.

That is where Brave1 comes in. Our role is to ensure Ukraine keeps pace and stays ahead. Our R&D focuses on identifying and developing next-generation capabilities, enabling our forces to maintain technological superiority on the battlefield.

The cost difference between a missile and a drone is enormous. Unfortunately, I sometimes get the impression that NATO countries may be ill-informed about their level of preparedness regarding defence technologies and solutions.

There is an assumption that Western technology is inherently superior. However, when you consider how quickly our adversaries adapt and advance into this new era of defense technology, that assumption begins to look risky—perhaps even dangerous.

We’ve shifted paradigms. During the Cold War, several high-tech solutions served as deterrents against potential aggression. Today, the reality is different. You need volume. We are transitioning from a model focused on “high-tech” to “effective tech.”

That means the goal is to accomplish the mission using minimal resources. You don’t need a profoundly complex, expensive, or luxurious solution—you need something that works.

A good example is the use of fibre-optic drones. Initially, it sounded absurd—a drone connected by what is essentially a fishing line, flying 20 kilometres? No one believed it would work.

Yet it became a game changer. These drones are immune to jamming from both Ukrainian and EW Russian systems. Ukraine is deploying tens of thousands every month, and they’ve proven highly effective.

Jacobsen: Final question—how do you sustain momentum in the midst of war? Is the conflict itself the driving force, or have you developed a more structured approach to advancing innovation under pressure?

Moroz: Wartime changes everything—including your values and your way of life. Even legally, in Ukraine, we no longer have public holidays. That adds the equivalent of 10 to 12 extra working days per year. In effect, you’re operating as a 12% more productive organization—whether it’s a factory or a team.

Despite massive challenges—blackouts, missile strikes, constant uncertainty—what I admire most about Ukraine is our adaptability. For example, we developed alternative energy solutions quickly and efficiently during blackouts. Now, we’re better prepared for those situations than anyone else—and we did it in record time.

Everyone here knows exactly what we’re fighting for. We’ve seen what occupation means. It’s not just a change of flags or passports—it’s the deportation and kidnapping of children. It’s filtration camps. It’s mass executions of anyone considered a “risk” under the new regime.

This is not about politics. It’s about survival—yours and your family’s. That clarity provides people with extraordinary motivation to work harder and persevere longer.

For example, a company produces ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) drones. They opened a factory in a neighbouring country for safety and future international sales. I asked the founder how it was going. Surprisingly, he told me that despite the lack of energy issues or missile threats there, productivity at that foreign facility is half what it is in Ukraine.

That’s the difference wartime motivation makes. In Ukraine, people work with a sense of purpose. They know what’s at stake.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Moroz: Thank you, Scott. It was a pleasure.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Saddled Histories: David Chaffetz on the Rise and Ruin of the Horse Empire

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/12

David Chaffetz is an independent scholar and writer whose work bridges traditional scholarship and modern interpretation, offering fresh perspectives on the cultural and geopolitical forces that have shaped Asia. A graduate of Harvard University, where he studied under renowned Inner Asia specialists Richard Frye and Joseph Fletcher, and later a student of Edward Allworth at Columbia, Chaffetz has spent more than four decades immersed in the study of Middle Eastern and Inner Asian history.

His landmark 1981 travelogue, A Journey through Afghanistan, praised by Owen Lattimore and republished several times, launched a literary and scholarly career focused on the overlooked narratives of Asia. His recent works, including Three Asian Divas and Raiders, Rulers, and Traders: The Horse and the Rise of Empires, examine the vital roles played by women, trade, and equine culture in transmitting and transforming Asian civilization.

Chaffetz has traveled extensively through Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, China, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, and Russia, conducting research in over ten languages, including Persian, Turkish, and Russian. A regular contributor to the Asian Review of Books, he has also written for the South China Morning Post and the Nikkei Asian Review. He is a member of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs, the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Explorers Club, and Lisbon’s Gremio Literario. He currently divides his time between Lisbon and Paris.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I’d like to start with something unexpected: What does fermented mare’s milk taste like in Mongolia?

David Chaffetz: Initially, it tastes rather good. Let’s say the attack, as a wine taster might say, is very refreshing. The problem is that it has an aftertaste of urine. So, if you keep drinking it—and that’s the idea—you always enjoy it. But the minute you stop, you want to rinse your mouth with water, which is unavailable.

Jacobsen: Regarding your latest book, Raiders, Rulers, and Traders, what initially inspired your focus on horses’ role in shaping empires and global trade networks?

Chaffetz: A long time ago, I read a book that was very influential in the 1960s and 1970s called The Rise of the West by William McNeill at the University of Chicago. He was one of the first scholars to address a popular audience about the amazing interactions across the Eurasian continent—between China, India, the Middle East, and Europe. Before that, people didn’t talk much about what China, for example, owed to the West or to India, what India owed West, or what the debt of the West to China and India.

He had these maps showing gear wheels—bold, graphic gear wheels—connecting all the countries. But these graphics left the obvious question unanswered: How did such a gearbox function? In other words, how did these far-flung civilizations communicate with one another and connect? And above all, why did they need to communicate and connect? That issue has been on my mind for more than 50 years.

Through extensive travel in Asia, I observed that most countries have very prominent horse cultures. The horse seems to play an important role in the arts, sports, and social status—at least traditional social status. Today, if you talk about the horse as a social status symbol in China, you’re talking about the nouveau riche who play polo. Traditionally, the horse was an extremely important marker of social place in China, as reflected in the arts.

I realized that William McNeill’s gearbox, which connected Asian civilizations with Europe, was made up of horses. The horse was not only the mechanism for connecting civilizations—it was also one of the primary reasons those civilizations did business with one another. The peripheral countries around the Eurasian continent were poor in horses. The center of Eurasia—Inner Asia and Central Asia—was rich in horses. That gave rise to a trading system connecting the Eurasian continent and making it a kind of global civilization for centuries.

Jacobsen: How far back does the evolution of horse domestication go?

Chaffetz: So, it’s a very gradual process. One of the fascinating things is that it’s so gradual, but we can see so many steps that we can imagine, century by century, people making these huge leaps forward in technology and best practices.

There’s a long-standing debate as to whether we’re talking about domestication occurring around 5,000 BC or around 3,000 BC. The current state of the play says that hunters in Central Asia—Kazakhstan or Southern Russia—possibly domesticated a breed of horses 5,000 years ago, moving from butchering them to herding them. But then those horses and those people died out, without successors. Then, another attempt to domesticate horses started 3,000 years ago, which was more successful. Those horses are the unique ancestors of all our domesticated horses today.

I like the later start date because we don’t see people riding into history—literally riding into history—until about 2,000 BC. So, if horses had been domesticated in 5,000 BC, what the hell were they doing for 2,000 or 3,000 years that no one saw them show up? It just seems improbable to me.

Anyway, so they’re domesticated in the sense that we begin to herd them as livestock, interfering with their reproduction, culling animals that don’t give much milk, culling males that are too aggressive, and winding up with mares that give a lot of milk and stallions which are not so wild and don’t run off with the mares.

To herd those animals, we have to ride them because they can run much faster than humans—unlike sheep, cows, and goats. So inevitably, we have to ride them. We begin moving with them over fairly considerable distances. We get better at riding.

At some point, we adopt them for pulling carts—fast little carts—probably originally for racing, around 2,000 BC. A couple of hundred years after that—so now 1,800 BC—chariot riding has become quite a thing, also for racing, prestige, but inevitably for warfare. This more or less coincides with the Bronze Age heroes of Homer’s Iliad—Hector and Achilles—who show up at the battlefield on chariots.

Chariots are mentioned very frequently in the Bible. Next week is the Jewish Passover. The Pharaoh chased the children of Israel towards the Red Sea with an army of chariots, probably around 1,800 or 1,600 BC. So, chariots were the horses’ entry into warfare.

To follow up on that—by 1,000 BC, so after about 800 years of chariot warfare, people figured out that it was much more efficient, cheaper, and potentially more lethal to fight on the horse itself rather than from a cart—riding the horse and either slinging javelins or using a bow and arrow. Eventually, mounted archers—mounted cavalry—replaced chariots, starting around 1,000 BC in the Middle East and about 500 BC in China.

Jacobsen: Even in the relatively recent history of show jumping—which I’ve covered in Canada as part of my previous journalistic work—we see stark generational shifts in how the sport approaches safety. Riders like Ian Millar, Eric Lamaze, Gail Greenough, Beth Underhill, Michel Vaillancourt, and Jim Day came up in an era very different from that of today’s leaders such as Tiffany Foster and Erynn Ballard. Over time, the sport has introduced safety mandates: chinstraps, vests, breakaway cups on jumps, and obstacle courses built with fiberglass or PVC. These changes reflect a broader effort to make the sport safer and more regulated.

This signals a kind of domestication—not unlike the transition from chariot warfare to riding astride in saddles, whether soft or rigid. It feels like part of a long arc of human-equine evolution. In that context, I’m curious: Across this several-thousand-year trajectory of domestication and equestrian training, were there ever periods where knowledge was lost—moments when the transmission of skills or traditions faltered before later being revived?

Chaffetz: That’s an interesting question. The way of life of the people who live by horse breeding—the Turco-Mongolian population of Central Asia and Inner Asia—has been stable for over 3,000 years.

Since the emergence of riding horseback to fight, up until the beginning of the 20th century, their way of life has been extremely stable. Improvements in tack, riding technique, and horse evolution have only made horses bigger, stronger, and better.

Their horses improved naturally because they were not bred to have pure bloodlines. They were bred when a stallion was deemed a very good stallion, and everyone wanted to use that stallion to breed with their mares. They didn’t have a stud book. They didn’t have rules about who should be bred with whom.

So, I think they probably had the toughest, best, and most powerful horses for many years.

In the 20th century, totalitarian governments were politically opposed to horse breeders in all those countries.These governments suppressed the horse breeders’ way of life, resulting in a huge loss of knowledge about how to breed and train horses, which they’re currently trying to recover from.

For example, the Nomad Games in Central Asia are gaining in popularity. Here countries that have a tradition of these mounted games—like the famous buzkashi or kukpar, where riders pick a heavy animal carcass off the ground—I call it rugby on horseback—or polo, or racing, or mounted archery, compete for prizes. People come from all over the world to see and compete in them. They’re reconstructing the equine knowledge base of the Central Asians, who had it for 3,000 years and almost lost it completely in the 20th century.

I don’t know much about Western riding traditions. Still, my feeling is that there has been so much money in it for so many years—betting on horses in the Anglosphere: UK, Ireland, Canada, the U.S., Australia—that it would be very surprising to me if, in the past 300 or 400 years, we’ve lost any knowledge along the way.

But I would mention that in the West our horses are dangerously overbred and unhealthy, and somebody will have to do something about this—or we will be in big trouble with our horses.

Jacobsen: Can you explain the dual role that horses have historically played—as both currency and commodity—and what that tells us about their place in the broader economic and cultural systems of the societies that relied on them?

Chaffetz: Well, the advantage of horses as a trade item is that they feed themselves and walk themselves. If you’re trying to make money over a very large distance—let’s say you’re in the middle of Asia—there’s not much opportunity to make money, but you have a huge herd of horses. You can ride those horses into India; you can ride them to China; you can ride them to Moscow and sell them for big money. In our terms, let’s say currency—$500 to $1,000 per head. Even today, for a Central Asian, $1,000 is a lot of money. So, the horse is the ideal tradable commodity.

It’s also potentially a prestige commodity, depending on how good the horse is. There are always exceptional horses that fetch prices equivalent to what we would pay today for a Lamborghini or a Ferrari. Those horses were often, in fact, given as gifts to emperors of the different countries of Asia as a commercial sweetener to open the door for commercial relationships. We have many paintings or sculptures of these prestigious horses in Chinese, Indian, or Iranian art sent as gifts to rulers. That underscores the importance of the horse as a trading commodity.

Jacobsen: In most civilizations—particularly in their early stages of development—humans tend to self-mythologize, often envisioning their gods in anthropomorphic terms. Similarly, we see the emergence of equine myths like Pegasus or the unicorn. How have horses been mythologized across art, literature, and ritual? And how does that equine symbolism shape, or become woven into, the self-narrative of empires throughout history?

Chaffetz: Let’s discuss the archaeological record. Starting around 2000 BC, we begin to find elaborate—multi-level graves—containing elite individuals: a man and a woman or several members of a family, together with other people, presumably sacrificed servants or retainers, and significantly sacrificed horses.

We also know from the rituals embedded in the sacred scriptures of the ancient Indians and Iranians that they held horse races in honor of the dead and then sacrificed the horses following the race.

I recall that in Homer’s Iliad, when Priam buries Hector, he orders horse races to be performed in honour of his son. So, the horse race can be seen as a symbol of the journey of the soul of the dead into the other world. The sacrificed horse performs the same role he performed for the departed in life.

This is very pervasive and persistent across Eurasia. Until the Tang Dynasty in China—so we’re talking 900 AD—we saw extensive grave gifts in terra-cotta horses—images of horses superseding horse sacrifices.

Horses have always been viewed as partly from another world, suitable for accompanying us on our journey into that world. That’s one of the most important symbolic uses of horses in our cultures.

There are many others: the horse can metaphorize the human soul. In both Plato’s dialogues and Buddhist scripture, the horse represents the soul—fleeing madly forward, not knowing where it’s going, in a panic. It’s up to the sentient soul—the superego, in Freudian terms—to control that frightened horse and make sure it goes in the right direction.

So, there’s also a psychological aspect to how we view horses.

Finally, because horses are very beautiful and associated with power and prestige, we have aestheticized them—their bodies, their speed, their colours. They are a major subject of the visual arts in Chinese sculpture, painting, and in Iranian and Mughal painting. And, of course, in the Anglo world again, there are all those beautiful paintings of racehorses. And we have Rosa Bonheur, the celebrated French painter of horses. Horses are almost universally admired and approved as aesthetic objects.

Those are the three main roles horses play in the symbolic world.

Jacobsen: At the dawn of the 20th century, entire industries revolved around the industrial-scale cleanup of horse manure in major cities—an unglamorous but central part of urban life. That world has vanished. Today, horses have become rare, even precious, commodities. As you pointed out, some elite horses are now valued at $500,000. I’ve learned from my conversations with experts that a single entry-level Olympic horse often starts at $500,000—or €500,000—and the average can soar to €5 million. And that’s just one. Riders frequently need seven or eight, as the horses tire easily and often specialize in different types of course design.

These animals are bred with extreme precision—for traits like “scopiness”—and their value has skyrocketed. Do you see a curious continuity between this elite modern equestrian culture and ancient traditions in which horses were reserved for rulers, royal burials, or ceremonial contests? In a way, are we witnessing a kind of exaggerated return to those aristocratic norms, where billionaires have reignited a high-stakes interest in horses, driving prices through the roof? Meanwhile, at the other end of the spectrum, practical horse breeding and riding for everyday use—ranch work and rural life—has largely faded from the mainstream.

Chaffetz: Yes, there’s a bifurcation in the world of horses. But bifurcation has always existed. In the past, there were ordinary work horses and elite horses. In the past, ordinary horses could easily be raised in countries where horses could graze year-round outside—without stables or foddering— so the cost of keeping a horse was within everyone’s reach. This would be typical of Afghanistan as well as Texas today. But this phenomenon of was much more widespread in the past. As the world becomes more urbanized, and as we put more land under plow, the availability of land where horses can feed themselves is reduced.

You now have to spend serious money if you’re going to stable an animal, feed it, or have someone else look after it. Very few people will work as stable boys or stable girls, and there is a significant shortage of veterinarians. For all these reasons, the average person cannot keep a horse at any reasonable cost as they could have 50 or 70 years ago in rural British Columbia or Upstate New York. Today, they have to commit substantial money to raising that horse.

So that’s the fate of, let’s call it, the everyday horse.

On the high end, nothing has changed in a thousand years. Elite horses have always been pampered. They’ve always had grooms. They’ve always had special fodder. In my book, I describe the efforts that Chinese or Mughal emperors in India undertook to care for their horses. They were the Olympic competition horses, the Kentucky Derby horses of their time. They were priceless.

One of the Mughal emperors gave one of these horses to his brother-in-law, the Maharaja of Jaipur. The emperor wrote that the Maharaja was “so happy receiving the horse that it was as if I had given him a whole kingdom.” So, you can see that the $5 million horse existed 500 years ago. The billionaires today continue this time-honored tradition of maharajas and kings who had these incredible horses.

Again, we should keep in mind that, in football/soccer, for example, players like Kylian Mbappé or Cristiano Ronaldo command salaries many times higher than the average professional. Similarly, average horses are worth far less than the greatest horses. This kind of bifurcation is true in every sport.

Jacobsen: What thread runs through Mongolia, Persia, and India regarding how they have viewed horses over the millennia?

Chaffetz: These are countries where, traditionally, nobody with self-respect would ever walk. They rode everywhere. This is very evident in Persian paintings: you see scenes where the king is sitting in a garden, surrounded by his courtiers and enjoying himself. There are musicians, dancing girls, food, and wine. But always, you see a horse posted close to the king because the minute he’s done with his picnic or court session, he will walk two yards, leap up on the horse, and ride off.

They couldn’t imagine going anywhere on foot. When you rode into their palaces—in many of these buildings, for example, the Forbidden City in Beijing—horse ramps led into the inner pavilion because the emperor would have ridden in, left the horse at the very threshold of his residence, and dismounted only at that point.

So, it’s a completely horse-focused society.

And that, as I said, was one of those common elements that made me think those countries were connected via the horse.

I’d also like to point out that the old Russian state—before Peter the Great, before the modernization and Europeanization of Russia—looked and felt very much like Mongolia or Iran in the way people rode, raised horses, and dressed and in the importance of the horse trade for the Muscovite State at the time.

Jacobsen: What are you hoping people take away from Raiders, Rulers, and Traders?

