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Aftab Siddiqui on AMDC Endorsement of Harris and Walz

2025-06-09

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/10/21

The American Muslim Democratic Caucus (AMDC) has officially endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris and Governor Tim Walz for President and Vice President in the upcoming U.S. election. Highlighting their commitment to peace, human rights, and diplomatic solutions, the AMDC emphasizes their alignment with the organization’s values of democracy, fairness, and justice. The caucus urges American Muslims to support the Harris-Walz ticket, citing their “Freedom and Future” platform as the most promising choice for advancing both domestic and international progress. The AMDC plans to mobilize efforts nationwide to back their candidacy. 

At the first Muslim Democratic Caucus, speakers discussed American Muslims’ political journey. Initially endorsing Bush in 2000, Muslims felt abandoned by Republicans after 9/11. Formerly GOP donors, many shifted toward the Democratic Party. Leaders like Keith Ellison urged increased political involvement, highlighting the need for Muslim representation at all government levels.

Aftab Siddiqui is the Co-Chair of the AMDC. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Today, we’re here with Aftab Siddiqui from the American Muslim Democratic Caucus to discuss the endorsement of Kamala Harris and Tim Walz for president and vice president, respectively. Please tell us about the discussion around this endorsement and the reasons that ultimately led the organization to decide.

Aftab Siddiqui: The discussions have been ongoing for the last 10 or 11 months, particularly in light of the ongoing violence in Gaza and the West Bank. There is a lot of anger and anguish about what is happening there, and everyone understands that the United States is a key player that can influence the situation. Unfortunately, President Biden has refused to take substantial action beyond expressing deep concern over civilian casualties and claiming that Israel is assuring the U.S. that everything is by international law. This has gone on for far too long.

As a result, Biden has lost significant support within the Muslim community, particularly the American Muslim community. Kamala Harris, as vice president, shares some responsibility. Still, we all recognize that there is only one president in the United States at a time. Until January 20th next year, Biden will remain in office, and whatever he says goes. Kamala Harris does not have much influence over the administration’s decisions, especially since Biden and many of his advisors firmly support Israel. We believe that Kamala needs more (different) policies, particularly in the Middle East.

Jacobsen: What are the perspectives within the Muslim community on how to move forward politically?

Siddiqui: There are varied opinions within our community about how to proceed. Some believe we should not vote and stay home in protest. Others feel we should not sit out and instead support a third-party candidate. Many people are considering this option, with Jill Stein, the Green Party candidate for president, being favoured among this group. I haven’t heard anyone talking about voting for Trump, although historically, around 10% of the Muslim community has supported Republican candidates. Still, I haven’t seen anyone openly advocating for Trump because of his anti-Muslim and anti-Palestinian rhetoric. During his first term as president, he was certainly not a friend to the Palestinians.

Now, the community is split. Many imams and community leaders are urging people to vote rather than abstain, so we are left with two main options: either vote for a third-party candidate or support the Democrats. There was much discussion around this. While there were differing opinions, we reached an almost unanimous consensus.

Jacobsen: Let’s discuss the current support for the Palestinian cause. What has your organization observed over the last ten months?

Siddiqui: The only consistent support we’ve seen over the last ten months has come from the left—specifically, progressives, young people, and the grassroots of the Democratic Party. More than 70% of them have been advocating for a ceasefire and are even willing to support an arms embargo on Israel. We concluded that the Palestinian issue in the United States is not only a moral and justice issue but also a political one. We’re receiving support primarily from the Democratic Party, maybe not from the top echelon, but certainly from the grassroots. Time and again, we’ve seen the grassroots rally in support of Palestinians, whether through student-led demonstrations or others risking their careers and academic credentials to stand in solidarity with Palestinians.

So, we decided that the only way forward was to support Kamala Harris. While it would have made things easier for us if Kamala had been more neutral in her positions, we recognize that she has spoken about Palestinian rights. She supports a two-state solution and has emphasized the dignity and human rights of Palestinians. However, her rhetoric in support of Israel has also been quite strong. But this is an election year, and we are in the final few weeks of the campaign. No candidate will make statements that could harm their political prospects, especially in what appears to be a close election, according to most polls and reports. It may not be as close, and Kamala might win by a large margin, but for now, the trends suggest the race is tight, particularly in swing states.

