Rebuilding Media Trust in Lithuania: Dr. Džina (Gina) Donauskaitė on Freedom, Journalism, and Responsibility

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/08/16

Dr. Džina (Gina) Donauskaitė, Head of the Lithuanian Journalism Centre and lecturer at Vilnius University, highlights Lithuania’s strong media freedom but low public trust in journalism. Trust has declined since 2003–2004 due to media oligarchs, political interference, and transparency issues. Lithuania, often mislabeled as “post-Soviet,” has evolved significantly since joining the EU and NATO. Challenges include unratified protections for women, lack of LGBT rights, and high inequality. Younger generations are more open and egalitarian, especially in media habits and social expectations. Donauskaitė emphasizes the link between freedom and responsibility, stressing that rebuilding trust requires commitment to ethical journalism and civic accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your current position?

Dr. Džina (Gina) Donauskaitė: I am the Head of the Lithuanian Journalism Centre, which is a non-governmental organization. We specialize in informal journalism education and applied media research. I also teach journalism students at Vilnius University.

Jacobsen: What do you see as a gap or need in journalism in Lithuania?

Donauskaitė: I believe the most significant issue we currently face is low public trust in the media. According to international indicators—such as the World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders—Lithuania performs quite well in terms of press freedom. In 2023, for example, Lithuania was ranked 7th out of 180 countries, and in 2024, it was ranked 14th. So, structurally and legally, we have one of the freest media environments in the world. However, despite this, trust in the media among the public is relatively low. Survey data typically shows trust ranging between 25% and 32%, depending on the methodology and year. That is quite low for a country with such a free media system. Rebuilding public trust is essential. Before Lithuania joined the European Union in 2004, trust in the media was significantly higher. In the early 2000s, it was estimated at around 65%, according to local surveys. But after EU accession—and especially following several high-profile political and media scandals—there was a noticeable and gradual decline in public confidence. Even though we’ve improved professional standards in journalism over the past two decades, the perception of media credibility has not kept pace. That gap needs attention.

Jacobsen: Lithuania also joined NATO in 2004. Did that contribute to the decline in trust?

Donauskaitė: I do not think Lithuania’s accession to NATO or the EU directly caused the decline in media trust. Other internal developments were more influential. One major factor was how media ownership evolved after the 1990s. There was a consolidation of media power among a few influential owners—often referred to as “media oligarchs”—who maintained close ties with political elites. These relationships were not always transparent and sometimes involved unethical practices—a major political event in 2004 further complicated public trust. President Rolandas Paksas was impeached and removed from office due to findings by Lithuania’s Constitutional Court and national security services. They concluded that he had violated the Constitution by granting Lithuanian citizenship to a Russian businessman linked to questionable networks and by allowing undue influence over presidential decisions. This crisis played out publicly and divisively in the media. During that time, different media outlets took sharply opposing stances—some supporting Paksas, others calling for his removal. This created confusion among the public.

People began to question whether journalists were pursuing the truth or pushing political agendas. That was a turning point, and many realized that behind-the-scenes dynamics were shaping the news they consumed. Since then, things have changed. No single media outlet dominates the landscape as it did in the early 2000s. The rise of digital and independent platforms has diversified the media environment. Still, trust remains fragile, and it takes continuous effort to rebuild and sustain it.

There is a lot of media freedom at the moment. The old influential monopolies are no longer as dominant. You can now access quite high-quality information. But still, the issue of trust remains. It goes back to 2003–2004, when people began to realize that some shady processes were occurring within the media landscape. That is when public trust began to decline. During the independence movement, trust in the media was very high. The press stood on the side of independence, on the side of the people. After January 13th, 1991, when Soviet troops attempted to seize the Lithuanian Parliament and successfully took over the national radio and television station, the official broadcast was taken over. The Soviets brought in their journalists. In response, the professional Lithuanian journalists resigned en masse and began establishing alternative channels to continue reporting. These journalists remained pro-independence and played a key role in the information resistance. At that time, the media earned enormous public trust by being at the forefront of the struggle for independence. But around 2003–2004, people started noticing that not everything in the media was as transparent as it should be, and trust began to erode. That said, when it comes to EU and NATO membership, most Lithuanians are supportive. These developments are widely seen as positive political choices for the country.