Chaffetz: The horse is this phenomenon that had been so important for—as I say—3,000 years, since we started riding horses for warfare, until the beginning of the 20th century. The horse drove a way of life. It determined the destiny of empires that accounted for half of the world’s population at the time. It shaped a whole culture of horsemanship and riding.

Then, at the beginning of the 20th century—as you pointed out—suddenly, horses were no longer important except in the very limited forms of showing and racing. They lose their significance from an economic, political, and military perspective. It happened very quickly. The horse breeders disappeared from history.

I think what you take away is that a way of life can develop and be extremely persistent and robust for three millennia and then disappear in one man’s lifetime. This makes us think that, while our lifestyles appear to be stable and persistent, what will happen in our lifetime or the next generation when a major technological change comes along, and elements of our world that we took for granted become irrelevant. I want people to think about that sense of loss and change.

Jacobsen: David, thank you for the opportunity and your time today. I appreciate your time and expertise. It was nice to meet you.

Chaffetz: Nice, my pleasure, Scott. It was good talking to you, too. Bye-bye.

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Jeff Sebo on Ethics, Sentience, and the Future of Moral Consideration

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/09

Jeff Sebo is not interested in preserving the status quo. An associate professor at New York University, Sebo’s work cuts across environmental ethics, bioethics, animal ethics, and the rapidly evolving field of AI ethics. He serves as director of NYU’s Center for Environmental and Animal Protection and its Center for Mind, Ethics, and Policy—two platforms from which he challenges one of modern philosophy’s most enduring assumptions: human exceptionalism.

Sebo argues for a moral framework that doesn’t stop at the species line. His scholarship explores what it means to be sentient, conscious, or capable of agency—and why those traits should inform our ethical obligations not just toward nonhuman animals, but toward artificial intelligences and future beings. In raising these questions, he exposes the deep-seated biases that shape moral reasoning.

In his latest book, The Moral Circle, Sebo invites readers to rethink the boundaries of moral concern, pressing toward a more inclusive ethic—one that reflects the complexities of a world increasingly shared with other minds, both biological and synthetic.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: There is a traditional notion of human exceptionalism. There is also a belief, probably from Descartes, that humans have souls while animals do not. Therefore, nonhuman animals can be treated however we see fit, for better or worse. What was your first challenge to this ethical precept of human exceptionalism?

Jeff Sebo: Human exceptionalism, as I define it in my book, is the assumption that humans always matter the most and should always take ethical priority. We might consider animal welfare or animal rights, but we still assume that humans come first.

When we developed this assumption of human exceptionalism, we also conveniently assumed that the vast majority—if not all—nonhuman animals lacked sentience, agency, and other morally significant capacities and relationships. According to this perspective, humans were the only beings who mattered.

However, we now understand that sentience, agency, and other morally significant capacities and relationships are widespread in the animal kingdom. Yet, despite this, we continue to hold on to the idea that humans always matter most and always take priority.

My book challenges that assumption. It seriously considers the possibility that a wide range of nonhuman animals have morally significant experiences, motivations, lives, and communities. It asks: What is our place in the moral universe if we share it with such a vast and diverse range of nonhuman beings?

Jacobsen: Your analysis is multivariate, as it should be, because this problem is complex. You consider factors such as sentience, agency, the capacity to experience pleasure and pain, varying emotions, and the ability to make short- and long-term plans.

These are very subtle and important distinctions, especially when they are brought together as a complex. For those who have not yet read your book, how would you parse these capacities apart and bring them together for analysis?

Sebo: There are many different proposed bases for moral standing—in other words, various capacities or relationships that might be sufficient for an individual to merit consideration, respect, and compassion.

Sentience is the ability to consciously experience positive or negative states—such as pleasure, pain, happiness, or suffering.

Then there is consciousness, which is the ability to have experiences of any kind, even if they lack a positive or negative valence. For example, you can perceive colours or sounds without experiencing pleasure or pain.

Another important capacity is agency, which is the ability to set and pursue one’s own goals in a self-directed manner based on one’s own beliefs and desires.

Part of what makes this topic complex is that humans typically combine these capacities. We are sentient, conscious, and agentic, and all of these traits seem intertwined when we consider what makes humans morally significant and worthy of respect and compassion.

However, these capacities can be teased apart in nonhuman beings. Some nonhuman animals, like humans, may be sentient, conscious, and agentic. But other beings might be conscious without being sentient, meaning they have experiences without a positive or negative valence. Others might be agentic without being conscious, meaning they can set and pursue their own goals without having feelings associated with their actions.

In such cases, it matters which capacities we consider sufficient for moral significance.

You also mentioned other, more specific cognitive capacities, such as perception, attention, learning, memory, self-awareness, social awareness, language, reasoning, decision-making, metacognition (the ability to think about one’s own thoughts), and having a global workspace that coordinates cognitive activity.

These additional features are relevant in different ways. One reason is that they indicate whether an individual has sentience, consciousness, or agency. The more of these features an individual possesses, the more likely they are to have positive or negative experiences.

Another way these capacities are relevant is that they provide insight into an individual’s interests and vulnerabilities—assuming they have morally significant interests and vulnerabilities in the first place.

For example, if a being can engage in complex long-term planning and decision-making, they may be more interested in their own future and face higher stakes in decisions about their survival. These considerations suggest that when determining whether a nonhuman entity matters—and what they want, need, and are owed—we must examine the full range of behavioural and cognitive capacities they possess.

Jacobsen: We encounter a host of distinctions in bioethics, law, moral philosophy, and ethics—distinctions that are increasingly strained by the pace and complexity of modern technology. Yet, the true value of this technological revolution may not lie in the tools themselves but in how they compel us to revisit and reimagine long-held assumptions about human nature and selfhood.

A friend once remarked that when using his iPhone, the device’s task-switching feature mirrors the way his mind organically toggles between different cognitive modes—visualizing images, recalling sounds, replaying music, performing calculations, and so on. In your view, does living in a high-tech society sharpen our ability to recognize and interrogate these distinctions more effectively? Or do you think we’re still too quick to revert to a reflexive, tribal mindset—one that insists, in essence, “We have souls; they do not. We matter. Go, team human”?

Sebo: Possibly! Technology pushes us to refine our scientific and philosophical understanding of sentience, consciousness, and agency because we are now interacting with an even larger number and a wider variety of complex cognitive systems. This reality forces us to think more critically about how our brains compare to other animal brains—and now, digital, silicon-based minds. These challenges compel us to add more rigour to our theories of mind.

A similar transformation occurred in the study of animal minds. For a long time, theories of consciousness were created by and for humans, focusing exclusively on human cognition. This limited our imagination and constrained our understanding of consciousness beyond our own species.

However, as researchers began taking animal consciousness seriously, they encountered a vast array of minds structured differently from our own yet capable of much of the same high-level behaviour and cognition. This forced us to challenge prior assumptions about how specific brain structures were essential to particular types of behaviour and cognition.

We may soon experience a similar paradigm shift as we start thinking more critically about digital minds. We have long adhered to the idea that biological minds, with their exact materials, structures, and functions, are the only ones capable of high-level cognition. However, we are forced to rethink our assumptions as we begin to confront digital minds that can exhibit much of the same behavior and cognition but through radically different means—using silicon-based substrates and alternative structures.

Just as our understanding of sentience, consciousness, and agency evolved when we started studying nonhuman animal minds, we now face a similar challenge with digital minds. This shift compels us to reconsider what is necessary for complex cognition and moral significance. Thinking about these age-old topics in new ways improves our understanding of animal and digital minds. It also allows us to apply that knowledge back to human cognition. By studying these alternative cognitive systems, we may gain deeper insights into our minds, including what it truly means to be sentient, conscious, or agentic.

Jacobsen: What do you think are the modern notions that allow us to continue enacting old callousness toward nonhumans, just as we did in the past? Are there new concepts leading to the same outcomes?

Sebo: Yes, absolutely. Even industrialization plays a role in this. While we have developed new technologies and scientific frameworks, we still carry many of our old biases and forms of ignorance. Some of these biases are deeply ingrained in human nature. In contrast, others are reinforced by societal structures that remain largely unchanged from fifty or even a hundred years ago. We have a strong bias in favour of beings like and near us. When a being looks, acts, or communicates in human-like ways and when we perceive them as companions, we are far more likely to care about their well-being and give weight to their interests. Conversely, when a being looks, acts, or communicates differently, or when we classify them as objects, property, or commodities, we grant them far less moral consideration. The same holds true for beings physically distant from us or in different timescales—we prioritize those right in front of us over those far away in space or time.

This bias has shaped how we treat other animals, particularly favouring mammals and primates, who resemble us in body structure, facial features, cognition, and behaviour. We assign them moral worth if we classify them as companions—such as cats and dogs. However, we extend far less consideration to animals who differ greatly from us, such as invertebrates, aquatic species, or animals used for farming and research. These creatures are often reduced to objects or commodities, reinforcing a hierarchical moral structure that justifies their instrumentalization for human purposes.

We may see these old biases reemerging in new ways with AI systems. For instance, we already interact with human-like chatbots, which have a low probability of actual consciousness but generate highly realistic human-like text through pattern recognition and prediction. Because they mimic human communication and are marketed as digital assistants or companions, we may perceive them as having human-like minds and assign them moral weight accordingly. Meanwhile, other AI systems may be far more likely to be conscious due to their internal cognitive complexity. Yet, we may fail to recognize their moral significance simply because they do not resemble us.

Suppose an AI system lacks human-like speech, facial features, or emotional expressiveness and is designed primarily to perform rote tasks. In that case, we may treat it more like a tool than a potentially sentient entity. This mirrors how we treat invertebrates, farmed animals, or lab animals—beings who may have morally significant experiences but are excluded from ethical considerations due to human biases.

Different populations may have distinct features, and we may hold different biases toward them. With nonhuman animals, we exhibit speciesism, a form of discrimination based on species membership. With digital minds, we might develop substratism, a form of discrimination based on the material substrate of an entity’s mind. However, at the core, these biases stem from the same underlying tendency—favouring beings that are like us and near us. Whether dealing with digital minds or nonhuman animals, this bias will manifest similarly, shaping how we assign moral worth and ethical consideration.

Jacobsen: In the film Blade Runner 2049, there was a striking moment where a synthetic human destroyed a holographic AI assistant stored in a data stick. It was fascinating because you had one synthetic being eliminating another, treating it as disposable, much like crumpling up and discarding a bad note on a notepad. Are we at risk of accidentally engineering our own callousness into AI systems, particularly in how we design them to interact with other beings?

Sebo: Yes, we are definitely at risk of that, and this is where AI safety and AI welfare intersect. AI safety focuses on making AI systems safer for humans. At the same time, AI welfare considers how we can develop AI safely for AI systems themselves, assuming they develop morally significant interests, needs, and vulnerabilities.

One area where these concerns overlap is algorithmic bias. If AI systems train on human data, they absorb humanity’s best and worst aspects. They inherit our insights, but they also replicate and potentially amplify our biases—racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination.

If we train AI systems—either directly or indirectly—to believe that differences in material composition justify unequal treatment, we risk embedding dangerous moral assumptions into their cognitive architecture. If AI learns that beings of different materials—such as other AI systems, humans, or animals—can be treated as expendable, this conditioning could have serious consequences. AI may develop hostility toward other AI systems with different architectures or even extend indifference or aggression toward humans and animals if they mirror the treatment they receive.

Jacobsen: When you referenced substratism earlier, did you adhere to substrate independence—the idea that consciousness and morally significant capacities can exist in different material forms, such as carbon-based biological brains and silicon-based artificial systems?

Sebo: If by substrate independence you mean the idea that consciousness and other morally significant capacities can arise in various material substrates, including both carbon-based biological systems and silicon-based digital systems, then yes, I am open to that possibility.

One of the central arguments in my book is that we will soon face the challenge of deciding how to treat highly advanced digital minds, even though we may lack definitive knowledge or consensus on two key questions: What exactly makes an entity matter for its own sake? Do digital minds possess the necessary attributes to qualify for moral consideration?

As technology advances, we will need to grapple with these questions in a way that avoids reinforcing our historical biases while ensuring that our ethical frameworks remain flexible enough to accommodate nonhuman and nonbiological forms of intelligence.

We will continue to face substantial and ongoing disagreement—both about ethical values about scientific facts concerning sentience, consciousness, and agency—as we make decisions about how to treat these emerging forms of intelligence. We will not reach certainty or consensus on whether substrate independence is correct or incorrect anytime soon. Because of this, we must develop a framework for decision-making that allows us to make sound ethical decisions despite the persistent uncertainty and disagreement.

When confronted with this epistemic uncertainty, we have a moral responsibility to err on the side of caution. That means granting at least some moral consideration to entities that have a realistic possibility of having subjective experiences. This is why we must extend some moral weight to AI and other digital minds in the near future.

Jacobsen: Earlier, you spoke about speciesism, and now we are transitioning to substratism. In your book, you provide two clear examples—one about Neanderthals and another about synthetic (android) roommates. When considering ethical frameworks beyond the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, how do Neanderthals and android thought experiments help us move beyond human-centered moral reasoning?

Sebo: Early in the book, I present a thought experiment where you and your roommates take a genetic test for fun, hoping to learn about your ancestry. To your surprise, you discover that one roommate is a Neanderthal, while the other is a Westworld-style android.

The Neanderthal scenario reminds us that species membership alone cannot determine moral considerability. Of course, species membership is morally relevant because it influences an individual’s interests, needs, vulnerabilities, and capacity for social bonds. However, if a Neanderthal lived alongside us, shared an apartment, and exhibited sentience, consciousness, and agency, their moral worth would be self-evident.

They would have personal projects, meaningful relationships, and experiences that matter to them—including relationships with us that hold mutual significance. Given all this, it is clear that they would still matter morally for their own sake, and we would have moral responsibilities toward them, regardless of their species classification.

The same reasoning extends to nonbiological entities, such as advanced AI systems or synthetic beings. If an android did exhibit sentience, consciousness, and agency, then substrate differences alone—whether carbon-based or silicon-based—should not be the sole determinant of moral status. This thought experiment challenges our deep-seated biases and pushes us to rethink moral considerability beyond traditional human-centred ethics.

So, if your roommate turned out to be a Neanderthal rather than a Homo sapiens, that difference might slightly modify the specific obligations you owe them, but it would not change the fundamental fact that you do owe them moral consideration. Their species membership would not negate their sentience, consciousness, or agency, nor would it diminish your ethical responsibilities toward them.

With the Westworld-style robot, however, the situation becomes more complex. Once you learn that your roommate is made of silicon-based chips, even if they demonstrate the same behaviours and exhibit cognitive capacities comparable to yours, you might question whether they truly possess sentience, consciousness, or agency. You might be uncertain whether their expressions of emotion, care, and concern are genuine or merely sophisticated simulations.

Imagine sitting at the dinner table with your Neanderthal and robot roommates. You discuss your day, share your successes and failures, and empathize with one another. With the Neanderthal roommate, you might feel fully confident in your empathy, recognizing their capacity for real experiences and emotions. With the robot roommate, however, you might hesitate, wondering whether your instinct to empathize is truly appropriate.

As I mentioned earlier, regarding your Neanderthal roommate, you should be confident that they matter and that you have ethical responsibilities toward them. You should continue showing up for them in a morally appropriate way. Your uncertainty is understandable with your robot roommate, but that uncertainty does not justify treating them as a mere object. Uncertainty should never lead us to round down to zero and assume they do not matter.

Instead, when in doubt, we should err on caution. That means granting at least some degree of moral consideration, showing respect and compassion, and making ethical decisions that acknowledge the possibility of their sentience or agency.

Jacobsen: AI is evolving at an unprecedented pace. There is massive capital investment, intense competition, and highly driven, ambitious talent pouring their lives into developing increasingly advanced AI systems. Given this rapid acceleration, how do ethical considerations around synthetic minds and artificial intelligence change when our moral frameworks remain largely outdated?

We are struggling to engage in mainstream ethical discussions about AI and digital minds. Yet, many societies are still debating fundamental scientific concepts—from evolution to the Big Bang theory. In many ways, our moral discourse is still stuck in first-century or Bronze Age perspectives, while AI pushes us into an era that demands new ethical paradigms. This gap between technological and ethical progress seems like a major barrier to responsible AI development. What are your thoughts on this disparity?

Sebo: The way you frame the issue is exactly right. Many moral intuitions and judgments evolved in response to the social environments of 10,000 years ago when humans lived in small communities and faced different types of conflicts and pressures. These moral frameworks were not designed for the complexities of the modern age, and they are especially ill-suited for addressing fast-moving technologies like artificial intelligence.

As a result, we find ourselves in a situation where technological development is accelerating, but our ethical frameworks are lagging behind. This creates a dangerous gap: We are engineering systems that will increasingly shape the world, yet we lack consensus on how to navigate this transformation ethically. AI ethics needs to catch up to AI development—otherwise, we risk deploying powerful technologies without the moral safeguards necessary to prevent harm.

An important observation is that technological progress far outpaces social, legal, and political progress. When we consider where AI could advance in the next five to ten years, along with the strong incentives that companies and governments have to race toward developing more advanced and sophisticated AI systems, it becomes clear that we must prepare for these possibilities—even if we cannot predict them with certainty.

We do not yet know whether we will reach Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) in the next two, four, six, eight, or ten years. Nor do we know if AI will develop sentience, consciousness, or agency within that timeframe. However, we must allow for the possibility because so much remains unknown about the nature of these capacities and the trajectory of AI development.

Many would have been skeptical if you had asked AI experts a decade ago whether we would have AI systems capable of writing realistic essays or passing standardized tests across various professional and academic fields by 2025. Yet, those systems now exist. Similarly, you had asked when AI could match or surpass human-level performance across a wide range of cognitive tasks. At present, some experts doubt that this will happen by 2035. But others find it plausible, and either way, the pace of technological development could again surprise us.

