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Women, Drones, and the Frontline: Oleksandr Korzh on Ukraine’s Drone Warfare Evolution

2026-05-29

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2026/04/07

Oleksandr Korzh is a Ukrainian defence technology instructor, drone pilot, and trainer with the volunteer organization Dignitas Ukraine. Drawing on frontline experience from the Russian-Ukrainian war, he focuses on the operational integration of unmanned systems, drone interception, and modern battlefield technologies. Korzh has helped train military personnel in the use of FPV drones, interceptor systems, and electronic warfare techniques while linking technology developers with combat units to accelerate innovation cycles. He has also participated in international defence-technology workshops and hackathons, sharing practical combat lessons with engineers and military professionals across Europe. His work reflects Ukraine’s rapid wartime adaptation in drone warfare and modern military training.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Oleksandr Korzh, a Ukrainian defence technology instructor and drone trainer with Dignitas Ukraine, about the realities of drone warfare and the growing but complex participation of women in drone units. Oleksandr Korzh explains that hundreds of women have joined drone operations, though the role has become increasingly dangerous as Russian forces deliberately target drone crews. He describes the harsh physical conditions, sleep deprivation, and constant threat from guided aerial bombs. Scott Douglas Jacobsen and Oleksandr Korzh also discuss Ukrainian cultural attitudes toward gender roles, battlefield logistics, and how drones have transformed the war’s strategic dynamics.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: About the Ukrainian armed forces, as with many armed forces in democratic countries seeking to become more democratic and free, participation tends to expand as societies become more open. In such systems, women increasingly seek equal opportunity, and many men support greater equality with women.

There are certain areas where achieving equal representation can be more difficult. Special forces and roles that require extremely demanding physical standards are often male-dominated because their selection requirements are very high. Opportunities must remain open, but it would be unrealistic to expect a 50–50 balance in some of these fields. In drone operations, however, the physical demands are generally different, so the traditional gender divide is less relevant.

What percentage of women are involved in drone operations? What is the trend? How is representation developing within drone units or battalions? How are women integrated into these roles within the current Ukrainian forces?

Historically, most drone operators were men, particularly in the early phases of the war. However, more women have increasingly entered this field. A colleague of mine, a former competitive tennis player who nearly went professional, is considering entering drone operations. She is young and has excellent eyesight. 

Drone operations are a viable pathway. For comparison, in countries such as the United States, elite units like Delta Force, U.S. Army Special Forces, and the Navy SEALs have historically included very few women because of the extreme physical demands of their selection and operational requirements. The issue is less about formal exclusion today and more about the difficulty of meeting those standards.

That context is why I raise the question about drones. Two years ago, many Ukrainian women began using drones primarily for reconnaissance missions. This is an example of a role within the armed forces that could allow greater female participation.

Oleksandr Korzh: Hundreds of young women have since joined drone-related units across Ukraine’s armed forces. The situation later became more dangerous as Russian forces began deliberately targeting drone crews—operators, pilots, and navigators—because drones play such a central role in modern battlefield reconnaissance and strike operations. Casualties among drone teams, including women, have been reported, and these losses have had a significant emotional and symbolic impact within Ukrainian military society, prompting public discussion and media coverage.

There were many media reports about these dramatic cases, and everyone understood that being a pilot or a drone operator, even in the rear, is not a safe role. As a result, fewer girls and women wanted to join these divisions. Some still want to join, but the percentage remains low. I understand well what this is connected with. It is not only because of the danger.

It is also because the work is physically very demanding. It is tough work. We sometimes have to operate for several nights in a row. We work in bad weather conditions. We often have to hide in almost destroyed houses with no sanitation, poor food, and sometimes no water. Drone missions near the front line are not only dangerous but also physically very difficult.

Jacobsen: Is sleep deprivation a major part of that job?

Korzh: Yes. Ukrainian society, including the military community, remains patriotic and somewhat traditional. Many soldiers think, “This is our country, this is our land, and we will defend it. Women can help us in the rear—raising children and helping them grow up healthy and educated—while we ensure security.”

This is not because the Ukrainian nation is at a low level of women’s liberation. Rather, it reflects traditions shaped by our history and social patterns.

For example, in countries such as the United States, Canada, and the Nordic countries, many women split the bill 50–50 at restaurants. I will not go into the reasons for that. In Ukraine, men still usually want to pay the bill—not because we want to dominate, but because it reflects a sense of dignity and a willingness to care.