We understand the challenges of politics, having been involved for more than two decades. It’s difficult for someone in Kamala’s position to take a stand against Biden’s policies or stances.

The community remains divided, and emotions are running high, particularly with the situation in Lebanon flaring up. We are deeply concerned, as we have a significant Lebanese community within our ranks. Their families, homes, and loved ones are in danger due to the actions of war hawks in Tel Aviv, frankly speaking. This is another reason we view this as a political issue, and we have decided to move forward by supporting the Harris-Walz ticket, hoping they will win.

If they do win, we will have at least 70% of Democrats at the grassroots level with us, and we’ll continue to apply pressure to change U.S. policies regarding its blanket support for the state of Israel. We understand that Israel is a friend and ally of the United States. Still, we also see how pro-Israeli forces dominate the mainstream media. The media constantly parrots statements from the IDF, with very little coverage given to the plight of Palestinians or the situation in Lebanon.

Additionally, there are interest groups that want to keep the conflict ongoing. The United States commits about $4 billion annually to Israel, and these funds are used to purchase U.S. weapons and hardware. Naturally, the military-industrial complex benefits from this arrangement and would like to see even more billions flowing into their coffers.

Jacobsen: There’s a strong support base for continued aid to Israel. Could you explain what factors contribute to this, particularly from within the Republican side and interest groups?

Siddiqui: Yes, there are indeed strong groups that support continued aid to Israel. On the Republican side, there are evangelical Christians who believe, based on their interpretation of the Bible, that Israel must be in a dominant position to facilitate the second coming of Christ. This is a significant factor. Then, there are powerful lobbies, like AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee). AIPAC, for example, is spending $100 million to ensure that no congressman, congresswoman, or senator is elected who speaks independently on this issue. Unless members of Congress align with the Israeli perspective, they face threats in their primaries or general elections. This is why many Congress and Senate members support almost anything Netanyahu demands, regardless of the president’s position. Although I don’t think Biden opposes these policies, we all remember how, during Obama’s presidency, Netanyahu was invited to address CongressMany Democratic members boycotted the speech, much like today.

But the reality is that AIPAC has a stranglehold on both Congress and the Senate. That’s one of the main issues. On a personal level, I understand that this is a marathon. Any meaningful change regarding the political situation and the Palestinian issue will take time. I’ve been working on this issue since arriving in the United States in the late 1990s, and back then, there was virtually no support for Palestinians within the Democratic Party. We faced significant obstacles trying to pass resolutions on the two-state solution or any form of support for the Palestinian people. However, after the events of October 7th, a tragic and horrible occurrence, the situation has shifted.

The aftermath of October 7th has led to a shift in the thinking of many Americans. Now, more than 50% of Americans are deeply concerned about what is happening in Gaza, and they recognize that it’s morally wrong. People understand that someone needs to intervene to stop this. There is now much more understanding of the Palestinian issue—their humanity, demands, and call for self-determination. From this perspective, I would say that support for Palestinians among average Americans has grown significantly.

The Palestinian issue is political here; as they say in politics, timing is everything. Right now, we have the support of most Americans and about two-thirds of Democrats. We intend to continue working on this; and within a few election cycles, we’ll be able to change U.S. policies regarding Israel and Palestine.

Let me also talk about the American Muslim community. There are three large groups within the community. The largest group is the indigenous Muslim population, primarily African Americans, who make up close to 40% of the community. They have overwhelmingly voted for Democrats. The other two major groups are South Asians—Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans, and Nepalese—and then there are the Arabs, people from the Middle East.

The Arab population from countries where democracy hasn’t traditionally existed initially struggled to understand the value of voting and the political process. This was particularly true for the first generation of immigrants. However, that has changed, and now we are seeing thousands of younger Arab Americans who do understand the value of democracy and the importance of voting.

Among the South Asians, many come from countries where some form of democracy exists, so they tend to understand the importance of political participation. Looking around, you’ll see more and more of these individuals involved in different political groups across the United States. However, it is important to remember that 40% of American Muslims are Indigenous [Ed. Defined as inclusive of African-American or black Americans by Siddiqui.], and 60% are part of the immigrant community. These immigrant communities often come from countries with a deeper understanding of the situation in Palestine and maintain a global perspective. They are at the forefront of the struggle for Palestinian rights.

The community remains divided, but we emphasize the importance of voting and encouraging them to vote for Democrats from top to bottom. That’s the only way out of this difficult situation for the American Muslim community.