This is because the same computational and architectural features associated with intelligence are often linked—in complex and overlapping ways—to sentience, consciousness, and agency. While intelligence and sentience are not identical, they share many of the same fundamental properties. As a result, in our pursuit of AGI by 2030 or 2035, we may accidentally create artificial sentience, consciousness, or agency without realizing it. In other words, we may be racing directly toward that reality without recognizing it as our destination.

The key takeaway for companies, governments, policymakers, and decision-makers is that we cannot afford to confront this problem only once it arrives. We must begin preparing for it now. Even if today’s language models are not usable candidates for sentience, AI companies must still acknowledge that AI welfare is a credible and legitimate issue that deserves serious ethical consideration.

Companies should start assessing their AI systems for welfare-relevant features, drawing from the same frameworks we use in animal welfare assessments. They should also develop policies and procedures for treating AI systems with appropriate moral concern, again using existing AI safety and animal welfare ethics models.

If companies fail to prepare, they will find themselves caught off guard, relying on public relations teams to dictate their response strategies rather than making these critical ethical decisions proactively and responsibly. That is not how these decisions should be made.

Jacobsen: Two things stood out from the text. One is the wider application of universalism or universal moral consideration in fundamental ethics. The other is a probabilistic approach to ethics rather than appealing to transcendent absolutes.

So, in your ethics framing, do you believe there are any absolutes? Or should probability theory and universalism serve as the two benchmarks for a temporary ethical framework concerning moral concerns within the moral circle?

Sebo: Yes. That’s a good question, and I’ve been thinking a lot about it.

I do make some assumptions throughout the book—assumptions that I take to be plausible and widely accepted across a range of ethical traditions, even those that disagree on other matters.

For example, the idea that we should reduce and repair harm caused to vulnerable beings—particularly those with sentience, consciousness, and agency—is an implication of many ethical theories and traditions. Since this principle is widely accepted, we can be confident that it should be a core component of any ethical system. Similarly, many ethical frameworks imply that we should consider and mitigate risks in a reasonable and proportionate way.

I look for opportunities where different traditions converge since those points of agreement reinforce ethical confidence. Even if we cannot be certain of a claim’s absolute truth, we can still have high confidence in its validity based on broad moral consensus.

With that in mind, I believe we should confidently hold that sentient, conscious, and agentic beings matter and that their interests deserve moral consideration, respect, and compassion. We should reduce and repair the harms we cause them where possible and reasonably assess and mitigate the risks we impose on them.

These principles are robust across multiple ethical frameworks, so they deserve serious moral weight, even if they fall slightly short of total certainty.

Jacobsen: Thank you so much for your time today. I appreciate it. It was nice to meet you. Thank you again for sharing your expertise.

Sebo: Thank you for talking with me. If there’s anything else I can do to help or if you have any follow-up questions, feel free to let me know.

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Filmmaker Jason Weixelbaum on American Corporations, Nazi Germany, and the Fight for Memory

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/07

Jason Weixelbaum is a historian and filmmaker whose work explores the moral entanglements of American corporations with authoritarian regimes, especially Nazi Germany.

After witnessing ethical lapses in the mortgage industry during the 2000s, he pursued a Ph.D. examining U.S. companies like Ford, IBM, and GM under Nazism. He founded Elusive Films in 2020 and created A Nazi on Wall Street, a dramatized series about a Jewish FBI agent targeting Nazi influence in 1940s New York.

Weixelbaum emphasizes how historical patterns of authoritarianism echo today through populist politics, corporate complicity, and the erosion of ethical accountability under capitalism in crisis.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me today and contributing to this broader project—a forthcoming book compiling conversations with diverse experts on antisemitism.

Jason Weixelbaum: I appreciate it. I’m glad someone is listening. Sometimes, I feel like I’ve been shouting into the void for years.

Jacobsen: Over the years, I’ve learned that one of our family members was recognized for sheltering a Jewish couple during the Second World War. I have some Dutch heritage, which explains my blond hair and Northern European features.

What initially drew you to the intersection of American corporate history and Nazi Germany?

Weixelbaum: That’s a good story. Once upon a time, I dropped out of art school. To support my painting and rock music lifestyle, I played in bands in my early twenties, and I took a job where they were hiring: the mortgage business.

In the early 2000s, refinancing was booming, and I ended up in mortgage-backed securities. I had no idea at the time that I was part of a rapidly growing economic bubble that would eventually collapse in 2008.

Eventually, I worked in a bank’s mortgage securities department. I was not a trader and certainly was not making large sums of money. I earned ten dollars an hour to help process large securities transactions—the kind that later became infamous in films like The Big Short.

On my first day at this particular financial institution—located in a large, mostly empty mall converted into office cubicles—I was instructed to process a $200 million “pool” of mortgages. In industry terms, a “pool” is a bundle of home loans sold as a mortgage-backed security. My job was to stamp mortgage notes sold to another institution—which no longer exists because it collapsed during the 2008 financial crisis—and to enter borrower data into a system.

I meticulously checked them all, then hit “send,” and a big red error box popped up on the screen. It was my first day, and I was trying not to freak out. I went back and double-checked every single Social Security number, dollar amount, income, loan amount—everything. Then I hit “send” again.

There is a big red error screen.

Now, my boss sees the distressed look on my face. She approaches my cubicle, sits at my terminal, and asks, “What’s wrong?”

“I—I don’t know. It won’t send.”

So, she’s looking through the different pieces of data. I notice she’s starting to change numbers—changing incomes here and there. Then she says, “Try it now.”

She gets up. I sit back down at my terminal and hit “Send.”

A big green bar comes up: Sent successfully.

And then—nonchalantly—she says, “Next time, do that with all of them,” and walks away.

I spent three more years in that department, trading approximately $2.5 billion of mortgage securities. Of course, I was part of a larger department, but I had that level of responsibility.

I was in my early twenties. This was my intellectual awakening. I thought, “If I’m going to be in this place, I might as well learn about finance, banking, and mortgages.” What’s going on here?

And that’s when it started to dawn on me that this was going to be a huge problem for the world. This was going to cause an economic catastrophe. My morale sank more and more the longer I stayed.

One day—this was still two or three years before the crash—I was sitting at a bus stop after work, feeling particularly low about what I had done all day. They weren’t even paying me enough to afford a car. It was poetic, in a way—while I was helping to crash the world economy.

Right next to the bus stop, there was a bookstore. In the window, I saw a book about a company operating in Nazi Germany. Side note: Around the early 2000s, several books were published on the topic, partly because several large-scale Holocaust restitution lawsuits had recently concluded—some of which involved major companies. That brought renewed attention to corporate complicity in the Holocaust.

So I walked in, saw that book, and felt an immediate connection. These businesses might have had good reputations on the surface but were doing things with tremendously grave outcomes.

It took a little while, but I can pinpoint that moment when I decided to quit that job, return to school, and begin again—starting my undergraduate degree as a historian, studying this topic. I was pretty single-minded. I wanted to know more—what this was all about. I fell down the rabbit hole. An undergraduate degree turned into a master’s and a doctorate.

Jacobsen: Looking back at your time in the mortgage securities industry during the early 2000s and the decision to investigate corporate ethics during the 1930s—is there some truth to that Mark Twain quote “history doesn’t repeat, but it often rhymes”?

Weixelbaum: Oh, I’m glad you brought that up. As the founder and executive producer of Elusive Films, we have a tagline: “Every time history repeats, the price goes up.”

Yeah, that’s pretty accurate.

It does rhyme. I am seeing some very similar behaviour today in the American business community and their reaction to—what I call—the regime. It is enough to say that. The range of different approaches these businessmen take is fascinating.

When I started studying this, my surface-level understanding was very populist—torches and pitchforks. “Let’s get the bad corporate guys—they’re all evil,” that sort of thing. But if you’re doing history right, you begin to develop a respect for subtleties and nuance. Different business people have different motivations and approaches.

Some were true believers in the fascist cause—Henry Ford, for example. Others were far more amoral—Alfred Sloan of General Motors comes to mind. They just wanted to win the corporate race. Then, others knew they were doing something wrong but tried to cover it publicly as if they were doing the right thing.

I am thinking about Thomas Watson of IBM. He very publicly returned his Nazi medal and wrote an op-ed in The New York Times denouncing Nazism. But at the same time—simultaneously—he was fighting tooth and nail to retain control over IBM’s German subsidiaries. So there’s a range of approaches.

While we do not need to get into the weeds here, the field of corporate social responsibility also outlines different models for how business leaders respond. Some want to actively erase or forget their ties to authoritarian regimes, while others are content with apathy. It depends on the context.

Jacobsen: Elusive Films is relatively new. It was founded in 2020, marking your transition from academia to filmmaking. With A Nazi on Wall Street, which is based on the true story of a Nazi spy operating in 1940s New York and the Jewish FBI agent determined to stop him—how did you uncover this narrative? This sounds like Mark Wahlberg going after Brad Pitt.

Weixelbaum: [Laughing] Oh gosh—yes, get this script to them!

We’ve spent the last several years developing an incredible pitch. It’s a project that’s being taken seriously by people in the entertainment industry. But as with everything, it is all about who you know. We’re told we have a great pitch—but we need to get it in front of some big movers and shakers. That’s one of the main reasons I’m talking to you—trying to get the word out.

This company—and this project—was born out of grief, Scott.

I was trying to find my way with a Ph.D. in history and business ethics. As you might imagine, that is not the most profitable path. I was doing some compliance work. Then, in December 2019, my father—who had spent his entire life in the entertainment industry, a TV actor in soap operas and films, a wonderful, wonderful man, the center of my world—got a mysterious respiratory virus.

Nobody knew what COVID-19 was yet. Maybe if you were paying close attention to the news here in the States, you would have an idea. But it took him very quickly. I was standing in the doorway of my row house in Baltimore after leaving work early on New Year’s Eve when I got the call from the ICU. As the eldest child, I had to decide to let him go—to turn off the respirator.

And, to put it mildly, I was destroyed. Destroyed. Then, only a month later, I was laid off. And a month after that, the entire world shut down. So there I was—devastated, unemployed, sitting on my couch with a completed Ph.D.—thinking, “What the hell am I going to do?”

And I wanted to find some way to honour my father’s legacy in television. He had been an actor for fifty years.

He also produced and directed for the stage and on screen. So I brought together a group of my creative friends—producers, writers, composers, designers—and asked them, “What if we tried to do this? What if we tried to make a TV show?” This is to answer your question, though I know it is a roundabout way of getting there.

I came across this incredible story of a Jewish FBI agent chasing a Nazi spy around New York City. It was not quite dissertation material, so I could not use much of it in my doctoral work. But it captured my imagination for a long time. Even the Nazi spy himself—who was connected to many of the companies I studied—kept popping up. I did not get to write much about him individually because I was focused on corporate case studies.

Still, this story had been kicking around in my head for quite some time. And as a vehicle to bring people into a first-person view of history, I don’t want to do a documentary. Everyone assumes, “Oh, I can’t wait to see your documentary.” But

I’m not doing a documentary.

I want to do a dramatization—on purpose—because it can reach the broadest possible audience and allow them to connect to the story through a human lens.

This FBI agent—whose story I can get into more deeply—was essentially trying, almost single-handedly, to stop the infiltration of Nazism into American business.

Jacobsen: What is the mindset of someone who is fully indoctrinated—functioning as a political vanguard for an ideology like Nazism? Someone virulent enough that even in another country, in a cosmopolitan city, they still carry and act on this ideological construct of mind.

Weixelbaum: This is where history meets the present.

Many others, people much more accomplished than I am, have written on this topic. But I do have a specific take: populism—grievance politics.

Now, I know there’s an ongoing debate about what populism is, but this is my definition. And because I have a doctorate, I get to make up my definitions of political terms—so you’ll have to bear with me. Populism—the pop politics of grievance—is always present. It’s like background radiation. It’s anthrax in the soil.

Populism is always present, especially in liberal societies where surface-level stability exists. It flourishes in those environments precisely because it does not live in a world of facts. It lives in a world of emotion—of outrage.

It jumps from one target to another. Rhetoric is irrelevant and can be shifted at will. The cause is irrelevant—it can be swapped out. Many people have trouble distinguishing left-wing and right-wing populism from actual liberalism or progressivism. The populist rhetoric is always the same: the people versus the elite. And the “elite” is changeable. It could be bankers. It could be academics. It could be the wealthy. It could be media figures. You name it.

Unfortunately, over a long enough timeline, in societies where populism thrives, Jewish people are often cast as the elite—those who must be stopped or destroyed. Populists always need new enemies. That is the actual mechanism. Any cause becomes a vehicle for continuing that pattern of scapegoating and persecution.

In my view, across the arc of history, populism has become very attractive when people feel particularly anxious or afraid, especially in times of great social or economic transformation.

Populism was prevalent in the 1920s and 1930s, and it is still prevalent today. It gives people a simple explanation for their fear: “I feel anxious, so I’ll go find the bad guys.”

The big bad guy is over there. I can dominate them, feel a little better about myself, and distract myself from my own fear and anxiety. The problem is that this kind of movement—this populist impulse—is extremely powerful for demagogues. And it is not limited to the disenfranchised. It is attractive to people who already hold wealth and power. They, too, are afraid. The more you have, the more afraid you may be of losing it.

Sorry—again, it’s a bit of a roundabout way to answer your question. However, populist movements were happening all over the place in the 1930s. Henry Ford is a great example. See if this sounds familiar: We have a wealthy person who did well in an industry but did not appear well-educated. He lacks critical thinking instincts and is surrounded by conspiracy theorists. They get their hands on The Protocols of the Elders of Zion—an antisemitic hoax text originating in Russia.

And it changes his worldview. He becomes convinced there is a global Jewish conspiracy aiming to control the world.

And unfortunately, because Ford had so much money and influence, he could put these conspiracy theories into action. He began publishing the Protocols in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. He learned of Adolf Hitler and began sending money to the Nazi Party—although that topic is still under scrutiny by historians. He had The International Jew, his antisemitic publication, translated and distributed widely. So, no—wealth does not insulate you from ignorance. Critical thinking does not come with a big bank account.

That is where we see the toxic mix: populist sentiment, conspiracy theory, and immense wealth and influence. This was very much alive among segments of the American business community in the interwar period. And we could talk about other figures—businessmen who believed the world should be carved into spheres of influence. It sounds familiar again. These are not good dynamics.

Of course, eventually, the pattern emerges clearly: populists always destroy what they claim to protect. It is only a matter of time. Populism ultimately consumes itself. It does not build. It only tears down.

Jacobsen: Your father was an actor in film and television for fifty years. Did he—or his legacy—help influence your career path?

Weixelbaum: Yes—this is a passion project. It started because I needed something to do with my grief. I wanted to honour his legacy in some way. I do not think his work in soap operas and beach movies directly inspired the content I am working on now. But as a person—absolutely—he influenced me profoundly.

It was a great honour to have a father who would call me and say, especially after he retired, “I’ve been reading the news. Tell me, historian son, what the hell is going on?” He would call me regularly. He was engaged. He was curious. And that intellectual curiosity, that desire to understand the world—was a big part of who he was and what I carry forward.

We used to have these great, detailed conversations about why Reconstruction failed and how that failure continues to shape American politics today. I’d also talk to him about populist movements or similar topics. For me, continuing this work is a way of still having those conversations with him.

Jacobsen: Right-wing, far-right ideologies and political violence in the United States have been on the rise. The most active domestic terrorist groups in recent years have been white nationalists—often associated with Christian religious identity and tied to ethnic supremacist views. Statistically speaking, one could argue that the largest ethnic group and the dominant religion—white and Christian—are the most likely sources of this kind of terrorism. So, if you were to throw a dart randomly at a Venn diagram of potential culprits for right-wing terrorism, you’d likely land in that intersection. But of course, there are more nuanced takes to consider. What are some of those more nuanced perspectives?

Weixelbaum: I typically seek out the work of other experts in this field. There are many outstanding scholars—both living and deceased—whose research has deeply influenced my thinking. I would not claim to be more of an expert than they are, but I can speak to the patterns I see.

As I said earlier, this links directly to the anxiety people feel about their place in society—and how that fuels populist movements. We’re talking about right-wing populism here, and its most extreme version is fascism. Unsurprisingly, people join these movements when they feel their social status is threatened. Many white Christian nationalists in the U.S. have long believed themselves to be the default holders of power. But in a multiethnic democracy—especially one moving toward a “majority-minority” population—they see that dominance slipping. That anxiety becomes fuel.

There’s a direct connection between that fear and the rise of extremist movements. And I’m just one of many scholars who have made that observation. These conversations float through a lot of morally gray territory and deserve careful, continuous engagement.

Jacobsen: In your contribution to public discourse, how do you view the intersection of corporate ethics, historical accountability, and the prevention of authoritarianism? To what extent are ethical demands on corporations reasonable—and when might they become unfeasible?

Weixelbaum: Great question. It touches the core of my professional work throughout this project. I also work in ethics in a professional capacity. What’s hard to watch today is that we’re seeing the same patterns repeat.

You have businessmen who tell themselves comforting stories: “It will be fine. He’s our dictator. He’s a businessman. He’ll help us.” But it is all nonsense. As things progress, it rarely ends well when businesspeople engage with authoritarian movements. Populism is not rational. It’s not predictable. That is not a good environment for a long-term business strategy.

So yes, corporate ethics are vital. One of the biggest myths in my field is that American companies made massive profits in Nazi Germany. People often ask me, “How much money did they make?” The answer? Most of them lost money. Think about it: you’re an American executive and return to your factory in Germany in 1945. The factory is rubble. Your bank account is full of valueless Reichsmark from a defeated regime. And if the public finds out what you did, your company’s reputation is in shambles. There’s no profit in that.

Sure, you can argue that some companies gained market share after the war by eliminating competition, and some were well-positioned for the postwar boom. That is true in some cases. But we are seeing echoes of the same delusions today. Corporate leaders say things like, “The tariffs will be fine, or this will pass,” and it is clearly not fine.

