Bandana Rana on CEDAW’s Power: Nepal’s Progress, Implementation Gaps, and Tackling Gender Stereotypes (2025–2028)

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/11/24

Bandana Rana (Nepal) is an elected member of the Committee for the 2025-2028 term. The three Vice-Chairs elected in February 2025 are Marianne Mikko (Estonia), Corinne Dettmeijer-Vermeulen (Netherlands) and Hong Mu (China). Rana is a former Vice Chair  (2019-2020) of the CEDAW Committee. Rana is a Nepali human rights advocate, gender equality expert, and current Vice Chair of the CEDAW Committee. With over 30 years of experience, she has led national and international efforts addressing gender-based violence, domestic violence, and legal reform, advancing women’s rights and inclusive representation in Nepal and beyond. Rana Rana discusses the significance of CEDAW as a global legal framework for eliminating discrimination against women. She outlines Nepal’s progress in enacting progressive gender equality laws and policies but stresses that implementation remains the primary challenge, especially in rural and marginalized communities. Rana highlights rising concerns such as technology-facilitated violence, conflict-related sexual violence, and persistent gender stereotypes. She also reflects on transformative milestones, including increased women’s political participation, recognition of LGBTQ+ rights, and the cultural shift in acknowledging domestic violence. Rana co-leads a CEDAW General Recommendation on stereotypes, emphasizing the importance of mindset change for progress.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we are lucky to be here with Bandana Rana. She is the former Vice Chair of the CEDAW Committee from Nepal. You are focusing on CEDAW, an essential document. These kinds of documents within the UN often become part of larger movements, right? So, they are framed as such. What are you focusing on this round, either in terms of re-emphasizing or proposing additions to CEDAW?

Bandana Rana: It is essential to clarify what CEDAW is. It is a United Nations treaty—the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. It provides a legally binding international framework for countries that ratify it. As of today, 189 UN member states have ratified CEDAW, making it one of the most widely supported human rights treaties in the world. 

When a state ratifies CEDAW, it commits to eliminating discrimination against women in all areas of life. This mandate is broad—it encompasses ending discrimination in constitutional and legislative provisions, as well as in public institutions and national mechanisms dedicated to gender equality. 

It also addresses participation in public and political life, temporary special measures to accelerate equality, and discrimination in areas such as health, education, employment, marriage, and family life, as well as efforts to eliminate gender-based violence and harmful practices. Every four years, state parties are required to submit reports to the CEDAW Committee, which comprises 23 independent experts from around the world. 

We review each country’s progress through a constructive dialogue with the state delegation. However, our evaluation is not based solely on government reports. We also rely heavily on alternative or shadow reports from civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and NGOs. After the dialogue, we issue Concluding Observations—recommendations tailored to each country. 

These identify gaps and urge specific actions to be taken before the next reporting cycle. CEDAW is thus a powerful tool for ensuring state accountability. NGOs and grassroots groups often utilize our recommendations to advocate for policy changes, legal reforms, and improved implementation mechanisms. In many cases, including Nepal, these recommendations have led to tangible changes in the real world.

Jacobsen: Every country has its challenges. Some face specific issues more intensely than others. What are the most pressing issues currently affecting women in Nepal?

Rana: Nepal is a small, landlocked country in South Asia, classified as a least developed country, although it has made significant strides in recent decades. Nepal’s 2015 Constitution includes many progressive gender equality provisions, and the government has enacted laws addressing violence against women, child marriage, and gender-based discrimination. However, the main challenge lies in implementation. Although the legal framework is relatively robust, there is a lack of adequate and consistent monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. This makes it challenging to ensure that laws are applied uniformly and effectively, especially in rural and marginalized communities. Key barriers include patriarchal norms, limited awareness of legal rights, insufficient training of law enforcement personnel, and under-resourced government institutions. These factors all hinder the delivery of justice and services for women. So, while Nepal has many of the right laws and policies on paper, the real obstacle is ensuring that they reach the people they are intended to protect and that they are backed by political will and institutional capacity.

Rana: So that is one—and it is under-resourced as well. The kind of resources required for its effective implementation are not dedicated to it. However, when it comes to women’s issues, what is the biggest obstacle you are referring to? 

One is that, although we have 33.1% women in the federal Parliament—which is good progress—women’s underrepresentation in decision-making at other levels remains a significant issue. Violence against women is another, particularly with emerging forms such as technology-facilitated violence, cybercrime, and the increasing incidence of sexual violence against minors. So these are some of the significant problems we face.

Moreover, on top of that, we are a country that is still emerging from a decade-long armed conflict. We continue to face unresolved issues related to conflict-related sexual violence. There is a strong need for a victim-centric approach in concluding our transitional justice process. I would say that these are some of the most significant challenges we currently face.