As for religion, it is not religion itself, but there have been some grave and recent scandals involving sexual exploitation of minors. These cases involved priests, not necessarily prominent ones, but individuals who were protected by more senior figures within the Church. In some instances, justice was never served because the events took place a long time ago, making it difficult to gather sufficient evidence. Some victims came forward only in adulthood. So in some instances, there was no legal justice. But in others, priests were tried and received prison sentences. Some were also tried and sentenced by the Church’s internal tribunal.

Jacobsen: When people from outside the country think about Lithuania—though perhaps it is not a country they often think about—what do they typically get wrong or right? What is the general image others have, and how accurate is it?

Donauskaitė: That depends, because knowledge varies from country to country and person to person. But I would say that Lithuania is too often referred to as a “post-Soviet” country. So much has changed that the label no longer applies. We are quite different now. Even when it comes to our media system, we are far ahead of what is typical in post-Soviet contexts. Compared to Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, or Georgia, Lithuania—and also Estonia and Latvia—are in a very different place. The media systems in all three Baltic states are genuinely free.

In contrast, the countries I just mentioned still face serious media freedom issues. So, comparing Lithuania to other post-Soviet countries is often inaccurate. The Baltic states have come a long way already.

Due to Lithuania’s accession to NATO and the European Union, we had to restructure many internal systems. These changes made us significantly different from other post-Soviet countries. Yet, in international media, one of the first things usually mentioned is that Lithuania is a post-Soviet or former Soviet Union country. That characterization can be quite irritating to Lithuanians. It is something we would like to see change. Lithuania has been a European Union member state 2004 for 20 years now. It is a very different country today. Also, sometimes foreigners who visit larger cities like Vilnius get a good impression. Vilnius is a relatively large and economically vibrant city. The standard of living appears quite high. But that is not the case across all regions of Lithuania. It is a small country, but we still experience significant economic and social inequalities.

Jacobsen: As a journalist, what do you find is easier here, and what is harder?

Donauskaitė: I would say it is easier to get sources. That is something typical of small countries. You can reach people quite easily. In larger countries, there are layers and layers of bureaucracy and gatekeeping to get through before landing an interview. Here in Lithuania, it is relatively easy to arrange an interview with someone. Of course, some politicians or sources may avoid speaking, but generally, the information flow is accessible. That is an advantage for journalists working in Lithuania. Also, one can build a journalism career quickly here. No significant structural barriers are keeping younger journalists from entering the field. If they are motivated, they can succeed. Journalism remains an energy-intensive and demanding profession, but for those who are passionate, building a career in Lithuania is very doable.

Jacobsen: Human rights standards are generally good here. But where do significant rights abuses still occur?

Donauskaitė: One major issue is the Istanbul Convention. Lithuania still has not ratified it into national law. That needs to happen. The Convention addresses violence against women, and ratifying it would be a significant step forward. Another ongoing concern is the lack of legal recognition for same-sex partnerships. While LGBT visibility has grown, especially in larger cities, many people still struggle to be open about their identities and experiences. This remains a serious issue. Although events like Pride parades are held in city centers—very colourful, very visible—day-to-day life remains complicated for many LGBT individuals. Just recently, a court ruled that same-sex couples should theoretically be allowed to register partnerships, stating that preventing them from doing so goes against the Constitution. It was a landmark decision by one of our courts. In theory, registration could now happen without new legislation from parliament. No one has tested this yet, so we will see what happens. Perhaps the courts will help establish this new legal practice. Butoverall, it is an ongoing struggle for equal rights in Lithuania.

Like in many other places, in theory, we have all the human rights protections in place, but implementation can be very different. I would say many countries face similar issues, often related to conservative attitudes within the population. For example, abortion rights are quite accessible in Lithuania, but they are not grounded in legislation. The right to abortion—up to 12 weeks—was established through ministerial regulations, not by parliamentary law. That means a minister could theoretically revoke it at any time. A conservative minister could come in and cancel the directive. Despite this, the general public still considers abortion a right, and any attempt to remove that access would likely receive public backlash. We even had a conservative health minister who was personally anti-abortion, and though he expressed that sentiment publicly, he did not revoke the regulation—he left it in place. So there was anti-abortion rhetoric, but in practice, access remained unchanged. That said, when women are interviewed, their experiences vary. Some doctors refuse to perform abortions, and women may need to seek out someone willing. So, in practice, the system does not always guarantee human rights, even when formally in place.