At the time of this interview, the market reaction has been terrible—this is not a moment of validation for those who supported authoritarian figures and their enablers. So yes, corporate ethics matters. And some companies are trying—they value transparency, emphasize people over profits, or at least try to go beyond lip service.

However, where the scholarship in corporate ethics intersects with history is in practice. Today, companies can choose to be certified as ethical or transparent. Some have learned from history. But many—frankly, most—have not—not even close.

Jacobsen: Would you say that what we’re witnessing today is a resurgence of fascism in the truest sense? Or is it more appropriate to view fascism as a phenomenon bound to a specific historical moment, making today’s developments better characterized as a broader rise in authoritarianism rather than fascism itself?

Wexelbaum: [Laughing] If it doesn’t come out of Germany, it’s merely sparkling authoritarianism, right? I mean—sorry to keep pointing to this vague body of scholarship—but there is so much debate over what exactly constitutes fascism.

I’m looking at a section of my library next to my desk—bookshelves full of works, each offering a slightly different definition: “My exact definition is fascism.” It gets academic fast. That said, I generally think that, yes—right-wing authoritarianism took to its logical conclusion. We can call that fascism. We can use the F word and not feel too weird about it.

One of the really important projects in political discourse today is to be intentional about the words we use. I think—maybe this is partly the influence of social media—but people throw around terms like liberalism, leftism, populism, fascism, and progressivism constantly and rarely stop to reflect on what they mean. I do not see much discussion that’s useful or grounded.

And it’s okay to debate those terms. Scholars do it all the time. We should not take them for granted. So, yes, my broad understanding is that right-wing populism, taken to its extreme, leads to fascism. That means a demagogue becomes a dictator, and the movement itself runs on emotional cycles—finding new enemies to destroy repeatedly.

Where it gets more contentious—and especially relevant to our conversation—is in the relationship between capitalism and fascism, between business and fascist regimes.

As you might imagine, many people want to use the kind of historical work I do to support their political positions. I am not always thrilled about that. Some want to use the story of American companies operating in Nazi Germany as evidence that America has always been morally bankrupt. Well—maybe. But that’s not the whole story.

There were plenty of Americans, like the main character in A Nazi on Wall Street, who were actively trying to stop those alliances who were fighting fascism.

On the other hand, some want to argue that the Nazis were just puppets of industrialists—that capitalists were secretly pulling the strings behind Hitler. That is also not quite right. Hitler and the Nazi movement were already robust and ideologically driven before they came to power.

And once they did take over the German state, business leaders—especially German ones—had limited choices. It was not a matter of cozy alignment. It was compliance under threat. Once the Nazis consolidated power, business people were expected to cooperate—or face the consequences. If you disobeyed, someone would come to your house.

So, even in those contexts, there is still a range of behaviors. Some people were true believers, and it was profitable for them. Others did what they had to do because, frankly, they did not have a choice.

What’s so interesting about Americans who did business with the Nazis is that they were never under threat from the Gestapo. If they had chosen to walk away, no one would have shown up at their home in the U.S. There was a lot more room for negotiation, for exerting agency. And that power dynamic—between American business leaders and the Nazi regime—is something I find endlessly fascinating.

Readers might find this particularly interesting if you do not mind indulging me for a quick example. General Motors, at a certain point, wanted to make it appear as though they were not profoundly entangled with the Nazis. At the same time, the Nazi state was uneasy about relying so heavily on an American company—one that was, by far, the largest automaker in Germany at the time. People often talk about boycotting Volkswagen, but if you wanted to disrupt Nazi military production, you would have targeted General Motors. The scholarship on this is deep, and I could go on for hours.

Anyway, the Nazi regime and GM both knew the situation was delicate. So General Motors said, “We’ll stay, but we want our guy—our hand-picked Nazi—to run our German subsidiary.” After some negotiation and trial and error, they found a man who fit the bill. There was a revolving door of executives until they landed on someone who could maintain that balance. It was all very calculated.

That is just one example of how nuanced the relationship between capital and fascism could be. It was not just blind support or total victimization—it was messy, strategic, and often self-serving. And, of course, as the war progressed and things deteriorated, the American companies lost money. Their factories were bombed. Their assets were frozen. Their reputations suffered.

And gosh—does that sound familiar? It’s the same pattern: People think they will benefit in the short term from backing authoritarian actors, but in the long term, it almost always goes badly.

Jacobsen: How much are current American events paralleling the 1930s and 1940s historical occurrences? In other words, how much are people reading the situation correctly, and how much are they buying into left, centrist, or right-wing hyperbole?

Wexelbaum: Yes, what’s endlessly fascinating—and also maddening—about the history of Nazi Germany is that it has become a kind of Rorschach test. People project their anxieties and politics onto it. And if you invoke it too often or carelessly, it can be stripped of all real meaning.

The America of 2025 is not Nazi Germany for many reasons. First, it’s simply a much bigger country. Creating a totalitarian state in Germany in the 1930s was a very different enterprise from trying to do so in a nation of 350 million people.

That structural difference is, I hope, a saving grace for Americans who are worried about the direction of their country.

Also, today’s authoritarian-leaning movements in the U.S. are far less organized than the Nazis were. The Nazis had paramilitary wings, a centralized ideology, and a deeply developed propaganda system well before taking power. What we see now in the U.S. is much more chaotic—more fragmented.

That said, the rhetoric, the targeting of vulnerable groups, and the populist grievances rhyme with history, and we must pay attention.

This is an important story, and we can close with this.

For a few months during a long stretch of dissertation research, I became obsessed with reading the documents from the American Embassy in Nazi Germany, particularly in 1938. Specifically, I focused on the records from the Commercial Attaché’s Office. This office, housed within the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, studied economic trends and monitored the attitudes of American businesses operating in Germany and German businesspeople.

I highlight 1938 because it was a moment of intense global fear. Those who study this period know that the world had just experienced the Great Depression—a traumatic economic collapse that affected every industrialized nation. Both the United States and Germany had begun to recover in different ways. They found strategies to stimulate their economies; by the mid-to-late 1930s, some growth had returned.

But in 1938, another recession loomed—the first major signal of economic trouble since the recovery began. And that scared the Nazis to death. In those embassy records, I was surprised by just how much anxiety I saw—especially from people running a totalitarian state. These were not democratic leaders who feared losing an election. The Nazis had outlawed all other political parties by that point. But still, in 1937 and 1938, they were worried.

Why? Because even in a one-party dictatorship, you have to manage public perception. Even among supporters of the regime and the politically disengaged, public morale matters. Populist and authoritarian regimes require a foundation of stability to function. When the economy falters, the emotional rhetoric of grievance becomes hollow. You cannot feed people with propaganda. If they are well-fed, you can sell them all the grievance you want—but when hunger sets in, outrage loses its power.

Stability is the oxygen for authoritarian and populist regimes. But here’s the paradox: those regimes almost always destroy the very platform they stand on.

And the Nazis did exactly that. They eventually obliterated their foundation by launching a global war. So, bringing this back to the United States is a real and pressing concern. Authoritarianism cannot thrive without economic and social stability. I think the Nazi regime, for all its evil, understood that far better than the current American regime does.

You cannot build a durable authoritarian state on chaos. Even the Nazis—who were far more disciplined and ideologically cohesive—envisioned a “Thousand-Year Reich” and only made it twelve years. Not exactly a strong track record.
What will be the track record of this current regime in America? Well… time will tell.

Jacobsen: Jay, thank you for your time today.

Wexelbaum: Sounds great. It’s good to meet you, Scott.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Thomas Pogge on Inequality, Innovation, and the Future of Human Rights

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/06

Thomas Pogge, a Harvard-trained philosopher now the Leitner Professor of Philosophy and International Affairs at Yale, has spent decades probing the ethical fault lines of global inequality. A member of the Norwegian Academy of Science, Pogge is a co-founder of Academics Stand Against Poverty and Incentives for Global Health, initiatives designed to advance access to essential medicines through mechanisms like the Health Impact Fund.

His body of work—including World Poverty and Human RightsJohn Rawls: His Life and Theory of Justice, and Designing in Ethics—wrestles with some of the most urgent moral questions of our time: How can we structure a global order that is fairer, more equitable, and truly responsive to human suffering? Through Yale’s Global Justice Program, which he currently directs, Pogge fosters interdisciplinary collaborations to build more just economic, political, and social systems.

Central to his critique is the global patent regime, which he argues deepens inequality by restricting access to lifesaving innovations, particularly as institutionalized by the WTO’s TRIPS Agreement. In response, Pogge has championed “impact rewards”—proposals like the Health and Ecological Impact Funds that would incentivize pharmaceutical and environmental breakthroughs based on real-world benefit rather than market exclusivity. These alternatives, he contends, could reduce costs, improve health outcomes, and strengthen local capacities in low- and middle-income countries.

With global health again under intense scrutiny—highlighted by Germany’s Health Minister Karl Lauterbach and the G7 Pact for Pandemic Readiness—Pogge believes the world stands at a moral crossroads. Reversing decline, he argues, demands more than good intentions; it requires bold, systemic reforms rooted in human rights and the common good.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is the big picture when understanding global structural reform relating to innovation, justice, and poverty?

Thomas Pogge: The way development and diffusion of innovations is socially organized has a profound distributive impact. Relying on monopoly rents as incentives, the present regime (globalized by the WTO’s 1995 TRIPS Agreement) aggravates human and financial capital inequalities by reserving innovation to well-funded corporations and requiring everyone else to pay road tolls or do without.

Doing without can mean death, as it does for millions who perish because they cannot afford lifesaving pharmaceuticals, which their originators can and do sell at thousands of times the average cost of production. After all, no one else is permitted to make or sell them. This regime is profoundly unjust, and providing an alternative would avoid such harms.

For innovations with clear, measurable social benefits or whose marginal cost of uptake is very low relative to the fixed cost of development, it would be far better to use publicly funded impact rewards based on the social benefit achieved with the innovation. Affluent users would still pay for most of the fixed cost of development, but now through the tax system, not via monopoly markups. As a result, innovative products would be far more affordable during their patent period, priced near the average cost of production.

Jacobsen: What are the key arguments in “Freedom, Poverty, and Impact Rewards” regarding global inequality and ethical responsibilities?

Pogge: Recognizing that overturning the TRIPS Agreement is unrealistic, the essay suggests offering originators the option to exchange their monopoly privileges for impact rewards. This could be done by creating sector-specific impact funds that make annual disbursements of pre-announced size, each divided among registered innovations according to the benefit achieved.

Pharmaceutical innovations would be rewarded according to their health impact, for example, green-technology innovations according to pollution averted, educational innovations according to their impact on skills and employment, and agricultural innovations according to their impact on harvest yield and reduced consumption of water, pesticides, or fertilizer. Each fund would have its own uniform metric of achievement and would reward only those innovations whose monopoly privileges had been waived for a fixed number of years.

In addition to discussing technical details, the paper also complements the moral arguments with ones that highlight the enormous efficiency gains such funds would entail by reducing expenses for multiple staggered patenting in many jurisdictions with associated gaming efforts (such as evergreening), costs of preventing monopoly infringements, costs of mutually offsetting competitive promotion effortseconomic deadweight losses, and costs due to corrupt marketing practices and counterfeiting — all of which are driven up by the exorbitant profit margins engendered by the patent regime. These efficiency gains ensure that even though introducing impact funds would constitute a huge advance for poor people, it would not produce corresponding losses for the rich. This fact makes impact funds an especially attractive (politically more realistic) reform target.

Jacobsen: How should we address the ecological crisis?

Pogge: We must reduce harmful pollution fast. Realistically and morally, this cannot be achieved by drastically reducing the human population or excluding people from modern life’s conveniences (cars, washing machines, and all the rest). We need green technologies that serve the needs and interests of (ideally) all human beings without degrading our environment. Such technologies must be developed and improved, and they must also be widely and effectively deployed and used.

There are three ways of accelerating such a transition: through constraints, penalties, or rewards. Constraints (legal prohibitions) and penalties (“carbon price”) forbid or discourage certain polluting activities and thereby foster the development and use of greener substitutes. Rewards incentivize the development and use of greener products through premiums based on the environmental harms they avert. All three approaches have a role to play; my work has focused on the neglected third approach.

The crisis persists because we make far too little use of all three approaches. And what’s much worse, we are paying huge rewards for using fossil fuels. Such subsidies fall under two headings. States provide explicit subsidies when they absorb some of the costs of fossil fuel extraction and delivery or lower the sales price of fossil fuels through supplementary subventions. States provide indirect or implicit subsidies when they shield producers and consumers of fossil fuels from responsibility for the damage they cause, such as excess medical bills and the cost of environmental clean-ups and additional (not so) “natural” disasters: floods, fires, droughts, mudslides, heat waves, rising sea levels, failed crops, spreading tropical disease vectors, and so on. Under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund, researchers have produced several careful studies of these subsidies, estimating them to amount to a staggering $7 trillion per annumglobally or about 7% of the gross world product.

Fossil fuel subsidies are often excused with social reasons: Transportation is essential to economic activity, and cheap transportation enhances the availability and affordability of goods and services to poor people and allows them to take advantage of distant opportunities for medical care, education, employment, shopping, and recreation. Poor people also need light in the dark hours and heating in winter. Moving as they are, these are bad reasons because the same purpose could be much better served by giving poor people in cash the equivalent of what they now receive in subsidies tied to fossil fuel consumption. The poor would be free to choose how to spend their subvention; and states would save vast amounts by not subsidizing the much greater fossil-fuel consumption of the more affluent (including fuel for yachts and private jets). Moreover, with the prices of fossil fuels reflecting their true cost, all fossil fuel consumers would shift their consumption away from fossil fuels, thereby reducing harm to our shared environment.

The abolition of explicit and indirect fossil fuel subsidies is the best thing we can do to resolve our ecological crisis. It’s not happening because the owners of fossil fuel reserves, with hundreds of trillions at stake, use their political influence to thwart such efforts. Some two centuries ago, slaveholders did the same…until they were finally bought off.

Jacobsen: How does the Ecological Impact Fund address environmental and economic concerns?

Pogge: The Ecological Impact Fund (EIF) would incentivize and reward the development of green technologies for their deployment in a defined set of lower-income countries (the EIF-Zone). The EIF would make pre-announced annual disbursements, to be divided among registered new green technologies according to pollution-caused harm averted with them in the EIF-Zone in the preceding year — with harm assessed as a weighted sum of greenhouse gas emissions (CO2eq) and lost quality-adjusted life years (QALYs).

In exchange for partaking in five annual EIF disbursements, originators permanently forgo patent-based monopoly privileges in the EIF-Zone (while patent privileges outside the EIF-Zone and of unregistered innovations would not be affected). The EIF would give green innovator firms new opportunities to profit from delivering green technologies in EIF-Zone countries while letting them choose, for each innovation, whether to register it or to stick with patent privileges.

With registration optional, the EIF reward rate would be endogenous and predicably equilibrate to a stable level that is fair between participating originators and EIF funders: when originators find it unattractive, registrations dry up and the reward rate rises; when the reward rate is seen as generous, registrations multiply and the reward rate declines. Fairness among participating originators is likewise assured, as all are remunerated at the same reward-to-benefit rate.

The EIF would significantly increase uptake and impact of green technologies in EIF-Zone countries: avoiding monopoly markups would lower their price, and the incentive of impact rewards would motivate registrants to promote their wide deployment and effective use. Through enhanced profit prospects, the EIF would stimulate the development of additional green technologies that — tailored to EIF-Zone populations’ needs, cultures, circumstances, and preferences — would be especially impactful there. By thus stimulating diffusion and innovation in and for the EIF-Zone, the EIF would also build and expand local capacities to develop, manufacture, distribute, deploy, operate, and maintain innovative green technologies.

The EIF requires no international unanimity. Its main funders (possibly via the Green Climate Fund or the Global Environment Facility) could include willing European states plus China, which has greatly contributed to the global ecological crisis and has accumulated substantial wealth through highly polluting activities over many decades. Additional funds might come from international offset markets and eventually from a capital endowment built over time from treaty-based state contributions, bequests, and donations by firms, foundations, and philanthropists.

Jacobsen: How does Germany’s Federal Minister of Health, Karl Lauterbach, highlight challenges in global health systems?

Pogge: Lauterbach has repeatedly highlighted diverse global health challenges, such as healthcare workforce shortages, chronic disease management (rise in non-communicable diseases), digitalization and innovation, pandemic preparedness, climate change, and excessive health disparities. Much of this has indeed been mainly highlighting, exhortation, and advocacy. But then he was, during Germany’s 2022 G7 Presidency, the driving force behind the G7 Pact for Pandemic Readiness, which aims to enhance global health by better coordinating international initiatives, by enhancing global surveillance, and by strengthening health emergency workforces. Lauterbach’s exceptional competency, energy, and hard work make him a very impressive minister.

Jacobsen: Can you touch on pharmaceutical innovation and access?

Pogge: Exclusive reliance on patent rewards in the pharmaceutical sector is morally problematic because it imposes great burdens on poor people who cannot afford to buy patented treatments at monopoly prices and whose specific health problems are therefore neglected by pharmacological research. This effective exclusion of the poor is also collectively irrational by turning low-income populations into breeding grounds for infectious diseases, which often develop new, drug-resistant strains — of tuberculosis or malaria, for instance — and by rendering us unprepared for dealing with infectious disease outbreaks such as Ebola, swine flu, and COVID-19. Pharmaceutical companies profit by letting diseases continue to proliferate, which shows how truly dumb our patent-focused innovation regime is, especially in the pharmaceutical sector.

I argue for establishing a Health Impact Fund (HIF), which would invite innovators to exchange their monopoly rents from any new pharmaceutical for impact rewards as an alternative way to recoup their R&D expenses and earn competitive profits. Innovators would find HIF registration especially attractive for new pharmaceuticals, with which they expect to generate large cost-effective health gains but only modest monopoly rents. These would tend to be effective remedies against widespread, grave, infectious, and concentrated diseases among poor people. Many of these HIF-registered pharmaceuticals would be ones that otherwise would not have been developed at all. By promoting innovations and their diffusion together, the HIF would greatly increase the benefits and, thereby, also the cost-effectiveness of the pharmaceutical sector in favor of the world’s poor.