During wartime, it is still very difficult for women to carry all these responsibilities, and many men feel a strong desire to protect and care for them. This does not mean that women are weak. They are not weak. They are very strong.

Jacobsen: I should add a humorous point. More than one Ukrainian man—friend or colleague has told me that the thing he fears most is an angry Slavic woman. That clearly does not describe weakness. It reflects a cultural reality.

So if I add that humorous observation, which has some truth to it, alongside your commentary, the idea in Ukrainian terms is that there is a traditional culture. However, this traditional culture does not imply a relationship of domination and subordination. Rather, it reflects a division that is often practical, especially during wartime.

To understand Ukrainians properly, people need to meet Ukrainians on Ukrainian terms. Cultural frameworks from places like Norway, parts of the United States, such as New York or Los Angeles, or much of Canada may capture part of the truth, but they do not fully reflect the Ukrainian context. Those external frameworks can overlay some meaning, but they do not always capture the deeper cultural picture.

The joke about being afraid of an angry Slavic woman illustrates that Ukrainian women assert themselves strongly, even under current conditions. Friends or colleagues may joke that the most frightening thing is an angry Slavic woman, but the humour reflects an underlying respect for their strength.

Jacobsen: What do the men who serve on drone operation teams report as the hardest parts of the job? What are the most difficult aspects for them?

Korzh: The difficulties are largely the same. Being on the front line in a war is exhausting. This likely applies to Russian drone operators as well. The constant fatigue is one of the hardest parts.

The most difficult task is remaining well hidden and avoiding detection.

Russia uses guided aerial bombs—large bombs equipped with wings and control systems that allow them to glide to a target from long distances. Many of these are older Soviet bombs that have been modified with guidance kits and control surfaces to strike precise targets.

If a Russian reconnaissance drone identifies the probable location of one of our drone crews—for example, in a small building, a house, or an underground shelter—they may launch several guided bombs from long distances, sometimes from over 100 kilometres away. Each of these weapons costs many thousands of dollars.

They would not typically use such expensive guided bombs against a single infantry soldier. However, they may use them to destroy a suspected drone team or even eliminate the possibility that drone operators could use the location in the future. That is why drone activity has become so dangerous, even in the rear. Russian forces observe drone operation teams and treat them as high-priority targets.

Jacobsen: The highest priority?

Korzh: Yes, among the highest priorities. They know that our drone capabilities are highly developed—not only our drone units but also our broader drone industry.

Russia also has a strong drone unit called Rubicon. It is one of their best drone divisions and is very dangerous. They operate in the air, at sea, and with ground-based unmanned systems. However, Ukraine has many more drone units, and in many cases, they operate at a very high level.

As a result, Russian forces lose large amounts of equipment. For example, they may lose around two hundred vehicles in a day. These are vehicles used for logistics—delivering food, transporting crews, and moving soldiers to the front line.

Jacobsen: That is an important point from the media perspective. In much Western media coverage—not all, but much of it—there are frequent reports about Russian casualties, while Ukrainian losses receive less attention. That creates an imbalance in public perception. Reporting here is also limited. There are fewer foreign journalists now, even though the scale of the war continues to increase. It has not slowed down.

The figures I saw suggested that Ukrainian leadership estimated Russian casualties—killed and wounded—at over thirty thousand in some recent months, with targets even higher than that.

Korzh: From a strategic perspective, the goal is to destroy more Russian forces than they can recruit each month.

Jacobsen: A kind of attrition—a “meat grinder,” as the English phrase goes. When people hear a number like 200 destroyed vehicles, they may not realize it represents a whole system being disrupted. The war machine: artillery, drones, missiles, soldiers, and drone teams.

Korzh: And logistics, it is the blood of war. If we destroy tactical logistics, we can slow or stop the occupation.

Jacobsen: I have noticed something during my time here. I have been in Kyiv for more than a month, about five weeks, and the bombing seems less frequent than before. Is that partly connected to disruptions on the Russian side—for example, issues with communications platforms or other logistical problems?

Korzh: That could be part of the process. I do not know the exact reasons regarding their communications decisions, but if it complicates their coordination, it is good for us.

Jacobsen: Any final words?

Korzh: Unfortunately, I need to return to my classes.

Jacobsen: Of course. Thank you very much for your time. I appreciate it.

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