Tauya Chinama on Effective Activism and Repression in Zimbabwe

Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project

Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2024/09/13

Tauya Chinama is a Zimbabwean born philosopher, Humanist, apatheist, academic researcher and educator. He is also into human rights struggles and active citizenship as the founding leader of a Social Democrats Association (SODA) a youth civic movement which lobbies and advocates for the inclusion and recognition of the young people into decision making processes and boards throughout the country anchored on Sustainable Development Goal 16 (Peace, Justice, Strong Institutions). He is also the acting president of Humanists Zimbabwe. 

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Regarding your activism, what were the key moments when you began to achieve effectiveness?

Tauya Chinama: Indeed, my journey to becoming an activist or an active citizen is a long one, and it began before I identify as a humanist. During my advanced secondary education (2010 – 2011), I became involved with the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJP), when they were conducting a program on peace and reconciliation following the disturbances of the 2008 Zimbabwean harmonised elections. The subsequent violence after the 2008 elections left many people injured, and some even lost their lives. Through the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP), I was introduced to activism and active citizenship, reflecting on the experiences people endured in 2008, even though I was too young to participate fully at the time, being under 18. However, by 2010, during the reconciliation period, I had reached the age of 18 and became more engaged and aware. Thus, my involvement in activism began, marking the start of my journey as an active citizen.

Jacobsen: In the context of Zimbabwe, what type of social resistance do you encounter when engaging in conversations?

Chinama: The situation has evolved today, but when I first became an active citizen, the environment was far from easy. The risk of victimization was significant. As I mentioned earlier, we were engaged in a peace and reconciliation program, which implied that there had been severe disturbances before that time. Consequently, there was widespread fear among the population. It was not an easy path and required considerable courage, not merely interest. Interest alone, without the courage to act, would not have sufficed. It was essential to have the courage to express oneself, coupled with the practice of due diligence and prudence—knowing what to say, how, and where to say it. When one began to express political views, particularly in the early stages of my activism, it was common for people to refrain from engaging in political discourse. However, circumstances have changed. I underwent a priesthood formation with the Divine Word Missionaries from 2912 to 2018. Shortly after leaving priesthood formation, I identified as a humanist and got involved into active politics in 2018. I even stood as a parliamentary candidate Joyce Mujuru led coalition called People’s Rainbow Coalition (PRC) but my political party was People’s Democratic Party (PDP) for my constituency in the rural area of Gutu West. Although I did not win the seat, the experience was valuable. I continued my political endeavours and in  2023 harmonised election, I served as a presidential election agent for the Citizens Coalition for Change. Between 2018 and 2023, with some colleagues we founded a youth civic movement to amplify young people’s voices. The movement advocates for the inclusion and recognition of youth in decision-making roles and processes, grounded on n the Sustainable Development Goal 16 (peace, justice, and strong institutions). The organization is known as SODA, which stands for Social Democrats Association. This is the background of my political involvement and and active citizenship. In Zimbabwe the issue of human rights is particularly critical; Oppression remains pervasive, especially under the current government of President Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, where there is significant repression of dissent, including against members of the opposition party, civil society and individual active citizens.

Jacobsen: How does this ongoing repression impact the importance of maintaining the ability to speak out, particularly as it also affects political leaders?

Chinama: The repression persists, even under what is now termed the Second Republic or the new dispensation. However, as a humanist, I have learned the art of engagement. A common issue among government operatives and opposition activists is that we often adopt an aggressive approach. Confrontation, however, invites an oppressive system to display its full strength against you. Drawing from a humanistic perspective, I have sought a more effective way to engage with such a system. I have learned to communicate in the language of those in power.

Jacobsen: You mentioned earlier that you prefer dialogue over confrontation. How did this approach influence your activities within the organization you mentioned, SODA, particularly during the lead-up to the 2023 election?