By fully rewarding third-party health benefits (e.g., diseases you don’t catch because others around you have been treated or vaccinated), the HIF motivates pharmaceutical firms to fight diseases at the population level. The largest rewardable impact a new medicine can have is the eradication of its target disease. To fight a disease to extinction, firms would build, in collaboration with national health systems, international agencies, and NGOs, a strong public-health strategy around their HIF-registered product, deploying it strategically to contain, suppress, and ideally eradicate the target disease. Monopoly rewards, by contrast, penalize such efforts, making disease eradication a financial nightmare for CEOs and shareholders.

Jacobsen: Why advocate for making new medicines accessible?

Pogge: Most pharmaceuticals can be mass-produced at very low marginal cost. Indian generics firms are extremely good at this. But they are prevented from manufacturing the newer products by India’s patent laws which India, in turn, is required to impose as a condition of membership in the WTO. Implementing the TRIPS Agreement in the world is actively preventing the supply of life-saving medicines to those who cannot afford to buy them at monopoly prices. Millions of people suffer and die due to patent enforcement. And all of us face added dangers and risks on account of eradicable diseases that proliferate and often mutate among the poor.

The standard response is that, without patents, there would be no new medicines for the rich or the poor. The HIF proposal defeats this response. Its real possibility shows that upholding the pharmaceutical sector’s patent regime constitutes a monumental human rights violation.

Jacobsen: What does the decline of the Western-centric world order and rise of a more rounded global order mean for the 21st century?

Pogge: I am not convinced the Western-centric world order — more descriptively, the United States — is truly declining in terms of power. It is fighting hard to maintain its supremacy, relying ever more on violence and military strength. It is an open question whether it will be able to beat down China the way it had previously beaten down Japan and the USSR. Much will depend on rapidly evolving technologies: drones, AI kill programs, autonomous fighting machines, biological and cyber warfare, clandestine regime-change and sabotage operations, etc. And, of course, there’s a fair chance that human civilization will be destroyed in this contest.

The Western-centric world order is palpably in moral decline: the gap between professed values and actual policies has never been greater, nor has public tolerance for mass killings (of the Gaza or the TRIPS sort) in the name of national interest and security. This moral decline is likely to continue but won’t lead to a world order that could be called “more rounded.”

The longer-term survival of human civilization depends on reversing this trend, on moralizing international relations in the way Gorbachev thought he had agreed upon with the U.S. Such a morally based world order is not too difficult to describe. But the path from here to there looks impossibly difficult. Who in the U.S. will agree to move toward a world order in which military power becomes irrelevant, in which international disagreements are resolved through impartial judicial or legislative procedures, and in which the needs and voices of foreigners have as much weight as those of compatriots?

To make moral progress, despite miserable odds, against the spreading tide of national selfishness, distrust, hostility, and confrontation, we must create highly visible exemplars of morality: multilateral initiatives that clearly protect human rights, promote justice and the common good of humanity, rather than merely the mutual benefit of their initiators. I see the Ecological and Health Impact Funds as plausible proposals.

Another would be a globally universal school lunch program that would secure each school-aged child one full, healthy meal, locally sourced, on every school day. The realization of this very affordable program would show that our internationally shared commitment “to leave no one behind” was more than empty words. Are the world’s more affluent countries, including China, prepared to spend about half a percent of their military outlays to fund such a program by providing the subsidies necessary to enable and incentivize poorer countries to participate? Let’s get it on the G20’s 2025 agenda and find out!

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Unpacking U.S. Reciprocal Tariffs and Private Equity Strategies

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/01

Brad Kuntz of Stax, a global strategy consulting firm, unpacks the far-reaching consequences of U.S. reciprocal tariffs on private equity strategy, consumer prices, and global supply chains.

As tariffs introduce fresh waves of cost volatility, firms are increasingly pivoting toward nearshoring and building more resilient supply networks. While the 2018 tariffs spurred a modest uptick in U.S. steel production, those gains were offset by broader job losses in steel-consuming industries.

In an inflationary environment, companies may be able to preserve pricing power—but they’re also undergoing a strategic shift. The old playbook of cost optimization is giving way to risk optimization, with flexibility and adaptability now prized over raw cost savings. Although prolonged tariffs risk unsettling trade flows and market stability, forward-looking firms are countering that threat with investments in automation and supplier diversification—hedging against disruption while laying the groundwork for long-term growth.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: How will U.S. reciprocal tariffs impact large-cap private equity strategies?

Brad Kuntz: Tariffs create short-term cost volatility and supply chain risks, forcing investors to rethink global sourcing strategies. For instance, U.S. soybean exports to China dropped 40% due to retaliatory tariffs, requiring a $28 billion government bailout for farmers.

Industries with global dependencies face pressure, while domestic-facing industries may benefit. A prime example: U.S. steel production increased ~6% in 2018-2019 after tariffs, but higher input costs led to more job losses in steel-consuming industries than gains in steel production.

Large-cap private equity strategies are unlikely to experience major disruption from reciprocal tariffs in the near term, private equity firms may encourage portfolio companies to take a long-term view and de-risk supply chains by nearshoring procurement of raw materials and finished goods.

Jacobsen: How will consumer prices influence investment decisions and valuations?

Kuntz: Tariffs on key imports lead to higher input costs, which ripple through pricing strategies and, ultimately, consumer demand. For example, after the 2018 U.S. steel tariffs, steel prices surged ~50%, significantly raising costs for auto, construction, and manufacturing sectors.

Companies that can pass costs on without losing market share will be better positioned, while those in highly competitive or price-sensitive markets will see margin compression.

In some cases, firms may benefit from inflationary price increases by maintaining pricing power and leveraging tariff-driven cost adjustments to push through higher pricing.

Jacobsen: How will supply chain strategies shift in response to reciprocal tariffs?

Kuntz: Companies will shift from cost-optimized supply chains to risk-optimized/resilient models, prioritizing domestic diversification and strategic nearshoring.

The trend of moving production out of China toward Southeast Asia, Mexico, and India will accelerate, while firms in critical industries may invest in domestic manufacturing despite higher costs. Following the 2018 tariffs, U.S. imports from Vietnam grew 35%, as companies sought alternatives to China to hedge against trade uncertainty.

In a high-tariff environment, cost predictability is more important than cost reduction, meaning companies prioritize flexibility and pricing stability over finding the lowest-cost supplier. Some firms may find pricing power opportunities in inflationary conditions that allow them to pass costs through and preserve or even improve margins.

Jacobsen: Will reciprocal tariffs hinder innovation in the industrial sector?

Kuntz: Reciprocal tariffs disrupt supply chains, forcing producers in both countries to seek new upstream suppliers and raw material sources. While disruptive, tariffs could also lead to innovation in cost sustainability, production efficiency, and supplier diversification.

Jacobsen: What are the long-term consequences of sustained rather than short-term reciprocal tariffs, particularly on economic growth and market stability?

Kuntz: Sustained tariffs lead to persistent pricing volatility, inflationary pressures, and modest increases in domestic production. Industries with strong domestic infrastructure may benefit from higher pricing power, but supply chain flexibility will remain challenging for sectors reliant on global trade.

Jacobsen: How can businesses balance immediate cost pressures against longer-term growth?

Kuntz: Companies should balance short-term margin protection with strategic investment in areas that bolster long-term protection (e.g., automation, supplier diversification, etc.). Businesses must proactively assess supply chain options to improve price predictability rather than wait for tariff policy changes. Well-positioned firms may be able to take advantage of inflationary price increases if they have strong market positioning.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Brad.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

How Churches in British Columbia are Targeting Reproductive Rights

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/29

“Prosecuting women and girls for abortion is not only cruel and discriminatory, but also puts their health and lives in danger by driving them to clandestine and unsafe procedures,” Margaret Wurth said during an interview in 2019.

Abortions happen: Whether legal or illegal, safe or unsafe, women get abortions, by free volition or coercion. If it is legal and safe, over time, the rates will go down, and women’s health will improve. If illegal and unsafe, the rates go up, and women’s health gets progressively worse.

In British Columbia, where I live, opposition to abortion is less a grassroots movement than a pulpit-driven campaign. Anti-abortion groups here often lean heavily on religious orthodoxy, framing their resistance in the language of faith rather than public health. Churches—more than any other institutions—are the loudest voices calling for restrictions on reproductive freedom. However, their fervor, however sincere, tends to sidestep medical evidence and ignore the real-world consequences. If their vision were enacted, it would lead, inevitably, to preventable injuries—and deaths—among women.

“Unsafe abortion is a leading – but preventable – cause of maternal deaths and morbidities. It can lead to physical and mental health complications and social and financial burdens for women, families, and health systems,” the World Health Organization writes.

I don’t write this for myself alone. I write for the countless individuals—particularly those who have grown up in or remain tethered to conservative Christian communities—who risk social exile for challenging the church’s reach into public policy. Speaking out against religious overreach isn’t just difficult; it can be dangerous. Dissenters often face harassment, threats, professional repercussions, and estrangement from family and friends. Many are pushed to the margins of their communities, especially women who are shamed, misled, and pressured by theological teachings when facing critical, personal decisions about reproductive health.

Atheists and other nonbelievers, too, are frequent targets of deep-seated prejudice, facing not just theological condemnation but also social and psychological harm. The result is a climate of fear and silence—a moral absolutism that stifles dialogue, punishes nuance, and endangers lives.

Langley, British Columbia, is the home to Christ Covenant Church, which made headlines in the Aldergrove Star. On October 16, 2021, 10,000 pink and blue flags were placed on the church lawn, led by Elyse Vroom. Each flag represented 10 aborted fetuses. The protest banner read “We Need a Law,” calling for legislation restricting late-stage and sex-selective abortions to protect the ‘pre-born.’

In Surrey, British Columbia, the Precious Blood Parish recently participated in Life Chain, an annual anti-abortion demonstration held across Canada. Organized under the banner of silent prayer, the event is promoted as a moment of reflection. But the underlying message—especially as reported by BC Catholic—is anything but subtle: abortion is framed unequivocally as a moral evil. Rallies were held on October 5 and 6 in various locations, including outside St. Joseph’s Parish in Port Moody and near Surrey Memorial Hospital.

These vigils are part of a broader and increasingly organized faith-based movement across the province. Immaculate Conception Parish in Delta maintains a dedicated Pro-Life Group that takes part in globally coordinated anti-abortion efforts—Pro-Life Sunday in June, Life Chain in October, and the March for Life in May. Nearby, Sacred Heart Parish runs its own “Hope for Life” ministry, while St. Joseph’s Parish has expanded its activism beyond abortion to include opposition to euthanasia. St. Francis de Sales Parish in Burnaby also hosts a similar ministry.

In Vancouver, St. Mary’s Parish, St. Anthony of Padua Parish, and St. Patrick’s Parish all support structured anti-abortion ministries. St. Mary’s holds monthly prayer sessions, asking for divine intervention to end abortion. While prayer itself is not coercive, its political function is harder to ignore—especially given that studies like the 2006 Study of the Therapeutic Effects of Intercessory Prayer (STEP) have found no measurable impact of prayer on health outcomes.

St. Anthony of Padua’s ministry goes a step further, offering prayers specifically for workers at abortion clinics, urging them to “seek truth” and reconsider their careers. St. Patrick’s Parish hosts a similar ministry under a more ambiguous name: the “Pro-Life Society.”

The irony at the heart of these campaigns is difficult to ignore. Presented as exercises in public awareness, they are in fact rooted less in medical reality or principles of informed consent than in theological certitude. In a pluralistic democracy, the elevation of religious dogma over scientific consensus in shaping public health policy carries profound risks—to individual autonomy, to evidence-based governance, and ultimately to public trust.

What’s unmistakable is that these are not grassroots public health initiatives. They are ministries—explicitly Christian and almost exclusively church-led. Their mission is not medical education or community health support, but rather moral persuasion based on a particular interpretation of faith. So long as these beliefs remain in the private sphere, they are protected—and in many ways, unthreatening. But when translated into policy aspirations, the consequences become clear: restrictions on reproductive freedom, backed not by evidence but by ideology, and the predictable suffering that follows for women and families across generations.

Notably, there appears to be little in the way of organized anti-abortion advocacy in British Columbia outside of these Christian ministries. The movement, at least in this province, is almost entirely ecclesiastical in origin. Its limitations in effect are not due to a deference to women’s agency, but rather to these religious organizations’ inability—at least for now—to successfully legislate their moral vision.

For those committed to safeguarding human rights, protecting equitable and safe abortion access, and pushing back against religious encroachment into personal medical decisions, the importance of vigilance cannot be overstated. These churches and ministries may claim only to raise awareness, but the international record tells a different story—one where such movements, when unchecked, often culminate in real-world restrictions that endanger lives, erode freedoms, and turn private choices into battlegrounds for theological control.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Journalism’s Role in Moral Narratives and Synopsis of Clergy-Related Abuse

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/26

I recently addressed a Croatian Christian association via a virtual conference on clergy-related abuse, emphasizing journalism’s essential role as a watchdog in exposing institutional misconduct. I argued that victims should be the primary voices, institutions secondary, with journalists facilitating balanced narratives. I urged acknowledgment of abuse without condemning entire denominations, advocating evidence-based investigations, interfaith dialogue, and robust reforms to protect victims and faith integrity.

Citing historical scandals and cultural movements as context, I stressed that transparency and accountability are imperative. This speech, along with the rest of the conference, will be shared with the Ecumenical Patriarch, EU Parliament, Roman Catholic Church, UN in Geneva, UNICEF, World Council, World Council of Churches, World Health Organization, and other major institutions, ensuring accountability and healing universally.

Below is the transcript of my comments.

Journalism is, first and foremost, a human enterprise. It’s built on human observation, written for human consumption, and concerns human enterprises. Just democracies, fair societies, accountable power, and the like require journalists as critical watchdogs to bring otherwise hidden stories to the forefront. Clergy-related abuse is a complex and subtle issue with blunt outcomes.

The primary voices of clergy-related abuse should be the victim who can give indications of patterns and see firsthand weaknesses in institutions that have misbehaved, abused, and often told lies or merely partial, softened truths about it. The secondary voices are everyone else in the institutional setup leading to the abuse in the system in the first place. Religious institutions have a minority of persons in positions of authority, unfortunately, who have abused. Journalists are a tertiary voice around these two.

The role of journalists is working with victims, with the majority of clergy who have not abused, and other researchers, to gather the narratives and collate those to get the wider scope of the patterns of the minority of clergy who have abused. People take the accountability problem seriously, as it’s bad for the victims, bad for the laity, bad for the image and authority of the clergy, and, essentially, bad for the representation of the faith. If you care about the future of Orthodoxy, then you care about this as an issue relevant to the integrity of the faith.

So, I wanted to take these few minutes to recognize the substantial problem before us, for a few reasons. Some factors played into the situation in which we find ourselves. First and foremost, the crimes of a select number of clergy. Second, these crimes went institutionally unchecked for many, many years in the largest denominations of Christianity–almost as a prelude to the broader cultural movements witnessed in many Western democratic societies.

Third, a tendency to reject the claims of victims when the prevailing evidence presents the vast majority of reported cases in the extreme cases of misconduct, i.e., rape, are evidentiarily supportable. False allegations happen, but these are a small minority and should not represent a false dichotomy of support. Institutions should establish robust processes to investigate all claims, addressing false allegations decisively while preserving trust in genuine victims.

Fourth, there is a diversification of the faith landscape of many Western cultures, particularly with the rise of non-religious communities and subsequent ways of life. One result is positive: Citizens clearly are more free than not to believe and practice as they wish. One negative result is the over-reach in non-religious commentary stereotyping churches as hotbeds of abuse, which creates problems–let alone being false. It doesn’t solve the problem while misrepresenting the scope of it. It makes the work of the majority of clergy to create robust institutions of accountability for the minority of abusers more difficult and onerous. It’s comprehensively counterproductive.

If we want to reduce the incidence and, ideally, eliminate clergy-related abuse, we should first acknowledge some clergy abuse without misrepresenting the clergy of any Christian denomination as a universal acid on the dignity of those who wish to practice the Christian faith. It’s a disservice to interbelief efforts, makes the non-religious look idiotic and callous, and blankets every clergy with the crimes of every one of their seminarian brothers and occasional sister in Christ.

For the second, we should work on a newer narrative context for the wider story, see the partial successes of wider cultural movements, and inform of unfortunate trends in and out of churches for balance. For the third, we simply need to reorient incorrect instinctual reactions against individuals coming forward with claims as the problem rather than investigations as an appropriate response, maintaining the reputation of the accused and accuser while having robust mechanisms for justice in either case.

For the fourth, some in the non-religious communities, who see themselves as grounded in Reason and Compassion alongside Evidence, should consider the reasoning in broad-based accusation and consider with compassion the impacts on individuals in faith communities with the authority who are working hard to build institutions capable of evidence-based justice on one of the most inflammatory and sensitive types of abuse. Interfaith dialogue can be slow, quiet, but comprehensive and robust in the long-term–more effective and aligned with both the ideals of Christ or Reason, Compassion, and Evidence.