Jacobsen: So even though it comes up rhetorically, is the 12 weeks generally accepted, or is there broader debate about it?

Donauskaitė: I think the 12-week limit is generally accepted, with some exceptions allowed for medical reasons.

Jacobsen: What about economic parity? You mentioned inequality earlier—how does Lithuania fare?

Donauskaitė: Lithuania has one of the highest income inequality rates in the European Union. Only Romania and Bulgaria typically rank higher. So yes, inequality here is quite significant.

Jacobsen: What about gender-based economic disparities?

Donauskaitė: I am not a specialist in gender economics, but unequal pay still exists across some professions. Even when women and men are doing the same job, disparities remain. I do not think any country has achieved full pay equality yet, but here, the wage gap persists. Even in high-paying sectors like STEM and IT—where more women are now employed—female employees tend to earn more than women on average, but still not as much as their male counterparts.

Jacobsen: What about generational differences? How do older people—say, men and women over 65—compare with younger generations aged 18 to 35 in terms of adapting to new discourses, the influence of international culture via the internet, and shifting demographics? Are the differences stark?

Donauskaitė: Yes, there are many differences, especially regarding media use. The older generation still primarily consumes television and linear media, while the younger generation is immersed in globalized social media. They live in different informational ecosystems. It is hard to find many commonalities between the two groups. In terms of media consumption, older people tend to rely heavily on local news sources, but local media in Lithuania are often under-resourced and do not invest much in modernizing or reaching younger audiences.

Meanwhile, the younger generation rarely engages with traditional or mainstream media. They get most of their news and content from platforms like Instagram and TikTok. TikTok and Instagram are currently the most popular platforms in Lithuania. So, from a media research perspective, these generations inhabit entirely separate informational spheres. As for other cultural dimensions, the media divide is evident.

Jacobsen: How about trends in marriage, partnership, and related areas? Does that come up in the news much? I know certain billionaires in the United States are obsessed with these topics—declines in marriage, increases in divorce, more acceptance of single-parent households, and more equal partnerships. Is that part of the media conversation in Lithuania?

Donauskaitė: Very rarely. If someone researches the topic, it might get some media coverage. But it is not considered hard news. It is more of a feature topic—something journalists might cover if they are specifically interested or if new research is released. Overall, the media does not focus on it much. Culturally speaking, Lithuania is still a relatively socially conservative country. So, these shifts are not widely discussed, either in the media or in broader public discourse.

Jacobsen: Among younger generations, are women driving these changes more, or are men? In terms of how they see themselves and relate to society.

Donauskaitė: I would say both are changing significantly. Younger generations tend to relate to each other more equally. You can see that mutual respect is emerging. I notice this with my students. They are eager for feedback, keen to communicate. They want connection, which is excellent, but also challenging for me as a teacher. I might have 50 students in one class, another 50 in a second class, and more in a third. All of them want feedback. They want to talk about their work, and they want to talk about themselves. That desire for communication, connection, mentorship—this is a normal and very healthy development. It was not like this in my generation. We communicated much less with our teachers or mentors. But now, they seek out that relationship, and I think it is a sign of positive societal change. You are building a society where people feel comfortable reaching out for help, for advice, for guidance. I also notice that students form deeper connections with one another. At least among the journalism students I teach, I see exciting social transformations taking place.

Jacobsen: I still have not figured this out—and I have been here a few days, visited museums, and walked around—but what is quintessentially Lithuanian?

Donauskaitė: How do I answer that question? I do not know.

Jacobsen: I do not mean the soup. I do not mean the beet soup. What is the character of Lithuania?

Donauskaitė: A few years ago, Lithuania tried to brand itself as a “brave country”—one that embraces new ideas, change, and innovation. I would say Lithuanians are indeed very mobile. They might not be brave in every sense, but many Lithuanians have travelled abroad. Many have also settled in other countries.