Chinama: Yes, I prefer dialogue than confrontation. Through the organization SODA, which I mentioned earlier, I engaged with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) during the build up to the 2023 election period. I was involved in writing letters of SODA, advocating for the introduction of a maximum age limit for for presidential and senatorial candidates, arguing that the absence of such a limit, while having a minimum age requirement, was discriminatory and contrary to the spirit of the constitution inclusion. After submitting a number of petitions, I received responses encouraging us to approach Parliament and other relevant ministries. On one occasion before engaging Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, on August 12, 2021, as a way of celebrating heroes day, defence forces day and international youth day, we wrote petition  to parliament which was rejected and dismissed on procedurals issues as indicated in the hansard. However, the Hansard inaccurately recorded that we had been informed beforehand, which was not true. I engaged with the Speaker of Parliament Hon Tatenda Mavetera, who was acting on that day and pointed out the misinformation through her Twitter account, and she responded that whatever was recorded or said while sitting in speaker’s chair is deemed to be true. This response stemmed from a perception that I was being confrontational, although my approach was reasonable, prompted by the failure of dialogue.

Jacobsen: How do issues such as arbitrary detention and unfair trials affect the risks you face as an activist?

Chinama: The issue of arbitrary detention and unfair trials is deeply troubling and has become commonplace over the years. Many community activists have become victims of this, including prominent figures like Job Sikhala, an opposition politician accused of inciting violence, and various journalists such as Hopewell Chin’ono. Often, these individuals are detained for extended periods without due process, with courts delaying justice while the authorities exert their power. In light of these challenges, humanists and activists must engage in human rights advocacy and active citizenship by implementing various theories of change. Last year, I participated in an online training program on theories of change conducted by Ayni institute, which provided me valuable insights. Different theories of change exist, some of which do not endanger activists’ lives, especially when dealing with a government prone to use force when it perceives a threat.

Jacobsen: What about unlawful attacks and killings? How do these risks impact your approach to activism?

Chinama: The reality of unlawful attacks and killings weighs heavily on the decisions I make as an activist. Sometimes, I feel compelled to step back, but I cannot abandon my commitment to humanity. I realize that to challenge the system effectively, one must create a new system. However, creating such a system as a humanist in a predominantly religious country is incredibly challenging. Over 80% of Zimbabweans are religious, and even political parties and leaders often emphasize their religious affiliations. For instance, during the 2018 election, the current president frequently stated that “the voice of the people is the voice of God,” implying a theocratic connection to his party. This religious influence is also present in the opposition. The main opposition party CCC at the time of preparing for 2023 harmonised had a section on forms for which was asking, “What have you done for God?” among other questions about one’s contributions to the community and country. As a humanist, these questions put me in a difficult position, forcing me to diverge from the expected norm, that same very move was also criticized by a number of academics. The above scenario presents a dilemma and struggle to fight ruling government’s oppressive nature while fighting internal opposition deficiencies. My rights as a non-religious opposition individual are not respected at times.

Jacobsen: What do you mean when you refer to the challenges you face within political movements or parties?

Chinama: In Zimbabwe, it is often seen as problematic for a person my age to dream of becoming a head of state or holding significant political power. Such aspirations in my view should be openly encouraged in a democratic society. Unfortunately, in Zimbabwe, democracy poses challenges for the people, and the barriers to political participation are significant, both in opposition and ruling parties it’s tough to be open and challeng a sitting president. 

Jacobsen: Have you been involved in any work related to women’s and girls’ rights, children’s rights, or egalitarian movements?

Chinama: Yes, although our work on children’s rights has been limited, we have focused on youth rights. As I mentioned, I am the founding team leader of SODA, a youth civic movement that advocates and lobbies for including young people in decision-making boards and processes. This movement is anchored on peace, justice, and strong institutions. By “strong institutions,” we mean institutions that include everyone with a stake in policymaking. This includes engaging with Parliament and collaborating with women’s and youth organizations. However, when it comes to collaborations us budding civic movements face challenges from some well established organizations because they may only reject you if they perceive you as lacking value or having something to contribute. In Zimbabwe, there is a growing issue with what we call “cashvists.” These individuals have established organizations and positions as activists but have strayed from their original mission of fighting for the people. Instead, they begin commercializing their struggle, focusing on financial gain rather than genuine activism. This has led to internal conflicts within civil society organizations, where resources are misused or fought over rather than utilized effectively for the cause. This is a significant challenge we face.