Jacobsen: What about distinctions among sects or denominations? Are the differences not based on heritage—such as Bangladeshi, Pakistani, or Arab—but rather along sect lines like Sunni, Shia, or others? Are there any distinctions in voting patterns within those subgroups in the United States?

Siddiqui: We don’t see any distinctions in voting patterns based on sect. On a global level, regardless of sect, the Palestinian issue is a top concern for the 1.7 billion Muslims worldwide, no matter where they live. I’m from Pakistan, and I visit every two to three years. Palestine is consistently the top issue for Muslims there.

When I was in Pakistan earlier this year, in February and March, every day, the headlines were about Palestinian children throwing stones at Israeli soldiers and the soldiers shooting back. Horrific images like these, which we often don’t see in the U.S., are widely covered there. I’ve known about the Palestinian issue since I was a child, having grown up in Pakistan.

The global Muslim community has a deep understanding of the Palestinian issue, and there is virtually no disagreement on supporting the Palestinian people. This holds across sectarian lines, whether Shia or Sunni. Globally, about 80% of Muslims are Sunni, with roughly 10% (20%) Shia, give or take. Here in the U.S., when I first arrived, I had Shia friends who would pray in Sunni mosques, and I have prayed in Shia mosques, which is not very common elsewhere. However, because we’re such a small minority here—about 1 to 2% of the population—we don’t have the luxury of differentiating between sects.

As the Shia population has grown, they’ve built their own mosques and educational institutions. However, when it comes to voting patterns, there is little difference between Shias and Sunnis. They tend to vote in similar ways.

Jacobsen: Could you summarize what other issues, besides the Palestinian issue, were important to the American Muslim Democratic community in making this endorsement for Harris? What are the key issues for the immigrant communities in the American Muslim Democratic community, aside from the Palestinian issue?

Siddiqui: Immigrant communities tend to have the same issues as the broader local community. Health care, good jobs, and a strong economy are important. One key difference is the issue of guns. Immigrant communities come from countries where civilians are generally not allowed to own firearms, and the gun industry is highly regulated in many parts of the world. But in the United States, there is an unfortunate abundance of guns—millions of people own them, and it’s concerning.

One of the top issues for immigrant communities, especially Muslim families, is the fact that active shooter drills are now being conducted in elementary, middle, and high schools. Young children are being exposed to these drills, and it’s deeply troubling to many parents. Islamophobia is an important issue for our community.

The environment is also a critical issue, especially for the younger generation of Muslims. Climate change and environmental sustainability are top concerns. So, in general, the issues that concern the average Democrat—whether related to the environment, health care, or gun control—are also issues for the immigrant community, whether they are Muslim or non-Muslim.

In Texas, for example, where I live, voter turnout is low, even though there are more Democratic voters than Republican ones. When voter turnout increases, Texas could shift toward being a blue state. In fact, in the most recent U.S. Senate race against Ted Cruz, the Democratic candidate is leading by a small margin—1%. While that’s not a huge lead, it’s a significant psychological shift, showing the trend in Texas.

More people are moving to Texas from states like California, Oregon, New York, and New Jersey—predominantly blue states—so they tend to lean more Democratic. Obama lost Texas by 16 points, Hillary Clinton lost by 9 points, and Biden lost by just 5 points. Ted Cruz narrowly defeated Beto O’Rourke by only 2.3%. Texas is slowly moving toward the Democrats, but the state’s policies under Governor Greg Abbott continue to reflect conservative priorities.

Another important issue for immigrant communities is immigration reform. The immigrant community strongly supports changes in the laws to reduce the number of undocumented people living in the country. It’s estimated that around 12 million people in the U.S. are undocumented. While some corporations and big farms benefit from this—since undocumented people often don’t report abuses, are underpaid, and lack labour protections—it’s harmful to the economy and society. Undocumented workers often don’t go to the police or seek help, making it difficult to address crime in those communities.

Lastly, Texas faces challenges related to the separation of church and state. Governor Greg Abbott has been trying to introduce biblical teachings into the public school system, funded by taxpayer money. According to the U.S. Constitution, there should be a separation between religion and state. Still, the Texas Republican Party is gradually trying to erode that boundary. They’ve already made changes to the school curriculum, and it’s concerning for many who value the constitutional principle of secularism.

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