Jacobsen: I know some have been to Reykjavik.

Donauskaitė: Yes. But not only Reykjavik. Norway is one of the top destinations for Lithuanians. So are the UK and Ireland. Of course, much of this is economic migration, but the numbers are significant. I would say that mobility—travelling, relocating, and exploring other countries—is very much a Lithuanian trait now. And some of those who left are starting to come back.

Jacobsen: They have enriched the country a lot, probably.

Donauskaitė: Yes. Lithuania was behind the Iron Curtain for so long that people had minimal freedom to travel, mainly only within the Soviet Union. When the borders opened and the opportunity finally came, many people took it. Some even left illegally, before Lithuania joined the EU and gained complete freedom of movement. They would go abroad and work without legal status. That impulse to move, to explore, is still strong. Sometimes people leave without being fully prepared—they may not speak the local language or have much education, but they still go. It is part of a broader desire to see and experience something new.

Jacobsen: What about the conscription that was reintroduced in 2014?

Donauskaitė: Yes, conscription was reintroduced, but it is still not applied universally. They select a limited number of individuals each year. Some people genuinely want to participate. I would say that after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, many volunteered out of their own will. They also receive remuneration for their service. Those who volunteer receive higher compensation than those who are conscripted. The conscription policy remains relatively liberal. Women are not included in mandatory conscription—it is only compulsory for men. Women can volunteer to serve, but it is not required. I wouldn’t say the numbers are enormous, but the service lasts only six months, so it’s not an extended commitment. Since 2022, many people—including young people and professionals—have joined the Riflemen’s Union, which is a paramilitary civilian organization. Members receive training in tactics, firearms use, and basic military strategy. I am not part of it, but many people I know, including journalists, have joined. In the current context of war, I would say Lithuanian society has become more militarized. Many who have joined believe that war is inevitable—that it is just a matter of time. The relative calm we are experiencing now feels to many like the silence before the storm. People are fearful, and many are actively preparing for what they believe could happen.

Jacobsen: Last question. Do you have any favourite quotes?

Donauskaitė: Oh my God, no. I do not carry quotes in my head. I know too many! I have friends who are always quoting poetry.

Jacobsen: Or a bit of wisdom, then?

Donauskaitė: Bits of wisdom… no, nothing comes to mind quickly. I cannot think of something on the spot. Do you have something for yourself?

Jacobsen: There was a famous comedian, Lenny Bruce, in the United States. He inspired George Carlin, Richard Pryor, and others. There was also a magazine writer named Paul Krasner. He published The Realist for fifty years. He has passed away now. He was actually on the advisory board of a publication I used to run. He was the first person I ever allowed to interview me. This was during Trump’s first administration. It was supposed to be two questions, and it ended up being 2,000 words. When I first interviewed him, his last piece of advice was: Don’t take yourself as seriously as your causes. That’ll get you pretty far.

Donauskaitė: Yes. That’s very true. I do not know who initially said that—it might not be very original—but I recently wrote a piece about trust in media and media freedom. I explored ways to rebuild public confidence in the media. Ultimately, freedom is tied to responsibility. If you want to be free, you must take responsibility. We need to embrace the responsibility that comes with freedom.

Jacobsen: Freedom is like a coin—on one side are rights, and on the other side is responsibility.

Donauskaitė: Right now, we are fortunate to enjoy freedom in the media. No one knows what will happen in the future, but at this moment, we can speak our minds freely. In Soviet times, people could be imprisoned for expressing their opinions. You could lose your job for speaking freely. Even your relatives—your children—could face consequences in school or elsewhere if you said the wrong thing. That is no longer the case. But still, freedom of speech comes with responsibility. If you do not take that responsibility seriously, trust erodes. However, if you do take it seriously, I believe trust can be rebuilt. If you’re genuinely committed to freedom, then restoring trust is possible. That is something I came to believe after writing that article. It is not an original idea—just the result of everything I read and everyone I spoke with while working on it. It has been on my mind lately.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for your time today, your expertise, Gina.

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