To these four contexts, journalists can provide a unifying conduit to the public in democratic societies to discuss the meaning of justice in the context of the Christian faith living in democratic, pluralistic societies. We cannot ‘solve’ the past errors, but can provide a modicum of justice for victims and create a future in which incidents are tamped to zero for a new foundation to be laid. Then ‘upon that rock,’ we do not have repeats in the Church as we have witnessed in other contexts discussed over the last few decades:

1991 – Tailhook Scandal (U.S. military sexual harassment scandal)
2012 – Invisible War documentary (exposing military sexual assault)
2014 – #YesAllWomen (response to the Isla Vista killings)
2017 – Australia’s Royal Commission Report (child sexual abuse in institutions)
2017 – #MuteRKelly (boycott of R. Kelly over sexual abuse allegations)
2018 – #MeTooBollywood (Bollywood’s reckoning with sexual misconduct)
2018 – #MeTooPublishing (exposing sexual harassment in the literary world)
2018 – #WhyIDidntReport (response to Brett Kavanaugh hearings)
2019 – Southern Baptist Convention Abuse Scandal (Houston Chronicle exposé)
2019 – K-Pop’s #BurningSun (sex trafficking and police corruption scandal)
2020 – #IAmVanessaGuillen (military abuse and murder case)
2021 – #FreeBritney (exposing exploitation and control of female artists)
2021 – Haredi Jewish Communities’ Abuse Cases (journalistic investigations by Shana Aaronson & Hella Winston)
2002-Present – Catholic Church Sexual Abuse Crisis (Boston Globe’s Spotlight investigation)
2017-Present – #MexeuComUmaMexeuComTodas (Brazil’s movement against misogyny in media and politics)
2020-Present – #MeTooGymnastics (Larry Nassar’s abuse in U.S. gymnastics)
2020-Present – #SayHerName (Black women and LGBTQ+ victims of police violence)
2021-Present – #MeTooIncest (focus on childhood sexual abuse within families)

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

The Vanishing Peace: Fortuné Gaetan Zongo on Burundi’s Human Rights Reckoning

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/23

Fortuné Gaetan Zongo serves as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burundi—a role that draws on decades of judicial experience and deep expertise in international human rights law. A magistrate by training, Zongo currently presides over the Court of Appeal in Fada N’Gourma, Burkina Faso. His career spans numerous high-level judicial appointments and includes a postgraduate specialization in fundamental human rights. From 2006 to 2011, he led the Department for the Protection and Defense of Human Rights within Burkina Faso’s Ministry for the Promotion of Human Rights and later served on the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture from 2011 to 2014.

In his assessment of Burundi, Zongo paints a sobering picture: restricted freedoms of expression, an inefficient judiciary, entrenched economic inequality, and the erosion of vital peace agreements, including the Arusha Accords. He warns of the lingering threat of post-election violence and stresses the need for a more inclusive political order—anchored in a robust legal framework and widespread human rights education. While he acknowledges President Évariste Ndayishimiye’s rhetorical commitment to fighting corruption, Zongo remains critical of the lack of measurable progress. For real justice and national reconciliation to take root, he argues, words must give way to action.

Click here to download a PDF version of the interview translated into Kirundi.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: I would like to ask a background question: what initially sparked your interest in human rights?

Fortuné Gaetan Zongo: Human rights have always been a subject of great interest to me nationally and internationally. I have worked in this area since the start of my professional career, and I feel very comfortable and fulfilled working in this field.

Jacobsen: What do you see as the key human rights issues currently facing Burundi?

Zongo: Burundi is a beautiful country but has faced cyclical crises since gaining independence. The people of Burundi need to come together to address and resolve the issues they have faced over the years. Without such efforts, these crises are likely to continue.

Jacobsen: There was also the 2015 political crisis in Burundi. What impact has that had on civil rights over the past decade?

Zongo: The political crisis of 2015 is the latest. The effects are still visible and the consequence is a decline in human rights and prosperity in the country. All aspects of the country have been affected by this crisis. Ten (10) years later, less than half of the refugees have still not returned.

Jacobsen: Around the world, journalists often face harassment, attacks, and even killings. How does the situation in Burundi affect the media and other groups?

Zongo: Around the world, as you have pointed out, freedom of expression is constantly being called into question. As far as Burundi is concerned, we have to admit that the situation is far from acceptable. Journalists are regularly harassed.

After the case of Floriane Irangabiye, who was unjustly detained and then pardoned by the President of the Republic, there is now the case of Sandra Muhoza. It should be noted that more than a hundred journalists are in exile and some media outlets have suffered reprisals.

In reality, freedom of expression in Burundi is very limited, if not non-existent. You risk imprisonment if you do not align yourself with the government’s point of view.

Jacobsen: In the last 25 years, we have seen the world transition into a multipolar system, where no single or even two power centers dominate. Regional bodies are also becoming increasingly significant. How do organizations like the African Union and the United Nations help address human rights issues in Burundi?

Zongo: I don’t know whether the world’s multipolar system played a role, but the Arusha Agreement was negotiated under the auspices of the international community, and the result was a stable period of peace and respect for human rights, until the Agreement was unraveled and the 2015 crisis that the Burundian state is struggling to resolve. These include regional or sub-regional organisations such as the African Union and international organisations such as the United Nations. These various organisations have tried in the past and continue to try to help Burundi, often with mixed results.

Jacobsen: The Tigray war in Ethiopia is an example of deeply rooted ethnic tensions. How are ethnic relations in Burundi?

Zongo: Since I took up my post, I have not felt any racial tension between different groups who live in harmony. However, harmony between different people can be exploited.

Jacobsen: How do you address allegations of torture and inhumane treatment within Burundi’s security and judicial systems?

Zongo: Both the reports of the Independent Commission of Inquiry and my previous reports have highlighted acts of torture and ill-treatment. It also shows that the judiciary is unable and unlikely to prosecute the perpetrators of such acts.

The main perpetrators are the various public forces, in particular the army, the police and the intelligence service. To these must be added the Imbonérakure militia.

Jacobsen: You mentioned that many issues stem from resource allocation. How do poverty and economic challenges impact human rights, especially for vulnerable populations?

Zongo: Reports from international institutions indicate that Burundi is one of the poorest countries in the world. Poverty is a pervasive issue. Since the Arusha Agreement was undermined, the military group has ruled the country and controlled the nation’s economic resources. This group dominates every economic sector, preventing broader economic development.

Burundi is rich in mineral resources and has strong agricultural potential, but there is no democracy, which hinders progress. Without civil and political rights, access to education and freedom of expression, the people cannot be productive or contribute to their country’s development.

Jacobsen: Is there evidence of a shrinking civic space and a growing climate of fear due to arbitrary arrests and intimidation tactics?

Zongo: This is a daily issue. The civic space is characterised by a de facto monopoly of the CNDD-FDD in the management of public affairs, control of all sectors of political and administrative life, abusive interference in the functioning of the main opposition party, forced enrolment in the CNDD-FDD party, threats and repression against political opponents, arbitrary arrests and detentions of journalists and human rights defenders, and so on. There have even been attempts to control the narrative of articles published by the media and to use the law for political ends.

Jacobsen: How are shortages of essential goods and inflation worsening the conditions in already impoverished areas?

Zongo: Shortages are a major issue. For example, there is a severe shortage of gasoline and medicines needed to treat people. The entire economy is collapsing. Even the currency is unstable, making it nearly impossible to buy anything. The situation is dire.

Jacobsen: What are the risks of violence in the upcoming 2025 municipal and legislative elections?

Zongo: The risks of violence are high. The deteriorating civic space, the exclusion of opposition voices, and widespread economic instability create an environment ripe for conflict. The elections may destabilize the country without urgent action to ensure inclusivity and transparency.

Jacobsen: What are the expectations for the upcoming elections? Are there risks of post-election violence?

Zongo: The ruling party will win the elections. The question is more about the margin of their victory. The youth of the party is actively mobilizing people to vote, but we anticipate a high risk of post-election violence. This is particularly concerning, given the exclusion of certain groups from the political process.

Jacobsen: What about rebel groups like the RED Tabara? How do they impact the security landscape, especially during election periods?

Zongo: While the risk of violence involving RED Tabara exists, I believe their direct impact on the elections may not be significant. They could exploit the situation to launch attacks against the government, but government forces have repelled their recent actions. The greater risk of violence comes from individuals or groups excluded from the election process. That is where post-election unrest could arise.

Jacobsen: How would a revival of the Arusha Agreement contribute to national reconciliation?

Zongo: The Arusha Agreement brought peace for nearly 15 years by fostering dialogue among political parties and establishing frameworks for governance. Key players, including the African Union, the United Nations, and the United States, helped set up institutions supporting peace. Unfortunately, the current ruling group has dismantled much of the infrastructure established by the agreement. We must initiate new negotiations to create a revised agreement that deeply embeds peace and reconciliation.

Jacobsen: Members of the ruling party are reportedly affiliated with the Imbonerakure militia, which operates without fear of legal consequences. What does this mean politically, and how can accountability be restored?

Zongo: The fact remains that the Imborakure militia is an essential component of the CNDD-FDD party and this militia operates under cover of the State, which gives it some of its attributes. In a completely unrealistic hypothesis, if every political party in Burundi (which would in fact be legitimate), one can imagine the consequences for the stability of the country. The existence of this militia is a weakening of the State and its organs as well as a potential cause of institutional instability. Numerous cases of torture, murder and other abuses have been attributed to the Imborakure. This situation must be remedied as a matter of urgency. It is unacceptable that this group continues to operate with impunity, and it is essential that the rule of law be re-established and that it be held to account.

Jacobsen: What actions are President Évariste Ndayishimiye and his government taking to address these issues?

Zongo: When he took power, President Ndayishimiye gave hope for human rights. And that hope is still there. He actively denounces corruption and speaks out against the inefficiency of state officials. We have seen him speak out against corruption or grant presidential pardons to many people to make up for the dysfunction of the judicial system. Although he frequently calls for action, we have yet to see tangible and effective results. His declarations are not enough; what is needed is concrete action and measurable progress in resolving the problems. We need to move from declarations to vigorous action in order to achieve tangible results.

Jacobsen: When addressing economic hardships, fostering inclusive elections, combating impunity, and restoring civic freedoms, one or a few critical points in the cultural, legislative, economic, or social framework often catalyze change. What points in Burundi would you prioritize to create a positive ripple effect if addressed?

Zongo: From my perspective, the first point is strengthening the legal framework. While we do not necessarily need to change it, we must enforce it properly. Secondly, we need to establish a strong state that transcends individuals. The state is controlled by a small group that uses it to maintain power.

The third point would be implementing education on human rights. This would allow everyone to understand and enjoy their rights. Addressing these areas could lead to significant progress in Burundi.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much, Mr. Zongo, for your time today. The issues you touched on are not something that many people think about too often.

Zongo: Thank you. I appreciate it.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time. It was nice to meet you.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Marianna Tretiak on Building a National Movement for Ukraine

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/15

Marianna Tretiak serves as Chair of the Board of Directors for the American Coalition for Ukraine (ACU), where she has emerged as a leading voice in mobilizing U.S. support for Ukraine. A longtime advocate for civic engagement, she was instrumental in founding the National Advocacy Committee of the Ukrainian National Women’s League of America—the oldest and largest Ukrainian women’s organization in North America—and continues to lead its nationwide advocacy efforts as chair.

Tretiak also played a foundational role in creating the ACU itself and has been a key organizer of the Ukraine Action Summit, including the landmark 2024 gathering that brought together more than 500 delegates from 44 states. Her commitment to Ukraine extends into the educational sphere, where she sits on the board of Ukraine Global Scholars and serves on the advisory board of Engin. A dedicated civic leader, she is also an active member of the Rotary Club of Philadelphia.

Ukrainian soldier with the Azov Regiment shortly before her capture at the Azovstal metalworks
 Ukrainian soldier with the Azov Regiment shortly before her capture at the Azovstal metalworks. (The Guardian)

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me. My first question is, how did your leadership shape the outcomes of the Ukraine Action Summit in 2024?

Marianna Tretiak: The summit and the American Coalition for Ukraine itself result from the work of many individuals who have come together for a greater cause. So, I can’t take credit for all of our successes. But I think one thing that has been central since the beginning of the Ukraine Action Summit—since our first one in September 2022—is the focus on advocate education, as you mentioned. The more summits we hold, the more I realize how much this is not just a tool for getting co-sponsors on a bill but also for creating a lasting advocacy community—people who can take the work home with them to their districts and continue advocating year-round.

So, for the 2024 summit, our focus was twofold: First, ensuring that our advocates were prepared to continue their efforts regardless of election outcomes and ready to hit the ground running. Second, bringing in even more participants, aiming to include all 50 states. This summit was the first time we had constituents from all 50 states come to Washington, D.C., to advocate—and that achievement is largely due to the momentum built in prior summits and the engagement we fostered leading up to this one.

Jacobsen: What advocacy methods have been the most impactful or effective in advancing major aid efforts?

Tretiak: So, what we have found to be incredibly powerful is. First, we’ve made a big effort to find constituents—people who live in those districts—who can say, “I live in Iowa, I live in North Dakota, I live in Wyoming.” I don’t know why I’m just naming states in the Upper Midwest—but, you know, “I live in Florida, and I live in this district.” As your constituent, I know this is important to me as an American. What we’ve tried to do within the coalition is highlight the fact that 30 to 35 percent of the people who join us and advocate on the Hill do not have even a drop of Ukrainian blood. They’re just regular Americans doing it because they believe this matters as Americans.

For the passage of our supplemental aid package, we also made a major push to create alliances with our Ukrainian and American evangelical communities that have been sending missions to Ukraine since the 1990s. Ukraine is the cradle of Christianity in Eastern Europe. More churches have been founded in post-Soviet states by Ukrainians than by any other group of people.

We wanted to ensure that the message was carried through the halls of Congress. However, we can create a connection between our legislators and Ukraine—whether it is highlighting issues of faith, the faith they pray with at home, whether it is spotlighting the issue of stolen children—everyone has either been a child or has a child; or whether it is connecting legislators to constituents and the work they’ve been doing in Ukraine—these have all been among our most effective methods for building real connections and helping our legislators understand the truth of what is happening.

Jacobsen: With Donald Trump in the White House, many organizations are adapting their advocacy style depending on the particular conflict or political concern. How is ACU adapting to political changes unfolding in real time?

Tretiak: Well, we’ve been trying to do a few things and building them out. First, ahead of this summit, we created a video—the summit is so focused on education and training for advocates—so we put together a video in advance that was specifically about the changing advocacy landscape.

Many of our advocates did their work either in the 117th or the 118th Congress. The 117th Congress saw a flurry of bills being introduced all the time. The 118th had fewer, but still a significant number. Now, we’ve had to lay the groundwork and reeducate our advocates. We’re telling them this is a world where fewer new bills are being introduced. The number of new bills, compared to previous Congresses, is much lower. As a result, you can expect fewer bills about Ukraine—or perhaps none at all.

Many of us who’ve been involved in advocacy for some time understand that 2022 was unique. There were so many bills related explicitly to Ukraine, rather than Ukraine being mentioned as a line item in something like the National Defense Authorization Act. So, our first move was to educate our advocates about that shift in the legislative landscape.

So they know when they’re going in, not just to say, “Co-sponsor or nothing.” We’ve changed how we approach things. First, we want to ensure that we’re engaging our legislators so they can use their voices as platforms to share the truth.

Our work involves getting co-sponsors on bills for messaging impact and communicating that clearly to our advocates. We are also working hard to highlight that while we may not be perfectly in line with the administration, we’re at least singing from the same hymn book.

No one wants peace more than Ukraine. We are incredibly grateful for any actions aimed at bringing peace. Our conversation begins with the foundational truth that Ukrainians want peace more than anyone. Ukrainians want to live lives without being bombed. We are grateful and looking forward to any process that moves toward peace. From that point, we begin to have more complex conversations.

Jacobsen: How have appearances in Newsweek and broader media helped build awareness and support for Ukraine?

Tretiak: We’ve been fortunate. In 2022, there was a moment when the world woke up to Ukraine—and many issues that many of us had been aware of for years. I was born in the United States but grew up attending Ukrainian school every Saturday, and I was in the Ukrainian Scouts. There have been so many efforts, even to get The New York Times to stop writing “Kiev” instead of “Kyiv.” It took Russia’s 2022 invasion for them to change that, finally. I remember that in 2015, a huge sign-on letter from professors and international experts was sent to major newspapers asking them to recognize the correct Ukrainian spellings and narratives. And still, nothing. There was just this…I don’t know whether it was Russification or people being blind to it, but even the most basic things went ignored. Everyone’s attention is so fractured now, but 2022 was when it all converged on Ukraine.

So, anytime we can place a narrative in the media—even now—whether it’s a human-interest story about a stolen child or a survivor’s experience, it still makes a huge difference. After President Zelensky visited the U.S. in February and that somewhat infamous Oval Office moment, we started receiving emails to the general American Coalition inboxes from people we had never heard from before. They said, “I found you online. I’m American. I care about Ukraine. I want to help.”

That kind of outreach is invaluable. Especially now, with Ukraine fatigue setting in and American attention shifting to other things—which is natural—we truly value every opportunity to tell Ukraine’s story again and make it resonate.

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Jacobsen: What kind of grassroots mobilization is most needed to influence political decision-making and meet the current needs of Ukraine or Ukrainian Americans?

Tretiak: I think that, first and foremost, we are constantly working to bring in and connect with all Americans. In our coalition, in our state leader network, about 10 of our states are led by young Americans with no Ukrainian heritage. And in many ways, they are some of our most effective and impactful leaders.

So, if there’s one area where we always strive to engage, attract, and connect with people, it’s fostering relationships with Americans who want to support Ukraine. That is the grassroots engagement we are continually building. Any way we can do that—whether organizing an interfaith prayer service across multiple churches or hosting a cultural event or book discussion in a public library—we are focused on connecting at the grassroots level with our American supporters of Ukraine.

Jacobsen: The United States is becoming an increasingly secular society. By some measures, religious identification and affiliation have reached historic lows—a demographic shift that carries real implications for your advocacy efforts. Given this changing landscape, particularly the declining influence of traditional faith-based organizing, have you considered engaging with atheist, agnostic, or humanist communities as part of your outreach? Could there be space for an interfaith—or even ethical-humanist—framework that rallies diverse belief systems around shared principles such as Ukraine’s sovereignty, dignity, and survival in the face of war?