Jacobsen: What about in the home?

Rana: Domestic violence is a significant issue. It is a serious concern. We have had a Domestic Violence (Crime and Punishment) Act since 2009, which many countries still lack. However, as I mentioned earlier, what is required is rigorous and practical implementation, along with necessary amendments that reflect the evolving challenges and needs. So yes, domestic violence remains a significant issue.

Jacobsen: You have been involved in this work for over 30 years. If you compare the situation when you started to now, what would you identify as some of the significant wins?

Rana: I see, comparatively—though I would not say it is entirely satisfactory—but compared to more than 30 years ago, when a group of us first began speaking out on domestic violence, it was groundbreaking. We were the first organization to address domestic violence publicly. 

Even our family members told us we were mad and insisted that there was no domestic violence in Nepal. It was seen as a private matter, something to be hidden behind closed doors. However, through persistent advocacy and public debate, we brought the issue into the open. 

Today, we even have a dedicated law on domestic violence. That is a significant change. Another change is that, back then, there was no space for public debate on violence against women. Women, in particular, were silenced. There was an authentic culture of silence.

However, now, even women in remote areas have a voice. They speak publicly and participate in debates about violence against women. Yes, exercising those rights is still a challenge. Reporting remains a problem. There is still not a sufficiently conducive atmosphere to report incidents easily. However, the process has begun. There are now many laws in place. Public discussion around sexual violence has also emerged. I mean, we never used to talk about incest or marital rape. Now we do.

One significant change is the recognition of sexual minorities’ rights. Nepal was the first country in Asia—and among the first globally—to formally recognize the rights of sexual and gender minorities. We even had a member of parliament representing the LGBTQ+ community. In that regard, our approach has become increasingly inclusive.

I would also note that we had our first woman president—something I never thought I would see in my lifetime. That may not have dramatically transformed governance in practice, but the symbolic significance matters: it reinforces the idea that a woman can lead the country. So yes, these are some of the significant changes I have witnessed over the years.

Jacobsen: Within that 31% political participation, who stands out?

Rana: We have a mixed electoral system—first-past-the-post and proportional representation. Through the proportional system, we have ensured that women are elected at a minimum threshold. Yes, our electoral laws help ensure that women hold 31% of parliamentary seats.

Under that proportional system, we have also ensured representation of women from Dalit communities, indigenous groups, and other marginalized populations. It is a very inclusive model. Initially, there were many regressive attitudes surrounding this. People would ask, “How can you take a woman from a rural area and place her directly into parliament when she has no political experience?”

However, I can speak from personal experience. I was the first woman ever nominated to the Press Council of Nepal. I was also the first woman appointed to the National Radio Executive Board. At the time, there were 13 members on the Press Council, and I was the only woman among them. I worried my voice would be silenced or ineffective. However, over time, I realized that I did not even need to raise gender issues explicitly. My presence alone prompted my male colleagues to speak on those issues, even before I did.

So sometimes, presence matters. Critical mass matters. Representation itself has power. Over the years, I have seen women with no formal background in governance—some of whom were salespeople or shopkeepers—become empowered, gain confidence, and effectively raise their voices in national discussions.

When we discuss significant progress, this inclusive political process stands out. We now have a diverse group of women represented in the political arena.

Jacobsen: Where have you seen the least movement?

Rana: I am distraught by the level of impunity around various forms of violence—especially domestic violence and, in particular, rape. The impunity is very real. It persists. Moreover, often, it is the victim who is sensationalized in the media and public discourse, rather than the perpetrator. That is where my most significant concern and frustration lie.

Jacobsen: Even when a country achieves very high gender equality—like Iceland or Sweden—domestic violence rates against women remain higher than expected. So, why do you think that might be the case?

Rana: One of the biggest stumbling blocks I have encountered in over 30 years of experience is the mindset—the persistence of gender stereotypes. These stereotypes are deeply embedded, not only in small or developing countries but also in the most progressive societies, where demographic indicators may show progress.

Even today, women face the glass ceiling. Look at how women are perceived as decision-makers versus how men are perceived—there is a stark contrast. So I would say one of the most significant barriers is harmful and entrenched gender stereotypes.

Within the CEDAW Committee, we are currently drafting a General Recommendation on gender stereotypes. General Recommendations are detailed guidance documents provided to State Parties on how to address specific issues under the Convention. I am co-chairing the drafting of this particular recommendation.

It stems from the understanding that gender stereotypes are a global challenge—one that all countries must confront, regardless of their level of development or ranking in gender equality.

So, perhaps I did not answer your question directly. However, I believe this is one of the root causes behind the persistence of domestic violence, even in highly gender-equal societies.

Jacobsen: Thank you.

Rana: Thank you.

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