Jacobsen: What about the issue of forced evictions in Zimbabwe? How do you approach this ethically, considering the practical realities people face? Often, ethical arguments are made from a theoretical standpoint, but the practical implications are crucial. For those facing forced evictions, how does your humanist and freethought perspective guide your approach to this issue?

Chinama: Forced evictions in Zimbabwe are indeed challenging and rooted in the complexities of property and land ownership laws. In Zimbabwe, all land belongs to the state, and the laws are often established in ways that can be oppressive. When oppressive laws are in place, they inevitably lead to oppression. The government justifies its actions by asserting that the land belongs to the people, yet the people suffer when these laws are enforced.

Jacobsen: So, when the government designates land for mining or commercial projects, how does that impact communities, and what ethical considerations are involved?

Chinama: The problem is that the government often does not consider the ethical implications when designating land for economic activities such as mining or commercial projects. They view any piece of land as available for economic use without considering the impact on the communities that rely on that land. This creates significant ethical dilemmas, particularly when people’s homes and livelihoods are at stake. As a humanist and freethinker, I believe these issues must be addressed with a focus on the rights and well-being of the affected communities, ensuring that their voices are heard and their needs are prioritized in any decision-making process. People often relocate from their original land to another area, but the problem arises when the government fails to consider compensating these individuals or providing them with a suitable place to settle. As a result, people are removed from one location for a particular economic project and end up in worse conditions than before. This raises the question: Was this done for the benefit of the people, or was it to serve the interests of a few individuals in positions of power. Under the current president’s leadership, the administration needs to prioritize justice. Many Zimbabweans now in political exile are afraid to discuss politics. Unfortunately, some of these individuals engaged in similar practices during their time in power, displacing people to pursue their projects. The land issue in Africa, particularly Zimbabwe, is complex and cannot be resolved through protests alone. It requires the implementation of strong legislation, strengthening institutions, and efforts to ensure that our courts operate fairly and our Parliament takes action. It is crucial to guarantee that Zimbabweans are not evicted arbitrarily from their ancestral or commercial land. This can only be achieved by working within the system to create lasting change.

Jacobsen: What about the European Union sanctions imposed due to the continued intimidation of political opposition and government critics in Zimbabwe? These sanctions have been criticized for restricting democratic and civic space. Senegalese President Macky Sall has called for lifting these sanctions, but in the broader context of your work, do you believe these sanctions effectively prevent the intimidation of the opposition?

Chinama: The issue of sanctions is one of the most challenging topics in Zimbabwe. It often divides opinion, with opposition supporters generally favouring sanctions and ruling party supporters against them. From a humanistic perspective, I do not believe that the sanctions are benefiting the people of Zimbabwe. Instead, the sanctions have become a convenient excuse for the government to abuse power and resources, blaming the sanctions for the country’s problems. If I could advise the European Union or other international actors, I suggest exploring alternative ways to assist Zimbabwe rather than relying on sanctions. The sanctions have contributed to greater suffering and have allowed the ruling party to use propaganda to gain support from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and even the African Union (AU), portraying themselves as victims of external interference. Activists and opposition members in Zimbabwe, need to learn how to engage with the government effectively because the sanctions have not achieved their intended goals after more than 20 years. Instead, they have worsened the situation, enabling the government to play the victim card and further disconnect the opposition from the local population. It is time to find a more constructive way to engage with the Zimbabwean government.

Jacobsen: What do you think about wrapping up for today?

Chinama: My advice to the opposition in Zimbabwe, civil society organizations, activists and government of Zimbabwe. It’s high time they work in unison using one language, sharing ideas for the progress of the country because perpetual fights will never take us anywhere. At the moment Zimbabwean political actors and other stakeholders are like people speaking to each other in incomprehensible tongues.

License & Copyright

In-Sight Publishing by Scott Douglas Jacobsen is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. ©Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing 2012-Present. Unauthorized use or duplication of material without express permission from Scott Douglas Jacobsen strictly prohibited, excerpts and links must use full credit to Scott Douglas Jacobsen and In-Sight Publishing with direction to the original content.