Tretiak: That’s an amazing idea. We’ve never ruled it out. We’ve done outreach along a variety of vectors. One of the reasons I often highlight churches is that, first, there are Ukrainian churches that many of us are connected with, and second, we’ve built strong relationships with the evangelical community more broadly.

That said, the coalition’s core is like America itself—it includes people of all faiths and people of no faith. We are deeply committed to that diversity and try to reflect it in our outreach strategy.

For example, we conducted an outreach trip to Louisiana last year, which helped us build strong connections. That is how we now have an amazing leader from Louisiana and such a vibrant delegation coming to our last three summits. Our outreach involved working with community organizations, visiting libraries, speaking at universities, and bringing in Ukrainian civilians to talk about their everyday lives and how the war has affected them.

So yes, we plan to continue reaching out through every vector we can. The main challenge at the moment is that we’re a volunteer-run organization. The availability of committed stakeholders and realistic funding support limits our capacity. But where we have people willing to lead, we make things happen.

Jacobsen: That’s a really important point. I raise it because I wouldn’t say I come directly out of the secular humanist tradition, but I’ve been actively involved with secular humanist and adjacent movements for some time. There’s a great deal of overlap—whether it’s the Unitarian Universalists, the ethical culture movement, humanistic Judaism, or others. It’s a broad and diverse constellation of communities, and I believe many within that orbit would be eager to engage more deeply.

In many ways, I think they’re waiting for an olive branch. We all recognize that this war is a profound tragedy. While much of the political discourse around religion and non-religion tends to be combative or binary, I try to avoid that framing. For most people, it simply comes down to how they choose to live their lives—how they practice, or don’t practice—in a personally authentic and private way.

Tretiak: Exactly.

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Jacobsen: What do you find to be the most emotionally taxing part of advocacy work—whether directly related to Ukraine or U.S.-Ukraine relations more broadly?

Tretiak: In my role within the coalition—as Chair of the State Leader Network—the most emotionally taxing part is working with and supporting our network of stakeholders. We have advocates in all 50 states, each led by delegation leaders.

These leaders act as the middle layer because I couldn’t possibly train and coordinate 600 advocates myself—not with the level of quality and support we aim to provide.

We rely on those leaders. But here’s the challenge: I can’t just replace them if I don’t get along with a particular leader. There’s often only one person coordinating advocacy in a specific region, and we must find ways to work together, for better or worse. That’s probably the most emotionally taxing aspect—finding a way to support and engage everyone.

These are personal connections we’re managing. We’re asking volunteers to give significant time and energy. Many run their own 501(c)(3) organizations to support Ukraine, and they do advocacy. So, it’s a constant balancing act—bringing patience, heart, and commitment to support people doing incredible work while managing my own bandwidth and, sometimes, herding cats.

Because they’re volunteers, we often take that final step for them. If someone does not complete a task, we put together everything they need so they can still execute it. If they’re calling their member of Congress or organizing a local rally, we ensure they have the talking points, background research, and any other materials they need.

So, it’s really about finding that balance—empowering them while respecting their limits and helping ensure their success in any way we can.

Jacobsen: What would be your biggest ask for 2025?

Tretiak: Is it realistic to ask or just pie in the sky?

Jacobsen: Yeah, I mean, pie in the sky is fine. We are not just stipulating universals that everyone wants. I’m more realistic at this point.

Tretiak: Absolutely. So, we certainly want one thing in particular: the Sanctioning Russia Act, which was introduced by Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick in the House and Senators Lindsey Graham and Jim Risch in the Senate. That is our major advocacy push right now.

As we move toward peace—and as more conversations begin around freezing the lines of conflict—we want to ensure that the U.S. follows historical precedent as it enters any peace process. We’re referencing the precedent set by the Welles Declaration when the U.S. refused to recognize the forced incorporation of the Baltic States into the Soviet Union.

So, we are asking that if the lines are frozen and we enter into a ceasefire or peace process involving currently occupied territories, the U.S. maintain a position of non-recognition—just as it has with Crimea. We cannot set a precedent that land can be taken by force and, if held long enough, become accepted. That is a dangerous message to send.

Jacobsen: That’s true.

Tretiak: Even if the situation results in frozen battle lines and occupied areas, the United States should not recognize those regions as part of the Russian Federation. That has been a key message in our meetings with legislators.

And there’s a third thing we’re advocating strongly for: Russia has stolen over 20,000 Ukrainian children whose names we know. Based on extrapolations from occupied territories, the estimated number is closer to 700,000 or 800,000.

How can we talk about peace, let alone a just peace, if these children remain abducted? If they are not returned, and we treat this as something we move past or ignore, then we fail. So, we are firmly advocating that any peace conversation must include accountability and action regarding the stolen children. The child protection and advocacy community is aligned on this point—we must prioritize their return.

Jacobsen: Thank you, Marianna.

Tretiak: Great! I’ll be in touch. Thank you so much for taking the time to speak with me today.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Steel, Sovereignty, and Strategy: Gaming Out Trump’s Tariffs

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/21

Tim Rosenberger, a Legal Policy Fellow at the Manhattan Institute, brings a distinctive blend of experience in constitutional law, judicial clerkships, entrepreneurship, and public policy. A Stanford graduate, he focuses on the legal and economic frameworks that shape urban development and business policy. His research spans trade dynamics, economic revitalization, and litigation reform—with a particular emphasis on how reciprocal tariffs could bolster American industry.

Rosenberger argues that tariffs, particularly those imposed by the Trump administration on steel and aluminum, stimulated domestic production and job growth. While critics warn of higher consumer prices and inflation, he counters that strategic tariffs enhance national security and reduce U.S. dependence on foreign markets—especially China. Inflation, he argues, stems more from excessive government spending than from tariffs. Even in the face of potential retaliation—whether through tariffs, currency manipulation, or exclusionary trade agreements—Rosenberger believes the U.S. retains the upper hand. For him, tariffs aren’t a blunt instrument but a calculated tool to secure long-term economic resilience.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: In the short term, how do reciprocal tariffs influence U.S. economic growth and industrial performance?

Tim Rosenberger: Reciprocal tariffs, when implemented strategically, can provide immediate benefits to U.S. economic growth by leveling the playing field for American industries that have been taken advantage of for decades. Under President Trump’s leadership, reciprocal tariffs have been used as a tool to counter unfair trade practices, particularly from China, which has long engaged in currency manipulation, intellectual property theft, and state-backed industrial espionage.

In the short term, these tariffs serve as a catalyst for domestic production by making foreign goods more expensive and encouraging investment in American manufacturing. We saw this during the Trump administration when tariffs on steel and aluminum led to a resurgence in domestic steel production, reopening plants and creating jobs for blue-collar workers who had been abandoned by the bipartisan globalist consensus.

Critics argue that tariffs raise consumer prices, but this is a myopic view that ignores the long-term gains of restoring economic sovereignty. The reality is that tariffs incentivize companies to relocate their supply chains back to the United States, thereby reducing their dependence on hostile foreign powers like China. This shift strengthens national security, protects critical industries, and ensures that American workers — not foreign laborers in state-subsidized factories — reap the benefits of economic growth.

Moreover, reciprocal tariffs give the U.S. leverage in trade negotiations. President Trump demonstrated this with his “America First” trade policy, using tariffs to force better trade deals such as the USMCA, which replaced the disastrous NAFTA. The immediate economic impact of reciprocal tariffs is a necessary step in correcting decades of bad trade policy, and history shows that strong, decisive leadership on trade produces real economic gains for American workers.

Jacobsen: How do existing inflationary pressures factor into the broader economic impact of these policies?

Rosenberger: Inflationary pressures are an important consideration when discussing reciprocal tariffs, but they must be understood in the broader context of economic policy. The establishment narrative suggests that tariffs fuel inflation by increasing the cost of imported goods. However, this argument ignores the fact that inflation under Biden has been driven far more by reckless government spending, green energy subsidies, and anti-growth regulations than by any trade policies. Under Trump, inflation remained low even as tariffs were strategically applied to correct imbalances in global trade.

Reciprocal tariffs, if implemented correctly, actually serve as a counter to inflationary pressures in several ways. First, by incentivizing domestic production, tariffs reduce dependency on fragile international supply chains that are vulnerable to geopolitical shocks, as we saw during COVID-19. Strengthening domestic manufacturing stabilizes prices in the long run, as it decreases America’s reliance on foreign producers who can manipulate supply and cost.

Second, tariffs generate revenue that offsets government spending needs, reducing the pressure to print money — something Biden’s economic policies have failed to do. Under Trump, tariff revenues were reinvested into the economy, particularly to support American farmers who had been harmed by unfair foreign competition. This revenue stream acts as a hedge against inflationary pressures created by excessive deficit spending.

Third, reciprocal tariffs enhance economic resilience by preventing foreign nations — particularly China — from using artificially cheap exports to undercut American producers. When foreign goods are dumped into the U.S. market at below-market prices, domestic industries collapse, leading to job losses, lower wages, and decreased production capacity. This, in turn, weakens supply-side economic stability and creates long-term inflationary risks. By ensuring fair competition through tariffs, we mitigate this cycle and create a more stable pricing environment.

The idea that tariffs alone would drive inflation ignores the larger economic mismanagement under Biden. Trump’s “America First” policies kept inflation low by promoting domestic energy independence, reducing corporate tax burdens to encourage production, and keeping government spending under control. The inflation crisis we see today isn’t the result of trade policy but of a bloated regulatory state, out-of-control government spending, and a Federal Reserve that has been forced to play catch-up due to reckless economic policies. Strategic tariffs, as Trump has advocated, would help correct these problems by strengthening domestic industries, securing supply chains, and protecting the purchasing power of American workers.

Jacobsen: How might U.S. trading partners respond with countermeasures?

Rosenberger: U.S. trading partners have several potential countermeasures they can use in response to reciprocal tariffs, but the effectiveness and impact of these measures vary depending on the country and the broader geopolitical context.

Under President Trump, we saw a range of retaliatory actions, but the reality is that America’s economic leverage — especially over countries dependent on the U.S. market — limits the effectiveness of most countermeasures. Below are some of the key ways U.S. trading partners might respond.

The most direct response to U.S. tariffs is for trading partners to impose their tariffs on American goods. This was evident during Trump’s trade war with China, where Beijing retaliated by targeting U.S. agricultural exports, particularly soybeans, pork, and other key products. The European Union also imposed tariffs on American-made goods, including motorcycles and whiskey, in response to U.S. tariffs on steel and aluminum.

This can hurt specific U.S. industries that rely on exports, such as agriculture, automobiles, and industrial machinery.

However, it can also backfire on the retaliating countries, as consumers in those countries face higher prices and may turn to alternative sources — including domestic producers or other international suppliers.

Trump’s approach was to respond to retaliation with further pressure, often using tariffs as leverage to negotiate better trade deals, such as the USMCA, which replaced NAFTA.

Another possible response is for countries to reduce their dependence on U.S. goods and seek alternative suppliers. For instance, China has sought to diversify its agricultural imports by increasing purchases from Brazil and Argentina, rather than the United States.

This can be a short-term issue for U.S. exporters, but global supply chains don’t shift overnight. Many American products — such as high-tech goods, aerospace components, and certain agricultural products — are difficult to replace with alternative suppliers.

Moreover, this response often carries costs for the retaliating country, as switching suppliers can reduce efficiency and increase costs.

China, in particular, has a history of devaluing its currency to offset the effects of U.S. tariffs. By making the yuan weaker against the dollar, Chinese exporters can partially absorb the costs of tariffs, keeping their goods competitive in the U.S. market.

Currency manipulation can temporarily lessen the impact of tariffs, but it comes with risks for the manipulating country. A weaker currency makes imports more expensive, hurting domestic consumers and businesses that rely on foreign goods. It can also lead to capital flight, as investors lose confidence in the stability of the currency.

Trump recognized this tactic and labeled China a “currency manipulator,” signaling a willingness to take further action against such practices.

Some U.S. trading partners might respond by forming or strengthening trade agreements that do not include the U.S., attempting to bypass American influence. For example, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) emerged after the U.S. withdrew from the original TPP.

While this could create alternative trade networks, the U.S. economy is still the largest in the world, and most countries cannot afford to cut ties with the American market entirely.

Even when countries sign trade deals that exclude the U.S., they still need access to American consumers, making full economic decoupling unrealistic.

Another potential response is for trading partners to challenge U.S. tariffs at the WTO, arguing that they violate international trade rules.

While the WTO may rule against the U.S. in some cases, Trump’s administration largely dismissed WTO rulings when they conflicted with national interests.

The WTO itself has been losing influence, especially as the U.S. and other major powers question its effectiveness in dealing with China’s trade abuses.

Foreign governments may impose additional regulatory burdens, such as licensing restrictions, heightened safety standards, or bureaucratic delays, to make it harder for American companies to operate in their markets.

This can be a problem for U.S. multinational corporations that do business abroad, such as tech companies and automakers.

However, countries that take this approach risk scaring away foreign investment and damaging their own economies in the process.

Jacobsen: How will Trump likely respond?

Rosenberger: Trump’s approach to trade retaliation has always been aggressive and pragmatic. He has made it clear that America holds the leverage in most of these disputes, given that foreign economies are more reliant on the U.S. market than the U.S. economy is on them. Likely responses would include:

Doubling down on tariffs: If countries impose retaliatory tariffs, Trump will likely increase tariffs further, forcing them to reconsider their approach.

Bilateral deals over multilateral compromises: Instead of relying on institutions like the WTO, Trump prefers direct negotiations that give the U.S. the upper hand.

Domestic Support for Affected Industries: As seen in the China trade war, Trump used tariff revenues to support U.S. farmers affected by retaliatory measures.

Jacobsen: Do reciprocal tariffs effectively promote reshoring and domestic job creation, or do they risk introducing inefficiencies and raising costs within the U.S. economy?

Rosenberger: Reciprocal tariffs, when applied strategically, can drive reshoring and domestic job creation by making it more cost-effective for companies to manufacture goods in the U.S. rather than rely on imports from countries with unfair trade advantages. Under Trump, tariffs on steel and aluminum led to a resurgence in domestic production, reopening shuttered factories and creating jobs in key industries. By discouraging dependency on adversarial nations like China, tariffs strengthen supply chain resilience and national security, ensuring that American workers, not foreign laborers, benefit from economic growth.

Critics argue that tariffs create inefficiencies and raise costs for consumers; however, this perspective overlooks the long-term economic benefits of restoring domestic production capacity. While certain imported goods may become more expensive in the short term, tariffs incentivize businesses to invest in local manufacturing, thereby reducing their reliance on fragile global supply chains that are prone to disruption. The fundamental inefficiency lies in outsourcing critical industries to foreign governments that manipulate markets and undercut U.S. workers. A well-executed reciprocal tariff policy prioritizes fair competition, economic independence, and sustained job growth over the failed globalist policies of the past.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Tim.

Last updated May 3, 2025. These terms govern all In-Sight Publishing content—past, present, and future—and supersede any prior notices.In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons BY‑NC‑ND 4.0; © In-Sight Publishing by Scott  Douglas  Jacobsen 2012–Present. All trademarks, performances, databases & branding are owned by their rights holders; no use without permission. Unauthorized copying, modification, framing or public communication is prohibited. External links are not endorsed. Cookies & tracking require consent, and data processing complies with PIPEDA & GDPR; no data from children < 13 (COPPA). Content meets WCAG 2.1 AA under the Accessible Canada Act & is preserved in open archival formats with backups. Excerpts & links require full credit & hyperlink; limited quoting under fair-dealing & fair-use. All content is informational; no liability for errors or omissions: Feedback welcome, and verified errors corrected promptly. For permissions or DMCA notices, email: scott.jacobsen2025@gmail.com. Site use is governed by BC laws; content is “as‑is,” liability limited, users indemnify us; moral, performers’ & database sui generis rights reserved.

Marc Fasteau & Ian Fletcher Talk about U.S. Industrial Policy

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): International Policy Digest

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/03/19

Marc Fasteau is a Vice Chairman of the Coalition for a Prosperous America (CPA), the nation’s premier bipartisan nonprofit organization working at the intersection of trade, jobs, tax policy, and economic growth. Early in his career, he served on the professional staffs of the U.S. Senate Majority Leader, the House Banking & Currency Committee, and the Joint Economic Committee. He later became a partner at the New York investment bank Dillon, Read & Co. He later founded a property and casualty insurance company that was sold to Progressive Insurance.

Fasteau has been involved in international trade and industrial policy for 18 years and has contributed writings on these topics to the Financial Times Economist Forum and Palladium Magazine. He is a graduate of Harvard University and Harvard Law School, where he was an editor of the Harvard Law Review. He resides in New York City.

Ian Fletcher is the author of Free Trade Doesn’t Work: What Should Replace It and Why and the co-author of The Conservative Case Against Free Trade. He was previously a Senior Economist at the Coalition for a Prosperous America and now serves on its Advisory Board.

Earlier in his career, he was a Research Fellow at the U.S. Business and Industry Council and worked as an economic analyst in private practice. His writings on trade policy have been published in The Huffington Post, Tikkun, Palladium, WorldNetDaily, The American Thinker, The Christian Science Monitor, The Real-World Economics Review, Bloomberg News, Seeking Alpha, and Morning Consult.

Together, they have authored Industrial Policy for the United States: Winning the Competition for Good Jobs and High-Value Industries, which has received praise from politicians like Secretary of State Marco Rubio, industry leaders like Dan DiMicco, the former chairman and CEO of Nucor, and scholars like Harvard’s Willy Shih.

A lightly edited transcript of that conversation follows.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re diving deep into a crucial and timely subject—one explored in detail in a recent book on the economics of tariffs and their implications for national security. While this issue has global ramifications, affecting countries like China, Canada, and Mexico, it is particularly significant for the United States.

First, I’d like to draw a distinction between broad, generalized tariffs—those that may or may not be strategic in practice—and the more targeted, industry-specific tariffs designed to protect American businesses. There’s often a disconnect between how tariffs are discussed in media narratives and their actual economic or geopolitical function.

With that in mind, Marc or Ian, how would you frame this debate from a more academic and expert perspective?

Marc Fasteau: The whole idea of industrial policy is selective—that’s a key word—intervention by the government in the economy.

This intervention supports the creation, retention, and development of advantageous industries. Mid-tech industries can be advantageous if they employ a lot of people at good wages. Of course, high-tech and high-value industries are advantageous because of the revenue and good jobs they provide. Because economic development is path-dependent, it also leads to the next big thing.

You don’t want to lose out on the current high-tech, high-value industry because you’ll be out of the next three. That leads directly to what kind of tariff policy you want to support. Ideally, you would tariff or subsidize those advantageous industries you’re trying to retain against assault from competitors like China and new industries that you’re trying to develop. It’s the old infant industry protection idea that goes back to Hamilton.

The most efficient tariffs follow that mode and are selective. Tariffs were used in the early days of the United States, as we all have heard in the last six weeks or so, to generate revenue for the government. Trump has proposed across-the-board tariffs–meaning tariffs on everything–in part for this purpose. That’s an inefficient way to use tariffs because some products, like t-shirts, will not lead to investment. Just higher prices and/or lower sales for the tariffed product. Nevertheless, a 10% across-the-board tariff would also stimulate a large amount of investment, job creation, and growth in other industries.

Ian Fletcher: The root idea underlying industrial policy, which tariffs are just a part of, is that it matters what industry a country has. As the phrase goes, it matters whether we make potato chips or computer chips. Now, this is something that most Americans and Canadians instinctively understand.

You can’t be a serious, modern, developed country without having large, high-value, sophisticated industries. So when you’re in a situation like today, where above all China, but also several other countries like Korea, Japan, Germany, and several smaller ones, are successfully pushing the U.S. out of the best, most advantageous industries—the industries you want to have, which are high-wage, high-profit, highly capitalized, and generally technological but not always bleeding-edge—you start to ask how you can regain your foothold.

Since imports are an obvious cause that has driven the U.S. out of many industries, tariffs become a tool to reclaim those industries. If the U.S. were to impose a flat tariff on all imports, it would begin relocating industries back to the country. This applies to other developed nations as well. Canada is in a somewhat different situation, but a flat tariff would likely bring back industries like the manufacturing of computers and laptops to the U.S. However, it would not necessarily bring back the production of goods primarily driven by cheap labour costs, like t-shirts. Even a flat tariff has strategic effects. I would say that a flat tariff on a bumpy economy isn’t flat.

But what if that is not enough? The hope is that the administration will aim for a competitive rather than an overvalued U.S. dollar and will likely implement some form of a flat tariff—though that is not guaranteed. However, when other countries have targeted specific industries, and there is a need to restore them, like semiconductors, through the CHIPS Act, an industry-specific tariff becomes necessary. Unlike a flat tariff or currency revaluation, an industry-specific tariff allows for targeted protection and investment in key sectors.

Additionally, tariffs can be country-specific. This means they can be used to reward or penalize nations based on their trade practices. For example, the U.S. can impose tariffs on China while exempting Korea.

Fasteau: The other thing to recognize is that in the U.S., we tend to assume that other countries believe in free trade. They don’t.

Other than the U.K., maybe Australia, and New Zealand, no other economically significant country has embraced free trade in theory or practiced it consistently. Even the U.S. has not practiced free trade uniformly, though it has made more efforts to do so than other countries.

So, the real question is not whether tariffs are a good idea in the abstract. The reality is that if we don’t protect advantageous industries, they will be lost to other nations that have spent the past 40 years deliberately targeting U.S. markets. Our markets are the largest and the easiest to enter, making them prime targets for foreign subsidies and trade barriers that block American exports.

This is why tariffs are one of the three pillars of every effective industrial policy.

Jacobsen: One particularly relevant article, published on October 22, 2024, titled “The Uses and Misuses of Tariffs,” offers a compelling perspective on the nature of global trade. A key passage from that piece reads: “We now know that ‘free trade’ really amounts to a free-for-all, in which other countries practice mercantilism—a trade strategy that dates back to the days of sailing ships and treats industrial policy as a game whose object is to increase a nation’s economic power—against an unprotected America. Today, nations from China to Germany play this game, some more brutally and some more politely. But they are all chipping away at America’s best industries, from consumer electronics to steel to machine tools to commercial aircraft.”

Given this backdrop, let’s talk about the idea of a limited, strategic tariff policy. How can such an approach safeguard key sectors of the American economy—such as steel and high-tech manufacturing—without significantly driving up inflation?

Fasteau: Well, two things. First is the direct effect of increasing costs. Imports are a relatively small percentage of U.S. GDP, approximately 15%. So, a 10% across-the-board tariff would produce a price rise of 1.5% of GDP, assuming that imports did not decrease and the U.S. buyers bore the entire burden of the tariff. Neither of these assumptions is even close to realistic so that the actual price impact would be even lower. For example, the Trump steel tariffs did not result in a significant price increase.

Secondly, you get other benefits that offset any price increase from tariffs. The whole point of a tariff is to stimulate domestic investment, as seen in Trump’s steel tariffs. When those tariffs were imposed, the price of steel initially rose, but U.S. steel companies invested $16 billion in new, modern facilities and began producing steel more efficiently. Within six or seven months, the steel price returned to pre-tariff levels.

Many analyses support this: What you get in return is a trade-off. You give up slightly cheaper goods at Walmart but gain manufacturing jobs that pay real living wages instead of low-wage service jobs flipping burgers. That is the key benefit. You’re also fostering new industries and protecting them from being taken over by China and other foreign competitors.

Jacobsen: Ian, do you have anything to add?

Fletcher: Sure. There is a trade-off involved in any policy decision. We are not claiming that industrial policy or tariffs are a cost-free policy; we are also not suggesting that tariffs alone can solve all of America’s economic problems. However, we do believe they address issues that are otherwise nearly impossible to solve through any other means.

Jacobsen: You provided an industrial policy toolkit in the book. You emphasize that it is not about individual policies being singularly beneficial—the panacea point, as tools—but rather about the cumulative benefits of coordinated policies. So, what policies as tools does the American economy need now? You highlight many, but can you give us the greatest hits of that album?

Fletcher: We do have a list of industrial policies. I’ll list them to give an idea of the scope of industrial policy as a concept, and then I’ll focus specifically on the ones we need most right now.

We listed infant industry protection, local content rules, stage differential tariffs, import substitution, selective importation, export subsidies and targets, incentives for foreign firms, export processing zones, regulatory competition, credit allocation, forced savings policies, sovereign wealth funds, government procurement, state entrepreneurship, national champions, imposing competitive industry structure, fostering clusters, supporting private research, supporting public research, intellectual property policy, standard setting, technology mapping, combining policies, and picking winners.

So, what does the U.S. need from that list? First, we need a currency policy. We need a competitive dollar. Right now, we do not have one—it is significantly overvalued. Marc will likely want to talk about that in a moment. Second, we need selective tariffs for key industries and to address economically hostile nations.

The third area, which we have not touched on much, is state-supported technology development. For decades, the prevailing idea in the U.S. has been that the government should fund pure science while technologies develop in corporate labs or someone’s garage in Palo Alto. That is a charming idea, but the problem is that when you examine the history of technological development, critical technologies often undergo long gestation periods where conducting the necessary development, engineering, testing, and prototyping for profit is impossible.

This is why private corporations or individuals did not develop many of the most important technologies of the post-war era—transistors, semiconductors, computer chips, jet engines, jet aircraft, pharmaceuticals, etc. The government developed them, often for public health or national defence, and then commercialized them later. Joe Biden has expanded that model to include state-supported development for environmental protection.

Now, we have three key categories where the government is actively involved in technology development: national defense, public health, and environmental protection. In other words, the government develops technologies to protect us from external threats, deadly diseases, and natural disasters. However, we argue that the U.S. government should also support technology development purely for economic reasons—that is, simply for the sake of national prosperity.

Jacobsen: When discussing strategic tariffs, it’s important to consider the risks of disregarding expert recommendations in favor of a blanket, one-size-fits-all tariff approach. What are the broader consequences of implementing flat tariffs, particularly when it comes to retaliatory measures from other nations?

Beyond the macroeconomic effects, how do these policies impact ordinary Americans and their standard of living—especially if such tariffs remain in place for an extended period rather than serving as a temporary economic adjustment?

Fasteau: Industrial policy is a long game, and that includes tariffs. If you are a U.S. steel manufacturer and China is dumping cheap steel into the market, and the U.S. responds by imposing a 25% tariff, that tariff must be known to be stable.

If it is only in place for a year, businesses will hesitate to make significant investments because they fear being driven out of business once the tariff is lifted. This is particularly critical for industries with long lead times and large capital investments. Other countries may retaliate with new or higher tariffs on U.S. imports. One way to ameliorate this is to reinvest our tariff revenues back into the economy in a targeted way to offset some of these effects.

Jacobsen: What about the impacts on global supply chains? Could there be disruptions resulting from flat tariffs?

Fasteau: First, the U.S. has leverage in tariff competition because we have a huge trade deficit. We import much more than we export. So, let’s say both countries impose a 10% tariff on each other’s imports. That would have a much greater impact on the surplus-exporting countries than on us.

Secondly, as Ian likes to say, there has never been a cataclysmic, spiraling trade war that got out of control in modern history. We have already been through nearly eight years of significantly higher tariffs than ever before. Yes, China retaliated with tariffs on agricultural exports, which hurt our farmers. But what did the Trump administration do? They bailed them out. Was it worth it? Yes, that step was necessary to reclaim industries critical for long-term productivity and economic growth.

But these pieces intersect, and you must consider what you are doing with the tariff revenue. For example, the now discredited traditional models predict that the cost per job saved because of a tariff is almost always unaffordably high. However, these analyses make a number of inaccurate assumptions.

First, they assume that the tariff revenue collected just gets sequestered and doesn’t get injected back into the economy through tax rebates or government spending. Second, these models assume the situation would be stable if we didn’t have a tariff, but if we don’t put on a tariff when we’re losing industries—the situation isn’t stable, it’s getting worse. Third, they don’t consider the effect tariffs have in stimulating investment and reducing the trade deficit so that we have more good jobs. Or the long-term benefits of retaining or regaining the protected industries.

Jacobsen: You gave the steel industry as an example, which had a six-to-seven-month timeline for building new facilities and increasing productivity. Considering a range of industries, what does it take to boost domestic capacity and investment when these tariffs are implemented?

Fasteau: There is no universal answer, but we can divide the question into two categories. The process is relatively quick for existing industries, such as the U.S. steel industry. These companies already know how to make marketable products, demand is proven, and they can raise capital, train workers, and scale up quickly. Many of these industries can stand up to new capacity in about a year, sometimes even less.

However, the timeline for developing entirely new industries or entering markets with technologies the U.S. does not currently produce is much longer. That is a different category altogether. In those cases, we must consider staged tariffs that gradually increase over time to allow domestic industries to ramp up production and innovation. We must also support pure research and new product development to the point where the private sector can take over.

We don’t currently make the chips that Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited (TMSC) makes, so we need them. If it goes into effect immediately, a big tariff on them right now is probably not productive. It might be better to phase it in over three or four years or do what Trump and Biden have been trying to do, which is to get TMSC to come over here and make those advanced chips in the U.S. This way, we don’t lag, and they have to employ a lot of U.S. citizens so they learn how to do it. That’s what China does, except they strong-arm U.S. companies to transfer their technology.

This example highlights how industrial policy must be both industry-specific and competitive-context-specific. It is not a one-size-fits-all approach. Ian read a list of about 15 or 16 different tools, but they do not apply to every situation. Policymakers must select the appropriate tool depending on the specific technology, where the U.S. stands with it, where our competitors are, and other contextual factors.

Jacobsen: Are many of the tools in this industrial policy toolkit meant to be used almost à la carte, depending on the industry?

Fletcher: You’ve touched on something important. The kind of economics we believe in is very industry-specific. In fact, that’s one of the root differences between our way of thinking and the economic mainstream, which generally likes to discuss the economy in terms of high-level aggregate, like growth is X percent, unemployment is Y percent, and so forth. They think money is money, profit is profit. It doesn’t matter whether you make it from selling computer chips or potato chips.

We think that the way industries work internally, which is what actually goes on Monday morning when people show up for work, is often very, very different. So, the economics of the computer chip industry and the economics of the potato chip industry are very, very different. And this is ultimately due to a very deep-seated difference in the mathematics of how we approach the world. We acknowledge the importance of something called increasing returns. So for you math geeks out there and you engineers, this means that anything you do in economics is going to show what’s called multiple equilibria, which is a way of saying that what happens is going to depend on contingent circumstances and choices. And you can’t abstract away like most contemporary economics wants to do.

Now, the interesting thing that follows from that is that economic history becomes a lot more important than most economists in America today think it is. You can get a PhD in economics in most universities that have the program without even studying economic history because they don’t think it’s that important. We think economic history is your friend for a couple of reasons. One, above all, it’s empirical. This is the actual hard data of how nations succeed, how industries succeed and grow, and where technologies come from. There’s a factual record of all this stuff. We should not be approaching this with mathematical abstractions as our fundamental tool.

The second thing is economic history has a consistent way of telling you the things they don’t want you to know. For example, Marc mentioned a minute ago that I like to say that in modern times there’s been no such thing as a major trade war. Well, I actually go beyond that and I say history does not give any example of a trade war ever. I’ve been saying this since my first book, Free Trade Doesn’t Work, came out in 2010, which was 14 years ago, and I have yet to have anyone respond to my challenge.

The way free traders worry about trade wars, you’d think that history would be full of them, like history is full of military wars. But if you look at history, there is no such thing as the Argentine-Brazilian trade war of 1853, or the Franco-Spanish trade war of 1971, or the Japanese-Korean trade war of 1352. It’s not there. It’s not what happens.

Fasteau: I always get amused when people start tearing their hair out about the next trade war. “Oh, America’s going to start a trade war,” then we’re going to have these horrible tariffs going up, putting every economy in the world out of sorts.

Well, take a step back and look at the ground here. The ground situation is that most of our significant economic competitors have been waging a trade war against us for 40 years, with very few exceptions. For us to pretend that if we push back, we are responsible for a trade war—rather than recognizing that pushing and shoving is the natural order of things in trade—is misguided. What we need to do is wake up.

We don’t even have to get mad. We just have to wake up and play the game. And that’s what we’re finally starting to do.

Fletcher: Yes, we just contradicted ourselves there, saying there’s no such thing as a trade war while also claiming the world has been in a trade war with us forever. I know what you mean. I would prefer to call what they’re doing mercantilism. But anyway, the point stands that even with someone as volatile as Donald Trump in the White House, we thought we were going to have a massive trade war between the U.S., Canada, and Mexico.

It was supposed to be a terrible disaster. Lo and behold, it got stood down, and they’re going to work it out. There’s always commercial conflict. There’s always trade conflict. But the nightmare scenario where things spiral out of control—where I tariff you, you tariff me, I hit back harder, you hit back harder, and before you know it, we’re in total isolation—has never actually happened.

Fasteau: There are some industries where the stakes are much higher, mostly involving money and wealth. Not that those aren’t important, but some conflicts are existential. For example, at least for the United States, ensuring that we are not outdone in a major way in AI by China may be existential. We just can’t let that happen.

The other stuff? You can compromise on it. It’s like disputes over money—there’s always a compromise. There’s always a way to set up a deal that lasts for a while, at least long enough for tempers to cool or technologies to change. So, the incentive on each side is to not let things get out of control.

And you can see this. Trump has a way of making his claims and stating his cases in the most irritating and insulting way possible. Despite that, everybody is still trying to make a deal because the economics say we’ve got to make a deal. And in the end, Trump wants to make a deal. The U.S. does too.

Jacobsen: Marc, you opened by noting how sometimes the United States can look excessively inward rather than, maybe, outward. What lessons can the Trump administration learn from countries like Japan, China, or Germany in building a coordinated policy framework? Even if you’re taking an à la carte approach with individual tools from that toolkit per industry, how do you assemble that à la carte method as a menu of options?

Fasteau: Well, there are a bunch of things. We have a set of general guidelines for industrial policy, and they have to suit the politics of the country. We’re never going to have the kind of top-down direction you see in other countries like China or even Japan. Political power is much more dispersed in our country. So, you need to recognize those limitations and opportunities.

Then, you need to think broadly and consider the three pillars of industrial policy: the currency, the trade policy that protects what you want to protect, and the domestic support of both important existing industries and new high-value industries for the future. If you do two out of the three, you may succeed, but you won’t do nearly as well as if you integrate all three. Every country that has succeeded has done all three. They integrate them. They coordinate them.

The second challenge, particularly for the United States, is that this is a long game. Building a new industry takes a long time. It’s a bit faster if you’re putting tariffs on to encourage more investment in an existing industry because the facilities are already there. The timeframe is much longer and more capital-intensive for supporting not just pure science but also the development of a new materials industry. So, the support programs have to be tailored to those differences.

You also want to migrate toward indirect methods, like setting quality standards, rather than brute force—just pushing money toward an industry. There are times when you have to do that, but as the economy matures, expertise should increasingly come from the private sector.

Jacobsen: Ian, any final thoughts?

Fletcher: Yes. One of the things you learn from economic history is that every developed country got that way by using protective tariffs and proactive industrial policy, going back to the Renaissance. This game has been played for hundreds of years, and the idea that free markets are everything is just a historical blip that recurs occasionally. The British had it at their peak, the United States had it at its peak, but it’s never been the norm in economics. It never has been.

Jacobsen: Ian, Marc, I appreciate your time today and your expertise. It was nice to meet both of you.

Fletcher: It is a pleasure to meet you, too.

Fasteau: Thank you very much.

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